CENTRE

for

REFORMATION
and

RENAISSANCE
STUDIES
VICTORIA
UNIVERSITY

The Itinerary
of

Fynes Moryson
In

Four

Volumes

Volume

II

GLASGOW
PRINTED
ROBERT

AT

THE

UNIVERSITY

MACLEHOSE

PRESS

&"> COMPANY

LTD.

BY
FOR

JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, PUBLISHERS

TO

THE

UNIVERSITY

MACMILLAN
THE
THE

AND

MACMILLAN

CO.

co.

SIMPSUN,

HAMILTON

MACMILLAN

AND
AND

LTD.

GLASGOW

LONDON

CO.

MACMILLAN

DOUGLAS

OF

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OF CANADA

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An Itinerary
Containing His Ten YeeresTravell through
the Twelve Dominionsof Germany,Bohmerland, Sweitzerland, Netherland,

Denmarke,

Poland, Italy, Turky, France, England,

Scotland

5? Ireland

Written
FYNES

by

MORYSON
GENT.

VOLUME

II

Glasgow

James MacLehose and Sons

Publishers to the University
MCMVII

D
si

n
190

"EF.IiBEli

THE

TABLE
PAGE

The Contents of the severall Chapterscontained

in

the

Third

Booke

ot

the

First

Part

(Continued'].
CHAP.

II.

The descriptionof the Citie of Jerusalem,and the Territory thereof. ........

i
CHAP.

III.

Of my journy from Jerusalemby land to Joppa,by seato

Tripoly in Syria,by land to Haleppoand Scanderona,
and of our passage
by seato the Hand Candia. .
CHAP.

47

I1II.

Of my journy from Candia (partly by land, and partly by

sea) by the sea shoaresand by the Hands of the
ygean sea, Pontus and Propontis, to the Citie of
Constantinople,and of my journy thence by seato
Venice, and by land to Augsberg, Nurnberg, and
Stode (in Germany,) and of my passageover sea
into England.

.......
CHAP.

84
V.

Of my journy through many severall Shiresof England,

Scotland,and Ireland. .
.
.
.
.
.115

THE

TABLE

The Contentsof the severallChapters-Continued. PAGE

CHAP.

VI.

Of the manner to exchangemoniesinto forraigne parts,

and the divers moniesof divers parts, together with
the divers measures
of miles in sundry Nations, most
necessary
for the understandingof the former Journall.

122

The Contentsof the severallChapterscontainedin

the First

Booke of the Second Part.

CHAP.

I.

Of the Induction or Prefaceto my Irish Journall; and

a compendious narration how Charles Blount Lord

Mountjoy, (my Lord and Master of happy memory)

waschosenLord Deputy of Ireland, and of this worthy
Lords quality ; as also of the Counselsin generallby
which he broke the Rebelshearts,and gavepeaceto
that troubled State,togetherwith his particularactions
in the end of the yeere1599. .....
CHAP.

165

II.

Of the Lord Deputiesparticularproceedingsin the prosecution of the Rebelsin the yeere 1600. .
.
.
290

The Contentsof the severallChapterscontainedin

the Second Booke of the Second Part.
CHAP.

I.

Of the Lord Deputiesparticularproceedings

in the prosecutionof the Rebels,and of the Spaniardsinvading

Irelandin theyeere1601.

367

ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE

The descriptionof the Citie of Jerusalemand the

Territorie,

....

The rude, but true figure in plaine of Christs

Sepulcher and the Church built over it at
Jerusalem, .

24

The descriptionof the City of Constantinople,and

the adjacentTerritories and Seas,
.
.

96

The Right Honourable Charles Blount, Earle of

Devon, Baron Mountjoy and Knight of the
Garter,

.......

The Earle of Ormonds takinge Prisoner, .

264

304

The

Second

Volume

OF

The Itinerary of Fynes Moryson

enap.
Chap. II.
11.

The description of the City of Jerusalem,and

the territory thereof.
Am unskilfull in Geography,and much Jerusalem.
more in the making of Mappes: but

accordingto the faithfull view of my

eyes,I will first draw the situationof
Jerusalem,and after explaine it, aswell
as I can. And first I thinke good to
professethat by my journy to this City,
I hadno thought to expiateany leastsinneof mine; much
lessedid I hope to merit any gracefrom God; but when
I had oncebegun to visite forraigneparts, I wasso stirred
up by emulation and curiosity, as I did never behold
any without a kind of sweete envy, who in this kind

haddaredmore then my selfe. Thus affected,I thought

no placemore worthy to be viewed in the whole world,
then this City, wherehowsoeverI gave all divine worship
to God, and thought none to be given to the places,yet

I confesse
that (throughthe graceof God)the very places
struckeme with a religious horrour, and filled my mind
preparedto devotion, with holy motions. In like sort
I professe,that I will faithfully relate the situation of
the City, and the description of the monumentsmade
to me by the Friars, making consciencenot to adde or
detract, but as neere as I can to use their owne words.

Yet doe I not my selfebeleeveall the particularsI write

upon their report, neither doe I perswadeany man to

beleevethem. But for many monuments,the scripture

M.

II

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1596.

givescreditto them,andit is not probablein so great

difference
andemulation,
(whereof
I shallafterspeake)

of Sectsof Christiansthereabiding,andbeing most^apt

[I. iii. 218.]to note erroursonein another,that any apparantfictions
couldbeadmitted: ason the contrary,it is mostcertaine,

that somesuperstitious
inventions(wherewithall the
sectes
aremoreor lesseinfected)havein time obtained,
to be reputed true, and religiously to be beleeved.
Howsoever he that conferres the situation of the City

and of the monuments,with the holy Scriptures,and

with the old ruines of Rome, and other Cities, shalleasily

discernewhat things are necessarily

true or false,and
what are more or lesseprobable.
Jerusalem And it will notoriously appeare,that the Citie is now

seated
inthe seatedin the sameplace,in whichit flourishedwhen
*'

our Saviour lived there in the flesh. Neither let any

man object to me the propheciesof the fatall and

irreparableruine thereof, which all Divines understand
of the Temple to be utterly demolished; and for my
part, I would rather admit (if necessitierequire) any
figurative speech,then I would bee so wicked or so
blockish, as not to beleevethe holy Scriptures,or that
which I did seewith theseeyes. Upon the West side,
the Citie could never have beenmore enlargedthen now
it is, since Mount Calverie (without all doubt) was of
old without

the walles, which now is inclosed within

them, so as rather it appearesthe Citie hath been so

much inlarged on that side. In like sort on the East

side, the Citie is so compassed

with the Valley of
Jehosephat,
andthe famousMount Olivet, asit appeares
Jerusalem the City could not that way have been larger then now
nowenlarged.
it is Qn the North side I did never reade nor heare

any, that describedthis Citie to havebeenlarger then

now it is, yet in respectof hugeruinesstill remaining

there, upon a large Plaine of the highestpart of the

Citie,if anyshouldconfidently
affirmethattheybelonged
to the old Citie, for my part I couldnot gainesay
it.
From the Plaine of this highestpart of the Citie it

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1596.

declinesby little and little (if you exceptsomelittle

Hilles within the walles) from the North to the East

(wherethe Templeof Salomonis seatedupon the lowest

part of Mount Moriah) and likewiseit declinesfrom
the North to the South Gates, whereof the one is called

Sterquilinea,of the filth there carried out, the other

Prsesentationis,
becausethe Virgin Mary enteredthere,
when she presentedChrist to the Priest in the Temple,
which gates(as the whole Citie) are seatedupon Mountaines,yet lower then any other part of the Citie. Upon
the higher part of Mount Sion, on the sameSouth side
towardsthe West, lie many ruines of houses,and it is
most certaine,that the Tower of David, and other famous TheTowerof
housesthere, which are now without the walles, were of David.

old inclosed within them, and that the City extended

somewhat further towards the South, then now it doth.

Yet the Hill of Sion is so compassed

with knowneVallies,
and those Vallies with high Mountaines, as this extent
couldnot be great.
Jerusalemwas of old called Moria (where they write Jerusalem
that Adam was createdof red earth), & is seatedupon seated
upon
Mount Moriah, upon the top wherof towardsthe Northwest is Mount Calvery (where they say that Abraham
wasready to sacrificehis sonne Isaac, and where without

doubt our Saviour Christ suffered), and in the lowest

part of this Mountaine, the Temple of Salomon was
seated. The Citie was after called Salem,and thirdly,
Jebus,and fourthly Jerusalem,and at this day the Turkes
havenamedit Chutz. It is compassed
with statelywalles
(thelike whereof I did never see)of red and blackestone
more then an Elle long, and about halfe an Elle broad.
I call them stately,for the antiquitie, whereinfor the most
part they much excell the Roman walles. I numbred
sevenGates. The first of Damasco,(of old called the TheSeven
Gate of Ephraim) on the North side. The secondof gates.
Saint Stephenon the East side (which of old had the
nameof the beastsfor sacrificebrought in that way.)

The third the goldenGate,alsoon the East side(which

3

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ITINERARY

at thisdayis shutandbrickedup.) The fourththeGate

of presentation
on theSouth-side,
leadinginto theTemple
of Salomon,but at this day shut up. The fifth

Sterquilinea
alsoon the Southside,so calledof the

filth there carriedout. The sixth, the Gate of Syon also

on the Southside,nearethat part of Mount Syon,which

at this day is without the walles,but this Gatehathbeen
newly built. The seventhof Joppatowardsthe West
alsonewlybuilt. In generall,the Gatesarenothinglesse
then fortified,only as it were to terrific the Christians,
Christianswho enter at the Gate of Joppa,they havebraggingly
enter
atthe fortified the same,and plantedgreat Ordinanceupon it.

/ offa. ^n(j howsoever

the Citieseemes
strongenough
against

[I. iii. 219.]suddentumults, yet it is no way able to hold out against

a ChristianArmy well furnished,neither doe the Turkes
trust to their Forts, but to their forces in field.

Thehomes

built offlint

The houseshere, and in all parts of Asia that I have

seenC)are built of Flint stone, very low, onely one storie

high, the top whereof is plaine, and plastered,and hath

battlementsalmosta yard high, and in the day time they
hide themselveswithin the chamberunder this plastered
floare from the Sunne, and after Sunne-set, walke, eate,

and sleepe,upon the said plastred floare, where as they

walke, eachone may seetheir neighbourssleepingin

bed, or eating at table. But as in the heateof the day,
they can scarceindure to weare linnen hose, so when the

Syrenor dew falls at night, they keepethemselveswithin

dorestill it be dried up, or elsefling somegarment over

The
Dew
falls their heads. And with this dewof the night all the fields
aremoistened,
thefallingof rainebeingvery rarein these
parts towardsthe Equinoctiallline, and in this place
particularlyhappeningonely about the month of October,

about which time it falles sometimeswith great force

by wholepalesfull. The housesnearethe Temple of

Salomon,are built with archesinto the streete,under

which they walke drie, and coveredfrom the Sunne,as

likewisethe housesarebuilt in that sort, in that part of

the Citie, where they shewthe houseof Herod, in both

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A.D.

1596.

which placesthe way on both sidesthe streeteis raised

for those that walke on foote, lying low in the middest
for the passageof ladedAsses. In other parts the Citie Partsofthe

liesuninhabited,therebeingonelyMonasteries
of divers Ctite
Christian Sects,with their Gardens. And by reasonof
thesewasteplaces,and heapesof Flint lying at the dores
of the houses,and the low building of them, somestreetes

seemerather ruines then dwelling houses,to him that

lookes on them neere hand.

But to them who behold

the Citie from eminent places,and especiallyfrom the

mostpleasantMount Olivet (aboundingwith Olives, and

the highestof all the Mountaines),the prospectof the

Citie, and more speciallyof the Churchesand Monasteries
(whicharebuilt with elevatedGlobescoveredwith brasse,
or suchglistering mettall) promisethmuch more beauty
of the whole Citie to the beholderseyes,then indeed it
hath.
The circuit of the walles
three Italian miles.

containeth

some two or

All the Citizens are either Tailors, Shoemakers,Cookes, TheCitizens

or Smiths(which Smithsmake their keyesand lockesPoore

rascal1

notof Iron,but of wood),andin generall

poorerascall
^eo^i

people,mingled of the scummeof divers Nations, partly

Arabians,partly Moores, partly the basestinhabitantsof
neighbour Countries, by which kind of people all the
adjoyning Territorie is likewise inhabited. The JewesJewes
in
in Turky are distinguishedfrom othersby red hats, and Turkyweare
beingpracticall,doe live for the most part upon the seaats~

coasts, and few or none of them come to this Citie,

inhabitedby Christiansthat hate them, and which should

haveno traffique,if the Christian Monasterieswere taken
away. Finally, the Inhabitants of Jerusalemat this day
are as wicked as they were when they crucified our Lord,

gladlytaking all occasions

to useChristiansdespitefully.
They esteemedus Princes,becausewee wore gloves,and
broughtwith us shirts, and like necessaries,
though otherwisewe were most poorely appareled,yet when we went
to seethe monuments,they sent out their boyesto scorne

us,who leapeduponour backesfrom the higherpartsof

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MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1596.

Rude
Boyes.
the streete,we passingin the lowerpart, and snatched
from us our hatsand otherthings,while their fathers
wereno lessereadyto doeus all injuries,whichwe were
forced to bearesilently and with incrediblepatience.
Hence it was that Robert Duke of Normandy, being

sicke,and carriedinto Jerusalem

upon the backsof like
rascalls,when he met by the way a friend, who then was

returninginto Europe,desiringto knowwhatheewould

commandhim to his friends, hee earnestlyintreated him

to tell them, that he saw Duke Robert caried into heaven

upon the backsof Divels.

[I. iii. 220.]The description of the Citie and the Territorie.

Theexplica- Now followes the explicationof the Citie described:

Aon
ofthe ancjfirst the smallLine drawnewithin the presentwalles
on the West side of the Citie, shewes the old walles

thereof, before Mount Calvery was inclosedwithin the

wallesby the Christian Kings, for now there remaineno
ruines of the old walles,this line being onely imaginarie.
(i) Mount Sion without the walles,for part of it is
yet inclosedwith them.
TheCastle. (2) The faire Castle, which was built by the Pisans

of Italy, whileyet theywerea freeState,andthe building

is not unlike to the Italian Castles. It was now kept by
a Turkish Agha and Garrison,having great store of short
Iron Ordinanceof a huge boare, lying at the Gate for
terrour of the people. I rememberthat whenweewalked

(after Sunne-set)
upon the top of the Latine Monastery
(as thoseof Asia walke upon their houses),this Agha
sent a souldier to us, commandingus to goe from
beholding the Castle, or else he would shoote at us,
whomwe presentlyobeyed. Thus they suspectChristians,
and suffer them not to enter this Citie with Armes, but
narrowly searchtheir baggage.

(3) The Gateof Joppa(Zaffa,or Griaffa)in somesort

fortified,wherefor terrour to the Christians,they have

planted someOrdinance,for the other Gateshave none,

6

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A.D.

1596.

neither are fortified at all, and all the Christians enter at

this Gate.

(4) The Gate of Mount Sion, no whit fortified, and

newly built (as it seemes)

by the Turkes, as also that
of Joppais.

(5) The ruinesof the houseor Pallaceof the High Theruines

of
Priest Caiphas,wherethey shewa placewith a pillar, '^ High

uponwhichtheCockcrowedwhenPeterdeniedChrist; p^fae
and a place where the fire was made, at which Peter
warmedhimselfe; and a tree in the placewherehe denied
Christ; finally, a narrowprison, in which Christ wasshut
up till the day brake, and so he was led to Pilate.
And the Sect of the Armenian Christians keepes this
monument.

(6) Theold Monasterie

of theLatineChristians,
calledTheold

il Santo
Cenacolo,
whichtheTurkeshavetakenfromthe^/"^"
Christians, and turned

to a Mahumetan

Mosche or Christians.

