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Poilty
Polity
Number 33
XXHI, Number
VolumeXXIII,
Spring 1991
Spring 1991
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make sense of the sound, one has to know not only the general sense of
the word, but also, at least in use, the rules of grammar, i.e., the way
language as a whole works. The meaning of words in general thus
depends upon the broader structure of the language, which itself changes
over time or in history.
The linguistic context thus points to the historical context, which is actually multiple. First, the meaning of the word changes a bit, if it
depends on its context, with each and every use. As any dictionary will
show, the current use or meaning of a word like "sinister" has grown out
of past uses, often in other languages, traces of which are still to be
found in present English usage, although the present meaning often differs significantly from the original. Derrida insists that no one can help
but import this multiplicity of meanings from the past when she uses the
word.
Just as the meaning of a single word depends upon its context, both
linguistic and historical, so Derrida reminds us, the meaning of any
sentence also depends on the context-literary and historical. When
someone says, "You're killing me," that statement may, depending
upon the context, mean that the speaker is actually being murdered or
that he is doubled over with laughter. The meaning is not simply in the
sentence read according to grammatical rules.
If the meaning of the text necessarily includes the state of affairs at the
time at which the text was produced-the state of the language, the
character of the audience, the character of the author-and that meaning
is further altered by the changed state of affairs or context when the text
is later read, the division between the text and the world begins to break
down. The text is written with or out of a language existing outside,
before the text, and it is read by an audience who will understand its
meaning in terms of yet a different context, which context or understanding of the world-to add yet a further complication-may well be
affected by the reading of the text. There is, therefore, a dynamic relation between text and context in which the meaning of neither is stable.5
Thus far Derrida's argument involves an historicism he shares with
many other modern thinkers, although he emphasizes one of its more
radical conclusions, namely, that the author can never control or determine the meaning of his or her writing 1) because that writing is done in,
and implies the structure of, an entire language which is not under the
5. Cf. Derrida's own reading of Plato in Dissemination, trans. Alan Bass (Chicago: The
University of Chicago Press, 1981), pp. 63-94, and his discussion of context and its infinite
expandability in "Passe-Partout," in The Truth in Painting, trans. Geoff Bennington and
Ian McLeod (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1987), pp. 1-13.
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8. Ibid., p. 54.
9. Derridacoins the neologismdifferanceto capturethis "play" betweenanalyticor
logicaldifferentiationand temporaldeferring.
10. Justas the authorcannotcontrolor determinethe meaningof his writing,becausehe
or she controlsneitherthe languagenor the changingcontext,so the criticcannotcontrol
his or her understandingof the text.
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Catherine
Zuckert 339
contion betweenanyassertionandits negationthatmakeseverything
stantlyshiftfromone poleto its oppositein timecreatesthe spaceand
motionin whichnewmeaningis constantlyproduced.If things,words,
andhencedeterminable,
the
ideas,andtheirrelationsweredeterminate
worldwouldbe static.Therewouldbeno history;indeed,therewouldbe
characterof
no creationor life. Ratherthanbemoanthe self-negating
assertionsaboutthe world,whichwouldseemto makebothassertions
Derridacelebrates
whathe calls
andworldfundamentally
unintelligible,
the unending"jeuor play"or significance.
II. PhilosophyOvercoming
Itself
Derridadoes not, therefore,regarddeconstruction
merelyas a radical
of
As
deconstruction
constitutes
thelogical
texts.
he
sees
it,
way reading
conclusionof previousphilosophy,whichin revealingthe limitsor infoundationsof pastphilosophy,opensup an entirelynew
decipherable
1 Allpreviousphilosophy
of
theworld.
hadproceeded
by
way conceiving
that
areultithese
distinctions
distinctions.
By showing
makinglogical
bound
matelyuntenable,becauseapparentoppositesarefundamentally
Derridathinksthat he has both
to eachotherand henceundecidable,
of allpreviousphilosophyand
revealedthefaultyoriginsor foundations
concludedor endedit.
