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Chou-li chu-shu .
CYHs (?)
Duyvendak, 28 J.J.L. Duyvendak, trans. The Book of Lord Shang.
London: Probsthain, 1928.
Esws
Hcy
Hc
Han-chiu-i pu-i
Hl
Hyc
HHc
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Hkck
Hktw
Hki
Hkicc (?)
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Hssc
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Kuan-tzu .
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Lccs
Li chi chu-shu .
Lscc
L-shih chun-chiu
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Mscs
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Ptsc
Read, 36
Scchc (?)
Scs
Shang-chn shu .
Scssc
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Shang-tzu
Shang-tzu
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Shan-hai ching
Sstc
Shang-shu ta chuan
Swtc
Shuo-wen chieh-tzu
Swctc
TkHc
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Tung tien
Wilhelm FH
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Yi tung chih .
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Yen-tieh lun .
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Yi-wen lei-ch .
Government XIV Ba
When Wang Mang usurped the throne, he admired and followed the
ancient [system of] offices, and the officials and people were not at ease.
[He also engaged in] much tyrannical government. Subsequently, he
ended by bringing disorder and his own destruction. Therefore, [I] briefly
put forth the general division [of the offices] in order to understand the
past and present and to illustrate the principle of reviewing the old to know
the new.
Notes
1
Cf. Legge, Vol V, part II, p. 667. Couvreur, III, 276, Speech by Tan-tzu
. This statement refers to the naming of the offices by Fu Hsi, Shen-nung,
Huang-ti and Shao Mao described in our text in the next passage. Legge
translates the Tso commentary as follows: When the viscount of Tan
came to our court, the duke feasted with him, and Chaou-tsze asked what
was the reason that Shaou-haou named his officers after birds. The
viscount replied, He was my ancestor, and I know [all about it] . Before him,
Hwang-te came to his rule with [the omen of] a cloud, and therefore he had
cloud officers, naming them after clouds; Yen-te (Shin-nung) came to him
with the [omen of] fire, and therefore he had fire officers, naming them
after fire; Kung-kung came to him with [the omen of] water, and therefore
he had water officers, naming them after water; Tae-haou (Fuh-he) came
to him with [the omen of] dragon, and therefore he had dragon officers,
naming them after dragons. When my ancestor Shaou-haou Che
succeeded to the kingdom, there appeared at that time a phoenix, and
therefore he arranged his government under the nomenclature of birds,
making bird officers, and naming them after birds. There were so-and-so
Pheonix-bird, minister of the calendar; so and so Dark-bird (The swallow),
master of the equinoxes; so and so Pih-chaou (The shrike), master of the
solstices; so and so Green-bird (A kind of sparrow), master of the
beginning [of spring and autumn]; and so and so Carnation-bird (The
golden pheasant), master of the close [of spring and autumn]; so and
so Chuh-kw, minister of Instruction; so and so Tseu-kw, minister of war;
Ying Shao says he used the word dragon to record the chief officials.
Therefore they became dragon officials. The Spring Office became the
Green Dragon (), the Summer Office became the Red Dragon (),
the Autumn Office became the White Dragon (), the Winter Office
became the Black Dragon (), and the Center Office became the Yellow
Dragon (). Chang Yen comments When Pao Hsi was about to ascend
the throne a spiritual dragon bearing a tablet appeared. So he used [the
word dragon) to name his officers and offices.
4
Ying Shao says Fire is virtue. Therefore [he became] the Brilliant
Emperor . The Spring Office became a the Great Fire (); the
Summer Office became the Chun Fire (); the Autumn Office became
the West Fire (); the Winter Office became the North Fire (); the
Center Office became the Center Fire (). Chang Yen
says [at the time of] Shen Nung there was the good omen of a fairy star.
Therefore [he] used [the word fire] to name his officers and offices.
5
Ying Shao says When Huang-ti received the mandate there was a good
omen of a cloud. Therefore [he] used cloud to regulate affairs. For this
reason it is said the Spring Office became the Green Cloud (); the
Summer Office became the Red Cloud (); the Autumn Office became
the White Cloud () the Winter Office became the Black Cloud ();
the Center Office became the Yellow Cloud (). Chang Yen says at
the time Huang-ti [ascended the throne] there was the response () of a
bright colored cloud. Therefore [he] used [the word cloud] to name his
officers and offices.
Chang Yen says at Shao Haos ascending the throne a male phoenix
appeared. Therefore [he] used [the name of birds] to name the offices.
The [office of the] phoenix bird became the minister of the calendar ();
the [officer of the] swallow () became the master of equinoxes ();
the [office of the] shrike () became the master of the solstices; the
[office of the] sparrow () became the master of the beginning [of
spring and autumn] ; the [office of the] ring-marked pheasant ()
became the master of the beginning [of winter]. Yen Shih-ku says the
Dark-bird is a swallow (). The Po-chao is a shrike (Lanius bucephalus
). The Green Bird is the Oriole. The Tan Bird is the Ring-necked
pheasant ().
7
Ying Shao says Chuan Hs was the one who succeeded Shao Hao.
They were no longer able to characterize offices after these distant things
[because they no longer had special envoys from heaven]. So for the first
time official functions were used to name the offices. (Cf. Legge, Vol. V,
part II, pp. 667-65; Couvreur. III, p. 277). The Spring Office became the
minister of Wood (); the Summer Office became the Minister of Fire
(); the Autumn Office became the Minister of Metal (); the Winter
Office became the Minister of Water (); the Center Office became the
Minister of Earth ().
8
I have here incorporated the commentary of Ying Shao and Yen Shih-ku
into the text in order to translate this somewhat garbled text. According to
Ying Shao, Shan Hao had four uncles (). Chung (), who became the
Kou-mang (); Kai () who became the Ju-shou (); and Hsiu
Chi-hsi () {The Zhonghua shuju editors treat this as two names Xiu
and Xi} became the Hsan-min (). Chuan Hsu had a son named Li who
became the Chu-jung (). Kung-kung () had a son named Kou
Lung who became the Hou-tu (). Therefore, there were the affixes of
the five elements. All were enfeoffed as Superior Dukes and are sacrificed
to as honored spirits.
9
Chang Yen says the words means Hsi Chung (), Hsi Shu (),
Ho Chung () and Ho Shu (). Cf. Bernhard Karlgren, The Book of
Documents, pp. 3-5. Wang Hsien-chien notes that in the Po-hu Tung in
the chapter The Enfeoffing of Feudal Lords the shepherds are called
chou-po (). Here it is recorded What does Chou-po mean? Po means
chang chief. [The King]. selects [from among] the worthy and capable
[Lords] one to act as chief over one province chou; he is then called po.
The Wang chih says: [For the government of the territory] outside the
thousand li [ comprising the domain of the Son of Heaven two] Regional
Chiefs fang-po are appointed. Five principalities form a shu (), governed
by a chang (); ten principalities form a lien (), governed by shuai ();
thirty principalities form a tsu (), governed by a cheng (); two hundred
and ten principalities form together a province chou () governed by a
po (). Wang, continues quoting the Po-hu-tung, Why [ was this chief]
under [Yao of] Tang and [Shun of] Y called mu ()? Shepherds [ Yao
and Shun] honoured [the principle of] Substance, they sent their great
officers to go and shepherd the Feudal Lords. Therefore they were called
shepherds. For [each of the four] quarters three men were appointed [as
shepherds], so that there were in all twelve. cf. Tjan Tjoe Som, Po hu
Tung The Comprehensive Discussions in The White Tiger Hall, II:412-13.
11
13
See Tjan Tjoe Som, I:229, 290, note 164. Legge, The Chinese Classics,
Vol. III, pp. 528-30. (Legge, The Sacred Books of the East: The Texts of
Confucianism, p. 228-29.)
14
Legge, Classics, Vol. III, pp. 527ff., and Legge, The Sacred Books of the
East, p. 227-28.
15
Ibid.
16
For information on these figures, see the pertinent sections in the Book
of History, Legge, Classics, Vol. III. Shao Kung, son of King Wen, is also
known as Shih ( ) and is dealt with in two sections of the Book of History,
The Announcement of the Duke of Shao, and The Prince of Shih.
18
Sun Hsing-yen, Shang-shu Chin-ku-wen Chu shu thinks that the opinion
that the ssu-yeh means the Feudal Lords of the Four Directions is an
opinion of the ku-wen school. Karlgren, Glosses on the Book of History, p.
261 adheres to the theory that it is the title of one man and in his
Government XIV Ba 1
The Chancellor of State
The Chancellorship of State hsiang-kuo () and the Imperial
Chancellorship cheng-hsiang () were both Chin offices. They had
golden seals with purpleseal-cords. Their duty was to assist the Son of
Heaven and to aid him in directing the multifarious matters [of the
1
government]. The Chin [bureaucracy included] a senior () and a junior
2
() [imperial chancellor].
When Emperor Kao took the throne, he established [only] one
Imperial Chancellor. In his eleventh year, he changed the name [of this
office to that of] Chancellor of State, giving it a green seal cord. [Emperor]
Hsiao-hui and the Empress [Dowager ne L of Emperor] Kao established
junior and senior imperial chancellors. In his first year, Emperor Wen again
3
established [only] one Imperial Chancellor.
[This office] had two Chief Secretaries () who were ranked at a
thousand piculs.
In [the reign of] Emperor Ai, in the second year of [the period]
Yan-shou, the name was changed to that of Grand Minister over the
5
Masses ta ssu-tu ().
In [the reign of] Emperor Wu, in the fifth year of [the period]
Yan-shou, there was first established a Director of Justice ssu-chih ()
[to the Imperial Chancellor, who was ranked as] equivalent to 2000 piculs.
He had charge of assisting the Imperial Chancellor by reporting those who
violated the laws.6
Hs 19A.3a
Notes
1
A slight difficulty is created here by the fact that the text mentions two
titles whereas only one single office is really meant. The usual name for
this office was Imperial Chancellor (cheng-hsiang) {sometimes
erroneously rendered Lieutenant Chancellor}. One or two especially
ranking at 600 piculs or less was to be made, the Imperial Chancellor made
it upon his own authority without consulting the Emperor. When
subordinates to officials ranking at 2000 piculs were to be appointed,
these officials first discussed the names of prospective appointees with the
Imperial Chancellor, and, upon receiving his approval, made the
appointments. (Hs 59.1b) If important courtiers or ministers committed a
crime, the Imperial Chancellor sent a subordinate to investigate the matter
without waiting to memorialize the throne or beg for permission (Hs 70.15b).
Imperial consent was required, however, for a capital sentence for those
ranking as Gentleman-of-the-Palace or higher. The Imperial Chancellor
did not always see the Emperor frequently. After 68 B.C. (HFHD, II.218)
the emperor held court every five days. If there was any government
business for the emperor to deal with, the Imperial Chancellor reported it to
the throne in a memorial and was accordingly summoned to an audience
(cf. Hs 71.7a). When the Emperor did not attend to government matters
himself. the Imperial Chancellor took the place of the Emperor and decided
matters on his own authority (cf. Hs 46.6b, 7a).
The throne periodically requested the Imperial Chancellor and
sometimes other ministers, such as the Grandee Secretary, to recommend
to the throne for appointments persons with certain specified qualities. The
Inspectors of Regional Divisions and other ranking officials were also
invited to submit recommendations for appointments and in this case the
names were sent to the Imperial Chancellor who examined
themoccasionally the emperor himself set the questions and read the
repliesand selected the best persons in each of three categories: those
who understood a classic, those who understood the law-code, and those
who had ability in dealing with troublesome cases. For appointments as
grandee-remonstrants, gentlemen-consultants, erudits, tutors to vassal
kings, and prefects of the gentlemen-of-the-palace, persons who
understood a classic were selected. For the Commandant of Justices
judge, his superintendent, and his referee, persons who understood the
code were selected. For the prefects of Chang-an and the counties in the
three capital departments, persons who had ability in dealing with
troublesome cases were selected. Such appointees were tried out as
acting (shou ) occupants of this post being only allowed to wear the
small bonnet. After a full year, they became titular occupants of their post
and, when they guided the imperial chariot, they were allowed to wear the
large bonnet. (Han-chiu-i, A.7a) When the departments sent to the capital
persons who were recommended to the central government as worthy and
good and of abundant talents, they were sent to an office in the yamen of
From the time that Emperor Wu abolished the office of the Grand
Commandant in Nov/Dec. 140 B.C. the duties of this official were given to
the Imperial Chancellor so that both civil and military power were
possessed by the Imperial Chancellor. This arrangement probably lasted,
however, only from 150 B.C. when Chou Ya-fu, who had been grand
commandant, was promoted to Imperial Chancellor and the office of Grand
Commandant was abolished (HFHD, I.316; Hs 19B.4b) to July 140 B.C.
when Tien An was made Grand Commandant and from Nov/Dec. 140,
when Tien An was dismissed and the office of Grand Commandant was
again abolished, to 119 B.C. when a Grand Minister of War was first
appointed. Thereafter, military matters were in charge of the Grand
Minister of War. (HFHD, II.30; Hs 19A.3b.) In the latter two decades,
Emperor Wu probably directed military matters himself.
The Grandee Secretary was normally promoted to be Imperial
Chancellor but such was not always the case. Until 176 B.C. there was no
regular practice concerning what official was made Imperial Chancellor.
Between 179 and 177 B.C., two Grand Commandants were made Imperial
Chancellor. The first Grandee Secretary to be made Imperial Chancellor
was promoted in 176 BC. Between that date and 1 B.C., when the title of
Imperial Chancellor was changed to Grand Minister of Civil Administration,
there were 37 Imperial Chancellors, of whom 22 (60%) had previously
been Grandee Secretaries.
The salary of the Imperial Chancellor was ranked at ten thousand
piculs. This amount of grain was, however, only a nominal figure since
salaries were paid partly in cash and partly in grain. There were, moreover,
several ranks with nominally the same figure, but actually different
amounts of salary, such as the fully two thousand piculs, really two
thousand piculs, two thousand piculs, and equivalent to two thousand
piculs. In A.D. 51, the salary of the Minister of Works {prior to this point
known as Grand Minister of Works}, the title to which that of the Imperial
Chancellor had been changed, was fixed at 350 hu of grain per month. A
hu was 0.565 bushel or 19.96 liters. This figure is said to have been less
than that paid the Lieutenant Chancellor in Former Han times (cf. HHs Tr.
28.16b; HHs An 1B.25a). Ju Shun states that the salary of the Imperial
Chancellor was 60,000 cash per month (HFHD, II.416, n. 15.5), which sum
may have taken the place of grain. A hu was worth about 30 to 50 cash but
this amount, which would be equivalent to about 8500 bushels in modern
measure of grain per month, seems much too large.
As the leading official, the position of the Imperial Chancellor was
While in general the situation with regard to senior and junior Imperial
Chancellors was as the. text states, there were changes that are not here
recorded.
In the reign of Emperor Kao, while Hsiao Ho was the actual
Chancellor, at times temporary honorary Imperial Chancellors were also
appointed. Han Hsin was made a Junior Imperial Chancellor. Tsao Tsan
was made an acting Junior Imperial Chancellor when he was sent to
subjugate the regions of Wei and Chi. He was later made a Senior Imperial
Chancellor and given the noble rank of Marquis. He was probably demoted
because later he was again made Senior Imperial Chancellor when he was
sent to attack Chen Hsi. Fan Kuai was also once made a Junior Imperial
Chancellor and once Chancellor of State. Since Hsiao Ho performed the
duties of the Imperial Chancellor during this whole period, these other titles
were only honorary and hence were not mentioned in the Table. They are
mentioned in the biographies of the persons referred to. In 91 B.C.
Emperor Wu, moreover, seems to have considered establishing two
Imperial Chancellors for he ordered Liu Chu-li to become Junior Imperial
Chancellor and to divide the Chief clerks and officials of the Imperial
Chancellor among two offices. The office of Senior Imperial Chancellor was,
however, left vacant while awaiting a capable person, and in the end no
one was appointed to it (cf. Hs 66.3a).
4
This change in title was made under the influence of the Confucian
principle of according with ancient practices. The title of ssu-tu is found in
the Chou-Ii, but not that of cheng-hsiang. Hence the classical title was
substituted. This change was continued in Later Han times, until in 335 A.D.
the title of the ssu-tu Wang Tao, was changed to that of cheng-hsiang and
the title of ssu-tu was abolished, by way of honoring this outstanding
official and indicating that he was as great as the cheng-hsiang of the Han
period (Chin-shu, 65.5a).
6
piculs), and twenty writers from the palace shu tso () from whom some
were selected by examinations to be superior clerks. Those of high ability
might be given a vacancy as mounted officials chi shih (, probably an
error for ). (an-kuan ta wen A.3b). In 117 B.C. Emperor Wu
rearranged the Imperial Chancellors subordinates, establishing for him 20
clerks ranking at 400 piculs, 80 junior clerks ranking at 300 piculs, 100
subordinates ranking at 200 piculs, 162 subordinate clerks ranking at 100
piculs. (Cf. Han-chiu-i A, 6a). Of these, junior department heads tung tsao
yan () had charge of matters concerning the departments and
kingdoms and the senior department heads hsi tsao yan () had
charge of matters concerning the capital officials. There was also a
department head for memorials tsou tsao yan (), a department for
discussions yi tsao yan (), a department for collections chi tsao
yan (), a department head for bandits tsei tsao yan (),
department head for judgement cheh tsao yan (), an attendant
department head shih tsao yan ( he acted as a messenger), a
Master of Records chu pu (), attendant officers tsung shih (),
subordinates for the official chariot ta ch chu (), mounted officials
chI li (), a driving official y li () who drove the Imperial
Chancellors chariot), and writers shu tso ().
Notes
1
While Pan Ku records in the present passage and in Hs 19B.5a that the
title of Grand Commandant was abolished in 139 B.C., Ying Shao dates
the abolition in 117 B.C. (note to HHc 21.4a) and Tu Yu dates it in 119 B.C.
Yen Shih-ku notes that the word (literally, to cap) means to prefix and
make them as a title of one official.
4
The rank of the Minister of War should rank below that of the Grand
Minister of Civil Affairs (the former Imperial Chancellor). As Wang
Ming-sheng comments, this reversion of positions was due to the fact that
Emperor Ai wanted to elevate the position of Tung Hsien who then held the
title of Grand Minister of War. (Scssc 10.6b)
This account does not relate all the vicissitudes in the office of Grand
Commandant. At the beginning of the Han period this office seems to have
been an honorary one to which persons were appointed temporarily for
special purposes. In 205 B.C., Emperor Kao made Lu Wan Grand
Commandant to attack Hsiang Y; in 202, when Hsiang Y was killed and
Lu Wan was made King of Yen, the office was abolished (Hs 19B.1b). In
196 B.C., Chou Po was made Grand Commandant to attack Chen Hsi (Hs
19B.1b). Later the office was abolished for in 195, when he was sent
against Lu Wan, he had a different title, Chancellor of State (Hs 40.23a). In
189 B.C., Chou Po was again made Grand Commandant, which position
he held until 179 when he became senior Imperial Chancellor (Hs 19B.2a)
and Kuan Ying was appointed Grand Commandant. But in Jan./Feb., 177
B.C., when Kuan Ying was promoted to be Imperial Chancellor the office of
Grand Commandant was abolished and Kuan Ying took charge of both
civil and military matters. Emperor Wen, who wanted to economize, did not
re-establish a Grand Commandant when Kuan Ying died in 176 B.C. In the
third year of his reign (154 B.C.) Emperor Ching, however, re-established
the office and appointed Chou Ya-fu to fill the position. On April 7, 150
B.C., Chou Ya-fu was similarly promoted to be Imperial Chancellor and the
office of Grand Commandant was again abolished so that he also took
charge of both civil and military affairs (HFHD, I, 316; Mh II, 501). Emperor
Wu made his maternal half-uncle, Tien Fen, Grand Commandant in 140
B.C. but, when Tien Fen was dismissed in Nov./Dec. 140 B.C., the office
was abolished this time permanently. We may summarize these events by
saying that, during the first reign of the Former Han period, a Grand
Commandant was only appointed for some special campaign. Thereafter,
when military matters were important, a Grand Commandant was
appointed to have charge of them. Emperors Wen and Ching at first
appointed such officials but when military matters became unimportant
they combined military and civil duties in the hands of the Imperial
Chancellor, promoting the former Grand Commandant to be Imperial
Chancellor. Emperor Wu likewise at first appointed a Grand Commandant
but had to dismiss his appointee when he became involved in an intrigue
against the Grand Empress Dowager. As a consequence, he abolished
the office probably because he saw no need for it. When later, Emperor
Wu was led to engage in his elaborate military expeditions, the Emperor
himself controlled military affairs. After Wus greatest military victories
against the Hsiung-nu had been won in 119 B.C., he promoted his
outstanding generals Wei Ching and Ho Ch-ping, who were his wifes
half-brother and the latters half-brother respectively, both to the position
of Grand Ministers of War making the once concurrently Grand General
and the other concurrently General of Agile Cavalry (piao-chi
chiang-chun). (Hs 19B.6b) In all probability, however, these titles of Grand
Minister of War were merely honorary for when Ho Ch-ping died in 117
B.C. and Wei Ching died in 106, no other Grand Minister of War was
appointed in their place in spite of the fact that wars continued. Emperor
Wu considered himself quite capable of conducting military matters without
assistance.
