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American Journal of Sociology.
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METHODOLOGICAL
SOCIOLOGY
OF THE
CONSEQUENCES
OF KNOWLEDGE
C. WRIGHT MILLS
ABSTRACT
An epistemologicalhaziness has preventeda fruitfulgrasp of those juncturesof
influences.The mootedproblemofthe
actual thinkingthatare open to social-historical
logicalconsequencesofsociologyofknowledgehas not been adequately instituted.One
of the implicationsof the Americanpragmatismof Peirce, Dewey, and Mead for a
and solutionofthisissue. This articlederives
sociologyofknowledgeis a freshdefinition
and elaboratesthisimplication.Concretestudies,instances,and modusoperandiof the
methodologicalconsequencesof sociologicalstudiesof inquiryare cited and analyzed
3I6
SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE
3I7
3I8
24-28.
SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE
3I9
fromwhicha
t2 E.g., "....
the representative
modesof thoughtand theirstructure,
conceptionis built up as to the natureof truthin general.... the conceptof truthitselfis dependentupon the already existingtypes of knowledge"(Mannheim,op. cit.,
p. 262).
r3
320
SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE
32I
socialpositionoftheassertor.Socialpositiondoesnotdirectly
affect
the truthfulness
of propositions
testedby thisverificatory
model.
But socialpositionsmaywellaffect
whether
or notit or someother
modelis used by typesof thinkers
todayand in otherperiods.By
no meanshave all thinkersin all timesemployedthisparticular
verificatory
model.Indeed,manydo notnowacceptit. Manyconmodelby
temporary
socialscientists
onlyknowthisphysical-science
name,and their"usage" is limitedto thesprinkling
ofa fewterms
throughtheirwritings.This particularmodeldid not and could
not have existedpriorto the wholesaleriseof physicalsciencein
westernEurope,forit was drawnfromthistypeofinquiry.
But even in inquiriessatisfying
this paradigmthe motivesor
socialpositionsofthethinker
do notexhausttheaspectsofinquiries
whichmay be relativeto social factors.Any observationaland
and the"selecverificatory
patternmayitselfbe sociallyrelativized,
tion"and use ofany model(as wellas its specificdiffusion
pattern
acrossvariegatedelites)is open to sociologicalexplanation.Two
otheraspectsofinquiriesthatare open to possiblesocial-historical
influences
and thatmaybearon criteria,
and henceon truthfulness
and validityofresults,maybe mentioned:
i. The categories
uponwhichall discourse
andinquirydependare
relatedto socialsituations,
to culturaldeterminants.
Numerousinhave
of societal
vestigators'6 indicatedhowconcepts,as surrogates
contexts,may shape inquiriesthat apparentlyare footloose and
sociallyfree.Detectionofthesocietally
conditioned
meanings
ofthe
termsuponwhichan inquirydependsmaybe viewedas a critique
of the warrantability
of this inquiry'sresults.In C. W. Morris'
termsthe "pragmatic"(whichincludesthesociological)dimension
ofthelanguageprocessis basicallyrelatedtothesemantical
andsyntactical.17
Whatis takenas problematic
andwhatconceptsareavailA6 Dewey, Logic: The Theory
ofInquiry,chap. i; E. Vivas, "A Note on the Question
of Class Science,"MarxistQuarterly,
I, No. 3, 437 ff.;see Mills, "Language, Logic, and
Culture," op. cit., pp. 676-80, for a statementand references;and particularlyM.
Granet'sapplicationofDurkheim'ssociologicaltheoryofcategories,La Penseechinoise
(Paris, I938); also C. WrightMills, "M. Granet'sContributionto Sociologyof Knowledge" (mimeographedmaterial,Department of Sociology,Universityof Wisconsin
upon request.
[I9401)-available
17 Fozndationsof the Theoryof Signs ("InternationalEncyclopedia of UnifiedSciences," Vol. I, No. 2 [Chicago, I938]). This book and the movementsit representsare
verysuggestiveAmericansourcesforsociologyof knowledge.
322
SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE
323
inwhich
tivist'sownassertion
andargument
arethemselves
relative,
case he has no groundsfordenying
orimputing
truthto thethought
of others,or his argumentand assertionare unconditionally
true,
and hencerelativism
is self-contradictory.2I
This argument
maybe
putin strictlogicalform:(a) Thinking
is functional
ofculturalfactors. (Hence,its "objective,""impartialvalidity,"is destroyed.)