In stressingtheimportance
of negationfor establishing
or
distinctions
differencesamongand hencethe definitionsof things,Derridaclearly
and explicitlybuilds on Hegel, who also thoughthe had brought
the
philosophyto an end or conclusion.Hegel'slogic both represents
or completionof Platonicphilosophy,Derridaargues,and
culmination
revealsits fundamental
defect.12
that
the
are
Byshowing
processof negationthroughwhichdifferences
and
an
established
intelligibleordermademanifestcan occuronly in
timeor throughhistory,DerridathinksthatHegelhimselfindicatedthe
reasonswhylogiccannevergeneratea finalsolution,totalsynthesis,or
"absoluteidea"of the sortHegelhimselfattempted.Sucha finalsolution wouldentailthe endof negationor the processof drawingdistinctions in timethat Derridacallsdifferance.It is not philosophyas the
searchfor knowledgethatendswithHegelin the possessionof knowledge or science, Derridathus suggests, but ratherthe belief that such
knowledgeis attainablethat ends afterHegel. Theprocessof negationor
11. Of Grammatology, pp. 4-26; Positions, trans. Alan Bass (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1981), pp. 43-44.
12. Dissemination, pp. 1-20, 107-08; Positions, p. 77.
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CatherineZuckert 341
cumstances,heritage, and history, although in both cases he can and
does often changeboth languageand systemof thoughtthroughhis own
usage. He can, for example,changethe "system"as a whole by negating
or erasingcertainmarksor parts.
III. The Politics of "Onto-Theology"
On the basis of such an understandingof both the worldand the operation of the humanmind, therecan be no fundamentaldifferencebetween
theory and practice.Our "practice"is constitutedby the way in which
we live, i.e., by the way we see or experiencethings (which is to say,
literally,our "theory");our theoryis not merelya product,but is an inherent part or aspect of our practice. In all cases we are dealing with
tracesthat humanbeingsproduce,but do not control. Not surprisingly,
therefore,Derridathinksthat the deconstructionof Westernphilosophy
he sees in process has practical, political manifestationsas well. He
describesthe most importantof these in an anti-apartheidstatementhe
publishedseveralyears ago entitled "Racism'sLast Word."'7
As Derridaunderstandsit, the institutionof apartheidin SouthAfrica
has brought out the contradictionat the root of Westerncivilization
which is in the processof deconstructingitself in the worldwideprotest
againstthat nation'sdistinctiveinstitution.This may seemto be a rather
strangeclaim at first sight, because the fundamentalpolitical division
and so, perhaps,contradictionin the secondhalf of the twentiethcentury
has usuallybeen conceivedeitherin termsof the cold-waroppositionbetweenliberalismand communism,the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., or in terms
of the North-Southeconomicsplit betweenthe first and secondworlds,
on the one hand, and the thirdworld,on the other. Sincethe AfricanNational Congressincludessome self-declaredcommunists,the presentturmoil in South Africa could be interpretedas an extensionof the Cold
War. The conflict could also be describedin termsof a divisionbetween
the predominantlywhite, wealthy, first-worldand the predominantly
colored,poor third-worldnations. But in neithercase wouldit constitute
the foremost, dominant,or only example.Why then does Derridatake
events in South Africa to have such fundamentalimportance?
Apartheidobviouslybringsthe issueof raceto the fore and, with race,
what Derridacalls the "onto-theologico-political"question. He recognizes that the principlesupon whichWesternliberaldemocraciesare explicitly based proscribe discriminationon the basis of race. As the
AmericanDeclarationof Independencestates, "We hold these truthsto
17. CriticalInquiry,12 (Autumn1985):290-99.
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CatherineZuckert 343
relevant,however,Jeffersongoes on to base the rightof the coloniststo
rebelon a claimexplicitlyrestingon birth:all men arebornequaland endowed by their Creatorwith certainrights. Not only does Jeffersonappear to equate natureor birth with divine Creation;he appearsalso to
make the naturalequalityof human beings a product of or derivative
from the natural difference between men and animals. Natural differencesor differencesfrom birthwould thus appearto be more fundamentalthan naturalequality.