The situation was different when, on March 25, 87 B.C., just two days
before he died, Emperor Wu appointed his heir-apparent who was then a
minor. The Emperor wanted Ho Kuang to control the government but could
not appoint him regent, for a regent must be a close imperial relative. Ho
Kuang, therefore, was made Grand Minister of War on the same day that
the heir-apparent was appointed (Hs 19B.9b). The function of the Grand
Minister of War was thus changed. Thereafter, until the end of the Former
Han dynasty, he dominated the government.
At the beginning of the Later Han period, the title of Grand Minister of
War was continued. In A.D. 51, Emperor Kuang-wu changed the title back
to that of Grand Commandant and gave this official effective charge of the
army (HHs tr. 24.3a-4a).
The explanation for the changes in the appurtenances of the Grand
Minister of War are to be found in the political circumstances of the times.
In 76 B.C., Emperor Hsan was confronted by the necessity of destroying
the all-powerful Ho clan. He lulled their suspicions in September by making
Ho Y the Grand Minister of War concurrently with Chang An-shih and
then in Nov/Dec. deprived both ministers of control of their troops. Later
the Ho clan was exterminated. (Cf. HFHD, II.184-187; Hspc 19B.32b;
HFHD, II.222). Thereafter the post of Grand Minister of War was continued
but, since the occupants of this post were the maternal relatives of the
emperor who controlled the whole government by virtue of possessing the
emperors confidence and controlling the emperors sources of information
by occupying the position of Master of Writing, these persons were not
specially interested in military affairs and needed no direct control over the
army.
In 8 B.C., the Confucian Grandee Secretary, Ho Wu. recommended
that the government should be reformed in accordance with ancient
practices, in this case, those in the Chou-li. In ancient times, the duties that
were given in his day to the Imperial Chancellor had been divided among
three officials, and, because it was no longer possible to secure sage
officials as in the ancient classical times, he said that the ancient practices
should be followed in order to lighten the duties of the Imperial Chancellor
(Hs 83;15b). The title of the Grandee Secretary, held by Ho Wu, was
accordingly changed to Grand Minister of Works, and the Grand Minister
of War, who was Wang Ken, an uncle of the Emperor, was given effective
power over the army by the change indicated in the text. (The title of the
Imperial Chancellor, however, was not changed until 1B.C.) This change
was, however, merely nominal for Wang Ken continued to dominate the
government as before.
Emperor Ai was not a whole-hearted Confucian like his elder cousin,
Emperor Cheng, and the Confucian Wang Mang, who was Grand Minister
of Works when the new emperor came to the throne in 7 B.C. found it
Hs 19A.3b-4a
Notes
1
Chinese historians find the origin of the y-shih ta-fu in ancient times. It is
recorded that formerly his duty was to make drafts of and issue decrees
(Ptsc 52.5b; Tung tien 24.141a; Hssc 4.10a). It is also reported that during
the Chan-kuo period he functioned like a scribe. In later periods the
y-shih ta-fu were censors but in Han times, the y-shih ta-fu had,
however, quite different functions and the function of censoring was
performed by the grandee-remonstrants () (cf. XIV B. vii, n.
2).{Citation uncertain.} The Grandee Secretary seems to have been
ranked as the highest of the high ministers in Chin times; in Han times he
was definitely one of the three highest ministers (), along with the
Imperial Chancellor and Grand Minister of War. (Wang Hsien-chien in a
note to Hspc 19A.5a) His powers were substantially the same as those of
the Imperial Chancellor, although his rank and influence was not so high
(Hs 83.4b, 16a). It was the Chin and Han policy, in important
administrative positions, to arrange that one official could act as a check
upon another. The Imperial Chancellor generally discussed matters with
the Grandee Secretary and they presented a joint memorial to the
emperor. If they disagreed, the emperor decided (Hs 71.7a; 59.3b). The
Grandee Secretary sent one of his subordinates to investigate courtiers or
others who might have committed crimes (Hs 49.5a). The Imperial
Chancellor and Grandee Secretary together sent their clerks to put down
bandits in the provinces (Hs 83.6b) or to interfere in the administration of a
sovereign any person who failed to observe the regulations for court
etiquette and had them immediately expelled. Although he was a
subordinate of the Grandee Secretary, yet, because he was in the palace
hall, where he acted as assistant of the Grandee Secretary to receive
memorials, his power was sometimes greater than that of the Grandee
Secretary (Cf. Hs 59.4b where, when Chang Tang was Grandee
Secretary and was at odds with his palace assistant Li Wen, several
promotions were made in accordance with the recommendations of Li Wen
and Chang Tang could do nothing about them. At court assemblies, the
Palace Assistant Secretary (a quotation in HHs Mem. 5.l0a said to be of
the Hki substitutes the name of the Grandee Secretary which is unlikely)
together with the. Chief Master of Writing and the Colonel Director in
Charge of Investigation, each had special mats for sitting. They were
called The three sole sitters. (PTSC, 62.2a quoting the Han-chiu-i). This
privilege was evidently because they might be required to write documents.
Other courtiers stood out of respect for the emperor. Officials who formerly
had held positions ranking at 2000 piculs or attending secretaries of high
attainments were promoted to the post of Palace Assistant Secretary (Hs
71.6a). This official might be promoted to be the governor of a department
(Hs 83.20a). He had a bronze seal with a cerulean seal-cord (Hs 19A.16b;
Tung tien 24.124a), wore a bonnet with two projecting seams (Ptsc 62.2a),
and had attendant officers (Hs 71.6a).
The Palace Assistant Secretary was continued under the Later Han
dynasty, ranking him at a 1000 piculs and making him a subordinate of the
privy treasurer since the Grandee Secretary had been changed to be
Minister of Works. He still lived in the imperial quarters and had the duty of
reporting violations of the laws (HHs T 26.11a).
4
The Orchid Tower () was a tower in the imperial palace hall, where
the imperial private library was stored and the imperial records kept. The
six foremen clerks () at the Orchid Tower who were ranked at 100
piculs. had charge of preserving writings and memorials, of collating books,
fixing the correct form of characters, and of supervising the workmen who
made official seals. The HHs tr. 26.11b states that these foremen clerks
were ranked at 600 piculs which is too high a rank since foremen clerks
are elsewhere very low officials, The two statements can, however. be
reconciled by noting that Ssu-ma Piao, in the HHs Tr. is almost surely
copying Ying Shaos passage in the Hki, and that the former had dropped
out the two words placed in parentheses in the reproduction of the two
This sentence is not in the text, but is clearly implied and is added for the
sake of completeness. The title of this official is found in Hs 49.5a; and in
53.16a. Cf. Tung tien 24.142a; Hki A.23b; Hssc 4.11a-b).
8
The change in the title of the Grandee Secretary was produced by the
Confucian endeavor to imitate ancient practices and by the influence of
their opponents. The Later Han dynasty kept the Confucian titles. (See the
account of Later Han practices for the Grand Minister of Works and his
subordinates.)
Notes
1
The three ministers ranking higher than the highest ministers () were
originally called the three highest ministers (). These were in Han
times purely honorary positions to which ministers could be promoted in
order to remove them from office and hence power. Such was the use of
these offices by Empress Dowager ne L. These titles were ancient,
being mentioned in the Book of History, V, xx, 5 (Legge, 527), where they
are called the three highest ministers (). Wang Mang, in his
endeavor to follow classical practices made them regular offices, but the
Later Han dynasty retained only that of Grand Tutor. These offices were
later called the three masters () which appellation was not used in
Han times, but dates from the Later Wei period. It has, however, come ever
since to designate these three offices.
The salary of each of these three honorary officials was 350 hu of
grain per month (Hki quoted in Tlt 1.2b).
The duties of the Grand Tutor were to be the teacher and advisor of
the prince in all matters, moral, administrative, ritual. The Ta-tai Li-chi
contains an account of this honorary officials duties, in a passage from the
school of Chia I, the famous advisor of Emperor Kao (Trans. in R. Wilhelm,
LiGi, 217). A spirited account of these honorary advisors of the throne is
quoted by Ying Shao from Chia I in a note to HHs Tr. 24.2b. Here it says of
this official, He had charge of leading [the prince] in virtue. [This position]
was not constantly filled.
The Grand Preceptor was the tutor of the Son of Heaven, while the
Grand Guardian was to safeguard him and admonish him against evils
(Ptsc 52.8b-llb; cf. also Chia Is statement in the note to HHs 24.2b).
Notes
1
In Chou times the army in battle was sometimes divided into two or three
chun and its leader was accordingly called the chiang-chn (), which
term is translated as general.
In addition to the titles mentioned in the text there were others:
General of chariots and cavalry (), which seems to have been a
high military position at the court rather than in the field (Hs 19B.2b ff);
general of the guard (), which was a position temporarily created by
Emperor Wen in 180 B.C. to command both the large Northern Army and
the Southern Army at the capital (Hs 4.4a; 19B.2b). There were also such
bureaucrats as the Commanders of the Gentlemen-of-the-Palace ()
and the General-of-the-Palace () for all the offices. In addition
first time established [only five] erudits for the five Classics.
In the first year of [the period] Huang-lung (49 B.C.), Emperor Hsan
increased their number to twelve.20
In the first year of [the period] Yan-kuang (43 B.C.), Emperor Yan
distributed the various funerary counties and county-seats to be
subordinate to the Three Supporting Districts.21
Wang Mang changed [the title of] the grand minister of ceremonies
to be the Arranger of the Ancestral Temples ().22
Hs 19A.4b-.5a
Notes
1
The account does not relate all the changes in this title. The Tang
Liu-tien () by Li Lin-fu and others, compiled during 713-755, Ch.
14.7b says [Emperor] Kao of the Han [dynasty] named him the grand
minister of ceremonies and Emperor Hui restored [the title] to minister of
imperial ancestral ceremonies. Emperor Ching again called him the grand
minister of ceremonies. The Han-kuan tien-chih i-shih hsan-yung
, p. lb, by Tsai Chih , fl. 133, also contains this statement
about Emperor Huis change. We can find nothing about the reasons for
the changes in this title.
4
The office of Grand Musician had charge of the music at state sacrifices,
including the postured dancing at those sacrifices (HHs Tr. 25.2b-3a), for
which children of bureaucrats or minor nobles were selected. (Lu Chihs [d.
192] Li-chi chu , quoted by Li Hsien in a note to HHs Tr. 25.3b).
There was one prefect and one assistant in the office of the grand
musician. This office had charge of skilled musicians. Whenever there
were state sacrifices, this office had charge of performing the music. This
official asked the Grand Minister of Ceremonies what selections were to be
performed. When there was to be an important sacrifice to the dead, this
official had charge of arrangements (HHs Tr. 25.2b, 3a). This office had
25 regular officials, of whom two were ranked at a hundred piculs and one
was an official whose salary was measured by tou (tou-shih ).(HHs Tr.
28.17a, states that an official whose salary was measured by tou received
11 hu of grain per month), seven aides (), ten students (), and four
acting students. There were also 380 musicians and ceremonial dancers
(). According to the code, the children of families of low social rank
were not permitted to dance in the ancestral temple at the offering of the
seventh month wine. For these dancers, children by the first wife of
officials ranking from 2000 piculs to 600 piculs, together with children of
those nobles who were Kuan-nei marquises or lower down to fifth rank
grandees () were selected. They had to be 5 feet or more in height,
to be in their twelfth to their 30th year of age, and in good health. (Lu
Chihs [d. 192] Li-chi chu , quoted by Li Hsien in a note to HHs Tr.
25. 3b).
In 60 A.D. the title of this office was changed to be the office of the
Great Revealed Music (; HHs A 2.11a). The meaning of this title is
nowhere explained, except in a difficult quotation by Li Hsien [in a note to
Ibid.] of the Shang-shu Hsan-chi Chien , [a very obscure book,
not listed in any of the bibliographies, but quoted in the notes to the
Wen-hsan and in the Tpyl; Li implies it was extant in A.D. 60. Its title is
similar to that of many which appeared in the time of Wang Mang.] There
was a Lord who produced the Han [dynasty]. His virtue was bestowed
[upon that dynasty] and he composed music [for the dynasty]. Its name
was yu [possibly meaning revealed]. Then the change in the title was
for mystical reasons, to emphasize the possession by the Han dynasty of
Heavens mandate. In addition to the grand musician, whose duties were
altogether religious, there was another bureau of music (yeh-fu)
subordinate to the privy treasurer which performed secular music. For the
grand musician, see Hs 21.9b; 22.26a, 29b; 19B.7b,16.19a.
5
The Grand Supplicator was ranked at 600 piculs (HHs Tr. 25.2b). At the
state sacrifices he had charge of reading the prayers, together with
receiving and dismissing the gods (Ibid). At such sacrifices he had charge
of the mats for the divinities and the wine for offerings (Han-chiu-i, quoted
in a note to Ibid) .
Hs 25A.14b states that in 205 B.C. Emperor Kao summoned the
sacrificial officials of the Chin dynasty and re-established a Grand
Supplicator and Grand Butcher to maintain the ceremonies used in Chin
times. In 144 B.C., and 104 B.C., the title was again changed, as
mentioned in the last paragraph of the text.
The Chin court also had a secret invocator () whose function it
was to transfer any sins of the emperor to his inferiors. Whenever there
was any visitation or portent, this official immediately prayed and sacrificed
in order to effect such a transfer. This office was abolished by Emperor
Wen in 167 B.C. because the emperor strongly disapproved of such a
practice (Cf. HFHD, I.255 and n. 1; Hspc, 25A.14b, 15b).
Concerning the qualifications of this official, we have only a
statement in the TkHc, ch. 21. pp. 203, Yin Meng [not mentioned in the Hs
or HHs probably a relative of the Empress Dowager ne Yin of Emperor
Kuang-wu] loved learning and was benign and good. Because he was
praised among the literati he was promoted to be prefect of the office of
the Grand Supplicator.
The Grand Supplicator had one assistant whose duty it was to
supplicate minor gods (HHs Tr. 25.2b). In this office there were 41 regular
officials, of whom two were ranked at 100 piculs, 2 were ranked as officials
whose salary was counted by tou, 22 were aides, 2 were students, 4 were
acting students, nine were petty officials () and 150 were supplicators
(). There were 242 butchers () and 60 slaughterers (Li Hsien
quoting one of the works on the Han bureaucracy.) or the Grand
Supplicator cf. Hs 68.10b sub Ho Kuang Hspc 68.4b; HHs Tr. 4.5b, 6.6a.
6
The Grand Butcher ranked at 600 piculs (HHs Tr. 25.2b). He had charge
of the workmen who did the butchering of-victims for the sacrifices, also of
the tripod kettles, the small tables on which to offer flesh, and the articles
for offerings. Whenever there was a state sacrifice, he had charge of
arranging the offerings and vessels. (Ibid.) This office was inherited from
the Chin period. He had one assistant grand butcher (). There were
42 regularly appointed officials of whom two were ranked at 100 piculs, two
were officials whose salary was measured by ton, 23 were aides, nine were
petty officials, two were students and four were acting students. There
were also 242 butchers (), 73 slaughterers (), and 15 guards ().
(For this office, cf. HHs Tr. 5.7a).
7
The Grand Astrologer ( the title is literally the grand clerk), ranked
at 600 piculs, had charge of astrology, astronomy, the calendar, the
weather, and such special ceremonial buildings as the Ming-tang and the
Spiritual Tower (HHs Tr. 25.1b). Towards the end of each year, he
memorialized to the throne the calendar for the next year. For state
sacrifices, funerals, and marriages, he selected a lucky day and
determined what taboos were proper. He recorded portentous events. He
used the divining board () and divined by the stalks and the Book of
Changes (Lis note to HHs 25.1b). In Later Han times, he also divined by
the tortoise-shell (Cf. Chen Chings note to Clcs 26.9a). The Spiritual
Tower served as an observatory (HHs T. 8.7a-8a).
He was also in charge of mathematics (Hs 21A.2b). being a clerk,
he examined persons who were recommended by the departments as able
to write. Students who were in their seventeenth year or over were first
examined to see whether they could recite the nine thousand characters in
Shih Chous book; if so, they could become clerks. They were also tested
in the eight styles of writing. The departments sent them to the Grand
Astrologer who listed them in order of excellence. They were then made
clerks to the Masters of Writing. But if they wrote a character incorrectly,
they were immediately reported and dealt with (Cf. SWCT 15A.2b; HFHD,
II.339; Hspc 21A.3a. ). Ssu-ma Chien and his father both occupied this
office.
It has been a moot point whether the Grand Astrologer was or was
not at first called Lord Grand Astrologer (). The fact is that the
most famous Grand Astrologer, Ssu-ma Chien, speaks of his father,
Ssu-ma Tan, and of himself as the Lord Grand Astrologer. A note to Wei
Hungs Han-kuan-i is moreover quoted by Ju Shun as saying The [office]
Lord Grand Astrologer was established by Emperor Wu. Its rank was
superior to that of the Imperial Chancellor. The accounts of the
[departments and kingdoms] in the empire were first presented to the Lord
Grand Astrologer, and a duplicate was presented to the Imperial
Chancellor. [This official] directed affairs as in the ancient Spring and
Autumn [times]. After [Ssu-ma] Chien had died, Emperor Hsan merely
made his office into that of a prefect [grand astrologer] who should carry
on the [former] writing of the Lord Grand Astrologer. Against this
statement is the declaration by Chin Shao that Many of Wei Hungs
sayings are not true, and the fact that in his letter to Jen An, Ssu-ma
Chien says that his fathers position was close to that of a diviner or
supplicator, hence Emperor [ Wu] made fun with it, because it was as
unimportant as that of a common singer or actor. (Hs 62.18b; Mh I.cciii) If
the Lord Grand Astrologer had been ranked higher than the Imperial
Chancellor, Ssu-ma Chien would hardly have written this. Wang
Hsien-chien sums up a long discussion by stating that Ssu-ma Tan and
son Ssu-ma Chien were merely honored by being called lord () which
was a polite appellation, and that Wei Hung is mistaken (cf. Hspc 62. 3b,
4a).
There was one Assistant Grand Astrologer() and one
Assistant for the Ming-tang () and the Spiritual Tower (). These
were ceremonial buildings made much of by Confucians. The second
assistant seems to have been added by the Later Han dynasty. They were
ranked at 200 piculs (HHs Tr. 25.1b; Ptsc 55.3a however quotes the
Han-chiu-i stating that they were ranked at 300 piculs). The second
assistant had charge of the Ming-tang and the Spiritual Tower. At the
latter, there were 42 expectant appointees of whom 14 waited upon the
stars, two waited upon the sun , 3 waited upon the winds , 12
waited upon the weather , 2 waited upon the sundial , 7 waited
upon the musical tubes , and 1 was a member of the suite .
(HHs Tr. 25.2a). Thus the Spiritual Tower served as an observatory. (cf.
also HHs Tr. 8.7a-8a; for the Ming-tang cf. HHs Tr. 8.6a, 8a).
In the office of the Grand Astrologer there were 37 expectant
appointees () of whom 6 worked on the calendar, 3 divined by the
tortoise shell, 13 took care of antechambers and residences, 4 took care
of the sun and seasons, 3 took charge of apotropaic matters, 9 were of the
Chi clan (, the clan in the state of Chin that had charge of the statutes
and records so that this peculiar designation of an official may indicate a
similar function), of Masters Hs () interpretation of the I-li (cf. Hspc
88.21a which speaks of a and of the Tien-chang clan (),
three of each set. There were two each who had charge of happy
ceremonies, of petitioning for rain, and of neutralizing evil influences, and
two physicians. For further information on the Grand Astrologer cf. Hs
30.1b; 97B.8a; Hspc 99C.16b, 23b; HHs M.49.2a-b sub. Chang Heng;
M.72B.5b; Tr. 2.5a-b, 10a, 12a, 16b, 17a, 21a-b, 24a, 25a-b, HHsc 4b, 7b,
8b, 10b, 13b, 16a; M.24.23a sub Liang Chi; M.38.7a sub Chai Pu. For the
Assistant Grand Astrologer, cf. HHs T. 1.22a. For the assistant for the
Ming-tang, cf. HHs A.1b, 30a, A.4.9a (HHscc 6a) A.2.5b (HHsc 4a). For
the assistant for the Spiritual Terrace, cf. HHs A.1B.30a (HHsc 22a);
A.2.6a (HHsc 4b), 7a (HHsc 5a), 10a (HHsc 7a). For the Grand
Astrologers member of his suite, cf. HHs T. 2.24b (HHsc 18b), 25a (HHsc
19a). There was also a gentleman-of-the-palace (lang-chung) subordinate
to the Grand Astrologer, who had charge of preparing the calendar; cf.