(b) The sociologyofknowledge
is a typeofthinking.(c) Therefore,
ofculturalfactors.(Hence,
thesociologyofknowledge
is functional
it cannotbe "objective,""valid.") Now Mannheimhimselfhas
documented
He has indicatedthecultural
empirically
abc-linkage.22
and politicalconditionsof the sociologyof knowledge.It is the
premiseshungafterthe "hence's"and theirassumptions
thatwe
needto examine.
Theseantirelationistic
arguments
apparently
ignorethecharacter
and statusofepistemological
forms(see secs. i and 2 above). They
to
assumetheexistenceof an absolutetruthhavingno connection
inquiry;and theyare significant
onlyfroman absolutistviewpoint.
The imputations
ofknowledge
ofthesociologist
maybe testedwith
reference
to theverificatory
modelgeneralized,
e.g.,by Peirceand
Dewey. Theirtruthfulness
is thenin termsofthismodel. Granted
thatthismodelis no absolute
guaranty,
it seemsthemostprobable
we have at present.(As a practicalfact,if we wouldsocializeour
thoughtamongprofessional
thinkers
today,we mustcastit in such
terms.)Criteriaare themselves
developingthings.A precondition
for"correcting"
themodelforfutureuse is self-consciously
to use it
now. "Inquiryintoinquiry[logic]is .... a circularprocess,it does
not depend on anythingextraneousto inquiry."23
The assertions
of thesociologist
ofknowledge
escape the "absolutist'sdilemma"becausetheycan referto a degreeof truthand
becausetheymayincludetheconditions
underwhichtheyare true.
are translatable
to
Onlyconditional
assertions
fromone perspective
another.Assertions
can properly
be statedas probabilities,
as more
or less true. And onlv in this wav can we account forthe fact that
21
Ideology
andUtopia,chap.i.
23 Dewey, Logic:TheTheory
ofInquiry,
chap. i.
22
324
scientific
inquiryis self-correcting.
The sociologistmay without
contradiction
also pointoutsocialfactorsconditioning
failureto use
thisparticularmodel.Mannheimquite correctly
claimsthat new
forsocialsciencemayemergefromtheinquiries
criteria
ofthesociology of knowledge.It is entirelypossible.I shall elaboratethe
pointbelow.It is enoughhereto realizethat"traditional
criteria"
emergefromlogicalanalysesof "traditional"typesofinquiry.The
attemptto restrict
theobjectmatterand implications
ofthesociolinorderto saveitsassertions
ogyofknowledge
is mislocated
andnot
consonantwithmoderntheoriesofknowledge.24
Anothersuchattemptis advancedby thosewhowouldlimitthe
to investigation
oftheconsciousattemptsof
sociologyofknowledge
a promoter
to finda public;the social conditions
of typesof proideas persuasiveof values,etc.25From
moters;meansof diffusing
thispointofviewthesociologyofknowledge
can haveno epistemologicalrelevanceor objectmatterbecauseit can studythoroughly
only a "promotive"type of thought.In so far as it examines
"theoreticalthinking"("the aim of [which]is ....
simplytruth"),
limitedto examination
of "the selectionof certain
it is apparently
thereis a second
problems."In additionto individualmotivation,
of the two types of thinking:the public of the
differentiation
is "the timelessranksofthosewhoseekthe
philosopher
(theoretic)
of
is analyticenough.It does
truth."Neither thesedifferentiations
nothelpany to say thattheyare different
"qualitiesof thinking."
thinker
I takethispublicofthe"theoretical"
to be themembers
of
delimitedas (a) thosewho read his
a technicalelite,generically
moreorless
workorwhohe thinkswill;thatis,thoseparticipating,
in hisuniverseofdiscourse.(b) Theyare personsenmeaningfully,
and fixing
theirbeliefs,i.e., in thinkgagedin doubting,
criticizing,
24 Moreover,in his criticism
of Mannheim,von Scheltingdoes not appear to take
does not necessarily
into account the fact that the existenceof purposeand perspective
mean that the resultsofinquirymust be false; it merelymeans that its truthis always
conditional,not absolute. Since the turn of the centurymany logicians and social
psychologistshave contendedthat all inquiryhas a purposiveelementand is withina
as it is, does
particularperspective.Mannheim's epistemologicalwork,fragmentary
not denythefactofpurposeand perspectivein an effortto save some "traditionalconceptionof truth"framedon a spectator,godliketheoryof mind.