The principleswhichappearto be liberaland egalitarian,Derridasuggests, rest on a conceptionof the naturalorderthat emphasizesthe fundamentalstatus of distinctions,first among species, but also between
sexes, and we now see, races. For what are racialdistinctions,after all,
but differences from birth? Indeed, the human species itself is often
referredto as the human "race." Such distinctionsare not merelymanmade or conventional;they are by natureand thus presumablywritten
into the unchangingcharacterof things. As such, they ought to be
respected,to be regardedas havinghigherdignityand morefundamental
status than any more transienthistoricalor culturalideas about significance or value. Liberalegalitarianprinciplesare thereforecontradicted
by their own metaphysicalbasis.19
To be free of invidiousdistinctionsbasedon raceor sex, he concludes,
it is necessaryto bringthesecontradictionsinto the open, to completethe
deconstructionof all of the varioushistoricalconceptionsof an enduring
naturalor intelligibleorderthat have characterizedWesternphilosophy
or metaphysics.What we actuallyhave is a series of overlappingsimilaritiesand differences,the significanceof which is determinedin different ways by different individualsand peoples at different points in
time. Traditionallyunderstoodas rational animals, human beings are
both like and unlikeotherlivingthings. Humanbeingsare also naturally
both like and unlikeeach other. Whereone drawsthe lines is, therefore,
somewhatarbitrary,subject both to affirmationand negation. Species
lines have traditionallybeen drawnaccordingto the abilityto mate and
procreate. But within the same species, so defined, Derridaobserves,
there are again differencesbetweenthe sexes-differences which cross
specieslines and whichare neverthelessabsolutelynecessaryto maintain
in order to preservethe race or species. Can one really say, therefore,
which distinctionis the essentialone?20
19. Cf. "Admirationde Nelson Mandelaou Les lois de la reflexion,"Psyche (Paris:
Galilee, 1987),pp. 453-76.
20. In German,Derridaemphasizes,the samewordGeschlechtsignifiesspecies,sex, and
race-all together."Geschlecht-differencesexuelle,differenceontologique,"Researchin
Phenomenology,XIII (1983):65-83.
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There is, Derrida concludes, no natural order which justifies the allocation of rights or liberties according to birth. Such notions serve rather
to restrict the guarantee and exercise of rights-or human freedom-and
ought, therefore, to be deconstructed.
IV. Moving Through the Heideggerian Critique
Advocates of the political value of deconstruction emphasize the liberating results of the critique of traditional notions like "intention" and
"nature."21 But are such critiques sufficient to secure human liberty?
Or, do they simply undermine the foundations of institutions which, the
Declaration of Independence reminds us, were designed to secure
freedom without putting anything in place of these institutions?
Derrida is by no means the first modern philosopher to claim that
there is no natural, ontological, or theological order. That proposition or
conclusion is characteristic of most post-Hegelian philosophy. To take
the preeminent examples, both Karl Marx and Friedrich Nietzsche agreed
that "God is dead."22 The problem, as Derrida knows, is that these
previous arguments did not inaugurate an era of absolute liberty. They
served rather to sanction the worst forms of political oppression human
beings have ever experienced, and it was not just that evil men misused
the arguments of innocent philosophers.23
How then does Derrida think he can avoid the problematic political effects of previous denials of the existence of principles of "natural
right?" Despite their evident political differences, the arguments of both
Marx and Nietzsche could be used to justify totalitarian governments,
Leo Strauss argues, because both philosophers deny there were or ought
to be any natural or divine limits on human power.24 If nothing natural
or human has any necessary order or structure of its own, everything is
open to manipulation, reconstitution, or re-form, including the human
beings doing the reforming. By denying the existence of a natural order,
Derrida would thus appear to be perpetuating the philosophical foundations of totalitarian politics.
21. E.g., John Caputo, Radical Hermeneutics (Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
1987), pp. 260-61.
22. On the similarities between Marx and Nietzsche, see Nancy Love, Marx, Nietzsche,
and Modernity (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), and Tracy Strong, Friedrich
Nietzsche and the Politics of Transformation (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1975).
23. Derrida, Otobiographies, pp. 1-38, insists on the connection between Nietzsche's
writings (both early and late) and subsequent Nazi politics. His criticism of Marx in Positions, pp. 63-65, is more indirect.
24. Cf. Leo Strauss, The City and Man (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1964), pp. 1-13.
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CatherineZuckert 345
Following Heidegger,Derridarespondsthat Marx and Nietzschedid
not becomeassociatedwithtotalitarianpoliticalmovementsbecausethey
deniedthe existenceof any naturalor divineorder;on the contrary,there
was a certaincomplicitybetweentheirargumentsand totalitarianpolitical movementspreciselybecause Marx and Nietzsche did not take the
critiqueof previousmetaphysicsfar enough. Despitetheir claimsto the
contrary, neither Marx nor Nietzsche completely ceased thinking in
traditionalphilosophicalterms.Althoughboth philosophersinsistedthat
therewas no necessary,intelligiblenaturalorder,both continuedto posit
an underlyingsubstanceor generaldefinitionof "being"-matter in the
case of Marx, will to powerin the case of Nietzsche.And the tyrannical
characterof both Marxist-Leninistand fascist politics is indissolubly
associatedwith this theoreticalfailure to destroy or move beyond the
fundamentalconcept of metaphysicsentirely.5
Insofar as Marxism-Leninismunderstands everything merely as
materialsubjectto transformationthroughhumanindustry,Heidegger
points out, it necessarilyjustifies the manipulationor exploitationof
human "matter" as well. If there are no distinctionsor differencesby
naturewhichmust or ought to be respected,thereis no reasonto distinguishhumanfrom otherformsof being. Whenhumanbeingsthemselves
become subject to technologicaltransformation,however, it becomes
difficult to describe the process in terms of serving human needs or
desires.26
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30. Cf. "The Principle of Reason," (in which Derrida bases his analysis explicitly on
Heidegger's Der Satz vom Grund as well as his Rektoratsrede), and "No Apocalypse, Not
Now," Diacritics, 14 (Summer 1984): 20-31.