HHs T. 2.20a (HHsc 15a).
8
The Prefect in the office of the Grand Augur was ranked at 600 piculs;
HHs T. 25.4a). Whenever there was any important state business, he had
to divine about it by cracks made by fire on a tortoise-shell, which
operation was called pu (), and to offer to the throne his augury (Hktw
2.2b). Skk 128.3.4, recounts that Emperor Kao continued the office of the
Grand Augur as it had been in Chin times, and that his successors did not
give any examinations for this office but continued in office the
descendants of the original Grand Augur, although there were gaps in the
direct succession. By the time of Emperor Wu, there was a great collection
of auguries to be used as precedents for further auguries. This emperor
had auguries made, both by the tortoise-shell and by the stalks, for his
expeditions against the Hsiung-nu, against Ta-Yan (Ferghana), and
against Fukien and Canton. His gifts to the Grand Augur amounted to
many thousands and ten thousands of cash. Sc 128 contains a long
account recounting the methods of prognosticating by the milfoil and the
tortoise-shell.
While the Later Han dynasty at first had an office of the Grand Augur,
as in the Former Han dynasty, this office was done away with soon after
A.D. 25 and its duties were given to the Grand Astrologer (HHs T. 25, 4a).
In addition to the Assistant Grand Augur, there was a Grand Augurs Erudit
(). Tlt 14.21b states that Emperor Wu first established this official.
9
The prefect in the office of the Grand Physician, in Later Han times, was
ranked at 600 piculs (HHs T. 26.4a). Li Hsien, quoting Ying Shaos Hki,
however, stated that he was ranked at 1000 piculs and that his assistant
was ranked at 300 piculs. This office had existed under the Chou and Chin
dynasties. Its occupant wore a bonnet with two projecting seams. He had
charge of medical work and medicines. In Later Han dynasty this office was
transferred to be subordinate to the Privy Treasurer. In Former Han times,
there was only one Assistant Grand Physician, but in Later Han times there
was an Assistant for Medicine () who had charge of medicine, and an
Assistant for Recipes () who had charge of medicinal recipes (HHs T.
26.4a). There was an Attendant Physician () who treated the emperor
and who might be sent by the emperor to treat important courtiers (Hs
30.1b; 72.12a). There was also a midwife () who looked after imperial
births and nursing (Hs 68.14a note, sub. Ho Kuang; Hs 97A.22b, sub.
Empress ne Hs of Emperor Hsan, calls her a female physician .
For this office, cf. Sc 105.7b; HHs T. 6.la; M.72B.5a sub. Kuo Y, who was
probably the assistant for recipes; A.5.14a, 21b; M.33.4a.
10
At each of the imperial tombs, before the reign of Emperor Yan, there
was established a county, with a county-seat town. The emperors high
officials and courtiers were given land in this town for their residence,
wealthy people were similarly given land. Conscripts, sometimes
numbering tens of thousands , were transported to the county to build the
tomb. (HFHD, II.327, 328).
Each tumulus was given a special name, distinct from that of the
emperor buried there, and the county and county-seat were called by this
same name. Hence there were three places by the same name: the tomb,
the county, and the town that was the county-seat.
Since the Grand Minister of Ceremonies had charge of the state
religious ceremonies, he was naturally given charge of the imperial tombs
and the counties supporting these tombs. As the passage of time
increased the number of these counties, the Grand Minister of
Ceremonies became a territorial administrator coordinate with the three
adjuncts, who were the governor-general of the capital, the eastern
supporter and the western sustainer. The three departments about the
imperial capital were assigned to these three adjuncts. But the funerary
counties under the charge of the Grand Minister of Ceremonies were
included in the three capital departments. Hence, for the sake of
convenient administration, the control of the funerary counties was given
to the three adjuncts and the Grand Minister of Ceremonies ceased to be
an administrative official. Sfht 6.3b-5b lists the tombs and funerary
counties about Chang-an as follows:
The tomb of the Grand Emperor () the father of Emperor Kao)
on the plain north of the city of Yeh-yang (Le-yang). The county of Wan
nien () was thereupon established inside of Yueh-yang, to be the
funerary town supporting this tomb. The tumulus was 120 paces (540 ft.
Eng. meas.) wide from east to west and thirteen chang (97 ft. Eng. meas)
high. The funerary town was seven li 80 paces (1.8 miles) in circumference.
At the tomb there was a hall (tien), a wall, with gates on all four sides, a
side-hall, lateral courts (for the imperial concubines), with various offices
and buildings inside the wall. The Empress Chao-ling () Emperor
Kaos mother was buried in a mound on the west of her husbands.
Chang-ling (), north of the Wei River, was the county supporting
the Chang Tomb, that of Emperor Kao. The Empress ne L of Emperor
Kao was buried in a tumulus east of her husbands.
An-ling (), located ten li from Chang-ling, supported the An
Tomb, that of Emperor Hui. At this place there was a garden for fruit-trees
and a deer park.
Pa-ling (), seventy li east of Chang-an, supported the Pa Tomb,
that of Emperor Wen. A hill was used instead of making an artificial mound.
Yang-ling (), forty-five li northwest of Chang-an, supported
the Yang Tomb, that of Emperor Ching. The tumulus was 120 paces (540
ft. Eng. meas.) square, and ten chang (75 ft. Eng. meas.) high.
Mou-ling (), 80 li northwest of Chang-an, supported the Mou
Tomb, that of Emperor Wu. The name was taken from that of the Mou
District of Huai-li county, where the tomb was located. The town was 3 li
(3.4 of a mile) in circumference. 16,000 households (one text says 61,000)
were moved to this place. The tumulus was 140 chang (105 ft. Eng. meas.)
tall and 100 paces (450 ft. Eng. meas.) across. In the funerary park there
was the White Crane Lodge.
Ping-ling (), 10 li from Mou-ling towards Chang-an, supported
the Ping Tomb, that of Emperor Chao. These imperial tombs were built by
the emperors themselves, during their lifetime. Because of Emperor
Chaos early death, he did not get to build a tumulus but merely arranged
a stream at the tomb. The stone grave-vault was 12 feet (9 ft. Eng. meas.)
wide and 25 feet {chih} (19 ft. Eng. meas.) long. On the northeast of the
tomb there was a side-building 35 feet {chih};26 ft. Eng. meas.) long,
outside of which there was a small kitchen. It was just large enough for
sacrifices and worship after his death.
Tu-ling (), south of Chang-an, supported the Tu Tomb, that of
Emperor Hsan. While he was still a commoner, he liked to travel about the
counties of Tu and Hu, so he built his tomb at Tu, which then became
Tu-ling.
The Wei Tomb (), that of Emperor Yan, was located 56 li north
of Chang-an. Emperor Yan, as a good Confucian, did not wish to cause
added expense to his empire by transporting people to his funerary county
and he himself disestablished the counties supporting the tombs of many
imperial personages, so he did not establish a county for his own tomb.
The I Tomb (), that of Emperor Ai, was 46 li from Chang-an. No
county seems to have been established here.
The Kang Tomb (), that of Emperor Ping, was 50 li from
Chang-an. No county seems to have been established here. Nan-ling (
), supporting the Nan Tomb, sometimes called the Po Tomb (), that of
the Concubine ne Po, the mother of Emperor Wen, was south of Pa-ling.
Yn-ling (), south fof the Kan-chan Palace in Yn-yang county
supported the Yn Tomb, that of the Favorite Beauty ne Chao, the
mother of Emperor Chao. It was later popularly called the Womans Tomb
().
The tomb of the Lady ne Li (), the favorite of Emperor Wu
and the mother of King Ai of Chang-i, Liu Po, was located one li west of the
Mou Tomb. It was fifty paces (225 ft. Eng. meas.) from east to west, 60
paces (270 ft. Eng..; meas.) from north to south, and 8 chang (60 ft. Eng.
Meas.) high. It came to be popularly called the Heros Tomb (), and
was also called the Tower Where Immortals Collect ().
The I-nien Tomb (), the western tumulus in the Chang-shou
Park at the WeiTomb (), was that of Wang Mangs wife, whom
he entitled Empress Hsiao-mu ().
11
The Supervisor of the Waters had charge of the canals, dikes, and
gates for water in the counties under the control of the Grand Minister of
Ceremonies. There was one chief and one assistant in this office (cf. Hs
19A.4b, Ju Shuns note). This office was also abolished by the Later Han
dynasty (HHs T. 25.4a and note).
13
an assistant. The Later Han dynasty did away with the assistants.
The Former Han dynasty at first had the practice of establishing a
temple for each emperor at the capital and a temple to the father of
Emperor Kao, who was called the Grand Emperor, at the capital of each
vassal kingdom, since these kings were all descended from the Grand
Emperor. The departments visited by Emperor Kao, (entitled the Eminent
Founder), Emperor Wen (the Grand Exemplar), and the forty-nine visited
by Emperor Wu (the Epochal Exemplar) also established temples to these
emperors, so that by 45 B.C. there were 167 imperial ancestral temples
outside the imperial capital. In the capital, there were nine imperial
templesseven emperors, for the father of Emperor Kao, and the father of
Emperor Hsanmaking a total of 176 temples. There were also thirty
other places of worship for other imperial personages such as the mother
of Emperor Kao, his eldest brother and elder sister, the Empress
Dowagers, the grandfather of Emperor Hsan, etc.
In the funerary chambers, food was offered four times a day; in the
temples, sacrifices were made 25 times a year; and in the side-halls,
sacrifices were made at each of the four seasons. In addition, once a
month, the robes and bonnet of the deceased were taken out in
procession. The cost of the food thus offered was 24,455 cash per- year;
45,129 guards were employed for these temples and places of sacrifice, in
addition to 12,416 intercessors, butchers, and musicians, without counting
the conscripts who reared and cared for the future sacrificial victims.
Even to the time of Emperor Wu reverence for these protecting
ghosts prevailed and it was believed that the care of the manes and gods
was the first duty of the state. But the progressive exaltation of
Confucianism which, under the influence of Hsn-tzu, doubted the
existence of spirits, meant a lessening of this superstition. Sometime
during 48-43 B.C., the Confucian Grandee Secretary, Kung Y,
memorialized that the state should return to the ancient practice
concerning temples, which was that the son of heaven maintained only
seven shrines in one temple, placing the tablets of other ancestors with
that of the first ancestor of the house. Thus the Confucian doctrine of
following ancient customs was used to economize in governmental
expenses. In 40 B.C. the temples in the departments and kingdoms were
disestablished together with most of those in the capital (Hspc 73.9b-16b;
HFHD, II.289, 290; cf. also HcyCC, appendix, B.4b-5a). When the Later
Han dynasty moved the imperial capital to Lo-yang, it maintained only two
temples: for Emperor Kao (including the Former Han Imperial names) and
for Emperor Kuang-wu (including Later Han imperial names). The Temples
of Emperor Kao had, in Later Han times, one prefect, ranking at 600 piculs,
who had charge of the temple and the performances there, as well as of
keeping it clean and keeping out intruders. He had no assistant. This
temple had 4 regularly appointed officials and 15 guards. (Li Hsien,
quoting one of the works on the Han bureaucracy, in a note to HHs T.
25.3a). There were twelve rooms in this temple for the twelve Former Han
rulers (Sfhtsp 5.50). The Temple of the Epochal Founder, Emperor
Kuang-wu, also had one prefect, ranking at 600 piculs, who had duties
similar to those of the prefect in the Temple of Emperor Kao. This temple
had six regular officials and 20 guards (Li Hsien, quoting a work on the Han
bureaucracy, in a note to HHs T. 26.3b). There were also gentlemen. ()
attached to the imperial ancestral temple (77 B.C.; HFHD, II.172) probably
to attend upon the imperial ghosts in the same manner that these spirits
were served in their lifetime. For the chief of an imperial ancestral temple,
cf. Hspc 7.9b; HFHD, II.172; Hspc 99A.29b. For the assistant, cf. Ibid.)
14
The prefect of the park at an imperial tumulus in Later Han times, ranked
at 600 piculs. There was one for each such tumulus (HHs T. 25.3b). Less
important imperial tombs were given chiefs instead of prefects, although
those bureaucrats at the tombs of imperial personages who had not
actually been emperors were done away with about 40 B.C. (HFHD,
II.289-91). Each tumulus was given a special name in Former Han times,
just as each emperors temple was given a special name. The tomb of
Emperor Kao, for example, was called the Chang Tomb (). For most
of the tombs, there was also established a county, with a newly built city as
its county-seat. This county and county-seat were given the same name as
the tomb. Thus there was not only the Chang Tomb but also the county
and city of Chang-ling. There was not only a prefect for the county of
Chang-ling (in 182 B.C., to honor Emperor Kao who was buried there, the
prefect was specially raised to rank at 2000 piculs, the same as governors
of departments), but also a prefect for the park at the Chang Tomb. The
prefect was in charge of the tomb and park, of superintending it, and of
keeping it clean and warding off intruders (HHs T. 25.3b). He also made
the sacrifices and offerings at the tomb (Hs 79.9b).
It was later said to have been the practice for an emperor, after he
had been on the throne for a year, to begin preparing his tomb, to which
he devoted one-third of his personal revenue, a second third being given
to support the ancestral temples and the remaining third for care of his
guests. (Chin-shu 60.12a). When an emperor died, it was the custom for
his intimate courtiers to follow his corpse to his tomb, and become
gentlemen there (Hs 68.21a). Upon an emperors death, his concubines
were also moved to his funerary park and stayed there for the remainder
of their lives. Very occasionally, an emperor in his will ordered those
concubines whom he had not favored to be sent back home to be married.
Large amounts of valuables were stored in the tomb (Cf. HFHD, I.273, n.1).
Ho Kuang is said to have put in the tomb of Emperor Chao some 190
articles including money, valuables, animals and birds, fish and turtles,
oxen and horses, tigers and leopards, and live birds, and to have moved
the Emperors harem to the funerary park (Hs 72.11a).
The assistant at an imperial tomb funerary park was probably ranked
at 300 piculs (such was the rank of the assistant at the Hsien Tomb, that of
Emperor Shun; HHs M.55.12b note). For assistants there were usually
selected gentlemen of the court who were young, filially pious and
incorrupt, and ardent in military matters. Later, they were promoted to
vacancies among the chief clerks in the various yamens of the prefects in
the offices at the capital, the captains, or the majors. (Hki quote by Li
Hsien in a note to HHs T. 25.3b). There was also one colonel commandant
() who had charge of troops to keep thieves and robbers out of the
tomb and park.
For the prefect of a funerary park, cf. Hs 57B.12a, HHs T. 9.8b. For
the chief and his assistant, cf. Hs 97A.12b.
16
The prefect of the office of offerings was ranked at 600 piculs. One such
official was appointed at each imperial tomb. The Hki, quoted in a note to
HHs T. 25.3b entitles him the superintendent of offerings (). He is also
mentioned in HHs T. 9.8b. He had charge of making sacrifices and
offerings on the fifteenth and last days of the month and at the seasonal
festivals (HHs T. 25.3b). He had one assistant, who was ranked at 300
piculs, eight eunuchs serving within the Yellow Gate (); their title was
evidently taken from the similar title of officials in the imperial palace; and
two attendant officials. (Ibid)
17
With the moving of the capital to Lo-yang, this worship became less
important.
18
The erudits were at first learned men who acted as consultants of the
administration. Later, they also became professors in the Imperial
University. Ying Shao explains that po means to be widely conversant with
ancient and present matters and shih (officer) means that they distinguish
between truth and falsehood (Hki A.9a). Sc 119.3a states that Kung-i Hsiu
(mentioned in Mencius, VI, 119 VI, 3 = Legge, p. 433) was an erudit in the
state of L and that because of his high attainments he became chancellor
of L. Hence, there were erudits in L early in the IV century B.C. There is
also a legend locating an erudit in Sung in 327 B.C. (Sc 128.6b). Hs 51.1a,
moreover, states that Chia Shans grandfather, Chia Ch, had been an
erudits disciple in the state of Wei in the III cent. B.C. (Wang Kuo-wei, Ktcl
4.4a-b). In 212 B.C., there were 70 erudits in the Chin court (Sc 6.ca. 25b
= Mh II,179). Master Fu, who taught the Book of History at the beginning of
the Han period, had been a Chin erudit.
The erudits at first, in Han times, were ranked at 400 piculs. Emperor
Hsan, probably in 51 B.C. (HFHD, II.260, 261) increased their rank to
equivalent to 600 piculs (HHs T. 25.2b). For court robes, they wore the
straight black robe (), an ancient garment not shaped at the waist
and also used as a mourning garment, and the bonnet expressing maturity
() said to have been worn by Confucius and to have been a bonnet of
the Yin period. Cf. Tlt 21.4b). In addressing them, they were called
Teacher () and not Sir () as was the Imperial Chancellor (Hcy
quoted in Tpyl 226, 4a).
The primary duty of the erudits was to act as consultants to the
government and later also to instruct their disciples and students in the
imperial university (Hspc 88.4b). About 4 A.D. Wang Mang also allowed
the sons of officials ranking at 600 piculs, without restrictions as to their
number and as a special favor, to study with the erudits on the same terms
as the disciples (Hspc 88.6a). The erudits function, as the text states, was
to be reservoirs of knowledge concerning the past, so as to be able to
provide precedents for present action whenever they were requested for
such information. Since knowledge of this sort was probably most often
needed concerning matters of ceremony, especially religious matters, the
erudits were made subordinates to the Grand Minister of Ceremonies. In
religion, departure from hallowed precedents was believed to be a most
serious matter. The erudits also supplied precedents for legal decisions
etc. Being the reservoirs of information concerning the Classics and their
interpretation, they may have also taken private advanced students. At the
beginning of the Former Han period, it seems to have been the practice for
learned men to instruct only their advanced pupils, and to have these
pupils instruct beginners. When Tung Chung-shu was an erudit , sometime
during the period 156-141, he shut himself up and studied, and of his
many disciples he taught in person only his more mature students. The
newer disciples could only get help from the more mature ones, so that
some of his disciples did not even get to see him (Hs 56.1a). In the
documents, we find the erudits called in for their opinions on important
matters (HHs T. 25.2b). They also took part in the court discussions
concerning important matters. We find them discussing many criminal
cases (Hs 53.7a, 17a; 60.3b; 68.23a; 76.12b; 83.8b, 16b; 86.14a), even
the dethroning of the emperor in 74 B.C. (Hs 68.5a, 19a). They also
discussed moving the altars to the Five Lords (Hs 25B.12a, 19b) and the
disestablishment of imperial ancestral temples (Hs 73.10b, 11b, 17a).
They discussed the honors to be paid to Emperor Wu (Hs 75.3b) and to
Wang Mang (Hs 99A.21a). They discussed the proposed change made in
the calendar in 104 B.C. (Hs 25A.19b), the color of the court robes
appropriate to the Han dynasty (Hs 25A19b), and the degree of mourning
Wang Mang should perform for his mother (Hs 99A.32a). In the middle of
the Former Han period, most of the erudits were given the concurrent title
of Serving in the Palace (), the possession of which enabled them to
enter the Forbidden Apartments of the Palace and be consulted by the
Emperor (Hs 86.18a). They were frequently sent out by the court to
inspect the empire and report (Hs 6.17a), and were sent by Emperor Wu to
seek the descendants of the Yin dynasty who were to be enfeoffed (Hs
67.l2b). At the court, they performed the ancient ceremony of the archery
contest (Hs 27Bc.9a) and participated in the first great Confucian council
in 51 B.C. (HFHD, II.271-74). The government kept these officials for
consultants; teaching others was less important.