Church, and no Christian may enter this place,kept by

the Santonsor Turkish Priests, except he will give an
unreasonable
reward,which given, yet he is not free from

danger,if other Turkes see him enter. Here Christ [I- "'" 221-]
did washhis Apostlesfeete, did eatehis last Supperwith
them, did appeareto them after his Resurrection,the
dooresbeing shut, and againeafter eight dayesappeared
to Thomas doubting. Here the holy Ghost descended
upon the Apostles,and the Apostle Matthew waschosen
by lot. The Italian Monastery (noted with the figure
(33) hath all theserepresentationspainted, and to these
pictures the Pope hath given as large indulgencesfor
Papists,as if they had scenethe other places,from which
the Turkes keepe them as unwashed dogges. The
Sepulcherof David is not farre from this place,kept by

the Turkes, forbidding entrie to the Christians. And

here they shew the ruines of the Tower of David, or

of hisPallace,on the Southsideof the Church-yard

given
to Christiansof Europe for buriall, in the sameplace
where David of old drove out the Jebuzites. In like

sorton the Southsideof this old Monastery,is the place

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wherethey say the Virgin Mary died. (7) Here they

shewa placewherethe Jewesstrovein vaineto take the

bodyof theVirgin Maryfromthehandsof theApostles,

astheycarriedit to beburiedin the Valleyof Jehosophat.

(8) The Cavewhereinthey sayPeter usedto bewaile
the denying of Christ.

(9) Here they saythe Apostleshid themselves,

whilst

Christ

The
field

suffered

on the Crosse.

(Io) Here they shewthe field Acheldamus,

boughtby

Acheldamus.
^& jewesfor a buriallplace,with thethirtie penceJudas
brought back to them. And here looking into a huge
cave of the Mountaine, we did see infinite whole bodies

imbalmedof deadmen, and standingupright. And this

placeis given for buriall to the Christiansof Asia.
(n) the Gate Sterquilinea,at which the filth of the
Citie is carried out, and cast into the Brooke Cedron.

And Christ betraiedby Judas,wasbrought into the Citie

by this Gate(as they say),which Gate is old, and nothing
lesse then fortified.

(12) The Gate by which the Virgin Marie entring into

the outer Temple, is said to have offered Christ then

an Infant to the handsof Simion, which Gate they say,

in honourof our Redeemer,wasshut up by the Christian
Kings, and so remainesto this day. (13) The outer
Temple where they say Christ was exhibited to Simion,
and the Italians call it the Temple of the Presentation.
TheTemple
of (14) In this large circuit compassedall with walles,

Salomon.
of Q\^tjje Templeof Salomon
stood.At thisdayit

wasover-grownewith grasse,and in the middest thereof

the Turkes had a Moschefor their wickedworshipof

Mahomet, neither may any Christian come within this

circuit,muchlesseinto the Mosche,eitherbeinga capitall

offence, which they say some curious Christians had tried

with losseof life, after they had been drawne to enter

into it by someTurkes vaine promises.
Thegolden (^^ The golden Gate at which Christ entered on

Palme-Sunday,
shut up by the ChristianKings, and so
remaining.

The description of the Citie of Jerusalema

COMMENTS

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1596.

(16) ProbaticaPiscinawithoutthe Gateof the Temple,

wherethe Angell troubling the waters,the first diseased
man that entred them was healed.

It was at this time

dried up.

(17) The beautirullGatewherePeterand John made

the man walke, who was lame from his mothers wombe.

(18) Salomonshouse,of old having a Gate leadingSalomons

into the Temple, and it is now inhabitedby the Turkish House.
Cady, who hath an Episcopall office. Here I did see
pleasantFountainesof waters, and did looke into the
circuit where the Temple stood, through an Iron grate,
when the said Magistrate called us before him. And I
rememberwe were bidden put off our shooesbefore we
entred in to him, where hee sat upon a Carpet spread
upon the ground, with his leggescrossedlike a Tailor,
and his shooesof (as the Turkes use.)

(19) This Gate of old had the nameof the Droves Thegate
of
of cattell brought in for sacrifices: but at this day is Saint
Stephen.
calledthe Gate of Saint Stephen,becausethe Jewesdrew
out that Protomartyr by this Gate, and so stonedhim.
(20) Heere they say was the houseof Anna, wherein
sheebarethe Virgin Marie.
(21) The Gate of Damasco,of old called the Gate of
Ephraim.
(22) The houseof Pontius Pilate, in which the Turkish [I. Hi.222.]
Sangiaco(who is the military Governourof the City and TheHouse
of
Pontius Pilate.
Province) did then dwell, so as no Christian might come
into the house without giving a reward. The Fryars Fryars
say that in this house are heard noises,whippings, and Superstitions.
sighes,nightly to this very time, and eachman the more
superstitioushe is, the more incredible things he tels
thereof. They say that the staires upon which Christ
ascended,
when he wasbrought to Pilate, were long since
carried to Rome, and these be the staires which I said

the Romans call Holy (vulgarly Scale Sante),and doe

worship with great superstition. They be of marble,
but for my part let every man beleeveas he list, whither
they were brought from thence,and be the samestaires
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ITINERARY

that Christascended
or not. OnelyI am surethat here

theyshewtheplacevoid in theverystreete,
wherestaires
havebeeneof old; yet must I needssay,that marble
stairesill befit the poorebuilding of this house. Here
the Souldiersspoiledour Redeemer
of his garments,and
in scorneattired him with purple.

TheArchof (23) The Arch of Pilate,whichis a galleryof bricke,

Pilate.
built over the street,from one wall to another,whence
Pilate shewedChrist to the people,saying; beholdthe
man, doe with him what you will.

(24) Here they say the Virgin Mary fell downe

fainting,whenChrist wasled to Mount Calvary.
(25) Here they say that Christ fainting, the Jewes
tooke his Crosse,and laied it upon Symon of Cyren.
(26) The Pallaceof King Herod.
(27) Here they say Christ uttered these words;
Daughters of Syon weepenot for me, weepefor your
selves, &c.

(28) Here they say the rich glutton dwelt, and not
farre hencethey shew the housewhere Mary Magdalen
washed Christs feete with her teares, and dried them with
the haires

Veronica's

of her head.

(29) Here they say Veronica dwelt, and that this

dwelling woman
gaveherwhitehand-kercher
to Christwhenhe

place.

did sweatblood, who wiping his face therewith, left the

lively print of it therein: about which hand-kercher
the Romansand the Spaniardscontend,both saying that
they have it, and shewingit for an holy relike to the
people.
The
gate
ofthe (30) The Gate of old calledJudiciall, now not extant,

dolorous
way.by whichChristwasled to Mount Calvaryto becrucified,
for this mountaine now inclosedwithin the wals, was
then without the wals. And the way from the houseof

PontiusPilate (notedwith the figures22) to this gate,

is calledthe dolorouswayby the Italian Christians,because

Christwasled by it to his passion. (31) The prisonfrom

whencethe Angell brought Peter,breakinghis chaines,
and opening the iron doore, and it is seatedunder the
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ruines of the Pallace,which since that time belongedto

the Knights of Jerusalem.

(32) The Churchwhich the Christiansbuilt over the

Sepulcherof Christ, of which I will after write more
largely,makinga rude Mappethereof,as I havedone
of the City.

(33) The Monasteryof the Franciscan

Friars,in which TheMonas-

wedidlodge,
beingseated
onthehighest
partof Mount^ f.the
Calvary,which sincehath beenecalledthe Mount of our
holy Saviour. And this is calledthe new Monastery, in
respectof the old (noted with the figure 6) and onely
hath the monumentsof the old painted, to the visiting

pr-iars

whereofthe Pope hath given large indulgences.The

FranciscanFriars conducting us, shewedus some other
monuments

within

the wals.

And

not farre from

the

gate of Syon, (noted with the figure 4) they shewedus

(34) the houseof the High Priest Anna, where Christ
was examinedby the Pharises,and there they shewed
us an Olive tree, (which must needsbe old), to which
they say Christ was bound. (35) The Church of the TheChurch

ApostleSaintJames,whomthe Spaniards
call SaintJamesftheApostle

of Gallicia,andworshipfor their protectingSaint,who atntames'

was called James the greater, and they say was here
beheaded. This Church is stately built, for the poverty
of the Armenians, who built it, and maintained there an

Archbishoppe,to keepe it, and to performe there the

rites of their religion.

(36)Theplace
where
theysayChrist
appeared
tothe ,f rl -s

three Maries dwelling together, upon the very day of

appeared
tothe

his resurrection,where the Christians built three Churches, threeMaries.

which the Turks have converted to 3 Moschees,yet [I. Hi.223.]

bearingno reverenceto the place,becausethey beleeve
not that Christ died, and much lesse beleeve that he rose

againe.

(37) The houseof the Evangelist Saint Marke, mentioned in the twelfth Chapter of the Acts. This is the
houseof Mary the Mother of John, surnamedMarke,

whitherPeter camewhenthe Angell deliveredhim out

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of prison,into which Herod had casthim, (notedwith

thefigure31). At thisdaytherewasanobscure
Church,
kept by the Syrian Priests.

(38) HeretheyshewtheIron gate,whichPeterfound

miraculouslyopened,and by the sameentring into the

other City, cameto the houseof Saint Marke.

We goingout at SaintStevens
GatetowardstheEast,

descendedinto the vally of Jehosaphat,and here they

say(39) the bridge stood,by whichthe Queeneof Saba

passedover the BrookeCedron,and that the Crosseof
Christ was madeof the wood of this bridge.

(40) In this place they say the ProtomartyreSaint

Steven was stoned. (41) This smal line without the

Thebrook Easternegates,shewesthe bedof the brook Cedron,(or

Cedron. Kidron) which is very narrow, having not at this time

one drop of water, so as we passedover the stony bed
with drie feet. But of old when Jerusalem flourished,

and had many conduitsof water drawneto it, then it is

probablethat it wasfilled with water. And at this day,
when any raine fals, the water runnes swiftly from the
mountaineson the North side, accordingto this blacke
Thevallyof line, through the most pleasant vally of Jehosaphat.
Jehosaphat.
7'his Vally extendethit selfeon both sidesof this brooke,
some two Italian miles in length, but is very narrow,
and it hath on the West side the wals of the City, where
Salomons
Templestoodupon the lower part of the Mount
Moriah, and it hath upon the East side the most high
Mount Olivet, and it hath on the North side mountaines

somewhat(but not farre) distant from the City, and upon

the South-sidemountainesa little more distant. Many
interpretthe ProphetJoell,in his third Chapterand second

verse,as if Gods Tribunall at the day of judgement

shouldstandin this vally, and thereuponthe Jeweswhen

they die in remoteparts,will be brought to be buried

in this vally, for the expedition of their triall.

But the

bestDivinesdoeteach,that the wordJehosaphat

signifies
the Judgementof the Lord, and that the Prophetmay
be interpretedfiguratively, namely,that as the Lord often
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defeated
with great slaughtersthe enemiesof his Church
in this valley, so in the day of judgement he will strike
the wicked

with

like

confusion.

(42) Beyondthe Brookeis a statelySepulcher

for the TheSepulch
most part under the earth, into which we descendedby o
some fiftie staires, and about the middle descent, on the

left handtowards the City, under an Altar, lie the bodies

of Joseph,and Joachimus,and on the right handthe body
of Anna (namely, of the Husband, Father, and Mother
of the Virgin Marie.) In the bottome is a Church, in
the middle whereof, under a stone raised some few feete

from the ground, they say the Apostlesburied the Virgin TheVirgin'.

Mary. This Church(sotheycallall places

wheretheyburying
ph
ace.

have Altars to sing Masses)is very darke, having no

light but by one window or vent, madethrough the earth,

and upon this monumentlies part of the bed of the

Brook Cedron. On the right hand the Turks (who

greatelyreverencethe monumentsof Christ while he

lived), have made themselvesan Oratory. But for the
monument it selfe, the Franciscan Friers of the Latin

Churchhave alonethe priviledge to keepethe same,and

the Altar thereof, for their singing of Masses.
(43) Here is a Cave, at the foote of Mount Olivet,
in which they say Christ used to pray, and did sweat
bloud.

(44) Here they shewa placewhere they say (beleeveTheplace

it who list), that S. Thomas after the Virgines buriall, whfre
the
did, see
her
both
in
body
and
soule
assumed
into
heaven,
^trstn
,
i
,
-11
1"
" r
"
appeared to

and that shecasting her girdle to him, gave it for testimony $ Thomas.

thereof,that all othersmight beleeveit. In my opinion

they did well to make Saint Thomas seeit, for otherwise
hee would

never

have beleeved

it.

(45) The place where they say the Virgin was wont
to rest, when she visited the placesfrequentedby her
Sonne in the time

hee lived

heere, and where she

beheld the stoning of Saint Stephen, and prayed for [I. iii. 224.]
him.

(46) The stone where Christ, leaving Peter, James,

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and John, said, that his soulewas heavyunto death, and

went asideto pray, warning them to watch.

TheGarden (4-7)Here is a little circuit inclosedwith a low wall,

where
ChristwheretheyreporttheGardento be,at thefootof Mount

'iraye
' Olivet,whereChristusedto pray,andwasbetrayed
by
Judas with a kisse.

(48) Theplacewheretheysay,theVillageof Getsemany

was of old seated. Round about this place the Turks

doe bury their dead(as they do also in a field on the

North side without the walles); for they never burie
within Cities, exceptingonely the monumentsof their
Emperours.

(49) Here theysaySaintJamesthelessedid lye hidden,

till hee heard that Christ was risen againethe third day

after

his Passion.

Twoold

(50) Here be two old Sepulchers,

almostof a round

Thetopof

stone,wherof the one is calledthe Sepulcherof Absolon,

the sonneof David, the other of King Manasses(or as
others say, of the King Ezekias.) And consideringthe
antiquitie, they seemeno PlebeanSepulchers,but stately
and fit for Princes,being foure Elles from the ground in
height.
(51) Here is the top of Mount Olivet, the highest

sepukhers.
forme,built of Free-stone,
or rathercut out of theliving

MountOlhet,
of a}}tne Mountainesthat compasse
Jerusalem,
andhere,
in a Chappell,they shew in stone the print of Christs
feetewhen he ascended
into Heaven. And this Chappell
is kept by a Turkish Zanton, that is a kinde of their

Priests, and the Turkes give such reverenceto the

monumentsof Christ living on earth, as they are much
offendedwith Christians,if they creepenot on their knees,
and with

their shooes off to this and like

monuments.

To the keeperhereofwe gave a few meidinesfor reward.

(52) Here they say Christ did weepeover the Citie

and rich Templeof Salomon,and in this placeis the

fullest prospectto view the Citie and Temple.
(53) Here they shewthe ruines of the house,wherein
the Apostlesassembled
did write the Creede.
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(54) Here they sayChrist taught his Disciplesto pray

in the forme ever since received, and here was a Church
built by the Christians of old.

(55) Here they say Christ foretold the signesof the

day of Judgement.
(56) Here they say the Angell foretold the Virgin shee
shoulddie at three dayesende.
Upon Thursday the sixth of June, we being to goe Thewayto
to Bethania, hired each of us an Asse for foure meidines, Bethania.

that placebeing scarsetwo Italian miles from the citie.

Of our companywe were foure Lay-men, and because
the Friers our consortspleaded themselvesto be free
from such expences,we were content to yeeld to them,
and gave jointly into the handsof the Fryer our guide
two zechines,wherewith he was to give small rewards,
and to pay the Muccaro, who furnished us with Asses:
for we meantnot to eatetill our returne, the placebeing
nofurther distant,and therebeing no dwellings,but onely
the ruines of houses. What our guide spent I know
not; for he never offeredto give us account,and because
hewasa Frier, wee would not trouble him in demaunding
it. We went out by the Gate Sterquilinea(noted with
the figure (n)

on the South side).