25
SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE
325
ing,26(c) in a way that satisfiesthe conditionsof some thoughtmodel,theformsofwhichtheyare moreor lessawareofand which
theystriveto follow.This is what "seekingtruth"means.Thus
analyzedsociologically,
"philosophers"and "theoretic"thinking
ofknowledge.The very
constitute
data forthesociologist
certainly
existenceof such a groupis sociologically
The origins
significant.
and consequences
of suchgroupsin variouscontextshave received
littleexplicitattention.I have alreadyindicatedhow the "selecare open to sociological
tion" of criteria,and criteriathemselves,
oftechnical
investigation,
howthecategories
discourse,
theproblems
andperceptualschematamayinfluence
thedirection
and
addressed,
validatingformsofthinking.27
fora thinker
Furthermore,
merelyto wish,or to be motivated,
to
or not his asserattaintruthdoes notguaranteeor implywhether
tionsare true.Much less, whetherhe or theyare open to social
"True" is an adjectiveappliedto propositions
relativization.
that
In themodel
satisfytheformsofan acceptedmodelofverification.
now dominantamongsecular,professional
thinkers,
verification
is
independent
of theindividual'smotiveforthinking,
whetherit be
"truth"or "persuasion."I do notsee thatwe are justified
at this
stage of researchin differentiating
typesof thinkingin termsof
motivation.Suchare notthekindoftypeswe need
epistemological
and can use in dissection.For it wouldtake a social-psychological
or nothe reallywas,or
whether
to determine
analysisofa thinker
orattempting
believedhe was,aimingat truth,i.e.,following
to follow a verificatory
model.One couldproperlyidentify
"theoretic"
model.In research
we
thinking
onlyin termsofa givenverificatory
cannotfruitfully
impose"ours" upon past thinkers.There have
and I have alreadyindibeen severalmodelsin Westernthought,
26
[Chicago, I937]),
pp.
39-40.
. .
. con-
in themediumofneeds"("SocialDetermination
ofIdeas," op. cit.,p. I83).
stituted
See my"Language,Logic,and Culture,"op. cit.,in whichthisviewis criticized
and
othermodesofrelation
advanced.
326
relativizaopen to social-historical
catedthattheyare themselves
tion.28
formofvalidationtowhichall will
Thereis inourtimenocommon
presentsan
condition
submittheirassertions.This epistemological
thediversenormsthemselves,
to studycomparatively
opportunity
diversity
and genesis.In the face of epistemologic
theirfunction,
to someone
it seemsfoolishto callourworkirrelevant
and confusion
selectedsetofnormswhichwerederivedfroma particuarbitrarily
beliefs.But
lar gamutof inquiryor concoctedfrommiscellaneous
impliedby suchstatements
ofknowledge
thetasksforsociologists
are not too clear. They need to be indicatedmoreprecisely.Of
to "thesocialweaspireto contribute
course,as Wirthhasindicated,
itself."I am
elaborationof the theoryof knowledge
psychological
here concernedwithpointingup the usefulnessof such workto
ofsociologyofknowlfunction
i.e., themethodological
sociologists,
edge.
ofknowledge
neednotrestwithfactualexaminaThe sociologist
ofaspectsofknowledge
processes.For such
tionand relativization
and contextual
on a comparative
placeshimstrategically,
experience
We need here to
construction.
basis, forpositivemethodological
withmethodology.
of epistemology
realizeDewey's identification
This realizationcarriesthe beliefthatthe derivingof normsfrom
some one type of inquiry (even thoughit have wide prestige,e.g.,
In its"epistemo"physicalscience")is nottheendofepistemology.
logic function"the sociologyof knowledgeis specificallyproforthe social
of soundmethodology
paedeuticto the construction
recognizedthis,he would
sciences.29Had Mannheimconsistently
in hiswork.But,on the
and mislocations
haveavoidedambiguities
28
Speier'spaper ("Social Determinationof Ideas," op. cit.), is valuable in its acute
remarkson "social actions" and theambiguityoftheterm"need" as it appearsin many
sociologiesofknowledge;but he has failedto analyze what he terms"theoretic"thinking. The limitationshe would exact of sociologyof knowledgeare withoutadequate
justification.