Prospective erudits had to be in their fiftieth year or over (Hki quoted
in a note to HHs M.69B.5a, sub. Yang Jen). They were expected to be of
good deportment and learned in the Confucian Classics and traditions of
government (HFHD, II.390 quotes an imperial edict specifying these
requirements; a note to HHs M 23.5b-6a quotes from the Hki a memorial
recommending a person for the position of erudit). The ministers and
officials ranking at 2000 piculs recommended prospective erudits (Ibid.);
they were examined (Hs 81.11b) and selected by the Grand Minister of
Ceremonies (HHs T. 25.1a). Sometimes gentlemen-consultants were
promoted to be erudits. (Hs 84.1b). Erudits of the highest attainments
might be promoted to be Masters of Writing, those of the next grade might
be made inspectors of regional divisions, and those of the lowest grade
might be made grand tutors to vassal kings (Hs 81.15b) or
grandee-remonstrants (Hkicc A.7b). Those who understood administration
might be made governors of departments or chancellors of kingdoms
(Hspc 78.3a).
One of the erudits was selected to be supervisor of the erudits (
), and was ranked at 600 piculs. This official already existed in Ch'in
times ( Sc 6.22b, 87.6a = Bodde, 38, 22 Bodde has misunderstood this
title), and was continued by the Former Han dynasty (Hs 19A.6a). The
later Han dynasty changed the title of this official to be the erudit libationer
(HHs T. 25.2a). Hu Kuang explains that the libationer was the chief of the
erudits. According to ancient custom, when guests receive viands from
their host, one aged person takes up the wine and sacrifices of it to Earth.
This ancient expression is used to indicate that he is the head. The Grand
Minister of Ceremonies appointed one wise and revered erudit as their
libationer, who should act to unify them (HHs M.23.5b).
There was also a superintendent of the imperial private library (
) who was ranked at 600 piculs and who had charge of documents,
charts, and writings, and of making uniform the writing of characters. This
library was kept in the Eastern Lodge () and the Orchid Tower of the
imperial palace. This office seems to have been established after 147 A.D.,
because previously an attendant within the palace superintended the
imperial private library (HHs M.69.9b). For this official, cf. also HHs
M.52.8b.
The disciples of the erudits. seem not to have been officially
appointed until 124 B.C. when the Imperial University was established.
They were addressed as men-jen (), a phrase used nine times in the
Analects to denote disciples. They may have done some of the teaching in
the Imperial University and seem not to have been given any salary but
merely to have been exempted probably from taxes and forced service.
Emperor Wu fixed their number at 50 (Hspc 88.4b). Emperor Chao (86-74
B, C.) increased their number to 100 (Hspc 88.6a). In 44 B.C. Emperor
Yan removed the restrictions on the number of disciples, and exempted
all those who comprehended even one classic (HFHD, II.315), but in 41
B.C., this action was rescinded because the number of exempted persons
had proved to be too great (HFHD, II.324). The number of exempted
disciples was now fixed at 1,000 (Hspc 88.6a). At the same time, the
departments and kingdoms were ordered to establish secondary clerks for
the five classics, ranking at 100 piculs () Hspc 88.6a).
Towards 7 B.C., Emperor Cheng increased the number of exempted
disciples to 3,000 to match the number of Confucius disciples, but a year
or so later rescinded this order (Ibid.). This number, 1,000 disciples, does
not mean that there were necessarily that many disciples at any one time;
it was merely the upper limit to their number.
Yearly in the Imperial University, the students were examined. The
forty who were classed in the first rank became gentlemen-of-the-palace
(lang-chung), from which position the Emperor might appoint them to a
substantial position in the bureaucracy. The twenty of the second rank
became members of the suite of the heir apparent (), thus
possibly being advanced by him, especially after he came to the throne.
The forty in the third rank were given vacancies as literary scholars and
authorities upon ancient matters ( Hspc 88.6b). If there was a
person of accomplished talents of an usual degree (), his name
was reported to the throne. If any disciples did not study, so that they were
unable to comprehend even one classic, they were dismissed and
punished (Hspc 88.5a; in 124 BC., Chang Tang-ch, Marquis of
Shan-yang, was punished because, as Grand Minister of Ceremonies, he
had selected unworthy persons to be disciples of the erudits. Hspc 17.4a;
Hs 19B.17a. He was dismissed from his marquisate and his position and
(Hspc 88.25b, 26a.) Hs 99A.23b states that Wang Mang established five
erudits for each classic, including the newly accepted Classic of Music.
Wang Mangs exaltation of these books helped to prevent their
acceptance in the Later Han period.
In the period 25-29 A.D. Emperor Kuang-wu of the Later Han dynasty
increased the number of erudits to fourteen, and HHs T. 25.2a-b and
HHsCC M.69A.1a enumerate their specialities as follows: four erudits for
the Book of Changes, namely those teaching the interpretations of Shih
Chou, of Meng Hsi, of Liang-chiu Ho and of Ching Fang; three for the
Book of History, namely those for the interpretations of Ou-yang Ho-po,
Hsia-hou Sheng and Hsia-hou Chien; three for the Book of Odes, for the
interpretations of the Lu, Chi, and Han texts of that work (the Mao text,
which is the present one, was not accepted as canonical until later); two for
the Book of Rites, namely the interpretations of the I-li by Tai Te and Tai
Sheng and for the Spring and Autumn Annals with the Kung-yang
Commentary, namely the interpretations of Chuang Peng-tsu and Yen
An-lo (HHsCC M.69B states that there was also an erudit appointed to
teach Cheng_-pos interpretation of the Rites). (On these erudits, see
also Hspc 88.7b-22b). At the Confucian council of A.D. 79 in the White
Tiger Lodge, Emperor Chang ordered that the ancient text of the Book of
History, the Mao text of the Book of Odes, the Ku-liang and Tso-chuan
Commentaries to the Spring and Autumn Annals should be taught, but
erudits were not established for them (HHsCC M.69A.2a; Ibid., 69B.8a,
however, states that an erudit was established for the Ku-liang
Commentary.) The whole question of erudits for these various texts
involves the Old Text-New Text Controversy and its political implications.
During the time of Emperor Kuang-wu, at the urging of Cheng Hsing
and Chen Hsan, Li Feng was made an erudit for the Tso-chuan but there
was opposition and after Li Fengs death this office was not again filled
(HHsCC M.69B.15a). A stele to Kao Piao, prefect of Wai-huan, however,
states that Emperor Huan (147-167) made Hung Kuo an erudit for the
Tso-chuan, which office was later done away with. (Hui Tung in HHsCC M.
69B.15a)
For other mentions of the erudits, cf. HHs A.2.1b; A.3.6a; A.4.8b;
A.7.2a; M.17.10a-b; M.15.6b; M.29.14a; M.25.7a; M.38.2b; M.31.19a;
M.38.15b; M.38.4a; M.52.12a; M.26.7a; M.54.4a-b, 12a; M.69A.la, 2a, 3b,
5a, 6a-b, 7b, 8a-b, 9a-b, 11a, 14b; 69B.la-b, 2a-b, 4a, 5a`b, 6b, 7a, 8a-b,
9b, lla-b, 12a, 15a; M.7I.3a-b, 15a; M.72A.4b, 8b, 10a, 13a-b.
21
22
The superintendent of the imperial household was one of the nine high
ministers. HHs T. 25.4a says, The single superintendent of the imperial
house-hold and high minister (kuang-lu-hsn ching) [was ranked at] fully
two thousand piculs. [Ssu-ma Piaos] original note says, He had charge of
those who acted as guards at the gates and doors of the palace halls. He
directed the internuncios and gentlemen of the offices, and in their turn,
posted them as spear-bearers () to act as guards at the gates and
doors. He investigated their virtue and conduct and accordingly promoted
or demoted them. At the suburban sacrifices [to Heaven and Earth] and at
other sacrifices he had charge of making the three offerings. He had one
assistant, who ranked as equivalent to 1000 piculs.
In 43 B.C., Emperor Yan directed that the superintendent of the
imperial household should yearly examine and rank the gentlemen and
[imperial] retinue according to, the [four qualities] (HFHD, II.317). These
qualities were (1) sincerity and honesty, (2) simplicity and
straightforwardness, (3) humility and yielding to others, and (4)
self-restraint and economy (Ibid., n. 7.5). Since the commonest way of
entering the government bureaucracy was to spend a term as a member of
the imperial retinue, in order that the emperor might have the opportunity
to become acquainted with a prospective appointee, and since the
bureaucracy had grown to such a size that even an industrious emperor
could no longer become acquainted with all of his retinue, it was logical
that the superintendent of the imperial household, who was set over this
retinue, should be asked to rank these persons, in order that the emperor
might know whom he should pay especial attention to. Thus a moral test
was given to prospective bureaucrats, which was subsequent to the
literary test already passed by many of them.
The superintendent of the imperial household yearly held a military review
of the gentlemen and the y-lin guards. (Hs 68.3b). His office was within
the palace (HFHD, I.208). He seems to have been the one of the high
ministers that was closest to the emperor (Hs 77.7a) and was called the
intimate courtier who acted as the imperial guard (; Hs 66.11a sub
Yang Yn). From the time of Emperors Chao and Hsan, for the most part
a general concurrently occupied the post of superintendent of the imperial
household. For example, Chang An-shih held this post while general of the
right; Fan Ming-yu was general who crossed the Liao River; Hsiao
Wang-chih, Feng Feng-shih and Hsin Ching-chi were also generals.
3
The gentlemen constituted the bulk of the Han imperial court. They seem
generally to have been scions of well-to-do families who entered the court
to wait upon the emperor with the expectation that, as he became
acquainted with them he would appoint them to a vacancy in the
bureaucracy. While they were gentlemen, their expenses might be very
heavy.
In general, during Han times, there were three ways of entering the
bureaucracy: (1) by becoming a gentleman of the court; (2) by entering
the service of some provincial, departmental or royal administrator, and
being recommended by this official to the imperial court, either directly for
office or being sent to the imperial court where this person would be given
an examination whereupon he might be made a gentleman of the imperial
court or might be directly appointed to office. Ptsc 79.2a quotes the HcI to
the effect that in 140 B.C. Emperor Wu ordered the departments and
kingdoms each to recommend one person who was filial and incorrupt, who
was to come to the office of the grandee secretary (with the assistant
governors who brought the yearly accounts), and was to be given an
examination whereupon he might be installed as a
gentleman-of-the-palace. In this manner Wang Chi (Hspc 72.3b) and
Ching Fang (Ibid., 75.5b) received their first positions. (3) A third method
was by receiving a special imperial summons. Wei Wan attracted the
attention of Emperor Wen by his skill in juggling wheels and was made a
gentleman (Hspc 46.6a). Various literary men attracted the imperial
attention by presenting to the court their poems or other writings, and were
made gentlemen (Hspc 43.12a; 64A.19a). After the Imperial University was
established by Emperor Wu, its operation was integrated into the former
system. Its students were persons who had been recommended by
provincial and local officials to the imperial court. The candidate was sent
by them to the capital along with the assistant governor who brought the
yearly reports from the departments. Thereupon, the candidate entered
the Imperial University, studied, and, at the proper time, sat for the
examinations. If he ranked in the first grade, he was made a gentleman.
The second grade became members of the suite (an equivalent status) to
the imperial heir-apparent, while the third grade was apportioned among
the various offices as subordinates. These positions might later lead this
person to be recommended by his superior to be a gentleman, or to
appointment in a substantial post. Since, however, only, forty of the
Universitys graduates were made gentlemen in each year, and since the
gentlemen numbered thousands, the University, while providing a constant
supply of gentlemen, yet could not compete in numbers with other means
of entering the ranks of the gentlemen. When, however, an emperor came
to select from among his large number of gentlemen persons to appoint to
office, Confucian emperors were likely to favor graduates from the
University, especially when a Confucian Superintendent of the Imperial
Household was likely to recommend such graduates as possessing the
four virtues, so that the influence of the University upon the bureaucracy
was greater than upon the ranks of the gentlemen. The position of
gentleman was the most important means of entering the Han
bureaucracy.
At first, entrance to the ranks of gentlemen was open only to those
who had wealth, on the principle that persons who had wealth would not be
covetous for more. All persons had to pay a poll-tax (suan ) of 127 cash
on every 10,000 cash worth of their property. To become a gentleman, a
person had to have property sufficient to pay ten poll-taxes, i.e., 100,000
cash worth (HFHD, I.329 & n. 9.9). This amount was equivalent to the
property of a family of medium means (Ibid., I, 272). Persons with greater
property than the minimum were placed in the higher ranks of gentlemen.
Those whose property amounted to 500,000 cash were made regularly
attending gentlemen (); they regularly waited upon the emperor
(from a Han note to Hs 60.la.).
There were additional requirements. They had to be incorrupt.
Merchants, sons or grandsons of merchants were not allowed to become
gentlemen (HFHD, I.331). Persons whose homes were in vassal kingdoms
were not permitted to become gentlemen in the imperial court (Hspc
72.16a; in this passage, to be on guard and receive a vacancy as an
official means to become a gentleman). The reason seems to have been
that the vassal kings maintained their own courts and opportunities to
become gentlemen in these courts were available to persons from these
kingdoms. They seem also to have been expected to be loyal to their own
kings, so could not be trusted entirely in the imperial service. There may
also have been a further unofficial restriction to the effect that gentlemen
must be sons of good families (liang-chia-tzu ). Good families
were those who were not physicians, shamans, pedlars, merchants, or
artisans (Ju Shun in a note to Skk 109.2). In 142 B.C.. Emperor Ching
reduced the amount of property required of a gentleman to 40,000 cash,
in order to admit incorrupt persons of lesser means (HFHD, I.331).
A natural consequence of the monetary requirement for becoming a
gentleman was that this position came to be looked upon as a valuable
perquisite. About 127 B.C., Emperor Wu was in financial difficulties
because of his continual military expeditions and also needed recruits for
his armies. He solicited people to present to the court male and female
slaves, promising to exempt the persons making these presents from taxes
and make them gentlemen and gave them high rank. At this time there
began the practice of becoming a gentleman by paying sheep to the
government (Hspc 24B.7b, 8a). In 15 B.C., Emperor Cheng enacted that
persons who had contributed 300,000 cash towards the relief of the poor
in a famine should be made gentlemen, if they had been commoners
(HFHD, II.404), and in A.D. 20, when Wang Mang needed money to build
his ancestral temples. he offered the post of gentleman to anyone who
would pay 600 hu of grain, adding that they would be given substantial
positions thereafter (Hs 99C.11a). There are then grounds for suspecting
that the position of gentleman was attainable by monetary means. This
practice does not quite constitute selling of government positions for
gentlemen were not necessarily appointed to office, but it comes very
close to such a practice.
Distinguished service in the army seems also to have been a means
of entering the ranks of the gentlemen. Sons of good families who
distinguished themselves in battle became gentlemen (Skk 190.2). A
member of the y-lin guard who distinguished himself might also be made
a gentleman (Hspc 70.5a). Merely being the descendant of someone who
had distinguished himself in the wars at the end of the Chou period was
sometimes enough (Hspc 79.1b).
There was a marked tendency for substantial official positions to be
continued in the families of those who had been high officials. Towards the
beginning of Emperor Wus reign Tung Chung-shu declared, Most of the
substantial officials (i. e. , governors of departments, prefects or chiefs of
counties, etc.) had come from the ranks of the gentlemen-of-the-palace or
palace gentlemen or were sons, nephews, or brothers of officials ranking
at 2000 piculs, while gentlemen and officials were selected from among
those who had wealth and property, who were not necessarily capable.
(Hspc 56.12a-b). There was a provision that officials ranking at 2000
piculs or above, who have attended to [government] affairs for three full
years, are permitted to obtain the position of gentleman for one of [their
brothers] of half-brothers of the same father [or for this persons sons], or
for a son. (Hyc quoted in a note to Hspc 11.3a; confirmed by a statement
by Wang Chi about 70 B.C.; Hs 72.8a). Thus the children, brothers, and
nephews of high officials could enter the bureaucracy, which accordingly
tended to be monopolized by certain families.
In 7 B.C. , Emperor Ai did away with this privilege. Since Tung
Chung-shu had attacked it, when Confucianism came into power, his
authority was so great with Confucians that they did away with the privilege.
At this time, the children of officials were probably attending schools and
found a freer entrance into the bureaucracy though learning.
The point of this privilege was that, even before the establishment of
the Imperial University, there was a selection made among persons who
would become gentlemen (Hs 24B.8a), and that this privilege was a means
of being admitted to the ranks of the gentlemen without undergoing this
selection.
Hs 25.4b states, In general, the offices of the gentlemen had charge
of those who were performing their periodic military service. They served
as spear-bearers and acted as guards at the gates to the various [palace]
halls. When [the emperor] went out, they had the duty of [being in charge
of the accompanying] chariots and being [escorting] horsemen. Only the
gentlemen-consultants did not have this duty.
5
The chi-men guard (the title means Attendants at the Gates as they
waited at the gates in order to escort the emperor), later entitled the
gentlemen-as-rapid-as-tigers was the higher ranking of the two elite corps
at the capital. They were posted about the throne at court assemblages
and guarded the emperor as well as forming part of his cortege (HHs T
25.5a-b). This guard was composed of palace attendants, regular palace
attendants, cavalry, and expectant appointees who were sons of good
families and able in riding and shooting (Hktw 2.6a, b).
7
The y-lin guard was the second of the elite corps. HHs M.25.5b, 6a says,
The Yu-lin gentlemen [ranked as] equivalent to 300 piculs. [Ssu-ma
Piaos ] original note says, They had no fixed number. Their duty was to
be on guard, to attend, and to accompany. People of good families from
the six departments of Han-yang, Lung-hsi, An-ting, Pei-ti, Shang, and
Hsi-ho were selected for vacancies [in this corps]. Originally, Emperor Wu
had, them accompanying him in hunting because they were skilled in
horsemanship. When they returned they were put on guard in the rooms of
the cave-[like places] below the steps [to the throne] in the [palace] hall.
Hence they were called the cave gentlemen.'
8
HHs T. 25.7a adds, There was no fixed number [for them], and Li Hsien
quotes one of the works on the Han bureaucracy stating that there were
thirty-six of them. They might be sent on missions outside the boundaries
of China (Lu Chia, in this capacity was sent to the state of Nan-yueh, Hs
43.7a, 9a) or to inspect the conditions of the country (Hs 77.2a). When
marquises died, they were sent to supervise the funeral and invest the heir
to the marquisate (HFHD, I.319). Erudits (Hs 48.1b) or attendant
The title of palace grandee was ancient. The LSCC 17.12a (Wilhelms
trans. p. 278) notes that in {the Fifth Century} B.C. Viscount Hsiang of
Chao made Tan Hs-chi a Palace Grandee. In place of palace grandees
(for whom there were substituted the much higher ranking imperial
household grandees). HHs T. 25.7a lists
palace-grandees-without-specified appointment (chung-san-ta-fu)
[ranking] 600 piculs. [Ssu-ma Piaos] original note says, They had no fixed
number. These officials seem to have first been appointed by Wang Mang
(Hspc 78.14b, 99C.13b). Li Hsien quotes one of the works on the Han
bureaucracy that There were thirty-six [of them] and they ranked at
equivalent to 2000 piculs.
10
monthly 12,000 cash (Hspc 72.12a). This official was not given an official
seal or cord (Hs 19A.16b).
13
For the gentlemen-consultants, cf. note 3 and the last part of note 4.
They were ranked at 600 piculs. They had no fixed number (HHs M.25.7a).
14
The marshal of the palace-gentlemen for all five offices controlled the
first of the three offices () of gentleman. HHs M.25.4b says [There
was] one marshal of the palace gentlemen for all five offices, ranking at
equivalent to 2000 piculs. [Ssu-ma Piaos] original note says, He had
charge of the gentlemen for all the offices. [There were] palace-gentlemen
for all the offices (), [ranking at] equivalent to 600 piculs. [Ssu-ma
Piaos] original note says, They had no fixed number. [There were]
gentlemen-in-attendance for all the offices (] [ ranking at] equivalent
to 400 piculs. [ Ssu-ma Piaos ] original note says, They had no fixed
number.' [There were] gentlemen-of-the-palace for all the offices (
) [ranking at) equivalent to 300 piculs. [Ssu-ma Piaos] original note says,
They had no fixed number.
Nowhere is there any explanation for the term , which we have
translated as the five offices {or all the offices}. Consequently its
meaning is uncertain. It may denote the five ministers and their ministries
in the Chou court (LCCS 5.la. Legges trans. I.110 = Couvreurs trans.
I.89), all the offices, the five elements, the five great powers: Heaven,
Earth, the gods, the people, and living creatures, or the five senses. We
have taken it here in the second sense, as denoting gentlemen of the
court able to serve in any of the offices of the bureaucracy.
18
The general of the palace-gentlemen at the gates on the left and on the
right had charge of the gentlemen guarding the gates on the left and on
the right. (Hs 77.la; Han-chiu-i quoted by Yen Shih-ku in a note to Hs
19A.5b). The Later Han dynasty abolished this office. (HHs M.25.8a)
22
Notes
1
The commandant of the guard had charge of the body of troops stationed
inside the Wei-yang Palace, where the emperor dwelt. He was one of the
nine high ministers (HHs T. 25.8b). These troops constituted a garrison
The Prefect of the palace grandees was also a Chin title. It was not
however, used for the commandant of the guard, because the same
passage mentions both these officials (Sc 6.5a = Mh II.111).