(57) First, we cameto the Fountaine Siloe, to which TheFountaine

Christ sent the blind man to wash his eyes,and there Siloewe found Turkish women washing, who beate us uway
with

stones.

(58) Here they shewa monumentof the Prophet Elia,

but what

it was I remember

not.

(59) Here they shewa Fountaine,where they say, the

Virgin washedChrists clotheswhen he was an infant.
(60) The Mount of Offence, opposite to Mount TheMount
of
Sion,which Mount lies beyondthe Brooke Cedron,and Offence.
extendethEastward towardsBethania,and upon the top
thereofthey shewthe ruinesof the Pallacewhich Salomon

built for his Concubines,

and of the Altar, upon which
hee sacrificed to Idols.

Betweene this Mount

and that

of Mount Sion, they shewthe Valley of the sonnesof [I. iii. 225.]
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Hinnon towardsthe West, and there they shewa place,

whereinthe Jewesoffered their children to the Idoll

Molech,
(that'is,Saturne);yetwereade,
thatthisValley
liesby the entryof the East-Gate,
Jeremiah,
chap.19.
vers.

2.

TheProphet (61) Here they say, the Prophet Isaiahwas cut in

Isaiah's
death.
pieces
with a Sawe,at thecommaund
of King Manasses.
(62) Here is a bridge over the Brook Kedron, or

Cedron of one Arch, & built of stone, whereby they

passewhen the bed of the Brookeis filled with water,

which now wee passeddrie footed. And here they shew

a place,wherethey say Christ fell upon the stonesof

the bed where the brook should runne, when he being

betraiedby Judas,was drawne into the Citie in a great

presseof the Jewes. And upon thesestonesare the

prints of handsand feete (as they say,his.)

The
place

(63) The way leadingto Bethaniaover Mount Olivet.

(64) The placewherethey sayJudashangedhimselfe,

where
Judas and burst; after he had betraied his Lord.
hanged
himself.

Not farre

hencethey shewa figge tree,which they sayChrist cursed,

because it had leaves without

fruit.

(65) Here descending

from Mount Olivet towardsthe

East, we did seefarre off the valley Jordan,to which the

Mountaines decline by little and little.

And now we

were come to Bethania, where we did see the House of

Simon the Leaper, not yet ruined, and inhabited by a

Moore, to whom we gave a few meidines.

ThePallace
of (66) Here they shewstatelyruines of a Pallace,which

Lazarus. they saybelongedto Lazarus. And not farre thenceis

a Chappell,built over the stately sepulcherof Lazarus,

the key whereofthe Friars our guideshad with them.

For the Turkesputting greatreligionin reverencingthis
place, have an Oratory neere it, and enter into the

Sepulcherby anotherway. Here they say Christ raised

Lazarusout of his grave. At our going forth, weewere

forcedto give somefew meidinesto certaineTurkes and
Arabians, (I know not whether they had the Place in
keeping,or no).
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(67) The Houseof Mary. (68) The Houseof Martha

her sister.

(69) The stone upon which they say Christ did sit,
before he did see the sisters of Lazarus bewailing his
death, and it is some halfe mile from Bethania.

(70) This small 'line sheweth the bed of the River Thebed
ofthe

Jordan,running through a most pleasantvalley, which R^erJordan.

River

we did see some ten Italian

miles

distant.

On the

North-side of Jerusalem,(I cannot say whether beyond

Jordanor no), we did seemany Towers, having globes
of glistering mettall, and that very distinctly, the day
being cleere; also we did see the wals of a City neere
the River Jordan, and they said, that it was Jericho.

Further towards the North they shewedus from farre

off a place,where they say our Saviour was baptizedby
John. And they affirme upon experiencehad, that the
waterof Jordan taken in a pitcher, will very long keepe Thewater
of

sweet,and that it corruptednot, though they carriedit Jr^an

doth
into forraigneparts. This water seemedvery cleere,till
it fell into a Lake, wherethey say Sodomewith the other
Cities stoodof old, before they were burnt by fier from
Heaven. And the day being cleere,we did plainely see,
and much

marvell

that

the cleere and silver

streame

of

Jordan,flowing from the North to the South, when in

the end it fell into the said Lake, becameas blacke as
pitch.

The Friers our guides seriouslyprotested,that if any TheLake

of

living thing werecastinto this Lake of Sodom,it could Sodom.

not be made to sinke, whereasany heavy dead thing
wentpresentlyto the bottome. Also that a candlelighted
cannotbe thrust under the water by any force, nor be
extinguishedby the water, but that a candleunlighted
will presently sinke. I omit for brevities sake, many

wondrous
things they told us, of the putrifactionof the
aire, and other strange things with such confidence,as

if theywouldextortbeliefefrom us. We hada great

desireto seetheseplaces,but werediscouraged
from that
attempt,by the feareof the Arabiansand Moores: for
M. n

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they inhabiteall theseTerritories. And I saidbefore,

that the Arabians,howsoeversubjectto the Turk, yet

exercisecontinuallrobberieswith all libertie and impunitie,

TheTurkesthe Turkesbeingnot ableto restrainethem,because

they

cannotrestrain

the Arabians.

are
barbarous,and., live
farre
from
their
chiefe
power,
,
n
"
i
i
*v
^i.
where they can easily flye into desart places. let these

[I. iii. 226.]Barbariansdoe strictly observetheir faith to those that

areundertheir protection. And all the Merchantschuse

one or other of the ArabianCaptaines,
and for a small
pension procure themselvesto be received into their
protection, which done, theseCaptainesproclaime their

namesthrough all their Cities and Tents (in which for

the most part they live), and ever after will severely
revengeany wrong done to them, so as they passemost
safelywith their goods. All other men they spoile, and
make excursions with their leaders, and sometime with

their King, to the seaside, as farre as Joppa,and much

further within Land, spoyling, and many times killing
all they meet.
Therubies
of
When we returned from Bethania, we declined to the

Bethphage.North side of Mount Olivet, and cameto the mines of

(71) Bethphage,where Christ sent for the Colt of an
Asse, and riding thereupon, while the people cried
Hosanna to the Highest, and laid branchesand leaves
under his feet, did enter into Jerusalem. Upon Friday
the seventhof June towards the evening, we tooke our
journey to BethlehemJuda, and we foure lay consorts,
(the Friars by our consentstill having the priviledge to
be free from these expences)delivered jointly foure
zechinesto the Friars oursguides,for our charges,whereof
they gave us no other account,then they did formerly,
yet they onely disbursedsome small rewards, sincewe
went on foot, and were otherwise tied to satisfie the Friars

of the Monastery,underthe nameof gift or almes,for

our diet there: but sincethey usedus friendly, we would
not displeasethem for so small a matter.

We went out of the City by the gate of Joppa,on

the West side,and so along (72) this line passedby a
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pavedcauseybeyond Mount Sion, and then ascended

another

Mountaine

to Bethlehem.

(73) Here they shew the Garden of Uria, and the TheGarden

FountainewhereinBersheba
washedher selfe,which at ofUria.
that time wasdrie. And from the placewherethe Tower
of David was seatedupon Mount Sion, (noted with the
figure 6), is an easieprospectinto this garden.
(74) Here they show the Tower of Saint Simion.

(75) Here is a Tree of Terebinth,whichbearesa fruit A Tree

of

of a blackecolour,like untoan Olive,yeeldingoyle; Terebinth.

and under this tree they say the Virgine did rest, when
sheecarriedChrist to be presentedin the Temple. For
which causethe Papists make their beadesof this tree,
and esteeming them holy, especiallywhen they have
touchedthe rest of the monuments,they carry them into
Europe,and give them to their friends,for great presents
and holy relikes.

(76) Here they shewa fountainecalled of the Wisemen of the East, and they say that the starre did here
againeappeareto them, after they camefrom Herod.
(77) Here they shew the ruines of a house, wherein

they saythat the ProphetHabakcukdwelt, andwasthence

carriedby the hairesof the head to feedeDaniel in the
Lions Den at Babylon.
(78) Here they shew the Fountaine of the Prophet The
Fountaine
Elias, and the stoneupon which he used to sleepe,upon of
theProphet
Elias.
which they shew the print of his head, shoulders,and
other members,which prints have somesimilitude, but
no just proportion of those members. From a rock
neerethis place we did see at once both Jerusalem&
Bethlehem.

(79) Here they shew a Tower and ruines, where the

PatriarckJacobdwelt, and here againewe did seeboth

Cities.

(80) Here is an old statelySepulcher,in which they TheSepulche

say Rachel, Jacobs wife was buried.

It is almost of a ofRachel.

roundforme,built of stoneand lime foure foote high,

havingthe like coveraboveit, borneup by fourepillars.
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Therebetwo otherSepulchers,
but nothingsofaire,and
all three are inclosed within

one wall of stone.

(81) Here they shewthe Fountaine,for the water

whereofDavid thirsted,yet would not drinke it, when

it wasbroughtwith the hazardof blood.

(82) Here the City Bethlehem

is seated,
which then

wasbut a Village,havingno beautybut the Monastery.

The
Monas- (83) Here the Monasteryis seated,large in circuit,
tery
of
andbuilt ratherafter the mannerof Europe,then Asia,
Bethlehem.
which the Italian FranciscanFriars, (calledLatines, and

more commonlyFranckes)doe possesse:but other

[I. iii. 227.]Christiansectshave their Altars in the Churchby speciall

priviledge,and the Turkes themselves

comminghither
in Pilgrimage, doe lie within the Church: for the
Turkes have a peculiar way by a doore of Iron, (made
of old, and kept by them) to enter into the Chappell,
where they sayChrist wasborne. This Monastery seemes

strongenoughagainstthe suddenattemptsof the Turkes

or Arabians, yet the Friars in that case dare not resist

them, living onely in safetyby the reverencewhich that

peoplebearesto this place,and by the opinion of their
Thegreaterowne poverty. The greater Church is large, and high,

Church. in whichI numbredtwentyfourepillars,but my consorts

being more curious, observedthat the pillars were set

in foure rankes,everyrankehavingelevenpillars seven

foote distant one from the other, whereof many were of

porphery,and had beautifull spots. The highestroofe

of the Churchon the inside,is paintedwith Histories
of the Scripture,with a rich painting that shinethwith

gold and glasseas if it were enameled,(calledin Italian

Alia Mosaica),and the pavementis rich, with stonesof
marble,porphery,and Jaspar.
Thelesse
From the lesseChurch called of Saint Katherine, we

Church. entreda Caveunderthe earth,wherethe Friarsgave

every one of us a lighted waxecandlein his hand. Let
them place what religion they will therein, I am sure

the Cavewasso darke,as we could not havepassedit

without a light.

In this Cavewee did first seethe bones

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of the Infants killed by Herod, then the Sepulchers

of Thebones
of
Eusebius,and of Saint Jeromein his Chappell,for they

hold that he long dwelt there. Then they did lead us

into a more darkeplace,wherethey sayhe did live an
austerelife fifty yeeresspace,and translatedthe Bible
out of Hebrew into Latine, and wrote many volumes.
But the placeseemedto me more fit to dull the braine,
then to yeeld suchfruites of wit, by reasonit wasdarke,
and digged deepeunder ground.
From this Cavewe ascendedby ten marblestairesinto
a Chappell,all coveredwith marble,and lying in length
from the West (at which end we entered) to the East.
And from this West end, as well Turkes as Christians

of all sects,goe upon their kneesto the Easterneend,

andtherekissea markedstonein the pavement,in which

verie place they say the Redeemerof the World was Ctrists
birth.
borne. By this stone on the South-side lieth a little

Chappell,having two dooresonely divided with a pillar.

In which Chappellat the right hand or West-side, is a
manger,raised from the ground, and all of marble, in
which they say Christ was laid after his birth : and in
the wall they shewa stonehaving (as they say)the lively
picture of Saint Hierome. In the said little Chappell
on the left hand or East side, they shewa place,where
they say Christ wascircumcised,and shedthe first drops

of his preciousblood for the savingof mankind: And

therethey shewedanotherplace,wherethey saythe Wisemen of the East adored Christ, and offered to him their

gifts. The wals of both Chappels,the pavements,and

all things, are coveredwith marble. The roofe on the

inside,is paintedwith the foresaidrich pictures,glistering

like enamelled
worke. To conclude,
all thingsarestately
and rich, and remain so under the Turkish tiranny, yet
more rich in the Chappell of Christs birth, then in the
greaterChurch, where all things then began to fall to
mine, because the Turkes beleeve not that Christ died.
The Turkes

doe so reverence this monument

of Christs

birth, as they creepegrovelingupon hands& kneesto

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kissethesaidstone; yet in themeanetimetheydespise

the monumentsof his death, becausethey beleevenot
that he died.

Afoolish

Fromhence
goingbackethesame
wayweentered,
they

Superstition.
shewuponthe right hand,a holein the highestroofe

of theChurch,by whichtheysaythe starrethat conducted

the Wise-men, fell from above into the bowels of the

earth. Canheforbearelaughterwhoconsiders
the bignes
of the starres,yea, even of Comets,as somewrite that

was,speciallyfinding no mentionof this falling of the

starre to be made in the holy scriptures. The City or

Village of Bethlehem,is distant from Jerusalemsome

five miles,(in Turky I alwaiesunderstand
Italian miles),
and we camehither from the Westernegate of Jerusalem,
through a faire way, and mountainesplantedwith Vines,
Olives, and fruitfull Trees. Bethlehem is seated upon

Mountaines,and hath pleasanthils on the East and Southsides,a pleasantplaineon the North-side, ending in great
mountaines towards Jerusalem.

[I. iii. 228.]

(84) As weewent out of Bethlehemto visit the Monuments,herethey shewedus the field, in which the Angell
madeknownethe birth of Christ to the Shepheards,
and
the Cave wherein they did lie by day, to shun the heate
of the Sunne.

The
firstFine. (85) Here they say the PatriarchLot planted the first
Vine.

(86) Here beyondpleasantHilles, wee did distinctly

see the Plaine of Jordan, and the dead Sea, with the
situation of Sodom and Gomorra.

(87) Here they say Bethaliawas seatedof old.

(88) Here we did seethe ruinesof a house,in which,
they say,Josephthe Virgins Husbanddid dwell.

(89) Here they saythe Virgin hid her selfefrom the

tyranny of Herod.

KingSalo- (90) Here theysaythatKing Salomon

hadhis Garden.
mon's
garden.
The FranciscanFriers sent out of Italy each third
yeereinto theseparts, did courteouslyintertaineus at

Bethlehem,
and at our first comming,in imitationof
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Christ, they washedour feete. It happenedthat my

brotherfell sicke here of an Ague, and so when our

consorts upon Saterday in the evening returned to
Jerusalem,wee were forcedto stay here that night. But
the next day in the evening we came to them at the
Monasteryof Jerusalem. And becausethey madehaste
to returne homeward,wee went forth the next day, being
Munday the tenth of June earelyin the morning, to see
the Mountaines of Judea. And that day it happened,
that I was troubled with loosenesse
of body, whereof I
madegood use, as I shall hereaftershew, which makes
me name it.

We went out of the Citie at the Gate of Joppaon the

West side,and upon our right hand they shewedus (91)
this place, where they say that Salomonwas anointed
King.
(92) Thencewe went right forward to a Fountainein
the Desart, where they say, Phillip the Apostle did
interpretthe Scripturesto the Eunuch of Candace,Queene
of Ethiopia, and baptizedhim.
(93) Here they sayis the Desart,in which John Baptist TheDesart
in

preached,
andtheyshewed
ushis Cavecut out of a Rocke,whtch
Jofin
and a long
stone therein, upon which he used to lye, and

"

""

T- i

11

a pleasant spring issuing out or the Kocke, where nee

used to drinke, and another stone upon which he used

a?( ,

preached.

to sit.