29 L. Wirth has correctly
indicated that an incipientsociologyof knowledgehas
oftenbeen an unexploitedby-productofmethodologicaldiscussions(Prefaceto Mannheim,op. cit.,pp. xvii-xxiii).
SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE
327
whole,Mannheimas epistemologist
is concerned
withthedetection
and correction
oflimitations
ofsocial-political
In hisreinquiries.30
viewofRice's Methods3'he abstractssomenotionsand formswhich
controlinquiriesof Americanand Germansociologists,
criticizes
each styleof studyby the otherin supplementary
fashion,and
briefly
linksthe twoin a generalresearchmodelwhichhe submits
socialinquiryshouldfollowifit wouldissuein firmknowledge.
in implying
Von Scheltingis incorrect
thatMannheimdoes not
"postulatethepossibility
ofobjectivevalidityforcognitive
achievements."32
In fact,Mannheimdoes not stopwiththemereassumption.He goeson as a soundmethodologist
to attemptformulations
of criteriaforsocial inquiryin termsof existentmodesof social
thoutght
as empirically
ascertained
by logicand a contextual
sociologyofknowledge.If Mannheimhas fallenshortin his attemptsto
enunciatesoundcriteriaforsocialinquiries,
it is notdue to misconceptionsofthecharacter
ofepistemological
formsnorto "epistemologicalinconsistency."
The desireto treatpolitically
important
problems
without
beinga victim
to bias was responsible
forthe development
in Germany
of.... WissensThisnewbranchofresearch,
soziologie.
selfintended
tobe an organofcritical
control
hasalreadysucceeded
in detecting
andsubjecting
to control
important
sourcesoferror.33
This certainlyis indicativeof one genericmeaningof the epistemological relevance of sociology of knowledge. The sociologist of
knowledgejoins the alive logician and social methodologistin the
criticalbuildingof soundermethodsforsocial research.
30 As was Spencer,StudyofSociology(I873) and J. S. Mill, A SystemofLogic,Book
VI. Notice the mannerin whichSpencermoves fromdiscoveryof proceduralfallacies
having social sources,from"the many modes in whichevidencemay be vitiated,"to
the constructionof methodologicaltechniquesdesignedto obviate such fallaciesand
vitiations.The idea that detectionof social sources of errormay lead to sounder
methodologyis clearly evidenced. In this connectioncf. E. Durkheim,Regles de la
methode
sociologique(Paris, I895), chap. ii.
3' AmericanJournalofSociology,
Vol. XXXVIII, No. 2 (I932).
32 Op. cit.,p. 667.
33 Mannheim,op. cit., p. 28I; also see Mannheim,Man and Societyin an Age of
Reconstruction
(New York, I940), in which methodologicalproblemsof "social planning,"as a typeof thought,are constructively
presented.
328
SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE
329
Sociological
Review,
February,
I1940,
pp.
2I-22).
330
vestigations
shouldprovidea basis forrulesforthe controland
guidanceofevidenceand inference.37
Becauseofits dominantly
academicposition,in Americansociologysystematic
theorizing
has proceededin textbooks
forstudents,
notforresearch.Whateffect
has thishad on theresearchmodelto
whichsociologists
have lookedforverification
of theirwork,and
henceon itsvalidity?
The ideal of intimacyof contactto whichCooley practically
assimilatedthe conceptionof society,withconsequentdistortion
and partiality,
has itsrootsin certainAmericanculturaltraditions38
and in compensation
fortheactualdepersonalization
and secondary
character
oflifein an urban-industrial
order.
The emphasisupon continuous
processas a centralcategoryin
American
sociology
has perhapsaidedtheoverlooking
ofrevolutionin "social change."Safemultiple-factor
arydislocations
viewsas to
historicalcausationare veryconvenient
to a "liberaldemocratic"
socialchange.Pluralisticcausesare
viewofpolitically
implemented
easilycarriedto a pointat whichno actionis possible;revolutionary
callsforbeliefin a monisticcause.
manipulation
itemscloseat handwhichthesociologist
These are fragmentary
ofknowledge
is in a positionto examine.The detailedself-location
of social science,if systematically
and sensitively
not
performed,
onlywilllead to detectionoferrorsin methodsunderwaybut conof sounderparadigmsfor
will resultin presentations
structively
futureresearch.
UNIVERSITY
OF WISCONSIN