3
The major in charge of public carriages had charge of the majors gates
and those of the [Palace] halls. By night, [his men] patrolled inside the
palace. When [from anywhere in] the empire memorials were sent up to the
throne and they arrived at the [palace] portal, or when anyone was
summoned [to the palace], the major in charge of public carriages had
general authority over them. (Han-chiu-i quoted by Yen Shi-ku) Those
who presented memorials to the throne awaited a reply at this majors
office (Hs 64A.11b). Those who presented memorials and were given
promise of an office became expectant appointees () and waited an
imperial summons at this majors office, where they received a small
honorarium (Hs 65.1b). Tung Fang-shuo was given a sack of grain and
240 cash (Hs 65.2a). Those who went in or out of the gates to the Hall or to
the Majors gates all got down from their horses or chariots. If any did not
do so, the major impeached them and they were fined four taels of gold (Ju
Shuns note to Hs 50.2a). Persons who needed to enter the Hall were
registered with the majors, and only those who were registered were
allowed to enter. HFHD, II.316, cf. also n. 6.91
The guards were conscripts, serving a year at the imperial palace. Such
guards were also established at each of the palaces, at the imperial
temples and tombs, and in transport and post service (HFHD, II.30, 309).
For an account of ancient Chinese conscript service, cf. HFHD, I.80, n. 2;
II.176-77. Within the Palace there were eight encampments, two on each
side of the palace (Yen Shi-ku, in a note to Hs 9.7a). The prefect of the
guards (), his three assistants (), and the twenty-two captains
of the encamped guard () and majors of the encamped guard (
) were the officers of this Wei-yang Palace guard.
5
The Chang-lo Palace was the one occupied by the empresses dowager,
beginning with the Empress Dowager ne L of Emperor Kao. A
commandant of the guard was first established there in the time of
Emperor Wu and this office was filled when the Palace was occupied
(Chien Ta-hsin). This palace was sometimes called the eastern palace
and the empress dowagers court was called the eastern court (),
since the Chang-lo Palace was east of the Wei-yang Palace. The latter
was called the western palace (), with the western court (Hs 52.9b).
7
About it was the Kan chan Park, 540 li in circuit. (Sfht 2.5a-6a) cf. also
XIV Ba, 21 & n. 16)
Notes
1
According to Ying Shao, during the time of Chou there already existed an
office of the same name. He was the chief of all the royal domestics. In
early Han the grand keeper of equipages was the fourth of the nine high
ministers. The third, commandant of the guard, will be found in XV. This
ministry had charge of the rearing and use of horses. Since cavalry was
absolutely essential for defense against the greatest enemy, the
Hsiung-nu, the Han rulers considered horses highly important, both for war
and for display, taxed the people for horses and compelled them to rear
horses. Tai-pu means literally, the grand lackey. Wang Mang called it
the grand driver (). When the Emperor went out, the grand keeper of
equipages memorialized what chariots should be used, together with the
order of precedence in the imperial cortege. When the Emperor rode in his
chariot of state, the grand keeper of equipages drove (HHs T. 25, 10a).
2
The chariots of state and other imperial equipment were kept at the
The Stable for Riding Horses () was located outside the city-wall of
Chang-an (Sfht 6.2b ) .
8
Clcs 33.4b = Biot, TL II.261 declares, A horse eight feet or more [tall] is
called a dragon, so that dragon-horse here means merely a tall
horse. Eight feet, by Han measure would be 18 hands, but the Chou foot
was shorter than the Han foot. Sixteen hands high is quite a tall horse, but
that measurement is made to the top of the withers; if in Han times horses
were measured to the top of the neck, 18 hands would be quite possible.
Shen Chin-han remarks that Hs 68.21a, Hspc: 19a [Chin Mi-ti]
states that Chin Mi-ti was made superintendent of horses and that Sfht
6:2b mentions a Ferghana Stables outside of Chang-an. He
accordingly suggests that the Ferghana Stables were possibly the Stables
for Tall Horses. (Hssc 4.46a)
10
12
Ju Shun glosses, The tao-tu were wild horses- The Erh-ya (EYCS
10.11b) also says, The tao-tu horses are wild horses. The Tzu-lin (by Lu
Shen IV cent.), is quoted by Hsing Ping (932-1010), They are fine horses
of the northern Ti barbarians. SHc 8B.45b has, however, mythologized
them, In the Northern Sea [Lake Baikal] there are animals, in shape like
horses. Their name is tao-tu, and Hs Kuang, in a note to Sc 50.1b says,
They (the tao-tu) are like horses, but dark grey . Cf. also W. Eberhard,
Lokalkulturen in Alten China, p. 235. Sfht 6.2b says, The Stables for Wild
Horses were all outside the city-wall of Chang-an.
13
Ju Shun glosses, They had charge of mares that give milk. They made
double bags of leather which. would hold several tou to contain the mares
milk. Tung is to take from [the mares], nipples above [the bag], hence
the office was named the mare milker . Hs 22.29b states the imperial
chancellor, Kung Kuang memorialized that the office of music should be
reduced by seventy-two persons to prepare the wine from milking mares
for the grand provisioner. At present in Liang Province (present southern
Shensi) kumyss is likewise called mares wine .
Notes
1
The commandant of justice was the fifth of the nine high ministers
(XIV Bb, xi; HHs T. 25.11a). His office served as a high court. When a
noble, a minister or other official or member of the imperial court was
accused of crime, usually in a memorial to the throne, the memorial was
referred to the commandant of justice. He investigated the case and
memorialized the throne, setting forth the facts and recommending a
sentence. The throne then approved or disapproved, or sometimes
changed the sentence. (Hs 59.la-3a) Cases in which common people were
involved were decided by the officials of the local county or march. If they
note). For details concerning the Left and Right Superintendent and the
Referee see Tung tien 25.152b and Hssc 4.48b. That Chavannes
considers the Judge to be the highest official in the office of the
Commandant of Justice (Chavannes Mh II, 518) shows that he has not
understood the institution correctly.
Notes
1
The Man were barbarians who lived at that time in modern Szechwan,
Hupei, and Hunan. The I included the barbarian peoples who lived at that
time in present Yun-nan, Kuei-chou, etc. For details, see Sc 116; Hs 95;
and HHs 86. According to Y Shih-nan, this office was also in charge of
affairs concerning the northern barbarians.
2
Ying Shao interprets the term ta-hung-lu as meaning with loud voice to
announce the order of the ceremonies performed in the ancestral temples
or on the occasion of receiving guests. Wei Chao, quoted by Wang
Hsien-chien, says that the word hung () means great and the word lu
() means to arrange the order. It means that the official was to
announce the great ceremony to the guests (Ptsc 54.9a).
The grand herald () was the sixth of the nine high ministers.
He had charge of court ceremonials, hence was naturally in charge of
receiving barbarian princes who came to pay court to the Chinese emperor
and of their enfeoffment, of enfeoffments of Chinese kings and nobles, the
order of precedence in court ceremonies, the ceremonies at the worship of
Heaven and Earth, the investiture and funeral ceremonies for kings, and
the control and government of the nobles. When the officials from the
departments and kingdoms came to present their annual reports, these
officials were under the charge of the grand herald, hence his
subordinates had charge of the lodges at the capital for these officials. He
also had charge of the interpreters for various languages. (Hktw 3.la; Ptsc
54.9b; Tung tien 26.153a; CYHs 5.8b)
The changes in the title of this minister were probably brought about
by his increasing importance as the nobility became larger in number and
as relations with foreign tribes became more important, also because of
the desire to distinguish the imperial minister from those in kingly courts (cf.
XIV Ba, xxvii & n. 26).
4
The office for interpreting had charge of foreigners who came to the
imperial court and of interpreting for them. Originally there was a prefect of
the nine interpreters () subordinate to the director of subordinate
states (XIV B, xvii, & n. 4), which bureau was abolished and its duties given
to the office of the grand herald in 28 B.C.
6
The office for the fresh fire had charge of lighting a fresh fire for the
state five times a year, by the use of the fire drill. In Han times a concave
mirror was also used for this purpose, but I find no evidence for its use in
this ceremony. This practice is mentioned in Analects XVII, xxi, 3, The
changings of the fire by means of the fire-drill are completed in a year. Ma
Jung (79-166 A.D.) comments (Lycc 17.5a), In the spring, [this official]
takes fire of elm and willow [wood], in the summer he takes fire of jujube
and apricot [wood], in the last month of {summer} he takes fire of mulberry
and silkworm thorn [wood], in the autumn he takes fire of Chinese oak and
yu oak, and in the winter he takes fire of Chinese yellow berry and
Dalbergia hupneana. In the course of one year, each time he bores out fire
from a different wood, hence it says, he changes the fire.
The Chou-Ii has a director for making fire (ssu-kuan [Clcs
30.5b-6a = Biot TL II, 195-6]), The director for making fire has charge of
the governmental ordinances for the use of fire. At the four seasons, he
changes the countrys fire, in order to save [the country] from the
banefulnesses of the times. In the last month of spring he takes the fire
outdoors and the common people all follow his [example]. In the last month
of autumn he takes the fire indoors, and the common people do likewise.
At the proper season, he sets forth the ordinances for fire [being set to the
weeds]. Whenever there is a sacrifice, he sacrifices to the originatress of
fire. Whenever in the state a fire is started by burning the weeds in the
wastes, he punishes the perpetrators.
Ju Shun quotes the Hki as listing a prefect for the prison of [the
office of] fresh fire, whose office has charge of matters concerning making
and changing the fire.
7
At the imperial capital there were lodges for the assistant governors of
provinces and chief clerks of kingdoms when they came to present the
yearly accounts. The various kingdoms maintained lodges in the capital for
the use of the kings when they came to the imperial capital to pay court.
These lodges were called ti . CF. HFHD, I.227 (= Hs 4.3b) & n. 1.
Notes
1
kings, marquises and officials, these members of the Liu house were
considered common people. Being commoners, they were ruled, like other
commoners, by the local officials appointed by the central government,
especially the prefects, chiefs, and governors. Yearly, when the
departments and kingdoms sent their reports to the central government,
they reported for the genealogical lists, the names of members of the
imperial house. If any of these members had committed a crime requiring
more than a minor punishment, the local officials were required to report
the circumstances to the superintendent of the imperial house and secure
the imperial permission before the sentence could be carried out (A.D. 1,
Hs 12.3a; XIV Bb, xiii; HHs T. 26.la).
After A.D. 5, membership in the imperial house was confined to those
descended from the Grand Emperor, Emperor Kaos father (Hs 12, 8a). By
A.D. 5, there were more than 100,000 members of that house (Ibid.).
Members who committed crimes (how serious a crime is not specified) were
dropped from membership in the imperial clan (Hs 12.3a). After a certain
number of generations, distantly related persons also ceased to be
considered members of the imperial clan, but it is nowhere stated just what
degree of relationship was necessary. (HFHD, II.216 = Hs 8.7b; Hs 12.3a).
Possibly the enactment of A.D. 5 established permanent membership in
the imperial house for all and only those descended from the Grand
Emperor, so that the dropping of those who were distantly related was
ended at this time.
The superintendent of the imperial house was always a member of
that house himself. He established the order of precedence among
members of this clan. He was ranked at fully 2000 piculs. (HHs T. 26, la).
2
The change in this title was made by Wang Mang, for reasons similar to
those for his other changes.
3
48.23a).
4
The capital office of the interior had charge of the princesses. There
were imperial princesses who were daughters of the emperor, and
royal princesses , who were daughters of vassal kings. This office
had a prison (Hs 65.7b, 8a).
The standards of {measure} were preserved in this office (Hspc
21A.I7a).
5
Cf. The text on the Grand Minister of Ceremonies and note 22.
Notes
1
The two assistants to the grand minister of agriculture had charge of the
government monopoly of iron and salt production and manufacture. This
business was monopolized by the Han government in 110 B.C., at the
suggestion of Sang Hung-yang, who proposed the establishment of
several dozen assistants for the regional divisions of the empire ()
to have charge of this business in the departments and kingdoms (Hs
24B.17a-b), and in 86 B.C., thirteen such divisional assistants were
appointed, one for each of the thirteen provinces of the empire. They were
to manage the salt and iron monopolies and the tax payments and
nominally to encourage agriculture and sericulture (Hs 12.4a.).
In the Former Han empire, there were 35 offices for salt ()
mentioned in Hs ch. 28, and 46 offices for iron () also mentioned in
that list. In 98 B.C. alcoholic liquors were also monopolized by the
government, but in 81 B.C., upon the complaint of the people against
these monopolies, this latter monopoly was given up and a tax imposed
upon those who manufactured and sold liquor.
4
These changes in the title seem to have been mostly for literary purposes.
Since the last title was maintained for more than half the Former Han and
the whole of the Later Han period, it is generally used for this office.
5
The Great Granary was built by Hsiao Ho [in 200 B.C.] and was
outside the city of Chang-an, to the southeast. It had 20 columns.
Emperors Wen and Ching economized [by doing away with its use]. The
grain in the Great Granary was red and spoiled , and could not be
eaten, probably because there were no famines in Kuan-chung for two
centuries. (Sfht 6.2b)
The prefect and assistant at the Great Granary received the grain
transported to the capital from the departments and kingdoms as taxes
(HHs T. 26, 2a). At one time 4,000,000 hu of grain were transported to
Chang-an in this manner, for which purpose 60,000 conscripts were used.
(Hs 24A.13b, 17a)
goods. It was established in 110 B.C. (Mh III, 538, n. 1). The difference
between this office and that of Price, Adjustment and Transportation
(chn-shu) was that the latter was established in the provinces, while the
former was established at the capital. The reason it was established is that
when the taxes in goods were transported to the capital, they did not equal
the cost of transportation. Ssu-ma Chien used the phrase ping-chn as
the title of his treatise on the economic failures of the Han government (Sc
ch. 30, trans. in Mh III, 538-604). The passage translated in the preceding
note (Sc 30, 19a = Mh III, 598 = Hs 24B, 17a, b) continues, [Sang
Hung-yang also begged the throne] to establish an office of price
equalization and standards at the imperial capital, in order that the capital
might receive what was transported from a distance in the whole empire.
[He asked that the throne might] cause the artisans offices (kung-kuan
) [in the various provinces and counties] to make carts and various
[kinds of] containers, all of which should be under the orders and in the
possession of the grand [prefect of] agriculture. The various offices of the
grand [prefect] of agriculture should buy up all the goods in the whole
empirewhen they are expensive, [these offices] should buy them. In this
way, the rich peddlars and great merchants will have no way of making
great profits, so that they will return to the fundamental [occupation,
farming] and all things will not be able to rise [in price] , so that [the
government] will control [the prices of all articles in the country. The name
[of this institution is the office of price] equalization and standardization.
The Son of Heaven considered that [Sang Hung-yang was right and
permitted it [to be done. ] In Ytl 1.4b-5a = Gales trans. pp. 9-11, it is
however said that when the government cornered goods, prices soared
and the officials permitted wicked powerful persons and wealthy peddlers
to store up goods at low prices and sell them at high prices, so that prices
were not equalized.
8
The imperial treasury seems to have been the place where the
money collected as taxes was stored just as the Great Granary was where
the tax grain was stored (Hs 24.6b). Huan Tans (ca. 40 B.C. -ca. A.D. 29)
Hl, 23b, quoted from Tpyl 627.8a says , From the time that the Han
[dynasty] was established the taxes from the people in one year amounted
to more than 4,000,000,000 [cash]. The salaries of officials used up half of
that. The remaining 2,000,000,000 [cash] were stored in the imperial
treasury and became the forbidden [imperial private] money. The gardens
and lands which were cared for by the privy treasurer produced
8,300,000,000 [cash], which was used for the expenses of the palace and
for [imperial] rewards and grants.
9
The sacred field was the ritual field in which the emperor opened the
agricultural season by himself turning several furrows. Cf. HFHD, I. ch. iv,
app. ii, pp. 281-83.
10
We are not told what were the functions of the iron market. Since it was
given merely a chief (chang) and not a prefect (ling), it could not have
been the controlling office for the government iron monopoly. That
monopoly was moreover controlled by an assistant grand minister of
agriculture. In all probability, this iron market was merely a place where the
government sold the iron articles produced in the offices for iron
(tieh-kuan), of which three were not far away: at Cheng in the capital
department, at Hsia-yang in Tso-ping-yi and at Yung in Yu-fu-feng. Cheng
was north of the present Hua in east central Shensi, Hsia-yang
was 20 li south of Han-cheng in eastern Shensi. For Yung, cf. XIV B, v,
n. 10.
12
The departments and kingdoms and counties had their own granaries
where grain was stored against time of famine. Cf. Sc 10.13a; Hs 76.13b.
13
In any department or county ... which had much in the way of water or
lakes together with profits from fishing there was established an office for
water (shui-kuan) to have charge of tranquilizing the water and of
collecting the taxes from fishing. (HHs T.28, l0a) These offices for water in
the Later Han period almost surely had the same functions as the directors
of the waters in the Former Han.
Notes
1
The privy treasurer , had charge of the imperial privy purse and of
providing the imperial robes, personal articles, food, presents and grants
made by the emperor, the upkeep of the imperial palaces, the eunuchs,
and other matters concerning the imperial person. The money in the privy
treasury was called the forbidden [imperial private] money (chin-chien
). cf. below section on Privy Treasury for Later Han; HHs M. 26.12a.) In
the time of Emperor Yan (4833 B.C.) there were 4,000,000,000 cash in
the imperial treasury (tu-nei ), 2,500,000,000 cash with the directors
of the waters () and 1,800,000,000 cash in the privy treasury. (Hs
86.11a)
According to Ying Shao, the word means or small. Thus the
shao fu might be called the Small Treasury. Its difference from the Grand
Minister of Agriculture lies in the fact, as Yen Shih-ku says, that the Grand
Minister of Agriculture was to supply the needs of the army and the state
while the Privy Treasury was to provide for the Emperor.
In Ying Shaos words, the needs of the state were the large
expenses, which must be financed by the Minister of Agriculture while the
house-keeping of the emperor was the small expenses which must be
met with by the Privy Treasury. (Quoted by Yu Shih-nan, Ptsc 54.5a)
The distinction between the Grand Minister of Agriculture and the
Privy Treasury was first mentioned by Ssu-ma Chien (Sc 30.1b-2a) and
later repeated by Pan Ku Hs 77.15b-16a). It has also been frequently
heeded by the outstanding scholars and statesmen, such as Huan Tan,
Wei Hung, and Ying Shao, of the Later Han dynasty (Hl 23b; Han-chiu-i B.
7b; Hki A.15a-b).
These two offices were different not only in the forms of organization,
but also in their functions as tax-collector and financial supplier. S. Kato
classified the fiscal organizations of the Han into two: the Privy Treasury
() and the Chief Commandant of Waters and Parks () and the
Grand Minister of Agriculture (). The former two were the treasurers
of the emperor, while the third was that of the nation (Kato 18, 160). He
also claims that this distinction between the nations finance and that of the
emperor was characteristic for the fiscal system of the Han dynasty (I. c.).
However, S. Kato speaks of only the principle; in fact the hard and
fast line between the Grand Minister of Agriculture and the Privy Treasury
was sometimes difficult to draw. Readers who look through Section 10
The text reads twelve; Chien Ta-chao (Hspi 9.132) suggests that is
an error for , reading sixteen, which is the number of offices mentioned.
The official ed. has made this emendation.
3
The office of liquors had charge of wine, (XIV Bb, xv, & n.6; HHs
M.26.4a; Hssc 5A.4a). Yen glosses that this office had charge of cakes
and pastries , but in view of Ssu-ma Piaos explicit statement and the
meaning of this title, Yen is almost surely in error. (Cf. XIV Bb, xv, & n. 60)
8
The office for select grain had charge of hulling grain for the
imperial table and of preparing dried provisions for use on journeys.(XIV
Bb, xiv & n. 5, NHS, 26.2b). is used for (Wang Hsien-chien, Hspc
19A.15b)
9
12
The ten ponds in the Shang-lin Park are enumerated in Sfhtsp 4.6b as
The First Pool , the Elk Pond , the Ox-head Pond , the
Wool Grass Pool , the Ground Ivy Pool , the Eastern Diked Pool
, Western Diked Pool , the Pool by the Road , the
Great Tower Pool , and the Gentlemens Pool , The Ox-Head
Pool is inside the western end of the Shang-lin Park. The Wool Grass Pool
produces wool grass, which is used to weave mats. The Western Diked
Pool and the Gentlemens Pool are both south of the ancient city-wall
inside the Shang-lin Park. The Diked [Stream] and the Gentlemens
[Stream] are the names of two streams, which hence became [the names]
of ponds. In the Ground Ivy Pool there is a coral tree, 12 feet tall with one
trunk and three large branches, on which there are 462 twigs. It was
presented by the King of Nan-yueh, Chao To. It is called the beacon-fire
tree, for at night its light constantly glows splendidly. (Cf. XIV Bb, xv, and n.