(94) Here we cameto the Mountaines(or Mountanous

places)of Judea,and herethey say the Prophet Zacharias
dwelt, where a woman of the Moores kept the Church
of old built there.

(95) From hence a Musket shot, or little more, is Thehouse

of
anotherhouse, which, they say, belonged to Zacharias,
and in one of these houses,he pronouncedthe Song,
Blessedbee the Lord God of Israel, &c. And when the

Virgin visited Elizabeth, the Babe here sprang in her

wombe; and the Virgin here pronouncedthe Song, My
souledoth magnifie,&c. And John Baptist was borne
here.

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The
Crosse
of (96) From this place,they say,^theTree wastaken,
Christ.

Up0nwhichtheCrosse
of Christw^smade,
andGreeke
FrierskeepetheChurchthatwasherebuilt. This place

is two milesdistantfrom Jerusalem,

whetherwe returned

the sameway we cameout, and enteredthe Citie by

the West Gate of Joppa.

TheChurch The Churchbuilt uponChristsSepulcher

of old by

built upon
Christs

the Christiansat Jerusalem,is formerly noted by the

figure(32); and weeenteredthe sameupon Tuesday

the eleventhof June towardsthe evening,at which time

the Turkish Cady sent us his Officer to openthe dore

of it, to whomwe payedfor tribute after the dore was
openedeachof us nine zechines,and besidesgavethe
Officer or Janizarea small reward for himselfe. But it
is the custome,that he that hath oncepayedthis tribute,
may any time after enter this Church, without paying
any thing, if he can watch the opportunity of other
Christiansentering the same.

[I. iii. 229.]The rude, but true figure in plaine of Christs

Sepulcher and the Church built over it at
Jerusalem.
Thedescrip- (a) By this one and only dore being of brasse,and on

tionofChrist's
the Southsideof the Church,entranceis given into the

f r lnctsaidcChurch.
They
sayj there
was
of old anotherdore

1"
i
i-

the Church

builtoverit.

not *arre rrom this towards the Last, but now it was not
extant.

(/3) This markesheweswherethe Belfreystands,which

is of ancientbuilding,andnow in greatpart wasruined,

while the Turkes admit no use of any Belles.
(A) A Marble stonecalledthe stoneof Unction, where
they say the body of Christ wasimbalmed,beforeit was

buried. And it is compassed

with gratesof Iron, having
aboveit nine Lampescontinuallyburning, maintained
by the nine Sectsof Christians.

(B) The Sepulcher

of GodfreyKing of Jerusalem,
to
which other lesseSepulchers
are adjoyning,erectedto
24

The figure of ChristsSepulcher

and the Church bu

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Kingsand Queenes
of his Family. And this Sepulcher
The
desmp-

haththisEpitaph
inLatin:

j*JM^

Here lyes worthy Godfreyof Bullon, who conqueredSepulcher.

all this Land to the worshipof Christ,whosesoule
may it rest in peace. Amen.

(C) The Sepulcherof Baldwinehis brother,and successorin the Kingdome,with this Epitaphin Latin :
King BalduinusanotherJudasMachabeus,
the Hope
of his Countrey,the Life of the Church,the strength
of both.
These verses added:

Quern formidabant, cui Dona, Tributa ferebant,

^Egipti Caesar,
Dan, ac homicidaDamascus.
Whom Egypt, Dan,' Damascushomicide,
With gifts and Tributes gladly pacifide.
(D) Here is Mount Calvary,and the stairesto ascendMount

thereunto,the wallesof al thebuildinguponit, theAltars, Calvary.

and the pavements,all shine with Marble; the roofe on
the inside glisters with the foresaidrich painting, which [I. iii. 230.]
seemesto be enameled. And divers Altars are proper
to divers Nations or Sects,for their Rites of Religion.
To theseAltars upon the Mountaine, we ascendedby
some twenty staires; and there they shewed us three
holes, wherein the three Crosses of Christ and the two

theeveswere erected. And at the figure (i) (wherethey

say the Crosseof Christ stood) they shewedus stones
rent, or the rending of the Mountaine, when Christ died.
Under

this

Mountaine

in

the

corner

towards

the

dore

of the Church, they bade us looke in at a little window,

and there they shewedus a scull, which they say was
the scull of Adam, of which they say the Mountaine was
calledGolgotha. (2) Without the doore of the Church
we ascendedto a Chappellabovethis Mount, wherethey
shewedus an Altar, upon which they say Melchisedeck

offeredsacrifices.(3) Also a Chappell,wherethey say

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ThedescripAbrahamwould haveofferedIsaac. (4) The Altars of

dono
Mount Calvary. (5) A placein the wayto the Sepulcher,
wneretne7 sav>tnat Christ laid downehis Crosse,and
wherethe Virgin Marie and John the Evangeliststood
while

he was crucified.

(E) Here they shewa stone,which they call Noli me

tangere,that is, Touchmenot; because
Christappearing
hereto Marie Magdalen,usedthosewords. (6) And in
this placethey say Marie Magdalen stood.

(FFF) Here is a retreat of certaineChambersand

Chappels,underthe keepingof the Latin or European
Friers. For they continually send two or three of their
Friers to bee locked weekelywithin this Church for the
performanceof the Rites of their Religion, whom they
recall at the weekes end to their Monasterie in the Citie,

sendingnew in their place to attend that service. And

this retreat hath onely a doore to passeinto the Church,
but none into

the streete.

(G) The Chappell of Apparition, so called, because

they say Christ there appearedto the Virgin Marie after
his Resurrection.

(H) The pillar of whipping, so called, becausethey

say,Christ was bound to it, when he was beatenwith rods.

(h) This Altar they call the Altar of the holy Crosse.
(I) A most narrow prison, in which they say Christ
wasshut up for a little time.
(K) The Chappellwhere they say, that the Souldiers
divided Christs garments.
(L) Here we descendedsome fiftie staires into a cave

under the earth, which they have made a Chappell,and

here they say, the EmpresseHelena found the Crosse

of Christ, and thereuponbuilt this Chappell,in which

they say, foure pillars many times make a sound of
groaningand sighing,and they shewthe very placewhere
the Crosse of Christ, and where the Crosses of the two
theeves were found.

(N) After Christ was beaten,they say he was forced

to sit here, till they crownedhis headwith Thornes.

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1596.

(P) The Chauncellof the Church.

Thedescrip-

(p) A holein the pavement

of this Chauncell,
which tlm/t

theGreekes
(having
theChauncell
to keepe)
holdto bes"fc^er
the middest

of the World.

(q) This placeliesopenoverhead,havingthe Sepulcher

on the West side, and two little Marble walles raised

some two foote on the North

and South sides, within

which wals the placeis pavedwith Marble. The walles

are so high, as a man cannotconvenientlysit upon them.
And in this placethey use to pray, before they enter the
Sepulcher.
(r) The outward Chappellor Porch of the Sepulcher,
(asI may so terme it) where the Angell is said to have
appearedto the women. And therein lies a foure-square
stone,fitted to the little doreof the Sepulcher,upon which
stoneroled from the dore, they say the Angell did sit,
after Christ

was risen.

(ssj These be seats on both sides of this outward The

Chappell,in which seatesthey use to pray. (?) In this Sepulcher.
Chappell(so they call the Sepulcherit selfe),and under
the stonenoted with blacke,they say the body of Christ
waslaied. And this stoneis raisedas high as an Altar,
and covered with Marble, as all the walles bee.

The

little doreby which they enter this Chappellor Sepulcher,

is scarce3 foote high, and 2, broad, so as they enter it [I. in. 231.]
with difficulty, bending downe their bodies, as if they
creptinto a cave. The very stonecoveringthe Sepulcher
(or placewhereChrists body did lie) is somewhatraised

from the ground, and hath sevenfoote in length, and

somesixein bredth. This Sepulcherlyes under the first
Globe of the Church, as the Chauncell lies under the

second,and it lyes under the middle of that Globe;

neither hath the Church any window, but the Globe

hangingover the Sepulcher,is openin the roofe, and

so giveth light to all the Church. And in the very
Sepulcher,the burning Lampes give light, besidesthat
the doreslye open. And becauseraine must needesfall

from the openGlobe,the Sepulcher

hath a coverborne
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1596.

The
descripup with pillarsof Marble,andlaid over with Leadto

tion
of
Christ's

Sepulcher.

receivethe raine. The Sepulcher

within and without is

beautifiedwith marble,and wascut out of a Rocke before

the Church was built.

The Franciscan Friers are for the

mostpart Italians,but arevulgarlycalledFrancks,of

the Frenchwho arein leaguewith the Turkish Ottoman,

and they havethe priviledgeof singingtheir Massesin
the Sepulcher(not of free grant, but becausethey are
bestableto pay for their priviledges)
; yet it is free for
any of the Christian Sectsto come into the Sepulcher.

They say,that from the situationof this Sepulcher,the

custome came among Christians, to be buried with
their feet & face towards the East, as expecting the
resurrection.

(V) A Chappellkept by the Sectof the Gofti.

(X) The Sepulchers

of Josephof Arimathea,and of
Nicodemus.

(Y) The Chappellof the Jacobites.

(Z) The Chappellof the Abissines.
(><j)The Chappellof the Armenians.
TheChurch

(><!M) The Chappell of the Georgians.

Somewrite, that this Church hath the forme of a Crosse,

haththeforme and if the retreat or chambers of the Italian

Friers with

ofaCrosse.
theChappell
of Aparitionon theNorthside,andthe
two Towers of the Belfrey on the South side, be joyntly
consideredwith the Church, (which seemerather fastned

thereunto then of the same building), a superstitious

man may faigne to himselfethe figure of a Crosse,but
shall never plainelydemonstrateit to others. Above the
roofe of the Church on the outside, are two faire Globes,

whereof the greater covered with leade, lies over the

Sepulcher, and the lesse, all made of stone, is over the

Chauncell. And this greaterGlobe, on the inside of the

Churchis beautifiedwith engravenCedartrees,and borne

up with pillarsof Marble,andthe lessehathfairepictures

of the foresaidrich painting,shininglike enameled
worke.
The breadthof the Church under both Globes,containes

seventiepaces,andthe length 140 pacesand in generall

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1596.

as well within as without, it retainesonly the shaddowThedescrip-

of theold magnificence.

nn"/

We entred the Church on Tuesday in the afternoone,

and were locked there in all the night following, and

almostall the next day, to fulfill our devotions. But I
formerly said, that the Italian Friers have chambersof
retreat within the Church, in which we did eate and rest

at our pleasure. Yet thesechambersand the like retreats

(wherein the Priests of other Sects with their wives,

children and family doe lodge, and eate, and performe
the rites of their Religion), have not any one dore into
the streete,but all enter the Church, and goe forth by
the foresaidonely dore of the Church towardsthe South,
andthe key of this dore is kept by the Turkes, who open
it at set times, to admit strangers,and onceevery weeke,
to let the Friers returne to their Monasteries, and to
receive new Friers into the Church, which are sent from

thence,to performethe severallrites of Religion. And

this dore hath a grate or little window, at which the
inclosedFriers may talke with their friends without, and
receive meate sent them from

their

Monasteries.

Nine sundry Sectsof Christianshave their MonasteriesNineSects

of
within this City, by whom the greatTurke and his officers Christians.
have great profit, and the Turkes themselvesrepute all
the monumentsand placesholy, which Christ in his life
frequented: but this monumentof his death,and other
like they despise,and keepethem onely for their profit.
From the said Monasteries,Friers are weekely sent to
performetheir severallrites, and at the weekesend they
are recalled to the Monasteries, and new sent in their

place; which customeI thinke they take from the Jewes.[I. iii. 232.]
For when David

divided

the twentie

foure Families

of

the sonnesof Aaron into twentie foure courses,that each

of themmight oneafterthe otherin due orderperforme

theholy officesin the Temple, Josephuswrites, that these
courses,or Families in order one after the other lived

in theTemplefrom Sabbathto Sabbath,to performethose

duties.

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Of these nine Christian Sects,each hath priviledges

to keepethis or that monument

within the Citie,andin

the field, in whichplacesthey performethe rites of their

Religion. And according

to the numberof the Sects,
they maintainenine Lampescontinuallyburning in the
foresaidcommonChurchupon the stoneof Unction,as

many upon the Sepulcher,and as many upon Mount

Calvarie. The nine Sectsarethus called; Franks(namely,

theItalians),Georgians,
Greekes,
Sorians,
Costi,Abissines,
Armenians, Nestorians, and Maronites.

i. The

The Religion of the Frankes (namely, Papists) is so

Frankes.well knowne,as I will omit it here,and referreit to his

due place. I will onely say, that they have the keeping
of the Sepulcher,the Chappellof Aparition (and therein
of the pillar of whipping) and of one Altar upon Mount
Calvarie, for the performanceof their rites.
2. The
The Georgiansarea warlike Nation, inhabiting Media,
Georgians.
ancj tne CaspianMountaines, and have their name of
Saint George, whom they have chosentheir protecting
Saint. They have a King, and making warre valiantly
sometimesupon the Turkes, sometimes
upon the Persians,
could never bee conqueredby either. Yea, if they bee
oppressed
by either,they easilyfinde helpefrom the other,

out of theirmutuallhatred. Therforetheypayno tribute

to the Turkes, but by singular priviledge freely enter
into Jerusalemarmed,andwith bannerdisplaied. Neither
dare the Turkes offer them the least injurie, lest when
they returne home, they should revenge it upon the

'Til'
lurkes lying nearethem.
,.U
T-l. ' very womenare warTheir
like, like the Amazons,andcarryingbowes,shewvalour
both in countenance

and behaviour.

The

men weare

long haireon their headsand beards,savethat they all

are shavenlike Clerkes upon the Crowne of the head,

the Lay-menin a foure-square,

the Priestsin a round
forme. They expreslyfollow the Religion, Rites, and
Ceremonies of the Greekes, and in their Divine service

use the Greeketongue,otherwisespeakingtheir owne

language(as I thinke Caldean.) Thesein the Church
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1596.

of Jerusalemhave the keeping of Mount Calvary, and

the Altar there built over the place,where they say the
Crosseof Christ stood, and in the Citie they keepethe
houseof the High Priest Annas.
Of the GreekesReligion I must speakeat large in 3. The

hisdueplace. Now I will onelysay,that in theChurchGreekes.

they keepe the Chauncell,and therein shew a hole in
the pavementcompassedwith Marble, which they say
is the very middle point of the world. Against which
opinion I arguedwith them, and objected,that the earth
is round, and that in a Globe the center is in the middest,

all centersin the outside being but imaginarie, and to

be placedwheresoeverthe measurerwill. Also that in
measuring(after their manner)the outside of the earth,
Palestinawas farre distant from the Equinoctiall line,
which divideth the World into equall parts. And if
Palestinawere just under that line, yet that all the
countries having the same Meridian, should be the
middest of the World,

aswell as Palestina.

They

answered, that David saith in his Psalmes ; In the middest

of the World

I will

worke

their

salvation.

To

which

replied, that the middest of the World was there taken

for the face, and in the sight of the World, so as none
shouldbe able to denieit. Whereuponthey grew angry,
and said, that the Scripture must be beleeved,in spite

of all Cosmographers
and Philosophers.It had been
vaine to dispute further with them, there being not one
learnedman amongtheseGreekesat Jerusalem. And to
say truth, (if you except the Greeke Hands under the
Venetians),they have few or no learnedmen. For my
part, I never found in all the vast Empire of Ottoman
any learned Greeke, but onely one, called Milesius, who

wasafter madePatriarke of Constantinople. And these

Greekes,as in this point, so in all other, follow the literall
senseof the Scriptures. For whichcausethey alsobeleeve
the corporallpresenceof Christ in the Sacrament. And

whereas
SaintPaul saith,Let the Bishopbe the husband[I. iii. 233.]

of one wife, &c. they so interpret it, as if the Priestswife

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die within few dayesafter his mariage,yet he may never

marry againe.