31. From this perspective, the "reforms" promulgated by Mikhail Gorbachev merely
represent an attempt on the part of the Soviet Union to adopt the most efficient way of
organizing economic enterprise, i.e., the market, in order to compete more effectively with
the American, European, and Pacific Rim "powers."
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CatherineZuckert 347
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properties. It was only a matter of time before their successors denied the
intelligibility or existence of what was essentially, by definition, nothing.
If there was no such thing as Being, as both Marx and Nietzsche saw,
there was no reason or necessity for the existence of any particular form
of being. There was no reason not to treat all forms of being, including
human beings, as "material" to be re- or transformed at will.
The truth disclosed by the prospect of a technological transformation
of all previous forms of existence is that there is no logical or other
necessity to or for being at all.36 If human beings do not open themselves
to a possible disclosure of Being, it will no longer continue to be. But if
there is no Being-no ground or source of intelligibility and existence
beyond human ken and potential mastery-there is no ground or reason
to expect human being to remain a distinct form of existence. The future
existence of human beings thus depends upon their somehow recalling
the "meaning of Being."
Traditionally, human being had been defined as zoon echon logon,
i.e., as an animal endowed with speech. Human being was understood to
be a particular kind of living thing; speech or logos, the faculty or accident which distinguished men from animals. In fact, Heidegger suggests,
the possession of logos makes human being qualitatively different from
all other forms of existence or life. Animals react instinctively to their environment so as to preserve the species; some are able to express their
feelings vocally. But only human beings understand and are able to articulate their lives in terms of a world composed of meaningfully related
"things" and inhabited by other beings endowed with an understanding
like their own.37 As such, human being is not self-contained or merely
reactive. On the contrary, because it is structured, organized, and so
defined in terms of an articulated set of relations to other forms of existence, human being is essentially, in itself, open. Because human being is
not "in itself" but is rather always "being-in-the-world," its particular
or concrete form and content varies from time to time and place to place.
Neither Being nor human being is necessary, determinate, or selfsubsistent, because each is dependent upon the other. Like Marx and
Nietzsche, Heidegger maintains that no intelligible order exists apart
from or independent of its human articulation. But in opposition to
Marx and Nietzsche, he insists that the order of the world is not merely a
36. The most dramatic, but by no means only form of this "prospect," according to
Heidegger, is the possibility of a nuclear holocaust.
37. Heidegger made the rooting of both "being-in-the-world" and "being-with-others"
in language (Sprache) clearer in lectures he gave after Being and Time. Cf. Holderlin's
Hymnen "Germanien" und "Der Rhein, " Gesamtausgabe (Frankfort: Vittorio Klostermann, 1980), Band 39, pp. 61-75.
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human creation or product. Human beings can name only the things
which come into their purview, and their view is always limited, both
spatially and temporally.3 Human beings, moreover, do not have to
look; they do not have to recognize the limitations of their own existence
and knowledge or to respect the independent existence of other things or
people. They can continue to attempt to master and transform. Once it
becomes clear that their attempts to impose order result in the destruction of all order, purpose, and humanity, however, human beings confront an ultimate decision. They can persist on the path of technological
transformation, or recognizing the non-sensical, if not purely destructive, character of the search for power for the sake of power, they can
admit their limitations as human beings and so become open to a new,
explicitly historical "dispensation of Being" by "letting things be" (an
attitude Heidegger calls Gelassenheit).