62)
23
The text reads . The Official ed. has correctly emended to (eight).
24
The gate of the forbidden inner apartments in the imperial palace was
called the Yellow Inner Gate (Tung Pa, in a note to HHs M.26.6a).
Within the Yellow Gate hence denoted the forbidden apartments
of the emperor and harem. It was also called the inner apartments .
The Prefect of the Yellow Gate was a eunuch and he had charge of
the eunuchs in the inner apartments. (XIV Bb, xv, & n. 16; HHs T. 26.6a)
There were however a number of attendant gentlemen at the Yellow Gate
who were not eunuchs and who were also under this prefect. They carried
messages in and out of the inner apartments and acted as ushers at the
court. (HHs T. 26.5a,b).
26
The Prefect of the palace parks had charge of the various ponds,
parks, gardens, and places for picnicking and amusement near the
imperial capital. He was a eunuch. (Cf. HFHD, II.381 & n. 4.2)
27
The Long Lane , later called the Lateral Courts was the
imperial harem. The various grades of imperial concubines, from the
Favorite Beauties on down, all lived in this place. Courtiers and others who
presented their daughters to the throne, sent them to this place, where
they were called Ladies of Good Family . (the title of the lowest
rank of imperial concubines). (Hs 97A.3a, Hs 98.2b) Those whom the
emperor had not seen were called Ladies Awaiting an Imperial Edict in the
Lateral Courts (the same title as expectant appointees to the
bureaucracy. HFHD, II.335). Women who were sentenced for crime and
made government slaves were sent to work in the imperial harem (Hs
74.9b; Hktw 3.12b). Government slaves were selected to serve as writers
and accountants. Those who attended upon the Palace Attendants and
persons of lower rank were called Cerulean-heads and wore cerulean
turbans. They were given to officials for their attendant officers, and
followed them into the Palace Hall. The attendants who carried orders in
the inner palace apartments were all government slave-women. Girls in
their eighth year or over were selected and dressed in green . They
were called palace maids . They were not allowed to go outside the
gates of the inner apartments. Supervisors (chien). were established for
them. The oldest one was called the Slave-woman . The Slave-woman
taught the palace maids how to serve. The masters of writing and the
palace attendants all had government slave-women, but they were not
allowed to have palace maids serving them. If [these palace maids] wished
to ransom themselves, [they paid] a thousand to ten thousand cash, and
they were dismissed and became commoners. In the offices of the
eunuchs and of the gentlemen in the Palace Halls, there were government
slave men and women. (Hcy B:4a = M. Wilbur, Slavery in China, pp.
404-5.) In the Drying House (pu-shih ), which was in the Lateral
Courts, there was a prison for empresses, important ladies and sometimes
even officers of the Imperial court. (XIV Bb, xv, & n. 25; Hs 77. 8a)
30
Chin had this office. He implies that Chin established the shang shu but
not a prefect (HHspc 24.1297) , All available evidence confirms this point.
Because the eunuch was called chung kuan (), or inner
official, offices held by eunuchs were usually prefixed with the word chung
(). This official was also called the Prefect of the Palace Scribe (
) with the word Internuncio () omitted. Hui Tung says that it was an
abbreviation (HHspc 24.1297).
33
by adding one which was the San-kung Department (Hki A.20b and HHs
1A.13b and note) is in full agreement with our assumption.
According to Tsai Chih, quoted by Liu Chao, the Master of Writing of
the Department of Regular Attendants was in charge of affairs concerning
the Regular Attendants (), the Yellow Gate ( see note 25 above)
and the Grandee Secretary ( see section XIV Ba, 3 above). Wei Hung,
quoted by Yen Shih-ku, records that it took charge of the affairs
concerning the Imperial Chancellor ( see section XIV Ba, 1) and the
Grandee Secretary (Note to Hs 10.5a. Ying Shao records the same, cf.
note to HHs IA.13b). Liu Chao notes that it was called the Department of
Civil Service in Later Han.
Wei Hung, quoted by Liu Chao, gives a certain authority who says
that the Master of Writing of the Department for Officials ranking at
two-thousand piculs of the provinces and kingdoms was in charge of the
Provincial inspectors () as well as the two-thousand picul officials (Cf.
note to Hs 10.5a. Ying Shao records the same in a note to HHs 1A.13b).
According to Tsai Chih quoted by Liu Chao, the Master of Writing of
the Department of Civil Affairs was in charge of the construction and repair
of buildings and other things and took charge of matters concerning parks
and banditry. Wei Hung, quoted by Yen Shih-ku, states that it was in
charge of the affairs concerning the presentation of memorials by
common people (. Cf. note to HHs 1A.13b-14a).
By virtue of the growth in power of the Master of Writing, Hsiao Wang-chih
in 47 B.C. described it as the foundation of all the offices and the
controlling center of the state. (Hs 93.5a). When Shih Hsien held the
position of Prefect of the Master of Writing () in 47-33 B.C., he was
so powerful that he reported and decided every political matter, small or
big, (Hs 93.4b) and called his own position the post of controlling power.
(Hs 93.6b)
Hs 19A.9b
Notes
1
The commandant of the capital , after 104 B.C. entitled the bearer of
the gilded mace controlled the very large Northern Army
stationed in an encampment north of Chang-an, together with the troops
in the three capital departments outside the palaces. He had charge of
police patrols in the capital outside the palaces and took precautions
against disturbances and floods and fires. Each month he
circumambulated the palaces three times (XIV Bb, xvi; HHs T. 27.la). He
controlled lawless powerful persons in the capital (Hs 90.2b, 3b) and
handled the cases of important personages (Hs 47.6b; 53.3a). When he
went out he was accompanied by 600 horsemen and 6200 footmen (Hcy,
quoted in Ptsc 54.2b [ HKDW 4.la] ), so that his chariots, horse, and
attendants thronged the highways and streets (Li Hsien, quoting a Han
work on the bureaucracy, in a note to HHs T. 27.1b).
The commandant of the capital controlled the Han standing army,
the Northern Army. Hu San-hsing however asserted that the Northern
Army was under the control of the Colonel of the Capital Encampments (Cf.
XIV B xxiv, & n. 2 for more details concerning this army), but Wang
Hsien-chien (quoted in HFHD, I.206, n. 4) has refuted this assertion. The
Colonel of the Capital Encampments is specifically said to have had
charge of the inner and outer gates of the Northern Armys encampments,
so that the capital encampment (i.e. the Northern Army) is here placed as
a subordinate to the commandant of the capital, so that the Northern Army
was plainly under that commandant. (Cf. Hktw 4, lb-3b). The name,
Northern Army, came from the fact that the Northern Portal was the main
gate of the Wei-yang Palace (Yen Shi-ku in a note to Hs 1B.10b, 11a), and
the commandant of the capital encamped outside of it, north of the Palace.
The army inside the Palace was then naturally called the Southern Army
(Cf. XIV Ba 8, n.1).
The Northern Army was quite large. In 196 B.C., Emperor Kao
mobilized 30,000 soldiers belonging to the commandant of the capital
(HFHD, I.135). In 109 B.C., when Emperor Wu needed men to build the
Tower Communicating with Heaven, Wang Wen-shu sought out those men
who had escaped doing military service with the commandant of the capital
and secured several ten thousand men (Hs 90.9b [Hspc 90.9b). It must
then have been composed chiefly of conscripts. It was control of this army
which enabled the conspirators to destroy the L clan (HFHD, I.206).
2
The capital encampment was that occupied by the Northern Army (cf.
n.1). This title probably comes from the military system attributed to
Ssu-ma Jan-tsu, the famous strategist and minister of war of Duke Ching of
Chi (547-490 B.C.). Tu Yu preserves a passage from his work on military
science. According to this passage, an army during Chun-chiu and
Chan-kuo times was composed of 250 battalions, or 18,250 soldiers. Of
these soldiers, 3,750 or 75 batallions made up the center rampart ()
which was established on an area of more than 300 mou and in which the
commander-in-chief of the army stayed. The rest were divided into eight
regiments (Tung tien 148.776a-b). Thus, the chung-lei was the center of
an encampment of an army. But to what degree the Han system resembled
this is difficult to say.
Shen Chin-han says that the Tu-chuan was the boat manufacturing
office (Hssc 5A.12a). But Ju Shun takes it as an office of water
conservancy. Because the group of officers to which the tu-chuan
belonged were all military organs, it is logical to consider Shens
interpretation as better suited to the present text.
7
The ministers referred to were the nine high ministers (ching; cf. XIV Ba 6,
n.l), together with the bearer of the gilded mace: namely, the grand
minister of ceremonies (XIV Ba, 6), the superintendent of the imperial
household (XIV Ba, 7), the commandant of the guard (XIV Ba, 8), the grand
keeper of equipages (XIV Ba, 9) the commandant of justice (XIV Ba, 10),
the minister of reception (XIV Ba, 11). the superintendent of the imperial
house (XIV Ba, 12), the grand minister of agriculture (XIV Ba, 13), and the
privy treasurer (XIV Ba, 14). The bearer of the gilded mace was not one of
the nine high ministers, but was included among those ranking at fully
2000 piculs because of his importance as controlling the dominating army.
Officials ranking at fully two thousand piculs received, in
Later Han times, 180 hu of grain per month, i.e., 2160 hu per year (the hu
and the picul were rougHly identical, the first being a measure of capacity
and the other one of weight). Those ranking at one thousand piculs
received 80 hu of grain per month, i.e., 960 hu per year. (HHs T.28.16b).
Yang Chung (f1. 76-90) memorialized the throne, saying, (HHs M.38.4b),
According to the rites and institutions when the son of the lord of men is in
his eighth year, a junior tutor is established for him to teach him writing and
accounting, in order to open up his understanding. When he is in his
fifteenth year, a grand tutor is established, to teach him the Classics, in
order to direct his will.
3
The phrase palace bodyguard is not in the present text but only
its last two words. But Ying Shao glosses, Their fixed number was five and
they were ranked at 600 piculs, which statement corresponds to the
number and rank of the heir-apparents palace bodyguard in XIV Bb, xix,
par, 11 = HHs T. 27.5a, while Hcy B.3a says, His palace bodyguard
numbered five. Their duties were like those of the attendants within the
palace (shih-chung) [in the imperial court]. (Cf. Hs 19A.13b) They ranked
at 600 piculs. The bodyguard and members the suite numbered 400.
[Their duties] were like those of the palace gentlemen [in the imperial
court]. (Cf. XIV Ba, 7, & n. 4) Those ranked at 200 piculs had no fixed
number and might be as many as 400 persons. Ying Shaos text must
accordingly have read chung-shu-tzu, and not as the present text does,
shu-tzu. The heir-apparents palace bodyguard is mentioned in Hs
19B.17a; 68.24a; 79.7b; 82.la, 6a; 88.11b. Hence chung must have
dropped out before shu-tzu, whereupon a second shu-tzu was dropped
out as a repetition, thus producing the present text. (Chien Ta-chao, in
HSPY 9, 5b). Wang Hsien-chien approves this fine emendation, which we
accept and translate accordingly.
5
Chang Yen glosses, The outriders had a fixed number of 16. Their rank
was the same as that of the internuncios (yeh-che) [in the imperial court].
(Cf. XIVb, B, vi, &n.4) Ju Shun adds, They ride ahead.Kuo-y [20:2b] says,
Kou-chien in person became the outrider of Fu-chai [King of Wu]. (Ju
Shun reads , which he says is probably . The present text of
theKuo-y however reads , which Wu Chao explains, He gallops
ahead in front of the horse.) When the heir-apparent went out of the
palace, the outriders went ahead on the road leading in a majestic manner
(HHs T. 27.5b).
7
b).
Notes
1
The imperial court architect (), later called the grand court
architect, () was in charge of building the imperial ancestral
temples, the imperial palaces and residences, and the imperial tombs and
funerary parks. These buildings were mostly of wood; hence the emphasis
upon large timbers (HHs T. 27.6a). In the next year after an emperor
ascended the throne, the grand court architect began constructing the
emperors tomb, including the tumulus, and its park, with places for the
tombs of the empress, and imperial concubines (quoted in HHs T. 6.5a).
2
The managers had charge of the convict workmen at the various parts
of the imperial tomb. (XIV Bb, xx, par. 2, 3 = HHs T. 27.5b)
4
Yen glosses, They were in charge of all the large trees . The Han
emperors planted trees along the roads (Hu Kuang quoted by Li
Hsien in a note to HHs T. 27.6a).
Notes
The prefect [of the office of] leader of conscripts was ranked at
1000 piculs. He controlled the establishment in town of the [heir-apparents]
bodyguard [cf. XIV Ba,16, n.4] and the members of his suite [cf. XIV Ba, 16,
n. 7] . Hcy B.3b. Yen mistakenly understands keng to denote the watches
of the night and explains, He had charge of knowing the divisions on the
clepsydra (i.e., of reporting the time). (Cf. XIV Bb, xix, par. 2, & n.2)
3
The prefect of the empresss Long Lane had charge of the palace
maids . (Cf. XIV Ba, 14, n. 29) He was a eunuch. (HHs. T,27.3a)
12
Evidently the heir-apparent and empress shared this granary for in HHs
T. 27.4a, it is placed among the heir-apparents offices.
13
The empresss office for food had charge of food and drink (XIV Bb,
xix, par. 7; HHs T. 27, 4b). Yen glosses that this and the foregoing offices
were those of the empress.
16
The empresss usher was the title used in Chin times and the first part of
Former Han times for the official who performed part of the duty of the later
grand prolonguer of autumn. In Chin times, he was a eunuch. The Han
rulers sometimes appointed a virile man (XIV Bb, xviii, and n. 2). This
official probably acted as an intermediary between the imperial court and
the imperial relatives on the distaff side.
2
We have translated this term in its usual meaning but in view of the tirnes,
it is possible the term is used only to indicate a virile person.
The director of dependent states was the head of a court bureau set up
by the Chln government to deal with non-Chinese groups that had been
conquered. This bureau was continued by the Han rulers. But the Chin
director of guests (), one of the nine high ministers, later called the
grand herald, (cf. XIV Ba, 11 &: n. 2, 3) had charge of the noble barbarians
who surrendered to the Chinese. For his duties cf. XIV Bb, xii, & n. 6.
2
Cf. HFHD, II.62. This date is not that of the surrender, which occurred in
the autumn of 121 B.C., but that of the establishment of these new offices.
The King of Kun-hsieh led a troop of more than 40,000 persons. He
and his four chief subordinates were enfeoffed as marquises, with estates
in central China, while his people were moved to regions beyond the
Barrier in the present Kansu, Ning-hsia, and Sui-yan {Inner Mongolia}.
Consequently new offices had to be appointed to control them.
3
Notes
1
The Shang-lin Park was a huge region, ten li west of the ancient
city of Chang-an. It was more than 300 li square, occupying the two
(Hssc 5a.19b) states that they provided vegetables for the imperial
cuisine.
6
The office for coinage was the office for casting cash (Ju Shun). It
was then the imperial mint and was probably located in the Shang-lin Park.
8
The six stables were probably also located in the Shang-lin Park.
They were also abolished in 31 B.C. (HFHD, II.380). The grand keeper of
equipages controlled many other stables (cf. XIV ba, 9). HcI lists six
stables, but they were all included among those of the grand keeper of
equipages.
10
Clerk (Prefect) of the capital was an ancient title. In Chin times and in Han
times, from 198 to 155 B.C., this title was used. (In 206 B.C. the territory of
this official was the kingdom of Sai ; from the autumn of 206 until 198,
this region was ruled by the governor of the department of Wei-nan ;
cf. Hs 28A.11a.) The prefect of the capital region controlled the local
government of the imperial capital, just as the governors administered
departments.
In the Chou-li (Clcs 26.14a-15a; Biot TL 116-8), the clerk of the
capital is however a court official, who acts as secretary to the king, writing
out edicts and keeping duplicates, performing the same duties as the Han
masters of writing. This retention of a title with a change in the duties is a
common feature of Chinese bureaucratic history. A clerk of the capital is
mentioned in the state of Chao in 403 B.C. ( Sc 43.16a = Mh V.55).
The name of this official, Nei-shih, was applied to the region that he
controlled.
2
In 155 B.C. , the region Nei-shih, was divided into two, and clerks of the
eastern and western parts of the capital were established. The
words left and right are to be understood as denoting the directions
indicated by the position of the emperor on his throne, which faced south.
The present text lacks the word after the . The next sentence
presupposes that this word has been used. This word is found in
quotations of this passage in a note by Chang Shou-chieh to Sc 11.1b, in
Ptsc 7b, 4b, PKLT 76, 37b, and Tpyl 252, la.
In Hs 28A.11a, 11b, 12b, it is said that both the governor-general of
the capital region () and the eastern supporter () were
established in the sixth year of Chien-wu of Emperor Wu (135 B.C.). This
contradicts the statement in our present text. Yen Shih-ku refutes the
statements in Hs 28A and confirms that of the present text. However,
Chien Ta-zhao finds that neither the statement in Hs 28A nor that in our
present text is reliable. According to him, the office of the Eastern Prefect
of the capital () is recorded in the first year of Emperor Ching (156
B.C.) in Hs 19B.4a where it is recorded that Chao Tso was Eastern
Prefect of the Capital in 156 B.C. (Hspi 9.134). Therefore, he assumes
that the establishment of the offices of the Eastern Prefect of the Capital
and the Western Prefect of the Capital () must have been carried
out before Emperor Ching.
3
The governor-general of the capital ruled the central part of the imperial
capital region. Chang Yen explains this title, A locality extremely important
is called a ching. The Tso-chuan [Legges trans. p. 103] says, No one will
compare with them in greatness [using ching to express greatness). Ten
times an yi (100,000) is a chao (1,000,000). Yin is to govern. Yen adds,
For the director of the waters, cf. XIV Ba, 21, & n.13.
The office for iron was located in the county of Cheng , north of the
present Hua , Shensi (Hs 28A.11a).
8
In explaining the term, eastern supporter, Chang Yen says Ping is. to
support. I is to assist.
[The headquarters of] the eastern supporter were inside the old city
of Chang-an], southwest of the Temple to the Grand Emperor. (Sfht 1.2b).
Yen Shi-kus quotation, instead of southwest of reads at the western
entrance of. (Hs 19A.12a)
This title, Tso-ping-i, became the name of his department. It was
later abbreviated to Ping-i. For its location, cf. I A, Table II, no. 2 and map.
9
11
The text reads and the four markets in Chang-an, reading ,which I
have emended to read . The Western Market in Chang-an was
under the control of the eastern supporter and had a jail (Hcy, quoted in
Ptsc 45.6b). One chief would hardly be established for four markets and
the error of transcription is easily made. While the jurisdiction of the
eastern supporter might extend to a market in the northwestern suburbs of
the city, it could hardly extend so far as to include the 16 wards of the city
served by four markets (cf. n. 4).
The western sustainer ruled the region west of the capital like the
governor of a department.
[The headquarters of] the western sustainer were north of the
Hsi-yin Street [in Chang-an]. Yen Shih-kus quotation, instead of
north of, reads at the northern end of and adds at the yamen of the
former [chief commandant of] noble ranks. Chang-an and eastwards was
[the department of] the governor of the capital, Chang-ling [northeast
of the present Hsien-yang , Shensi] and northwards was [the
department of] the eastern sustainer. Wei-cheng Ytc 229.4a locates
it east of the present Hsien-yang] and westwards was [the department of]
the western sustainer.
The territory under the government of the western sustainer was
called by his title, the Yu-fu.feng, later shortened to Fu-feng.
Sfht 1.2a declares, The headquarters of the governor-general of
the capital, the eastern supporter, and the western sustainer were all
inside the city of Chang-an. These were the three adjuncts.
On the meaning of this title, Chang Yen explains, Fu is to assist .
Feng is to influence .
3
The director of the western waters performed the same office for
the western sustainer that the director of the eastern waters (cf. n. 10) and
the director of waters (cf. n.6) did for the eastern supporter and for the
governor-general of the capital respectively. (Cf. XIV Ba, 21, and N.13) Liu
Pin remarks correctly that the of the text should be to correspond
with the of the director of the eastern waters.