4. The The Soriansare so calledof Syria,in whichProvince

onans.^Cj Hve,havingtheir ownePatriarke,neithercouldthey
ever bee brought to consentto the Romanfaith: for
whatsoeverthe Romaneschallengedue to the Seatof
S. Peter, that they sayratherbelongethto them, in respect
Saint Peter was Bishop of Antioch. They agreedwith

the Greekesin manythings,they deniePurgatorie,they

fast foure Lents in the yeere,they permit their Priests
to marrie, they use the Greeke tongue in their Divine
service,and otherwisespeaketheir owne language(which
I take to be the Arabian tongue.) In JerusalemChurch
they keepethe Sepulchersof Josephof Aramathia, and
of Nicodemus, and in the Citie they keepe the house

of Saint Marke, noted with the figure (37.)

5. The The Costi are Egyptians, dwelling about Numidia.
They retaine the heresieof Arrius, and follow the Ceremoniesof the Abissines. This I write upon the report
of the Italian Friers, who are to be blamed if it be not

true. Thesein the Church keepethe Chappell,wherein

Godfrey and his Regall Family lye buried, and the Cave
under Mount Calverie,wherethey say the scull of Adam
lies, and have also their proper Altar upon Mount
Calvarie.

6. The

The Abissinesinhabit the South parts of Africk, and

Ablsines.
tneyaresubjectto theirKing Preti-Giani. Theyreceived
the Christian faith of the Eunuch baptized by Phillip,
and themselvesare baptized not onely with water, but
with the signe of the Crosseprinted in their flesh with
hot Iron, gathering that fire is as necessaryto Baptisme
aswater,out of thosewordsof S. John Baptist; I baptise
you with water, but he shall baptiseyou with the Spirit
and fire. Also they use the Jewes and Mahometans
circumcision,like wary Notaries, who fearing to faile in
their assurance,
neverthink they haveusedwordsenough;
yet doe they greatly hate the Jewes,and thinke their

Altars defiled,if they doebut lookeupon them. They

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1596.

give the Sacrament

of our Lords Supperto very children,
and they (as all the rest exceptingthe Franks,that is,
Papists),give it in both kindes. When they sing Masse
or Psalmes,they leapeandclaptheir hands,and like the
Jewesuse Stage-Playersactions. They use their owne,

that is, the Egyptian tongue, in Divine service,and

observinga Lent of fiftie dayesat one time, do greatly
maceratetheir bodies. In the Church they keepe the
Chappelladjoyning to the Sepulcher,and the pillar where
they say Christ was crowned with Thornes.
The Armenians are so called of the Province Armenia, 7. The

whichtheyinhabite,andthey call their chiefeBishopArmenians

Catholicon,whom they reverenceasanotherPope. They
disagreewith the Greekes,and rather apply themselves
to the Franks; yet they keepenot the Feast of Christs
birth, but fast that day. They keepe the Roman Lent,
but more strictly, abstaining from Fish, and very Oyle
(which they use for butter), but upon someHoly-dayes
in that time, they eateflesh. They mingle no water with
the Wine of the Sacrament,as the Papistsdoe, but with
them, they lift up the bread, (yea and the Cup also) to
be worshipped. Of old, with reservationof customes,
theyjoynedthemselvesto the RomanChurch; but finding
the Pope to give them no helpe against their enemies,
they quickly fell from him. The very Lay men are
shavedlike Clerkes upon their heads,but in the forme
of a Crosse,and their Priests keepe the haire of their
headslong, in two tufts, placing therein great Religion.
In the Church they keepethe pillar, where they say the
garmentsof Christ were parted, and lots cast upon his
Coate,and in the Citie, the placewhere they say Saint
Jameswasbeheaded,and the houseof the High Priest
Cayphas,upon Mount Sion.
The Nestorians are so called of the Monke Nestorius, 8. The
who infected the Persians, Tartars, and Jewes, with his Nestorians.

heresie. They give the Sacrament

of the Lords Supper
in both kindes,and that to childrenaswell asmen. They
usethe Caldeantongue in divine service,and otherwise
M. II

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1596.

the Arabian. In the Church they keepe the prison,

9. The

wherein they say Christ was shut up.

The Maronites inhabite Phaenicia,and the Mount of

z* 1 Libanus,
andtheyusetheSyriantongue
in theirdivine
service,namely,(as I thinke) the Arabian. And they

said,that thesemen for povertywerelately fled from

Jerusalem. Somemake mention of a tenth sect,namely,

the Jacobites,
(namedof Jacob,Discipleto the Patriarke
of Alexandria),who live mingled among Turkes &
Tartares,inhabiting partly Nubia in Afrike, partly the
Provinces of India.

I remember not to have seeneany

suchat my being there,neither yet to haveheardany

mention of them; yet others write that they admit

circumcisionas well as baptisme,and besidesprint the

signeof the Crosseby an hot Iron, in someconspicuous

part of their body, that they confessetheir sinnesonely
to God, not to their Priests, that they acknowledgebut
one nature in Christ, that in token of their faith they
make the signe of the Crossewith one finger, and give
the Sacramentof our Lords Supper in both kinds, yea,
to Infants, as well as to thosewho are of full age.
I cannot omit an old Spanishwoman, who had for
manyyeereslived there,lockedup in the Temple,lodging
every night at the doore of the sepulcher,and having
her diet by the Friars almes. Shee said that shee came

to Jerusalemto expiateher sinnesby that holy pilgrimage,

that sheehad then beenethere sevenyeeres; and in that
time had alwaieslived in the Church, and that sheewould

not refuse any opportunity to goe backe into Spaine,

but otherwisewould die there, & thereby thought to

merit much of God.

Neither

doe I thinke shee lost the

hope of this vaine merit, sinceit was not easieto find a

manwhowouldcarryanold woman,andbearehercharges
so long a journey.
The stone of unction in the Church, is common to

all the nine Christiansects,neitherdoe the Keepersof

any other monumentsrefuseany Christian to enter into

them,but onelyby priviledgekeepetheir Altars private

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1596.

Most of the sects have their Monasteries

in the City, and (as I formerlysaid)eachof them hath

the priviledgeto keepesomemonuments,
as well within

as without the wals. But someof the sectsonly come

to Jerusalemat solemnefeasts,and dwelling neere the
City, easily maintaine a Friar or two, to keepe their
monuments, and so are freed from the necessity of
building a monasteryin the City.
Upon Wednesdaythe twelfth of June towardsevening, Giftstothe

theTurkesdid openthe Churchto let us out, andeachTurkes-

of us Lay-men gave the chiefe Turke thirty meidines,

and the Doore-keepertwenty of free gift; and for the
waxecandlesburnt the night before in the Church, each

gavesixty meidinesto one of our Italian Friars. This

done, we returned to the Monastery, where we lodged,

with great joy that we were presently to goe backe to
Joppa.

I formerly said that the FranciscanFriars with whom TheFrancis-

welodged,wereof Europe,whetherat threeyeeres

end can
Friarsthey were to be recalled,and somefifty new Friars to be
senthither in their place,which still eachthird yeereuse
to be changed. And theseFriars are called the Family
of Frankes,for the great Turke permits them as French
to live there, and forbids the comming of any Spanish
or Roman Friars: yet are they for the most part of
Sicily, Naples, or Rome; but denying their Countrey,
affirmethat they are Venetians,and if they were knowne
to be subjectsto Spaineor Rome, they should incurre
great danger. Of them somefew are indeedVenetians,
and at this

time

some two

were

Frenchmen.

live of the almes of the Merchants

All

these

in the East of their

Religion,who for the most part are Italians,and especially

Venetians: yet hath the Monastery also somerents of
Lands given to it of old in Sicily and in Spaine; and

from thencethey bring with them every third yeereat

their
first arrivall,
a present
of igreat rvalue
to theTT- Turkish
r\
T
" i
i
1 1

TheVenett"ns
senf a Sa"y

Uttoman. I said formerly, that or old the Venetiansyeer/y

to^

yeerlysent a gaily to carry Pilgrimes to the Holy Land, HolyLand.

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till the Christians

wereso oppressed
by exactions
of the
Turkes, as they rarely undertookethat journey, and so
the Venetians also left that custome.

From that time this

Family of Frankes,(so theseFriars are called)usethto

passein a Venetianship to Cyprus,and from thenceto
Joppa,in the Holy Land, hiring therea Graecian
barke
to that purpose; and in like sort the old Family upon
the arrivall of the new,returnesinto Italy. And assoone

as this family arriveth, they dispercethemselves,the

[I. iii. 235.]greaterpart abiding at Jerusalemand Bethlehem,and
TheFriars somesinglemen or couplesbeingsent to doe the office
dispersed.of Priestsat Cayro(or Babylon)in ^gypt, at Haleppo
in Asia, (wheremost part of their Merchantsreside)and

at Scanderona,
(of old by all, andstill by Christianscalled
Alexandretta). TheseFriars thus dispersed,arenot onely
maintained by the Merchants to whom they are sent,

but they also send from them large almesto the rest at
Jerusalem,and they often change places,that all may
equally bearetheseburthens.
Toies
ofno
We being now to take our journey from Jerusalem,
wort h.
many Christiansand Jewesbrought us divers toies, to
buy and carry with us, being of no worth, save onely
that they were far fetcht, namely, beadesfor Papists to
number their praiers,and also crosses,both made of the
earthwhereofthey sayAdam wasformed,or of the Olive
trees of Mount Olivet, or of Terebinth, (under one of
which trees they say the Virgin Mary rested,when shee

carriedChristan Infant to be presentedin the Temple),

and round stonescalled Cornioli, of yellow colour, and
others of white, called the Sea-water of India.

Also

girdles of the Virgin Mary, & glistering stonesof litle

Vertues price (as all the rest are.) Among which they attribute

attributed
to to the stoneof Judea,the vertueto provokeurine,to
stones.

the Eagles stone called Aquilina, the virtue to expell

poyson, to facilitate the birth of children, to heale the
falling sickenesse,to restore weomensmilke, and so to
divers stones, divers and incredible virtues.

Besides,our

FranciscanFriars gave eachto his friend and the Guardian

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AD
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to us all, AgnosDei, Dust and little stonestakenfrom

the foresaidmonuments,
for a greattreasureto be carried
to our friendsat home. Moreoverthey gaveto eachof
us freely and unasked(as it seemes
of custome)as well
to us Lay-men as to the Friars, a testimony under the Testimony

seale
of theMonastery,
thatwehadbeene
atJerusalem,
unde^
the
seal

and for better credit, they expressedtherein someMonastery.

markablesignesof our facesand bodies.

Now thereremainednothing but the Epilogueof the

Comedy,that we should make somefit presentto the Presents
toth

Guardian
of theMonastery,
in satisfaction
forourdiet,8^^thl
and the curtesieof the Friars towardsus, which my selfe
and my brother thought very fit to be done: but two
of the Friars our consorts,either wanting money, or
used to eate of free cost, did not onely refuse to give
any thing, but perswadedthe French Lay-men to joine
with them in deniall thereof.

The third Friar our consort,

and for his experienceused by the other as a Conducter,

hearing this, did vehementlyreprove them, using these
words in French; Que voules vous doncquespayer en
blanche
? (that is, what will you then pay them in white ?)
which phrasethey use when a man requites a curtesie
in words, or faire written promises,not really. They
on the other side, no lesseangry, answeredthat it was
unfit and irreligious for Friars to extort gifts from

ChristianPilgrimes. My selfeand my brotherlaughed

to our selveshearing this difference,for we found now,

and had often heard, that these Friars were most deare Greedy

Hosts, and that as they in England,who referre their Friars.

paymentto pleasure,are alwaiesover-paid,so theseFriars
asking nothing for diet, yet under the title of gift or

almes,expectmorethenany the mostgreedyHost could

demand: yet lest we should provoke them, either to

hinder our departure, or to doe us any shrewd turne,
as they most easily might doe: yea, lest they should
surmisemy selfeandmy brother to beauthoursor partners

of this conspiracy,I perswadedthe French Lay-men

our consorts, that howsoever the Friars still remained
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obstinateto give nothing,yet we foure shouldpresent

the Guardian some sixe zechines.

This

effected, the

Guardiandismissedus for good sons,yet in truth we

were wel contented with this faire occasion to restraine

our gift, whichhowsoever

it werefarrefrom bounty, yet
wasit freefrom basesparing,sincewe gaveat Bethlehem
for our diet anotherpresentto thoseFriars, and while
we visited the monuments of Jerusalem,being daily

abroad,andcommonlydining in Villages,we wereonely

beholdingto theseFriars for someten suppers,besides
that we had alwaiesprofessedpoverty (most safe to
strangers).To whichmaybeadded,thatin thisProvince,
(whetherfor aboundance
of all things,or want of mony)
All things all things were sold at cheaprate: for when we went
out to seet^ie mountamesor mll Countrey of Judea,and
dined in a Village, I rememberwe bought twenty egges
for a meidine,and a pound of mutton for five meidines,
foure cakes for one, and a hen for two meidines and a

[I. iii. 236.] halfe. In the Monasterythey gaveus enoughof mutton,

hennes,and sallets, and of good wine, but somwhat
sharpe; and the Friars our consortsdid eate continually
with the Friars, and we Lay-menby our selves,the Friars
onely once inviting us to eate with them in the publike
Refectory.
If this discoursemakesany surmisethat we did some
things against our consciencewhile wee lived in this
Monastery,let him reade the foure and twentie Precept
of Dissimulation in the Chapter of Precepts,the third
Part, and the first booke, wherein I have explanedmy

opinion of the outwardreverenceof the body shewed

in time of the PapistsDivine service. And for the rest,

let him know, that I now confesse

(as I did formerly)

Anerror
in tna(-we thereinerred, that we did not first goe to

Constantinopleor Haleppo, from whence having a

Janizare to guide us, chosen by our Ambassadoror

Merchants,we might haveescaped
manyof thosetroubles,

which now we indured being alone,and that with no

greaterchargethen now we were at, sincethesetroubles
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increasedour charge; and might alsoeasilyhave obtained

any courtesieat theseFriers hands,or at least have seene
Jerusalemsafely,though they wereill affectedto us. But
sincemany things diverted us from this course,and now
we were fallen into theseItalian Friers hands,we thought
best to bring our selvesout of this dangerby discretion
and moderation in our deeds and words.