The political implications of a Heideggerian decision to turn away
from the struggle for world mastery are clearly parochial, if not provincial. To avoid the leveling effects of the technological application of universal rational principles, Heidegger urges his readers not merely to
recognize but to affirm the particular historical, geographical, languagebased definitions, which is to say, limitations, of their own existence.39
Such an unqualified embrace of their own would necessarily shut people
off from others. Derrida has reason, therefore, to ask whether Heidegger's notion of Ent-scheidung (usually translated "resolution," but
literally meaning not-closedness) constitutes an adequate conception of
human "openness."
Derrida's Differences
Derrida sees that Heidegger's insistence on the indissoluble connection,
yet unbridgeable chasm between Being and the beings marks a fundamental break with the onto-theological attempt characteristic of previous
38. In On "Time and Being" (New York: Harper, 1972), Heidegger admitted that his attempt to reduce space to time in Being and Time was not valid.
39. In his late works, Heidegger thus identified Being with a "four-fold" definition of
human existence in terms of the opposition between "earth" (the impenetrable "ground")
and "sky" (the temporal horizon as it appeared from that particular spot), "men" or mortals (who lived for a limited time on the surface of the earth) and "gods" (the "immortal"
sources of the categories of intelligibility hidden behind the clouds in the sky). Cf. Poetry,
Language and Thought (New York: Harper, 1971). Heidegger emphasized the provincial
character of his own thought in "Why Do I Stay in the Provinces?" trans. Thomas
Sheehan, Martin Heidegger: The Man and the Thinker (Chicago: Precedent, 1981), pp.
27-30. He also attributed some of the special affinity he felt for Hoelderlin to the fact that
they both grew up in and loved the same part of Germany.
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the human beings themselves are not aware. By deepening or writing over
existing nerve "paths," these internal traces nevertheless both determine
and constantly change the categories into which the human being sorts
the impressions he or she receives. The world is thus continually being reconstituted anew in somewhat different form by each and every individual, but these individuals are not conscious, much less in control of
the process.43
Fundamental changes in the view people have of the world take time to
develop, Derrida admits, for they occur only in and through history.
They do not require a new dispensation of Being, however, nor are they
products of a sublimated "will to power."
Just as Heidegger's emphasis on the ineluctable character of Being
maintained an opening back toward traditional theology, if not metaphysics per se, so Derrida suggests, Heidegger's privileging of human
being on the grounds of its possession of logos also pointed back to the
traditional definition of "man" in contrast to other species of animals.44
In opposing an historical understanding of "man" to the traditional
naturalistic one, Heidegger overstates the "identity" or unitary character
of human existence by ignoring sexual differentiation, associated as it is
with biological generation, and understates the continuity or overlap between human and other forms of animate existence.45 Heidegger's opposition of an emphatically historical understanding to that naturalistic
traditional definition prevents him, ironically, from seeing the sensitive,
i.e., animal or bodily, as opposed to the geistlich (the spiritual or intellectual and historical) origins of all systems of meaning, differences, or
languages.46 Once Heidegger has completed his destruction of the metaphysical tradition, however, it becomes possible to de-construct his
definition of both "man" and history as well.47
Heidegger thought he was confronted with the possible end of man,
because he was living at the end of history that had commenced with the
dis-covery or e-vent of Being in Greece. But, Derrida suggests, if human
existence is historical in the way Heidegger himself indicates, there is no
reason to predict such an end. If human existence is essentially historical
43. "Freudand the Scene of Writing," in Writingand Difference,trans. Alan Bass
(Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress, 1978),pp. 196-231.
44. "The Ends of Man," in Margins,pp. 111-36.
45. "GeschlechtI," "GeschlechtII," in Deconstructionand Philosophy,ed. JohnSallis
(Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress, 1987),pp. 161-64.
46. Of Spirit,pp. 47-57; "GeschlechtII," pp. 172-74.
of Daseinhe pro47. Heideggerhimselflateradmittedthat the historicalunderstanding
posedin Beingin Timein oppositionto the traditionwastoo "subjective."(Cf. Nietzsche,
IV: 141).
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ly, especiallywhen a young researcherdiscoveredthat Derrida'scolleague, friend,and fellow deconstructionist,Paul de Man, hadpublished
articlespraisingGermanyand bemoaningthe influenceof Jewishintellectualsin Belgiumin 1942.
Respondingto the charges, Derridastated that what he "practiced
underthe name" of "deconstruction"was designedprimarily"to free
oneself of totalitarianism as far as possible."49 This mode of analysis
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58. Democracy in America, trans. Phillips Bradley (New York: Vintage, 1945), Vol. II,
Part I, Ch. 5, 2, pp. 9, 21.
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