5
The offices for iron in Yu-fu-feng were at Yung and Chi (Hs 28A,
13a). For Yung, cf. IV Ba, 6 and n.17. Chi was the present Pin , Shensi.
6
For the kitchen , which had the same functions as that subordinate to
the governor-general of the capital, cf. n. 5.
7
The Kitchen at Yung had the same function as in the capital (cf.n.5).
Ju Shun remarks, The five altars [to the Five Lords] were at Yung, hence
it had a kitchen. (Cf. Ba 6 and n. 17.)
8
Sfht 1.2b states, The departments of the three adjuncts had chief
commandants like those of the other departments. The headquarters of
the chief commandant to the capital adjunct was at Hua-yin
(which Ytc 244, 4a locates southeast of the present Hua-yin, Shensi)), the
headquarters of the chief commandant to the eastern adjunct ,
was at Kao-ling (cf. Hs 28A, llb. Kao-ling was 1 li southwest of the
present Kao-ling, Shensi, according to Ytc 228.8b), and the headquarters
of the chief commandant to the western adjunct , was at Mei ,
(also in Hs 28A.13a. Mei was northeast of the present Mei, Shensi,
according to Ytc 236.2b).
They controlled the passes to Kuan-chung and examined those who
traveled in or out. (XIV Bb, xxiv, par. 7)
10
28.16b, 17a).
These officials ranking at 2000 piculs were the heads of bureaus and
were the next rank in the imperial court below the nine high ministers. They
were: the grand tutor (tai-fu) to the heir-apparent (XIV Ba, 16), the imperial
court architect (XIV Ba, 17), the supervisor of the household of the
empress and heir-apparent (XIV Ba, 18), the director of dependent states
(XIV Ba, 20), the chief commandant of waters and parks (XIV Ba, 21), the
governor-general of the capital region (XIV Ba, 22), the eastern supporter,
and the western sustainer (Ibid.). The ten colonels (XIV Ba 25, 26) and
other important officials, such as governors of departments, also ranked at
2000.piculs.
Hs 19A.12b
Notes
1
At this time, the grand minister of war was still supposed to be the chief
commander in the field, so that his title should be translated commander.
in-chief. (cf. XIV Ba, 2 and n.2)
3
Cf. XIV Ba, 1. Possibly this chief commandant was expected to report and
punish evil-doers as did the director of justice.
Minister of brigands is the title given to one of the six high ministers
in the Chou-li (Clcs 24.la = Biot, TL II, 286), and this title was probably
given in imitation.
ditches(Clcs 24.3a).
When later, inspectors of regional divisions (cf. XIV Ba, 30, &n. 3)
were appointed to spy upon the government of the departments, the
director in charge of investigation was given the duties of an inspector
over the seven departments about the imperial capital. He investigated all
offices, from the imperial heir-apparent and the three highest ministers
down to the offices in the neighboring departments (Ptsc 61.2a),
impeaching those who committed any crime. (Hs 70.6a; 72.29a). Such
cases were tried by the commandant of justice (Hs 77.2a). Perhaps the
most outstanding investigation made by this official was that revealing
Emperor Chengs infanticide of his own sons (cf. HFHD, II.369--72).
2
The last two words of this Chinese title were merely omitted, to conform to
the title in the Chou-Ii.
Shen Chin-han (Hssc 5A, 26b) remarks that this clause is out of harmony
with the rest of the Table which does not mention the court robes of
officials, and is probably a copyists insertion for some gloss. According to
HHs T. 30.7a, all officials, from those ranking fully 2000 piculs on down,
wore the bonnet for advancing the worthy.
8
Notes
1
Each of the twelve city gates to the city of Chang-an had one captain.
These garrisons for the city gates were first established in 91 B.C., as a
result of the rebellion of Emperor Wus Heir-apparent Li (HFHD, II.114).
This colonels post was usually given to an important courtier as a
concurrent position (Hs 51.8b; 81.25a; 98.12a; 10a.11b). The captains
were in charge of opening and closing the city gates (Yen Shih-ku in a
note to Hs 66.16a). These gates are described in Sfht 1.6b-8b.
2
For the Northern Army, cf. XIV Ba, 15 and n.l. This colonel controlled the
gates to this Armys encampment, while the commandant of the capital
controlled the army.
Instead of four forts (for the use of the latter word to denote a
fort, cf. HFHD, II.102, n. 32.9), the present text reads the Western
Frontier Regions , which reading is plainly inappropriate for this office
(cf. XIV B, xxv). Yen Shih-kus gloss shows that the latter was already the
reading of the text in his day. HHs T. 27.8b, in mentioning this office, says
nothing about the western frontier regions. Wang Nien-sun regards
as the wrong form of . As proof for his suggestion, he gives the
following reasons and one corroboration. First, all the colonels listed here
were officers in charge of the garrison of the capital region, and it seems
improbable that they should have taken part in the affairs concerning the
countries of the western region. Second, in the text of the Hs 19A, which
immediately follows this passage, a special office for ruling the western
regions is discussed. This passage is quoted in Hc 5.11b with the reading
four forts, so this emendation is thus included in our translation.
3
Concerning the first two words in the title of the colonel of picked cavalry
, there was an ancient dispute. Ju Shun declares that they
denoted people of Yeh . but the present Chekiang and Kuangtung
has never produced outstanding cavalrymen. Chin Shao moreover
interprets the first word as meaning superior in talent and physical
strength. Yen Shih-ku agrees with Ju Shun. In 23 A.D., when Wang Mang
suspected that the troops at the city gates were unreliable, he( selected
some of the picked cavalry to guard those gates (Hs 99C.32a). He would
hardly have done so if these cavalrymen had come from the east.
4
The occurrence and high ranking of the colonel of the northern barbarian
cavalry together with the colonel of the Chang River
encampment, shows that Emperor Wu and subsequent Han emperors did
not depend altogether upon Chinese for defence, but were glad to employ
auxiliaries, like the Romans. Chih-yang , was located 2 li northwest of
the present Ching-yang , Shensi (Ytc 228, 9b). In addition to this
encampment, the Chih-yang Palace was located there,
6
The meaning of the curious title, colonel of archers who can shoot at a
sound has been discussed. Fu Chien explains, They were
skilled in shooting. When in the dim dusk they hear a sound, they hit it.
Hence their title. But Ying Shao adds, An imperial edict naming [whom
they should shoot] was necessary before [they shot], hence they are
called archers who await an imperial edict (the phrase we have translated
expectant appointee archers). The meaning of sound is taken from
Mencius V, B, ii, 6 (Legge, p. 372). to give a signal by means of a sound,
so that shoot at a sound may mean shoot at a signal.
7
These officials ranking at 2000 piculs were the ten colonels, beginning
with the colonel director of investigation (XIV Ba, 25) and including the nine
mentioned in the present section. For their salaries, cf. XIV Ba 23, a.10.
Government, B (XIV), Ba 27
The Protector-General of the Western Regions
The protector-general of the western frontier [regions] ()
was a concurrent office. In the second year of [the period] Ti-chieh (68 BC),
Emperor Hsan first established [this office], appointing to it a chief
commandant of cavalry () or a grandee-remonstrant, who was sent
1
to protect the thirty-six states of the western frontier regions () had an
associate [protector-general of the western frontier regions] and colonel
2
(), who ranked at equivalent to 2000 piculs, one assistant (cheng),
two majors (ssu-ma), two captains (hou), and two millenaries (chien jen
)
The mou-and-chi colonel () was established by Emperor
Yan in the first year of [the period] Chu-yan (48 B.C.).3 He had one
assistant (cheng), one major. (ssu-ma), and five captains (hou).He was
ranked at equivalent to 600 piculs.4
Hs 19A.13a-b
Notes
1
that time Cheng Chi protected only the southern road, south of the
desert, and not the northern one (Hs 96A.2b).
The headquarters of the protector-general were at Wu-lei (Hs
96A.3a), which is identified with Chadir, 45 km. west of Charchi (Folke
Bergman, Archeological Researches in Sinkiang).
2
region so in his title there were used these two stems (Shen Chin-han).
The present pronunciation of the first word of this title, wu, originated
in 907, in order to tabu the name of an ancestor of the Liang dynasty.
4
In addition to the officers mentioned in the text, there were the two
following colonels: The colonel protecting the Chiang (),
established first in 112/1 B.C. (HHs M. 77.9a). He possessed credentials
and was ranked at equivalent to 2000 piculs to direct and control the
Chiang Tibetans (XIV Bb, xxvi, par. 3, note 6; HHs T. 28.10a-b) in
Chin-cheng department .
The colonel protecting the Wu-huan () was also
established by Emperor Wu, ranking at 2000 piculs and possessing
credentials. He was to supervise and direct the Wu-huan, who dwelt in
present Manchuria, keeping them from joining the Hsiung-nu (Hki, quoted
in Tpyl 242.4b; HHs T. 80.3b).
Notes
1
2. To ride with the emperor on excursions. One bore the imperial seal of
Chin which had been secured by Emperor Kao and was called the seal
that transmits the state () and the sword with which Emperor Kao cut
the snake in two (HFHD I.34; cf. also HHs 19.1b.).
3. To answer questions.
4. To transfer orders to the ministers.
5. To summon ministers.
6. To write documents.
7. To give advice.
8. To explain the Classics to the Emperor. (Ptsc 58.la.-5b.)
They were ranked at 1000 piculs (Hki, quoted in Li Hsiens note to
HHs T. 26.4b; CHc 12.3a; Tpyl 219.3b. A note to Tlt 8.3a however states
that they were equivalent to 3000 piculs. Tpyl 219.3a quotes Ssu-ma
Piaos Hs Han shu stating that they were equivalent to 2000 piculs. One
of them was named as their superviser (pu-she). (Tung Pas [fl. 220]
Ta-Han Y-fu Chih, quoted in Tlt 8.3a; HHs T. 26.5a. Cf. also Ptsc
58.la-5b; XIV Bb, xv and n. 10.)
4
10
There were many chief commandants in the government. Cf. XIV Ba, 12,
XIV Ba, 20 and n.3; XIV Ba, 21 and n.1; XIV Ba, 23 and n.1, 9; XIV Ba, 24 &
n. 1; XIV Ba, 28 and n. 1, 2.
11
12
13
14
15
17
18
19
20
Those serving from the Yellow Gate were almost surely the
same as gentlemen-in-attendance at the Yellow Gates and the
gentlemen-in-attendance serving from the Yellow Gate
(which latter was probably their full title). cf. Hs 30, 23a (Hspc I9A :25a1a);
3
Hs 93,9b (Hktw 3:11b ). They were close intimates of the emperor, such
as Kung Kuang, Tung Hsien, Liu Hsiang, and Liu Hsin (Hs 81.17b, 93.9b;
Tlt 5.5a). They were not eunuchs (?) Every evening they faced the doors
of the imperial apartments [as they left] and bowed, hence they were called
evening gentlemen (Hki quoted by Li Hsien in a note to HHs A
9.1b. ).
21
Wang Nien-sun states that after the character has dropped out.
This missing character is found in a quotation of this sentence in Ywlc
40.31a and Hs 68:24b.
This section concerning noble ranks, which would fit better into a later
section, is presented here for two reasons: (1) the noble fiefs came to be
little different from other parts of the empire and their holders became at
most mere government pensioners. The administration of these regions
was integrated into the rest of the governmental system, so that an
understanding of them is necessary to understand the provincial
government. (2) More important, up to this point this section constitutes a
translation in order of Hs 19A and it is better to present a complete
translation of a large passage than to break the continuity by omitting one
passage from an otherwise continuous translation from an important
source.
Liu Shao (fl. 196f 240) in his Institutions Concerning Noble Ranks
(quoted by Liu Chao in a note to HHs T. 28, 15b-16a), explains the
noble ranks as follows: In the [Tso] Commentary to the Spring and
15,17{re fers to lines o f Chinese text in Legge}
Autumn (Legges trans., 451
) there is
[mentioned] a Leader of the Multitude() Pao, [who in 562 B.C. led the
Chin troops to a great victory over Chin; cf. n. 10, 11]. When the Viscount
of Shang. (Shang Yang), administered the government [of Chin], he
completed its institutions, making 18 steps [in noble rank], which, together
with Kuan-nei marquis and full marquis make altogether 20 steps.
His institutions made use of ancient ideas. Anciently, when the Son.
of Heaven was with the army, the administration was in the hands of the six
high ministers ching . . . so he summoned the six high ministers and the
grandees (ta-fu) to the army to be its leaders. . . . [The state of] Chin
made use of these ancient institutions. Those who were with the army were
granted noble ranks of various steps. Those whom they led were all
conscript (keng) troops. When those who distinguished themselves were
granted noble ranks, it was after the pattern of army officers. From the first
noble rank to the fourth, that of illustrious conscript (pei-keng ), were
all yeomen (shih ). From [the noble rank of] grandee (ta-fu) to the fifth
rank [above], that of fifth rank grandee (wu-ta-fu), [these noble ranks] were
likened to the grandees. This ninth step [in noble rank, i.e., fifth rank
grandee] made use of the idea of the nine emblems [cf. Clcs, 18.11a-12b =
Biot, TL, I.428-430]. From the chief of the multitude on the left to the grand
chief of the multitude, the notion is that of the nine high ministers. . . . Thus
these ranks of high ministers, grandees, and yeomen all imitated ancient
court institutions, but with different names, because they represented a
militarized state. Anciently, they fought with chariots. One army chariot had
72 foot-soldiers, who were divided on the left and right into wings. In the
chariot, the grandee was on the left, the driver was in the center and a
brave man () was on the right, altogether 75 persons [to each chariot].
The first rank was government yeoman . A foot soldier who had
a noble rank was [called] a government yeoman. In our translation, the
meaning of kung is taken from that in kung-sheng; cf. n. 8.
These noble ranks date from Chin times, very probably being
instituted by Shang Yang (d. 338 B.C.), although many of these names are
older. Shang Yang took titles that had been used before his time and
made of them a hierarchical system. The Han merely took over this system.
Shang-tzu, roll 5, fascicle 19.la = Duyvendak 28, 295, says, Those who
have noble rank request that those who have no noble rank should act as
their bodyguard. For each step [in noble rank] they request [the service of]
one person. Whether this practice was continued in Han times, we do not
know. Ibid., 2b = Duyvendak 28, 300 adds, Those who have noble ranks
from the second step in rank and upwards, if they are to be mutilated for
crime, are [merely] degraded in noble rank. From the first step and lower, if
they are to be mutilated for crime, they are [merely] maimed. Maiming was
only the third of the five mutilating punishments, so that the first rank
brought mitigation of mutilation, while the second and higher brought
exemption from mutilation. This practise of commuting criminal punishment
to degradation or loss of noble rank was continued in the Han period (Hs
24A.12b). In 19 B.C. it was ordered that noble ranks could be purchased
for 1000 cash per step (HFHD, II.398). Thereafter they lost much of their
worth.
2
Lin Shao (in Ibid.) explains, The second noble rank was distinguished
accomplishment . Tsao is to be accomplished . An accomplished
man was reported to the minister of civil administration (ssu-tu), [so] is
called a distinguished accomplishment. Although he had this name, yet he
was foot-soldier.
Possession of this rank exempted its holder from mutilating
punishment (cf. n.1; HFHD, I.17.6). In 179-157 B.C., Chao Tso
persuaded Emperor Wen to grant noble titles to those who provided grain
at the frontier. This rank was given for 600 piculs of grain (Hs 24A.13a
[Hspc 24A.14b]).
3
Li Shao explains (Ibid.), The third noble rank is plume and ribbon
ornamented harness tsan-niao . He rode a quadriga. Yao-niao (cf.
HFHD II.110, n. 35.10) was an ancient famous horse. When one rides a
quadriga, its shape is like a tsan, hence he is called a tsan-niao. Yen
glosses, A horse girdle with silk ribbon is called a niao. Tsan-niao means
that he ornamented such a horse. Shen Chin-han {Hssc 5A, 36b) takes
tsan to mean rapid, and concludes that a pair of horses yoked abreast
was called a tsan. This sounds rather far-fetched, since Liu Shao states
that the allusion is to a quadriga, not a biga. As for the character tsan , in
Sc 126,15a, it is explained by Chang Shou-chieh as denoting a plume
worn in the bonnet.
4
Liu Shao (Ibid.) explains, The fourth noble rank is illustrious conscript
. An illustrious conscript is on the right in the chariot [cf. n.1 above] and
is not again like the other conscript troops. This explanation seems to
strain considerably the negative meaning of the first word. Yen glosses
straightforwardly It means that he did not take part in conscript service.
But Yen contradicts himself in a note to Hs 24B.7a, With this [rank, i.e.,
fifth rank grandee] and upwards, [people] are first exempted from forced
service. He is echoing Hs 24A.12b, The reception of as much as the
noble rank of fifth rank grandee and above exempts one person. In 202
B.C. Emperor Kao exempted all his veterans holding the rank of
government grandee and lower (HFHD, 1.104 ff.), which would have been
no reward if the third step carried exemption. Shen Chin-hao (HSCC
5A.37a) protests Yens first interpretation, without noting Liu Shaos earlier
one. It is much simpler to take here as meaning pei with which word it
was anciently interchanged. (Dubs).
5
Liu Shao (Ibid.) explains, The fifth noble rank is grandee . The
grandee was the one on the left in the chariot (cf. n.l). In Han times,
grandee was not only a noble rank, but also part of the title of certain.
officials (XIV Ba, 3 and n. 2; 7 and n.3), the name for certain grades of
courtiers (XIV Ba, 7 and n.3) and a polite appellation (WH 45.2b).
6
The official grandee was also called a state grandee (LSCC 24.6b
= Wilhelm FH, 425f; Hs 41.la).
7
Liu Shao (Ibid.) explains, The noble rank of [army) officers and common
people was not permitted to go beyond that of government chariot .
[He who possessed this rank] secured credit with his lord like a brother or
half-brother. Hence a government chariot was the highest noble rank for
an army officer. Although [its possessor) might not enter battle, he secured
the chariot of a government soldier, hence he was called a government
chariot. Yen glosses less exactly, It means that he was permitted to ride
the governments chariots. This riding was not then in a post chariot, but
in a battle chariot. The person granted this title had his name reported to
his king or emperor, so that it was called the noble rank reported to the
[highest] superior . (Sc 95.1b = Hs 41.1b).
9
The title of fifth rank grandes was named from the circumstance
that the five ranks from the fifth on were all considered ranks of grandees,
and this was the fifth one. The fifth rank grandee was originally a military
leader. CKTNC 5.27b, 6.76b; Sc 5.33a = MH, II.91; Sc 8.9b = MH, II.340 =
HFHD, I.44. A person who had this rank was not considered as belonging
to the common people , but was an official . Emperor Kao allowed him
to wear the hat of the imperial house of Liu (HFHD, I.120). Shang Yang
enacted that he should receive the taxes from an estate of three hundred
families (Shang-tzu 5.2a = Duyvendak 28, 298). This rank exempted its
possessor from taxes and conscript: service (Hs 24 A.12b). Emperor Wen
enacted that those who contributed 4000 piculs of grain for the frontier
should be given this noble rank (Hs 24A, 13a). They were exempted from
being shackled HFHD I.176. In 73, 65, 42 B.C. and A.D. 4, this rank was
given to officials ranking at 600 piculs (HFHD, It, 209, 229, 321; Hs 12, 7a).
When the imperial heir-apparent was capped in 58 B.C , this noble rank
was granted to the heirs of full marquises (HFHD, II.247). In 15 B.C. those
who had contributed 300,000 cash for the relief of famine sufferers were
granted this noble rank together wiith a promotion in official rank or a
vacancy as a gentleman (HFHD, II.403-4).
10
The chiefs of the multitude on the left and on the right were the same as
the lieutenant or major generals on the left and on the right
15,17{refers to the lines in Legges Chinese text}
(Liu Shao, Ibid.) In Tso-chuan (Legge 451
)
it is recorded that two chiefs of the multitude (shu-chang) led the troops of
Chin to a great victory over Chin in 562 B.C. After Ho Ch-pings
For the meaning of chief of the multitude on the right , cf. n.10.
Upon the occasion of the appointment of the imperial heir apparent in 143,
67, and 47 BC., this rank was conferred upon the high ministers, i.e., all
those ranking at fully 2000 piculs (HFHD II.58, 221, 308; cf. also I.326).
12
For the meaning of chieftain of conscripts on the right , cf. nn.12, 13.
This rank was granted in 15 B.C. to those who had contributed grain in a
famine to the amount of 1,000,000 cash worth, also giving such persons a
position ranking at 300 piculs, or for officials, promotion three steps in rank
(HFHD, II.403).