Also I confesse,

that in those dayes my consciencewas not so tender, as

since(by the grace of God) I have found it, yet was it

never so unsensible, as it could have passed over the

worshipping
of an Idoll, or the denyingof my faith. If
I had here gone to Masse,it would seemeno wonder to
our English Gentlemen, who have lived any time in
Italy; and I am confidently of opinion, that no man
returnes home with more detestation of the Papists Detestation
of
Religion, then he who well instructed in the truth, hath thePapists
taken the libertie to behold with his eyes their strange re"&m'
superstitions,which one of experiencemay well see,

without any great participationof their folly. For my

part, as I had alwaiesbeen unwilling to bee presentat
their Masse, so I abhorred from the receiving of the
Lords Supper with them. And this was the highest
mischiefe, which we could be forced to incurre at

Jerusalem. Now for the Communion of our Lords The

Supper,exceptit be in greatsicknesse
and dangerof Communion
o
death,they never imposeit so earnestlyon any man, as
heemay not with discreeteansweresput it off till another
time, without all suspition of contrarietie in Religion.
For their Masses,they never sing or mumble them, but

in the mornings,and that fasting. Now we camethe

fourth of June in the afternooneto Jerusalem,and the

fifth and sixth dayeswe went abroadbefore full day, to
see the monuments, and returned not to the Monasterie

till night, at which time the greatestoffence to our

consciencethat could happen, was to heare them sing

Psalmesin their Chappell. Upon Friday the seventhof

June we tooke our journey to Bethlehem,where my

brotherfalling sick, we had scarseleasureto satisfieour
39

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curiositie,muchlesseto beepresentat any unpleasing

rites of their Religion. UponSaturday,

the eight of

June,our consortsreturningto Jerusalem,

we tooke
occasion
by my brotherssicknesse
to stayat Bethlehem,

and camenot to Jerusalemtill Sundayat night. On

The
mou)i Munday the ninth of June we visited the Mountaines
taii/esof
Judea.

or Hill Countreyof Judea,at whichtime my brother

wasso ill disposed,
asour Consorts
themselves
doubted
his death,and for my part I wasall the day troubled
with a loosenesseof body. And becausethe greatest

dangerof our participatingwith themin their Rites,was

like to be, when we should be locked with them in the

Churchof the Sepulcher,which onely remainedto be

sceneby us, I made such use of this my brothers and

my owneweakenesse,
as increasingtheir opinionof his
danger,and my selfelighting from my Asseoftner then
I had cause,to make them thinke my sicknessethe greater,

it happenedthat in the eveningour consortsburning with

desire of returning homeward,appointed the next day
for the visiting or the Sepulcher: but I in respectof
my owne and my brothers weakenesse,desired to have it

Themane deferredsomefew dayes,till the very Friers our consorts,

avoided
by impatientof delay,and yet unwillingto incurrethe

pretenceof

blame of leaving us behind them, made free offer to

sitknessc. us of that which wee most desired,saying, that in their

great

chamberswithin the Church, they had beds for us to rest

upon, and that they would provide us meate, and all

[I. iii. 237.] necessaries,
which we couldhavestayingin the Monastery.

We gladly took this condition,and so being lockedup

in theChurchof the Sepulcher
uponTuesdaythe eleventh
of June in the afternoone, after we had satisfied our

curiositie, we laid us downe upon the beds, and onely

forbearing meate for avoiding of suspition, we rested
theretill Wednesdaythe twelfth of Junein the afternoone,

when we cameforth, and returnedto the Monastery.

The thirteenthday we had no thought but of making
us readyfor our returne,and the next day earlyin the
morning, weedepartedfrom Jerusalem. So as in all this
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time, the Friers themselvesour consorts, had no leasure

to beeat a Masse,but onely the Sundaywhenwe were

at Bethlehem,and in the Church of the Sepulcher,when
uponpretenceof sicknesse
we restedon our beds. Otherwise we professedour selvesCatholiques,as the Papists
will be called, yet enemiesto the King of Spaine,as the
enemieof our Queene and Country. And when our
superstitiousconsorts,being now to leaveJerusalem,had
gatheredgreat heapesof stonesfrom the monuments,to
carrie into their Country, and had received of the

Guardiansgift, for great treasure,holy beades,Agnus

Dei, and like trash, wee so refused to take any such
burthen, as still we bewailed our misfortune, that we Good
excuses

being not to returne the right way home, as they did, fir notbearing
i

but to passe to Constantinople, could not carrie such

treasurer
markes

or
(

reliqueswith us, lest they should fall into someTurks

hands,who might abusethem. And when our consorts
at Bethlehemprinted the signe of the Crossewith inke
anda pen-knifeupon their armes,soasthe print wasnever
to bee taken out, wee would not follow them in this small

matter,but excusedour selves,that being to passehome

through many Kingdomes,we durst not beareany such
markeupon our bodies,wherebywee might bee knowne.
Besides,it wassomeadvantageto us, that the FrenchmenFrenchmen
our consortswere of their Kings partie, and professedno hatred
against

lesse
hateagainst
Spaine
thenour selves.

To conclude, the Friers of our consorts told me and

Spaine.

my brother, that the Guardian would make us Knights

of the Sepulcher,so we would cravethat honour, which
was never granted to any but them that craved it, in

whichcasethey offeredto be intercessors

for us. I well
knew that they had offered this honour (as they termed
it) to a PlebeanFrenchmanour consort, and had heard,

thattheFriersusedthis art to get moneyfrom Pilgrimes,

makingno differenceto whomtheygavethis title. And
for my part, I never affectedtitles, thinking better to be

of aninferiourconditionwith plenty,thenof high degree

with want. Therefore I so answeredthem, as giving
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due thanksfor their courtesie,yet I professed,

that if I

wereworthyof thattitle, I mightnot craveit, norreceive

it offered,in respectof the oathimposingmilitarieduties
upon me, and the professionof serviceto the King of
Spaine,the publique enemyof our Country; besides
that, I should be tied thereby, to hate and prosecuteall

of the reformedReligion,whichmanyof my friendsand

kinsmenprofessed.It is true that if wee had had a
Janizareto guideandprotectus, weemight havelodged

in Jerusalemwith someChristian,who would haveshewed

us the monuments,without troubling the Italian Friers.
And it is well knowne,that the great Turke gives libertie

to all Religions. But the otherSectsof Christiansbeing

TheFriers poore, and theseFriers being full of money, aswell the
full
ofmoneyChristiansas Turkes dependgreatly upon them, so as if
but the other
Sectspoore. they would, they might easily have brought us into
danger,neither could wee have had suchconvenientdiet
and lodging with any other, as with them. And howsoeverby our Merchantshelpe,we might have obtained
letters from the Italian Merchants at Haleppo, for our
entertainementand good usage in this Monastery, yet
sincefor the foresaidreasonswe had at Cyprus committed
our selvesto the protection of the Friers our consorts,
Honest we had now no meanesbut honest dissemblingto free

dissembling.
our selvesfrom danger: For it hadbeeneasiefor these
Friers secretlyto have drawneus into dangerof life, and
we knew that Papists make no conscience,or rather thinke

it meritorious to use like practisesagainst those of our

Religion. And if they would not practise against our
lives, yet we knew that they might havecastus into many
dangers,both here and in our returne through Italy, if
wee should have provoked them to wish us ill.

Therefore

this our foresaid dissembling may well bee excused,

especiallysince thereby wee did not in any sort wound
our consciencesto my best remembrance.

[I. iii. 238.] Now that this dissembling

might provemoreprofitable
and honest,it behoovedus thorowly to know our consorts,
and so to apply our selvesto them. Of which the two

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FrenchLay-men were yong, and of no experiencein the

World; and one of the Friars wasmore simple then simplicity it selfe,soassmallart wasrequiredto deceivethese.
The second Friar

had beene a Souldier in the warre of A SouUier

France,andhadmadehimselfeFriar afterthepeace,onely made

Fnarto
to escapethe privat revenge of some,whose friends he

had killed, for they never seekerevengeof thosethat

put on a religioushabite,and to gainethis manslove,
it wassufficientto usegood fellowshiptowardshim. The
third Friar had a sharpewit, joined with the wisdomeof
experience,so as all the rest chosehim for their guide,
and to governe their expences. And becausehe might
easily incenseour consorts,and the Friars at Jerusalem
againstus, we thought good to gaine his good will, by
all good respectsto him; so as howsoeverwe were not
ignorant to manageour owne affaires, yet joining our
selvesto the rest, we made him also governour of our
expences,to witnesse our confidencein his love, and cared

not to beare somelosse, so we might bind him to us

under the title of friendship, which we easily effected
with him, being of a curteousdisposition. To conclude,A curteous

I did often experience

his good will, and howsoeverI fUwfound him lovingly and courteouslyto makeus respected,
as well of our consortsas the Friars at Jerusalem,yet I
perceivedby many and cleerearguments,that he thought
us to differ from him in religion. For in particularwhen
I refused(for the foresaidreasons,and with due modesty)
the Friars offer to make me Knight of the Sepulcher,he
smiling, said to me, (alluding to my name)in the French
tongue; En verite vous estesfin, &c.

That is, in truth

you arecraftyasyour nameimports, but I will endeavour

to make the Guardianinterpret your excuseto the best.

Besideshis friendship,it was no smalladvantageto us,

that our stay at Jerusalemwas so short, as the time
permittedthem not to inquire after our religion. By the

aforesaid
art wee freed our selvesfrom all danger,yet
would I not advise any by imitating us to incurre the

like, who can have the foresaid better commodities of

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performing
thisjourney,sinceit wouldbeehardfor any
soto disguise
theircondition,
whohavenotfirsthadgood

practice
andacquaintance
withFriarsin Italy,asmyselfe
had. Besidesthat, all our skill was sharpenedto greater

4 Tragical!
warinesse,
by a late Tragicallexampleof others,the
example
of memorywhereofwasdaily andhourelybeforeour eies.

EngRikmen
For we behelduponthe wall in the chamber
where

Flemmings.
we lodged,the names
writtenof HenryBacon,and

AndrewVerseline,
(twoEnglishGentlemen),
of Abraham
SerwenterbFrederichson,and Henry Vonwildt Peterson

VanNarden,(two Flemmings),whosenameswerewritten
there upon the foureteenthof August, I595> and lay
beforeus, both sleepingandwaking,warningus like so
manyprodigiesor visions to take wary heedto our steps.
Thesefoure commingin companyto Jerusalem,had beene
receivedinto this Monastery, and when they had scene
the monumentswithin and neere Jerusalem,they went
to Bethlehem, where it happenedthat upon a health
drunke by the Flemmingsto the King of Spaine,which
the English refused to pledge, they fell from words to
blowes, so as two of them returned wounded to the

Monastery of Jerusalem. Then these Italian Friars,

(accordingto the Papistsmanner,who first makethe sicke
confessetheir sinnes,andreceivethe Lords Supper,before
they suffer Physitian or Apothecaryto cometo them, or
any kitchin physicketo be given them): I say the Friars
pressedthem to confessetheir sinnes,and so to receive
the Lords Supper, which when they refused to doe, it
wasapparantto the Friars, that they wereof the reformed
Religion, (whom they terme heretikes). Whereuponthe
Friars beganneto neglect them (I will not say to hate
them): and while the two which were woundedstaled
for recovery of their health, and so detained the other
two with them, it happened that the third fell sicke. So
as none had their health now, but Master Verseline, who

lovingly and like a servantmore then a friend, provided

all necessaries
for his companionMaster Bacon, till at
last himselfe also fell sicke, and was the first of them that
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died. Then within eight daiesspace,all the rest died,

eitherfor that they wereneglectedby the Friers, (which
I thinke sufficientin that Countreyto castawayany in
their case),or by their too much care,namely by poison
(assomesuspect): for the Friars haveone of their order, [I. iii. 239.]
who is skilfull in physicke,and hath a chamberfurnished 4 Friar

withcoolingwaters,
sirops,andothermedicines
mostfit iklVu}lm
for that Countrey. When they were dead, the Friars *
gave into the Turkes hands, the bodies of the two
Flemmings and Master Verseline, (who had little store
of crownes,which belongedto the great Turke, as heire
to all strangers),and the Turkes permitted them to be
buriedupon Mount Syonwithout the wals,in the Church
yard proper to the Christians of Europe: But Master
Bacon,overliving the rest, and now seeing his life to
dependupon the Friars care of him, sheweda Novice
Friar long braceletsof peecesof gold twined about his
arme,and promising to give them all to him, and greater
rewardsif he would goe with him into England, so as
he would take care of him in his sickenesse,he had

perswaded
the young Friar to goe with him into England,
and to promise him faithfull service there: yet when
this Novice at his confessionmade this knowne, and after
verified as much to the Guardian and chiefe Friars, I

know not whether the hope of this booty madehim die

sooner,but I am surehe lived very few daiesafter. And
give me leave to tell the truth, these Friars either to

gaine his money, (which was due to the Great Turke),

or for fearethat inquisition shouldbe madeby the Turkes
after the causeof his death,appearingby manifestsignes
upon his body (as others suspectedand reported), I say
theseFriers buried this Gentleman in a yard of their Master
Bacon
Monasterysecretly,which if the Great Turke or any of secretly

hisMagistrates
hadknowne,no doubttheywouldgladlybunedhavetaken this occasionto extort much money from the
Frires, since by the like forged accusations,they use

sometimes
to oppresse
them; the very Turkeshavingat
other times

themselves

buried
45

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the

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circuit of the Monastery,and after causedthem to be

Turkesfrauds.
diggedup, asif they hadbeenecasuallyfound; andthen
crying that their Ottomanwas deceived,put the Friars
to paylargeransomes
for redeemingof their lives. And
let no manwonderthatthesehungryGovernours
of Cities
andProvincesin Turkey, shoulduselike fraudsto intrap
Christians,(asthey doevery frequently,)sincethey buy
their Offices,and many times are recalled,beforethey
be warmein their seats,if any man at Constantinople
Jerusalem
had

foure Governours in one

yeeres space.

offer larger summesfor their imployment.

So as this one Province of Palestine, and one City of

Jerusalem,(though having small or no trafficke),hath

had in one yeeresspacefoure Zaniacci, the old being
recalledto Constantinople,assooneas his successour
had
outbribed him there. And this is one of the greatest
mischiefesin this Empire, sincestarvelingflies suckemuch
more, then those that are fully gorged. The foresaid
Zaniaccois chiefeGovernourfor military and civill affaires
of all Pallestine,and lies at Jerusalemin the houseof
Pontius

Pilate.

His

Substitute

or Liefetenant

is called

TheTurkishCaiake,who cast one of our consortsfor a time into

officersat

Jerusalem.prison, becausehe complainedof the Turkish exactions,

and his owne poverty. The third Magistrate is called
Cady, who governesEcclesiastiallmatters, and dwelt in
Salomonshouse(as they call it) at Jerusalem,neerethe
yard of the old Temple of the Jewes,(in which now a
Turkish Moschewasbuilt); and of this man we had our
leave to enter the City, and to see the sepulcher,and

beingcalledbeforehim, we werecommanded
to put off
our shooes,he sitting crosseleg'd (like a Tailor) on the
ground upon a Turkey Carpet. The fourth Magistrate
wascalledAgha, who kept the Castleof Jerusalem,and
when we walked one evening on that part of the roofe

of our Monastery,whence
we hadthefairestprospectinto
the City, he senta messenger
to commandus to retire
frombeholdingtheCastle,or otherwisehewoulddischarge
a peeceof Ordinance at us.
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A.D.

1596.

Chap. III.

[[.ill 240.]

Of our journey from Jerusalem,by land to Joppa,

by Seato Tripoli in Syria, by land to Haleppo
and Scanderona,and of our passageby Sea to
the

Hand

Candia.

Pon Friday the fourteenth of June, in the J""e '4-

yeere1596we went out of Jerusalem,

Ann~
l$9
and by the sameway, and in the same
manner as wee came, rode backe to

Ramma,delivering to our guide asmany

zechinesasbefore,to pay for the Turkish
exactions, and to our Muccari for their

Asseswhich we had hired. Neither did any memorable

thing happento us by the way, savethat when we came
neereto Ramma,and by chancerode over the placeof
buriall for the Turks,

where some women were then

mourningfor their deadfriends,they thinking it a reproch

that we should ride over their graves,did with inraged
countenances
fling stonesat us, till wee appeasedthem
by dismountingfrom our Asses. The fifteenth of June
we camebacke to Joppa, where our guide gave three
meidinesto a Janizare,that heewould beatewith a cudgell
certaineArabians,who had offeredus wrong by the way,
which hee did readily and roundly.