15
Liu Shao (Ibid.) explains, The grand chief of the multitude was a
general-in-chief . Emperor Wen granted this noble rank to persons
who transported to the border 12,000 piculs of grain (Hs 24A.12a).
19
Liu Shao (Ibid.) explains,, [The title of] marquis of the imperial domain
made use of the ancient idea of viscounts (tzu) and barons (nan)
within the royal domain. [The state of] Chin had its capital west of the
mountains, [which region was called Kuan-chung, lit. within the passes,
the present southern Shensi], and considered that [the region] within the
passes (kuan-nei)was the royal domain. Hence it called [these nobles]
marquises of the imperial (of royal) domain. Yen glosses, They lived in
the capital domain and had no states or estates . The concept of a
royal or imperial domain came from Chou times and was an anachronism
after the establishment of an empire (221 B.C.). In ancient times, because
of difficulties of communication, the direct rule of the king extended only to
a region about his capital. A marquisate within this royal domain had no
territorial fief, but consisted merely in the reception of the taxes from a
certain number of households. He was thus merely a pensioner of the
crown with a high rank. HHs T. 28, 15b states, Those who were marquises
of the imperial domain had no lands. They were given income to the
amount of the land tax from number of common people [specified in their
ennoblement] in the county from which their income came. Each [noble]
had a specified number of households as the limit [of the income which he
The ranks of Chin are significant far beyond the realm of their
bearers mutual relations to each other. Their establishment in the above
form is part of the great social and political revolution which occurred in
China during the end of the Chin dynasty. There had been ranks long
before Chou and probably even before Shang (see Wittfogel, 41), but
these ranks were, at least since Shang, primarily based upon territorial
possession. They were feudal ranks. When during the fourth century B.C.,
Shang Yang reorganized the political order of Chin, replacing whatever
feudal features there had been by organs of a highly centralized
bureaucratic machine, the old landed nobility was replaced by a new
hierarchy of honorary ranks. This new order preserved only a few
remnants of the feudal heirarchy. The bearers of the higher titles might still
On the term che hou , the original title of the full marquis, Yen
glosses, It means that the rank of this nobility enables free communication
with the Son of Heaven. Tung was the synonym used in that gloss for
che.
22
To honor the marquis, the title of the official governing the county
(hsien)district (hsiang), or canton (ting) in which the marquiss state was
located was changed to chancellor hsiang , But the marquis received
income, not necessarily from the whole county or canton, only from the
specified number of households in it.
23
HHs T. 28.15a declares, The chancellor ruled the people like a prefect
(ling) or chief (chang), but did not act as a courtier [to the marquis]. He
however received the land tax and gave it to the marquis in accordance
with the limitations of the number of households [in the rnarquiss fief].
Marquises had no steward (chia-ling) but only a household
sub-steward . The heir-apparent and princesses had stewards (XIV Ba,
12 and n. 5; XIV Ba 18 and n. 3.). HHs T. 28.15a states, The household
sub-steward had charge of waiting upon the marquis and of directing
matters in his household.
24
For grandees at the gates , cf. XIV Ba, 16 and n. 3. They were
also appurtenances of the imperial heir-apparent.
25
For the bodyguard , cf. X1V Ba, 16 and n. 4. They were also
appurtenances of the imperial heir-apparent. Marquises also had ushers
(hsing jen) and outriders (hsien-ma); cf. XIV Bb, xxviii, para. 7.
Hs 19A.14a-15b
Notes
1
When Emperor Kao first appointed vassal kings , it was after the
model set by Hsiang Y, who continued the feudal tradition of Chou times.
Hence the territory of these kings was large, even extending to a thousand,
and the bureaucracy in their courts was given the same titles and ranking
(salaries) as in the Han court. But Emperor Kao was extremely fearful of
rebellion, and, before his death, all the kingdoms belonging to those not of
the Liu imperial house, except one (that of Chang-sha, which was
unimportant) were ended. Thereafter the imperial court appointed each
kings royal chancellor (cheng-hsiang), but the king appointed his own
grandee secretary and lesser bureaucrats (HHs T. 28, 11a).).
The rebellion of the seven kingdoms in 154 B.C., however, brought
to a head the movement for the lessening of the power of the vassal kings,
which far-sighted ministers of the imperial court had long been urging. The
imperial court now appointed all the officials of the royal courts, so that
these kings also became pensioners of the imperial court, residing in
territories nominally belonging to them, but actually out of their control. To
emphasize this change, many of these ministerial offices were done away
with. In 104 B.C., Emperor Wu changed the titles of the imperial ministers
in order to distinguish them from the officials in the royal courts, who
retained the old titles. This procedure is detailed in the text. At the same
time, large kingdoms were reduced in size, by condemning the king for
crime and reducing his kingdom in lieu of punishment, or by using part of a
deceased kings territory for marquisates in which to enfeoff the brothers
of the new king. The result was that when Wang Mang usurped the throne,
none of the kings of the imperial house rebelled against the imperial court.
The vassal king thus became merely the highest rank in the nobility, like
the marquises, but ranking higher.
2
dye things green, so it is used for the name of the seal-ribbon. Yen
approves the latter interpretation.
3
For the grand tutor, cf. XIV Ba, 4 and n.1. HHs T. 28, 11a says,The tutor
had charge of leading the king in accordance with goodness and proper
conduct like a teacher. He did not act as a courtier [or subject of the king].
4
For the Commandant of the capital, cf. XIV Ba, 15 and n.l.
For the Royal chancellor (the same title as imperial chancellor; Dubs
translates both as lieutenant chancellor), cf. XIV. Ba, 1 and n. 1.
7
10
11
12
For the erudits, cf. XIV Ba, 6 and n. 19-21 and n.11. King Hsien of
Ho-chien established erudits for the Mao text of the Book of Odes and the
Tso-chuan (Hs 53.1b), thus keeping alive fields of scholarship that ware
not in the imperial court (Hssc 5A, 46b).
14
15
16
17
18
Cf. XIV Ba, 7, and n.1, 2. On the prefect of the gentlemen-of-the palace
in royal households, HHs T. 28, 13a states, "The prefect of the
gentlemen-of-the-palace had charge of the offices for those acting as
guards to the kings, [namely], the grandees and gentlemen-of-the-palace,
like the superintendent of the imperial household. When the [royal] privy
treasurers were done away with, the duties [of these ministers] were added
to [those of the prefects of the gentlemen-of-the-palace in royal courts]."
19
20
Cf. XIV Ba, 31 This change was made at the suggestion of Ho Wu the
grandee secretary, and Chai Fang-chin the chancellor. (Hs 86.4a) From
the memorial presented by these two ministers, the office of commandant
of the capital had been abolished before this year.
Tu Yu notes that from this time on, the commandant of the capital
and the chancellor often contradicted each other (T'ung tien 31.178c).
This might be a check system on the politics of the kingdom.
As to the question of the direct authority possessed by the
chancellor over the people of the kingdom, Shen Ch'in-han's studies differ
from the record in the-present text. Basing his argument on the Han shu,
he says that before this year, the chancellor had already had the power to
administer civil affairs (Hssc 5A 45a).
21
The Chin inspecting secretaries were not the same sort of officials as the
Han inspectors of regional divisions. (Hence they should not be called
"inspectors. ") The 41 Ch'in departments each had one inspecting
secretary, one governor and one commandant (HKY, quoted in HHspc
24.23b; Wang Ming_sheng in Hspc 19A.26b, 27a). The duties of these
inspecting secretaries are nowhere specified, We find them digging canals,
opening roads (Hs 64A, 6b) and leading troops (Hs 1A.7a = HFHD I.42).
2
While the circuits were by law named divisions , eleven of them were
called by the names of provinces , using the ancient name in the
"Tribute of Y," in the Book of History (Cf. I, A. Table II for these divisions).
In addition to the thirteen divisions, there was the circuit of the colonel
director in charge of investigation (an inappropriately translated title; cf.
XIV B, xxiii), who was in actuality the inspector in charge of the capital
departments (XIV B, xxi; Hs 86.7b).
Before 106, various methods were used to supervise the
departments. In 193 B. C. Emperor Hui sent secretaries to supervise
the departments; to investigate the conduct of law cases, etc. in
accordance with nine items. (They are, as enumerated in Yh 65.26a, 1)
lawsuits, 2) banditry, 3) illegal coinage, 4) unjust punishments, 5) unjust
service and taxation, 6) corrupt officials, 7) tyranny, 8) violation of
sumptuary laws, and 9) possession of prohibited crossbows having a
strength of more than ten piculs.) They were to memorialize their findings
in the tenth month (the beginning of the official year) and to return to their
inspection two months later. Later supervising and investigating
secretaries were appointed. It 167 B. C. because the secretaries
were not doing their duty, Emperor Wen sent clerks to the imperial
chancellor to inspect and also to oversee the supervising and
investigating secretaries (T'ung tien 32, 183c).
3
found (HHs T. 28.2b). When they had occupied their posts for nine years,
they were recommended for promotion to the post of a governor or
chancellor of a kingdom (Hs 83.17a), or they might be promoted to a
position in the central bureaucracy as a director of justice or some other
subordinate of the imperial chancellor (Hs 83.17a). In the imperial court,
the palace assistant secretary supervised the inspectors, recommending
their promotion or dismissal (XIV B, iii & n. 3; Hs 66.17b; 83.1b).
4
These changes in the rank and title of the inspectors were due to the
Confucian desire for a simple hierarchical governmental system. Ho Wu
and Chai Fang-chin memorialized that the rank of the inspectors was only
600 piculs, but they supervised officials ranking at 2000 piculs, so
proposed they be given the ancient titles of shepherds , and be ranked
at 2000 piculs (Hs 83.17a). Then Chu Po memorialized that with such a
high rank they had no incentive to efficient work, since they could hardly
expect promotion to any higher rank, hence they did little. (Hs 83.17a-b)
Under Wang Mang the Confucian influence finally triumphed. The
consequent ineffectiveness of governmental control over the local
governments, resulting in unchecked corruption, was probably responsible
in part for the failure and fall of Wang Mang.
Hs 19A.15b
Notes
The assistant had the duty of ruling the people (Hcy B.6a) and
supervised all the officials (Hs 76.22a).
4
"When the [department's) troops had to be put into the field, the chief
clerk led the chief commandant, millenaries, majors, and captains."
(Hcy B.6a.) This passage indicates the supreme control of the governor of
a department over all the military in that department (cf. also Ptsc 74, la).
5
"At the provinces [along] the border there were established chief
commandants of agriculture to control the crops cultivated on the
garrison farms of the frontier garrisons (XIV Bb, xxiv, par. 7; HHs T. 28.5b).
These garrison farms were expected to support themselves, hence
needed such commander (cf. A. Stein, Serindia II.747-9). There were chief
commandants of agriculture in the departments of Shang-he (Hs 79.11a;
100A.1b) and at P'an-ho in the department of Chang-yeh (Hs 28B.3a).
9
For the chief commandants of dependent states, cf. XIV Ba, 20, and n. 3.
Notes
1
On the salaries of prefects and chiefs , Hcy B.6b says, "In counties
HHs T. 28, 7b says, "The office of the assistant [had] the records. He
had charge of keeping informed about the [county] granaries and the jail."
2a
Yen Shih-ku explains in our case, as managing the civil affairs of the
county. in contrast to means senior. Hence the was the senior
subordinate of the magistrate and the was the junior subordinate.
3
The Hky (quoted by Yen Shih-ku) said, "The officials whose salaries were
received by tou received a montHly salary of 11 hu [ of grain]." Yen
continues, "One explanation is that the officials whose salary is measured
by tou did not receive fully I00 piculs [of grain] in a year. Counting by days
they received (shih) one tou as two sheng, hence they were tou-shih (lit.
receivers of [grain] by the tou.]"
5
The ting was not only the headquarters of the canton chief but was also
a place where the weapons were stored and the soldiers of the canton
were stationed. Different from the general canton, those located in the
suburb or inside of the city or of the imperial capital were called the tu-ting.
Ku Yen-wu assumes that the t'ing was not merely an administrative
building, but was also a fortification. Therefore, it was often attacked by
invaders and rebels (Jcl 22.16a-17a). Besides serving as an
administrative office and a local fortification, the ting also furnished a
shelter for the traveller as a hotel, as stated by Ying Shao. He says that the
word t'ing.literally means "to stay." It was a house where travellers came
and stayed over-night (note to HHc 28.9a).
In the view of Hibino Takeo (vide: .
, 14.1-2) was organized according to the
number of households while ting () was according to that of areas. In li
the registration of the people in the village was kept to use as the base for
the poll taxation and labor service while in ting that of the land was kept to
use as the base for the taxation on land. Although li and ting had quite
different functions to perform as indicated in the Han shu, they made up
the smallest units of Han government. It, however, was a number of ting,
not li, that made up the hsiang (). According to Hibino, li was even a
smaller division of the hsiang, but the numbers of the li in a hsiang had no
direct relation with the formation of the hsiang.
7
The San Lao was expected to be the cultural and moral leader of the
people and an advisor to the local officials. In 205 B. C., Emperor Kao
ordered that "there should be recommended common people who were in
their fiftieth year or over, who had cultivated personalities and were able to
lead the multitude to do good, to be established as San Lao, one to a
district. One of the San Lao of the district was selected to be the San Lao
of the county who should be a consultant of the prefect, assistant, and
commandant of the county. [The San Lao were exempted from forced
labor and garrison service and in the tenth oath [the beginning of the
official year] were granted wine and meat." (HFHD I.75; cf. also I.254; cf.
XIV Bb, xxv, par. 4.)
The title of San Lao dates from the Chou period. In 325 B. C., King
Wu-ling of Chao is said to have performed the ceremonies appropriate to
San Lao for his state.(Sc 43.19b [Skkcks 43:46] = Mh V.65, 66.
Chavannes does not seem to realize that this passage indicates that there
were San Lao for a kingdom). There were also in Former Han times San
Lao for a department (HHs M. 66.8b and San Lao for a kingdom [Hssc
1.16a]). "The Son of Heaven served the San Lao as if they were his
fathers and served the fivefold experienced (wu geng [similar but
lower ranking leaders of the people]) as if they were his elder brothers."
(Hcy, quoted in Ptsc 67.1b [Hcy, Bu-yi, B.7a]).
10
The bailiff ruled the people of a small. district; cf. n. 10. He evidently
ranked less than 100 piculs.
According to ba Osamu () (vide . ,
14.1-2:61-80.) there were at least thirteen different kinds of se-fu( )
beside hsiang se-fu (). They are:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
All of them, though {they?} belonged to different levels of the Han
government set-up, had their proper places in the official hierarchy. Their
place in the line-up of the official command generally was in order of, ,
, (), . They also were divided into two different categories,
yu-chih and tou-shi (), as in the case of the hsiang se-fu .
12
13
"A hundred li square" was only an average and approximate figure. The
Han li was 411 meters or 0.2555 miles long (cf. HFHD, III, chap. 99A,
note 9.7), so that 100 li was about 25 miles.
14
Wang Nien-sun points out that the words for "empresses dowager" are
an interpolation in order to make more explicit the meaning of the text,
being omitted in quotations of this passage in the Hc 5.12b (THHJ[?]: 12a)
{unknown reference} and T'ung tien 1.90b, ch 33 (both of which passages
the word has also been interpolated), in a note by Ju Shun to Sc 9.3b
(Hs:7) and by Chang Yen to Hs 1B.7a.
15
Government (XIV) Ba 34
The Insignia and Number of the Regular Officials
Among all [ranks of] officials, those whose rank was equivalent to
2000 piculs and higher, all had silver seals with cerulean seal-cords.1
Imperial household grandees had none. Those ranking at equivalent to
600 piculs and above all had bronze seals with black seal-cords. Grandees,
erudits, [grandee] secretaries internuncios, and gentlemen had none.
Their supervisors, the [grandee] secretaries who prepared writings or had
charge of tallies or the imperial seals [however] had seals and seal-cords.
[Officials ranking] at equivalent to 200 piculs and over all had bronze seals
with yellow seal cords.2
In the second year of [the period] Yang-shou (23 B.C.), Emperor
3
Ch'eng did away with the ranks of 800 piculs and 500 piculs. In the first
year of [the period] Sui-ho (8 B.C.}, the chiefs [of counties] and
chancellors [of kingdoms] were all [given] black seal-cords. In the second
year of [the period] Chien-p'ing (5 B.C.), Emperor Ai restored their yellow
seal-cords.
The fixed number of the [regularly appointed] officials, from the
4
accessory officials to the imperial chancellor, was 130,285 persons.
Hs 19A.16b
End of Hs 19A.
The Hcy (quoted by Yen Shih-ku) said, "On the back of the silver seals
was a tortoise-shaped knob. The legend [ on the seal] is, 'An official seal
(chang ).'" Yen explains, "It means that there was engraved 'The official
seal, chang) of such-and-such an office.'"
Ch'ien Ta-chao adds, "According to the Han institutions, the Son of
Heaven and the vassal kings all had imperial or royal seals (hsi ), while
the three highest ministers, the full marquises and those of lower [rank] all
had ordinary seals (yin ). The Son of Heaven had jade imperial seals
and the vassal kings had golden royal seals. Only the grand master, the
grand tutor, the grand protector, the imperial chancellor, the grand
commandant, the various generals, and the full marquises all used golden
ordinary seals. The grandee secretary was not given [such a golden seal].
When Emperor Ch'eng changed the title [of this official to] grand minister
of works, he first [was allowed] to use a golden seal. The other [officials]
used silver or bronze ones." Wang Ming-sheng adds; "The legend on [the
seals of officials ranking at 2000 piculs was 'An official seal (chang)'. . .
Those [of officials ranking at] equivalent to 600 piculs and over, were all
bronze ordinary seals (yin)."
2
The Hcy (quoted by Yen) said, "[Officials ranking at] 600 piculs and 400
piculs down to 200 piculs and more all had bronze ordinary seals with a
nose-shaped knob. The legend is 'An ordinary seal (yin).' " Yen explains,
"It means that the knob was made like a nose (or projection) and not in the
shape of an insect or animal, and that the legend engraved was, 'The
ordinary seal of such-and-such an office.'" Shen Ch'in Han (Hssc 3.97a, b)
adds, "Hcy l3.3a (tj:2b) [ says], 'The imperial heir-apparent has a gold seal
with the tortoise knob. The legend on the seal says, 'An official seal
(chang). ' [From this rank] down to [that of officials ranking at] 200 piculs,
they all have the seals of extended authority (t'ung.kuan yin ).'
"In my opinion, from this rank upwards, seals were all square and
were called 'seals of extended authority.' Those of [officials ranked at] 100
piculs and less were 'half seals [i. e. oblong, half of square] and were
called '[seals of] half extended authority (pan-t'ung ).' In HHs M.
39.[25b] Li Hsien, in a note, quotes [K'an Yin's (fl. dur. 386-532)] Treatise
on the Thirteen Thirteen Provinces (Shih-san chou chih), as saying, 'The
[official] possessing rank and the bailiff were permitted to employ a
half-[square] official seal.' . . . In the time of Emperor Kuang-wu [25-57
A.D.], Pao Yi [quoted in HHS, M. 19.12b], said in reply,"Ancient practise is
that a document from an official with extended authority [t'ung-kuan] does
not state his surname, but only says, 'Your servant, whose given name is
so-and-so, or, such-and-such an office with such-and-such a given name.'
Then the seals used by officials with extended authority only stated their
given names."
The rank of officials is often stated in terms of the color of their
seal-ribbon, since this is a wider term than the number of piculs in their
nominal salaries.
This number is only that of the regularly appointed officials for whom
there was a definite number (yan ). In addition there were very large
numbers of bureaucrats, such as the grandees, gentlemen and the
gentlemen as rapid as tigers, (XIV B, vii and n. 2, 3, 5) who numbered more
than a thousand. In the office of the assistant grand minister of ceremonies
(XIV B. vii and n. 1) the number of departmental head clerks was not fixed,
but depended upon the circumstances. In this respect, the other ministries
were similar (HHs T. 25.1b). In the office of the grand butcher (XIV B, vi
and n.4) there were 42 regularly appointed officials, but there were also
242 butchers, 73 slaughterers, and 15 guards (A work on the Han
bureaucracy, quoted by Li Hsien in a note to HHs T. 5.2b). Thus this
figure of 130,285 is far from representing the total number in the
bureaucracy. It merely counts the regular and more important positions.
The Ching-yu ed., which is probably the best existing one
(reproduced as the Po-na ed.) and the Official ed. read "130,785" officials,
while Wang Hsien-ch'ien's ed., which represents the traditional text of Ming
times, before the Ching-yu ed. became available, reads "120,285." We
follow the former.