Then without delay

we went aboardour little GreekeBarke, which (according

to our bargaineat Cyprus) staied here for our returne.
For the Master thereof was further tied to transport us Provident

fromhence
to Tripoli in Syria,neitherhadheyetreceivedadv'uefull paimentfor transportingus hither, the moneybeing
left in Cypruswith an Italian Merchant,who wasto pay
it him at his returne, if hee brought a testimony under
our hands, that he had performed his bargaine to us.
This condition we made providently, and by advice of
experienced
men, for otherwisethe Master of our Barke,
upon any profitable occasion,would have left this port
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beforeour returne from Jerusalem,and wee shouldhardly

have found another Barke here, in a place not much

frequented
with ships. Besides
that the restraintof the

money,not to be payedbut upon a testimonybrought

underour hands,wasa goodcaution,that he shouldnot

use us ill, nor any way betray us. The sixteenth of

June upon Sundayby twilight of the morning, we set

saylefrom Joppa,and coastingthe shoareof Asia, had

the land so neereus every day, as wee might easily distinguish the situationof the Cities and Territories. And
Caesaria.first we passedby the Citie calledCaesaria
Philippi, seated
in a Plaine, and twentie five miles distant from Joppa,
which of old was a famous Citie, but now for the most

part ruined, and becomean infamousnest of Turkes,

Moores

and Arabians.

Here

Christ

raised to life the

daughter of Jairus, and healed the woman, which for

twelve yeereshad a flux of bloud. And here Saint Peter
did baptize the Centurion Cornelius, and Saint Paul in
the presenceof Foelix disputed with Tertullus. Here
Titus the sonneof Vespasianlanding, when hee came
to destroy Jerusalem,cast great multitudes of Jewesto
wilde beaststo be devoured. In the right way to Tripoli,
Antlpatris.
Antipatris wasnot farre distant,which Herod did rebuild,
and thither the souldiersdid leade Saint Paul, by the
commandof the Tribune Lysias, but we could not see
this Village. Next, we did seethe Pilgrims Castle,now
called Tortora.

Then we sailed by the Promontory

Carmel. (hangingfarre over the Sea)of the Mountaine Carmelus,

madefamousby the aboadeof the Prophet Elias. Then
we passedwithin sight of the old Citie Ptolemais,after
Achon. called Achon and Acri, seatedin a faire playne within
a Creeke of the seaof the samename,and compassing

the Citie. And such a faire plainelyes all along the

Coastfrom Joppato Tripoli.

This Citie was famousby

the armiesof Europe,passingto conquertheseparts,and

at this day it hath a large circuit, compassed
with walls,
and a commodiousHaven, and is thirtie five miles distant

from Caesaria.From hencesailing twentie miles, we

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1596.

passedby the Citie Tyrus, then called Sur, the ruines Tyre.

whereofwitnesse
the old magnificence.The seatethereof
seemed
mostpleasant,beingbuilt upona low Rocke,in
the forme of a Peninsule,which Rockewas part of a
high Promontoryhangingover the sea. And it may [I. iii. 241.]
appearehow strongly it was fortified of old by Quintus
Curtius, relating the difficulties with which Alexander
the Great

took

and subdued

the same.

When

we had

sailed some ten miles further, we did see the ruines of

Sarepta,wherethe Prophet Elias lodged with a widdow, Sarepta.

in the time of a great famine. After we had sayledsome
twenty miles further, we did seeand passedby the City
Sydon,now called Saetta,seatedon the North side of a Sydon.
Promontory,and lying towards the West and South, to
the very sea side. These most pleasantTerritories are
inhabited by wicked people, but God sent us a faire
wind, by which we escapedfrom them, into whosePorts
if we had beenedriven, they would have taken all just

and unjust occasions

to extort moneyfrom us, if they
did us no worse harme.

Mention

is often made in the

Holy Scripturesof Sydon, Tire, and theseTerritories,

as well in the old as new Testament, the particulars

whereof I omit. Here first we did gladly see the hils

and high tops of Mount Lybanus, being a very pleasantLybanus.

and fruitful mountaine, the wines whereof are carried as

farre asHaleppo. The CastleBarutti is sometwo miles Barutti.

distant from the Promontory of Saetta,and it is seated
uponthe North-sideof a hil, hangingover the sea. Here
they say that Saint Georgedeliveredthe Kings daughter,

by killing a Dragon: And to this place,asalsoto Tyre

andSydon,thereis great concourse
of Merchants,who
have their chiefe trafficke at Damascus,and especiallyat
Haleppo. From hencewe passedten miles to Biblis; Blblis.
thenafter ten milessaile,we passedby Petrona,andagaine
after ten miles saileby a Promontory, which the Italians
call CapoPeso.
Lastly we passedten miles sailing by a most pleasant
plaine, and so upon Thursday the seventeenthof June
M. ii

49

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landedat Tripoliof Syria,(socalledfor difference

from
Tripoli. Tripoli in Africke), The Havenis compassed
with a

wall, and lies uponthe west-side

of the City, wherein

weremanylittle Barkes,
andsomeShippes
of Marsiles
in France. The Haven is fortified with seven Towers,
whereof the fourth is called the Tower of Love, because

it wasbuilt by an ItalianMerchant,who wasfoundin

bed with a Turkish woman,which offenceis capitall as

well to the Turke as Christian, if he had not thus

redeemedhis life. Upon the Haven are built many

store-housesfor Merchants goods, and shops wherein
they are set to sayle. The City of Tripoli is somehalfe
mile distant from the Haven, to which the way is sandy,

having many gardenson both sides. In this way they

shewa pillar fastnedupon a hill of sand,by which they
say the sand is inchanted,lest it should grow to overwhelme the City. Likewise they shew other pillars,
under which they saygreat multitudes of Scorpionswere
in like sort inchanted, which of old wasted all that

Thesdtuatwn
Territory;

and they thinke that if these pillars were

oftheCity. takenaway5
theCitywouldbedestroied
by thesandand
Scorpions.The lengthof the City somewhat
passeth
the
bredth,andlieth from the Southto the North, seatedupon

the side of an hill, so cut by nature as it conveyesa

brooke into the streetes. Upon the West side of the

City, towardsthe Southcorner,is a Castleupon a high

hill, which the Frenchmen built of old to keepethe
Citizensin subjection,and therein the GreatTurke to the

sameendkeepesa garrisonof Souldiers,

underhis Agha
or Governourof the City.

Upon the East side are two

bridgesover the foresaidbrooke,whencemanypleasant

fountainsspring,which running from the Southto the
North, passethrough the streetesof the City, and then
water the gardens. Beyond this brooke are fruitfull hils,

and beyondthe hils Mount Lybanuslies, so high as it

hinders all further prospect,which mountaineis very
pleasant,aboundingwith fruitfull trees,and with grapes
yeeldinga rich wine. Upon the North side without the
5

COMMENTS

UPON

TRIPOLI

A.D.

1596.

gates,are many most pleasantgardens,in which they

keepe great store of silke-wormes: for the Turks sell Silke-wormes.

their raw silke to the Italians, and buy of them the

stuffeswoventhereof. The building of Tripoli and of

these parts, is like to that of Cyprus and Jerusalem.
The streetethat leadesto the way of Haleppo, is broad,
the rest narrow, and the aire and waters are unhealthfull.

Mount Lybanus (as I formerly said) is incredibly fruit-

full, andthe plaineof Tripoli reachingten miles,is more

fruitfull then caneasilybe expressed,
bearinggreat store
of pleasantfruites,whereofone amongthe rest is called
Amazza-Franchi,that is, kill Frankes(or French),because
the men of Europe died in great numbers by eating [I. Hi.242.]
immoderatelythereof. The plaine of Tripoli did of old
yeeldtwo hundredthousandcrownesyeerelyto the Count
thereof, as Historians

write.

And howsoever the old

trafficke of Tripoli, is for the most part removed to

Damascusand Haleppo, yet the City of Tripoli still
yeelds foure hundred thousandcrownesyeerely to the
Great Turke.

It may seemeincredible, but it is most certaine, that

here and throughout Syria, they have sheepeof such Great

sheepe

bignes,as the very tailes of them, hanging in many cfSyria.

wreathesto the ground, doe weigh twenty five pounds,
and manytimes thirty three pounds.
A Christian who useth to entertaine the French, did ^ good

verywell intreatus here: andwhenI did seea bedmadeChristian.

for me and my brother, with cleane sheetes,I could
scarcely
containemy selfefrom going to bedbeforesupper,

because

had

never

lien

in

naked

bed

since

I came

from Veniceto this day, having alwaiesslept by sea

and land in my doublet, with linnen breechesand

stockings,upon a mattresse,and betweenecoverletsor

quilts, with my breechesunder my head. But after
supper all this joy vanished by an event least
expected: For in this part of Asia great store of cotten

growes(as it were) upon stalkeslike Cabbage,(as I

formerlysaid in my journey from Joppato Jerusalem);

A.D.
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andthesesheetes
beingmadethereof,did so increase
the
perpetuallheatof this Countrey,nowmostunsupportable
in the summertime, as I was forced to leapeout of my
bed, and sleepeas I had formerly done.

My Host told me a strangething, namelythat in

Alexandriaof .ZEgypt,seatedupon one of the mouthes
of the River Nilus, there was a Dove-cote, & that also at

Cairo (or Babylon,)farre within the Land of ^Egypt,

there was another Dove-cote; and because it much

concernes
the Merchants,to have speedynewesof any
commodity arriving, he assuredmee that they used to
Letters
carriedtie letters about the neckes of the Doves at Alexandria,

ontheneckes
anc[so to jet them loose,whichDoves having formerly
bred in the Dove-cote at Cayro, did flie thither most
swiftly, and the Keeperof them there taking the Letters
they brought, used to deliver them to the Merchants.
This I beleevednot, till I cameto Haleppo,and telling it
for a fable to the English Merchantsthere, they seriously
affirmed

the

same to be true:

Moreover

the

Host

of

Newes
from Tripoli told me newesfrom Constantinople,namely,that

Constantinople.
theGreekes
hadburntgreatpartof theCitVj(whichhe
thought to be false,and onely invented to oppressethem
in other parts); and that the Janizarieshad raiseda great
tumult againstthe Subashaof the City, who used great
severitytowardsthem, by restrainingthem from drinking
wine, and from keeping harlots; and that some one
hundred of theseseditious Janizarieswere drowned in the

Haven, and the rest were daily soughtout to be punished.

Moreover that Halil Bashathe Admirall of Turkey, was
parted from Constantinoplewith sixty Gallies, having
taken many Greeke and Armenian Christiansby force,
to row in his Gallies ; besidesthat, for want of Marriners,

he had left theretwenty Gallies,whichwerepreparedto

keepe that narrow sea. Finally, that the Great Turke

waspresentlyto goewith his Army into Hungary, but

, was not yet departedfrom the City.
Now the French-menour consortswent aboarda ship

of Marsilesto returneinto France. But my selfeandmy

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A.D.
1596.

brotherbeingto goeby Land to Haleppo,agreedto give

our Muccaronine piastri, for two Assesto ride upon, and

their meate; andfor three tributes(calledcafarri)which

he was to pay for us by the way, (commingto some
twenty meidines). They call him Muccaro, who lets
out Mules, Asses,or Horses; and they call him Malem,
who conductsthe Merchantsgoods. Moreover we were Charges
for

forcedto give a suger-loafe

to the valueof a Zechine,to Aleppo.
the Governour of the City, and a Piastre to the Scribe

or Clerkeof the City, for the priviledgeto goewithout

a Janizareto conductus, (so they pretended,omitting no
occasions
to extort from Christians). But we covenanted
not to pay the nine piastri to our Muccaro, till our

journeywasended,onelygiving one piastreinto his hands

for earnest,and pretendingthat we would pay the rest at
Haleppo, where we were to receive money; lest they
thinking that we had store of crowns with us, should
practise any treason or oppression against us. This
Piastrewe gave him in hand, to buy meat for his beasts,
and the other eight we paid after at Haleppo, and besides
gavehim of free gift a zechinefor his faithfull serviceto [I. iii. 24.3.]
us by the way. We were to take our journey with the
Caravangoing from Tripoli to Haleppo. The Turkes A caravan.
call a Caravanthe companyof Merchants,passengers,
and

driversof loadedCamels,keepingtogether,for safety

againstTheeves,and using to lodge in the open field.
For in Turkey they make journeies in great troopes,
neitherdid I ever seeany ride alone,but onely a horseman of the Armie, and that very rarely.

Upon Saturdaythe two andtwentieof June,we went

out of Tripoli at the North Gate, and passedover a

Bridgeof the foresaidBrooke,and from eight of the

clocketill Noone,we passedalong the Sea-shoare,
and
over high Mountaines,then over an unfilled Plaine,
seeingnot oneVillage,nor so muchasthe leasthouseby
theway. Then at lastcommingto a little shadeof Figtrees,we restedthere the heateof the day, and fed upon
such victuals as we had, while our Muccaro and the rest
53

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1596.

gavemeateto their beasts. At threeof the clockin the

after-noonewe went forward in the like way, and late in

theeveningwecameto a Village,neerewhichwelodged

in the openfield, in a pleasantplot of grasse,neerethe

banke of a River, planted with some trees. Upon
Sundayweeroseearly,and for two howersspacepassed
a Promontoryof the Sea; then turning towardsthe
Land, weepassedthroughwilde andunfilled Hilles and
plainefields,andat Noonewe restedunderthe shaddow
of someBrambles,
refreshingour selveswith meateand
sleepe,andgiving meateto our Asses. At threein the

afternoonewee went forward, and passedby the Castle

Huss, in which somesay Job dwelt, and which they say
was possessed
by the French,while they had the KingA monastery
dome of Jerusalem. Also we passedby a Monasteryof

ofSaint SaintGeorge,
thenpossessed
by ChristianFriers,and

Huss.

seatedin a pleasantValley, yeelding trees of Figs and

Olives. And towards evening, we incamped(as I may
termeit) in the openfield at the foot of a high Mountaine.
They say Job did of old possessethis Territorie, and
that not farre hence in the way leading to Damascus,
thereis a Citie now calledHemps,and of old calledHuss,
which the Christian Inhabitants to this day call the Citie

of Job, and the Valley not far distant the Valley of

Huss, and the Turkes have built a Mosche or Church in
Job's House.

this Citie, which they thinke to be built upon the very

rumesof the housewherein Job dwelt, and that his body
was carried from hence to Constantinople. Others
object, that accordingto the Scriptures,Job could not
dwell here, becausethey write, that hee dwelt among
the Idumeans,and was robbed by the Sabeans. I dare
not affirme that he dwelt here, but I dare boldly say,
that I know more then Secretesdid, even two things,
whereashe knew but one: first, that the Arabians to this

day make excursionsinto these parts, robbing the

Caravans
that goefrom Haleppoto Tripoli, so asif Job
were alive, and had an hundred thousand head of cattell,

they wereaslike to rob him here,as in any otherplace.

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1596.

Secondly,
I know that we passed
a sadnight in this place,
and never had more need of Job his patiencethen here.
For it happenedthat one of the women (which the
leadersof the Caravanuse to have for their attendance)
lighting a fire to makeready their supper,by chancesome
sparkeor flame brake out of the stones wherewith it was
compassed,and set the drie hearbs of the field on fire, Thefieldsset

whichbeing neglectedat the first, did spreadit selfefor onfireh

a greatcompasse.
Whereupon
the Governour
of the chanceProvince dwelling upon the Mountaine, and beholding
the fields on fier, sent to us one Janizary, armed onely
with a cudgell, who fell upon the men of our Caravan,
being somehundred in number, beating them with his
cudgell, till they fell upon the fier with the upper long
garmentsthey use to weare,and so extinguishedit. In
the meanetime my selfeand my brother went aside,lying
out of his sight, by the advantageof a high ground
betweene him and us, where wee were astonished to see

one man armed onely with a cudgell to beatea hundred Oneman

men(andthe very Zantonsor Priests)armedwith swords^eates

a
andmanyCallivers. The fire beingput out, we thinking u" te '
all safe,joyned our selves to the companyagaine, but
sooneespiedour errour: for the Janizaredrove us all
before him like so many Calves, to appearebefore the
Governour,and satisfiehim for this damage. And if at
any time we went slowly, hee wheeledhis cudgell about
his head,and crying WohoweRooe,presentlystruck them
that were next him. My brother and my selfe treated [I- iii- 244.];
with him by the way, to give him a rewardthat he would
dismisseus: but when he gave this warning, we were
the first to run from him, with laughter to seeour men
thus driven like beasts,and commendingto our selves
the honesty of the man, who first gave warning before
he struck. Then presentlyassooneas wee did see the
Gentlemanpacified,we returned againeto him, with our
Muccaro to interpret our words, and told him, that we
were the servants of a Christian Merchant, and had no

goodsin the Caravan,nor any thing to doe with them,

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1596.

and offering him a reward,so he would let us returne.

For we knew that the Turks would take any occasionto

oppresse
us as Christians,and that the Governorwould
have dealt worsewith the Caravan,if he perceivedthat
Christians were with them.

Thus we often fled from

TheJanlzare
him whenhe gavethesaidsigneof anger,(for howsoever
weeoffere&him a gift, yet weecouldnot otherwiseescape
his blowes),andoftenwe returnedto him beingpacified
offering him a gift to dismisseus, which at last wee
obtained,giving him a zechine. When we were dis-

appeased
by a

missed,wee were in no lessefeare of some violence, while

wee returned aloneand unarmed,to the placewhereour

baggage
lay : but goingforwardbetweene
hopeandfeare,
at last we came safe thither, and there hid our selvestil

our consortsshould returne, who after an howers space

returning, told us, that the chiefeof the Caravan,being
the causeof the fire making, had paid ten piastri for the
damage: and the Governour swore, that if the fire had
gone over the Mountaine into the plaine field of Corne,
hee would have hangedus all upon the highest trees, on
the top of the Mountaine. This Tragedy ended, wee
refreshedour selveswith meateand sleepe.
Upon Monday early in the morning, we set forward,
and spenteight howersin ascendingthe Mountaine,which
was very high, but the way easie,with many turnings

aboutthe Mountaine,whichof it selfewithout manuring

yeeldedmany wilde, but pleasantfruits, seemingto passe
in pleasantnesse
the best manuredOrchards. Upon the
Horsemen
of top of the Mountaine we met some horsemenof the

theArmy. Army, not withoutfeareof someviolenceto be offered

us, till we understoodthat they weresentout to purge
the high waies of theeves. They were armed with
Launces,Shields,and short broad Swords,so as a man

wouldhavesaid,they hadbeenthe Knights of Amades

de Gaule. Neither is it unprobable,that thosefictions

camefrom the horsemenof Asia, sincewee did seesome

mile from Tripoli, a Bridgecalledthe Bridgeof

Rodomont,and a FountaineneereScandarona,
calledthe
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A.D.

1596.

AmazonsFountaine,and many like monumentsin these

parts. When wee had passedthe foresaidhigh Mountaine,weecameinto a very largeand fruitfull Plaineof
Corne,whichwasyet uncut-downe. Here we refreshed
our selvesand our beastswith meate,resting neere a

Fountaine(for the Turkes require no better Inne for TheTurkes

their beastsand themselves,
then a Fountaineof cleereInneswater.) After dinner we went forward in this Plaine,
and did see some Villages, which in this vast Empire
are very rare, and neere one of theseVillages wee did
sit downeat night, supping and resting in the openfield.
Upon Tuesday earely in the morning, we tooke our
journy, and for sixe howers passedin the samePlaine,
havingnot so much asthe shaddowof one tree, and came
to the City Aman (which in the Scripture the secondof
the Kings, the seventeenthChapter, is called Hamath) Hamath.

being somethree dayesjourney from Damasco. This

Citie is of large circuit, and pleasantlyseatedupon two
Hilles, (for the third Hill of the Castlehath nothing but
ruines), having a River running by it, and abounding
with Orchards of Palmes and fruitfull trees, and neere

the samewere sixe Villages in sight. Here we rested

part of this day, and the next night, the Master of our
Caravanhaving businessein the City, neither imported
it wherewe lodged; for they have no publike Innes, nor N
bedsin any house,nor Cookes,but every man buyeshis
meate,and can dresseit. But to the end wee might

be readyto goeearlywith the Caravanin the morning,

most of us lodged in poore housesof the Suburbs. My

selfeand my brotherbeing to sleepein the yard upon

our owne quilts, and the yard declining from the house
to the bottome, where our beastswere tied, wee laid our

selvesdowneuponthetop of the Hill, but in the morning

found our selves tumbled downe between the feet of the

Asses& Camels,whenI couldnot rememberthe English

Inneswithout sighing. This Citie hath great traffique,[I. iii. 245.]
and aboundeth with necessariesto sustaine life, and here

our Muccaroboughtfor us, sowerCurds(vulgarlycaled

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Charges
for Mish Mash)for two meidines,
a cheese
for sixe,three
food.
hennes
for threemeidines,
twentyeggsfor fouremeidines,
Cucumers
for three,milke for five,Aquavitae(whichthey

call Harach,and drinke as largelyas Wine) for ten

meidines,foure poundsof wine for one zechine,Bisket

(for the Turkeshaveno otherbreadbut cakesbakedon
the harth)for thirty meidines,whichthingswe provided
for our Supper,andto carrywith us by the way, yet might

we havebought,and did buy most things by the way,

exceptingWine and Bread,whichare hardlyfound, and
must becarriedby thosethat will have them. The guide
of our Caravanwasdetainedhere by his businessemost

partof the nextday,beingWednesday,

andin the meane
time it fortunately happened,that a Turkish Basha,
returning with his traine from his Governement,and
being to goe our way, rested here, so as his company

freedus the restof our journeyfrom feareof theeves.

Upon Wednesdayin the afternoonewe set forward, in
the companyof this Basha,and journied all night in this
Plaine, wherein there was not the shadow of one tree,

and at eight of the clock the next morning, we did sit

downein the open field, resting under the ruines of old
Inquiries
by walles. Here the Janizaries of the Basha inquired

the

Janizaries.

curiouslyafter the conditionof me and my brother,so

as our Muccaro advisedus to give them halfe a piastre,
which they receiving, promised to defend us from all
injury, but in the meanetime they did so swallow our
wine, as when it was spent, we were forced to drinke
water, to which we were not used. Upon Thursday at
three of the clock in the afternoone, we set forward, and

Marrha. about midnight we cameto the Citie Marrha, whereour

Muccaro and divers others payed each of them ten
meidines for cafar or tribute, and at the Citie Gate a

man washangedin chaines(also the next day we did see

anotherimpalled,that is sitting and rotting upon a stake

fastnedin the ground,andthrust into his fundamentand

bowels.) Upon Friday before day wee set forward, and
passinga stony barren way, but full of Walnut trees,
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1596.

upon which many birds did sit and sing, wee came in
foure houersspaceto an Hospitall, which they call Caon, AnHospital!

andit wasstatelybuilt of stone,in a round forme,with cal^ed

Caonarchesround about the Court-yard, under which arches
eachseverallcompanychosetheir placeto eate and rest,
both which they must doe upon the ground, exceptthey
bring Tables and beds with them. Neither were any
victualsthere to be sold or dressed,but everymanbought

his victualsin the Villageadjoyning,and dressedit after

his manner. The sameFriday at foure in the afternoone,
weewent forward,andriding all night, did upon Saturday
early in the morning sleepean hower in the open field,
while meatewasgiven to our beasts.
Then going forward, we came by Noone, the same
day being the nine and twentie of June, (after the Popes June
29new stile, which I have followed hitherto, being in company of Italians and Friers), to the famous Citie of
Haleppo, where the English Merchants living in three Haleppo.
houses,as it were in Colledges,entertainedmy brother
and mee very curteously. And George Dorington
the Consul of the English there, led us to the house,
wherein he lived with

other Merchants, and there

most courteously entertained us, with plentifull diet, George

good lodging, and most friendly conversation,refusing Dorington's
to take any money for this our entertainement. And curtesyhowsoeverwee brought him onely a bill of exchange

for one hundredCrownes,yet when we complainedto

him, that we now perceivedthe samewould not serve
our turnes, hee freely lent us as much more upon our
ownecredit. Yea,whenafter my brothersdeathmy selfe

fell dangerously
sicke,andwasforcedto goefrom those
parts before I could recover my health, so as all men
doubtedof my returne into England, yet he lent me a

farregreatersummeuponmy bareword,whichhowsoever
I duly repayedafter my comming into England, yet I
confesse,that I cannot sufficiently acknowledgehis love
to mee,and his nobleconsiderationof pooreand afflicted
strangers.
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The Citie Haleppois saidto havethe nameof Halep,

which signifiesmilke, becausethe Province is most
fruitfull, or of the word Aleph, as the chiefeCitie of
Syria, and to have been called of old Aram Sobab
[I. iii. 2+6.](mentionedthe secondof Samuel,the eight Chapterand

third verse),or at leastto be built not farre from the

TheTrafficke
ruines thereof. The Trafficke in this placeis exceeding

mHakppo.
great,soasthegoodsof all AsiaandtheEasterne
Hands
are broughthither, or to Cayroin Egypt. And before

the Portugals found the way into East India, thesecommodities were all brought from thesetwo Cities. And
the Venetiansand somefree Cities of Italy solly enjoyed
all this traffickeof old. But after that time, the Portugals
trading in East India, servedall Europe with thesecommodities,selling them, yea and many adulterateDruggs,
at what price they listed, cutting off most part of this
trafficke from the Italians. At last the French King
making leaguewith the great Turke, the Merchantsof
Marsileswere madepartnersof this trafficke,and in our
age the English, under the Raigne of QueeneElizabeth,
obtained like priviledge, though great opposition was
made against them by the Venetians & French Merchants.

And the Turkey companyin London was at this time

the richest of all other, silently enjoying the safetyand
profit of this trafficke, (understandthat when I wrote this,

the trafficke into the East Indies was nothing at all or

very little knowneto the English or Flemmings).

The
.

This City lies within Land, the Port whereof (called

f Alexandretta
by the Christians,
andScanderona
by the
Turkes)I shallhereafterdescribe. The building of this

City (asof all housesin Syria)is like to that of Jerusalem,

but oneroofehigh, with a plainetop plaisteredto walke

upon, and with Arches before the houses, under which

they walke dry, and keepe shopsof wares. The City

is nothing lessethen well fortified, but mostpleasantly

seated,having many sweet gardens. The aire was so
hot, as me thought I suppedhot broth, when I drew it

in ; but it is very subtile,so as the Christianscomming

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hither from Scanderona,

(a most unhealthfullplace,having
the aire choakedwith Fens), continually fall sicke, and
often die. And this is the cause,that the English Factors
imployed here, seldome returne into England, the

twentiethman scarcelyliving till his prentishipbeing

out, he may trade here for himselfe. The Christians
here, and the Turkes at the Christians cost, drinke

excellentwines, whereof the white wines grow in that

territory, but the red wines are brought from Mount
Libanus. Moreover all things for diet aresold at cheapeDietcheape.
rates, and indeed the Turkes want not good meat, but
only good Cookesto dresseit. The English Merchants
canbearemewitnes,that thesepartsyeeldsheepe,whereof
the taile of one wreathed to the ground, doth weigh
some thirty or more pounds, in fat and wooll.

In one

of the City gates, they shew the Sepulcherof Saint

George,wherethe Turkes maintaineLampescontinually
burning: for among all the Christian Saints,they onely
reverenceSaint George. In a garden of the suburbes
I did seea Serpentof wonderfull bignes,and they report, A Serpent
oj
that the male Serpentand young ones,being killed by wo
certaineboyes, this shee Serpent observing the water
where the boyes used to drinke, did poyson the same,
so as many of the boyes died thereof; and that the

Citizens thereuponcameout to kill her, but seeingher

lie with her faceupward, as complainingto the Heavens
that her revenge was just, that they touched with a
superstitiousconceit, let her alone: finally that this
Serpenthad lived here many ages,and was of incredible
yeeres. Moreover they shew a well neereto the City,
in which they report, that a chestof treasurewasof old
cast,so asit might be sceneby passengers,
and that some

attemptingto take it out, wereassaulted

andaffrighted
with

Divels.

In this City my selfeand my brotherHenry lay sicke

somefew daies,but by the helpeof a Jew Physician,we A Jew
soonerecoveredour health, and for feare of wanting
money,and especiallyout of our desireto returne home,
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weemadetoo greathasteto beginne

our journeyfor

Constantinople.
If wewouldhaveexpected
eightdaies,
The
Cassenda.
theCassenda,
(sotheycalla troopeof Horsemen,
guarding the great Turkes treasure),wasin that time to goe
for Constantinople,
in whosecompanywee might safely
andswiftlyhaveperformedthis journey,namelyin sixeteenedaies,whereasthosewho followed the slow paceof

Cammels,scarcelyarrive therein thirty daies. But this

Provincebeing extreamelyhot in this time of summer,
and weebeing scantedof moneyfor our long journey,
all mentionof longer stayingwas most unpleasingto
us. MoreoverMasterGeorgeDorington, (neverto be
[I. iii. 247.] namedby me without mention of love and respect),did
at this time senda Caravan,(that is, Camelsloadedwith
goods)of his own to Constantinople,and being to make
a presentto a Cady, returning from his governementto
Constantinople,that he would take his Caravaninto his
protection, and to passein his company,and lovingly
making offer to us, to recommendus in like sort with
his goods to the sameCady, we were easily perswaded
to take this journey presently, in the company of his
servants,and of a curteous English Merchant, called

Master
Jasper
MasterJasperTyant, being then to goe for Constanti-

Tyant. nople.Thisourconclusion
proved
greatlyto thelosse
of Sir John Spencer,Merchant of London, whosegoods
thesewere which Master Dorington sent with us. For
my brother dying by the way, and the great Turke being
heire to all Christiansand strangers,dying in his Empire,
the Turkes either thought, or fradulently pretendedthat
thesegoods belongedto my brother, and so tooke them
into the great Turkes store-houses,
and kept them there,
till they had unjustly extorted good summesof money

from Master Dorington, besidesthe great lossewhich

was sustainedby the servantsand Camelshired in vaine.
Camell
hire. Being now to enter this journey, we hired for seventy
one piastri, a Camell to carry our victuals, an ambling

Mule for my brother,and a horsefor my selfe,and so

much we presentlygave into the handsof our Muccaro,
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with covenantthat he shouldpay for the meatof the

beasts. Moreover we presentlylaid out one hundredand
twenty piastri for divers necessaries,
namely, two long Necessaries
chaires, like cradles covered with red cloth, to hang on for the

the two sidesof our Camell, (which chairesthe Turkes Journeyuse to ride in, and to sleepeupon Camelsbackes,but
we bought them to carry victuals), for bisket, and a tent
whereinwe might sleepe,and for like provisions. But
behold,when all this mony was laid out, and the very

eveningbeforethe day in which we were to begin our

journey, my brother Henry fell sicke of a flux. Being
amasedwith this sudden chance, we stood doubtfull for

a time what to do, til the considerationof the great

summesof moneywe had laied out, and of the difficulty
to get more, made us resolveto take this fatall journey,
yet with this purpose,whenwe cameto Scanderona,
some
foure daiesjourny distant, to goe no further, except in
that time he recovered his health, propounding this
comfortto our miserableestate,that there we might have
commodity of convenientlodging with an Englishman,
there abiding factor for our Merchants.
Upon Thursday the last of June, (that I may now Thelastof
follow the old stile, taken here from the English, and Jmegenerally used in Turkey, among the very Christians,
howsoeverhitherto I have followed the new stile, taking
it from the Venetian shippe in which I came,and from
the Friers at my abodein Jerusalem); I say the last of
June we went out of Haleppo, passingover stony hils,
and by the Village Havaden, where the Jewessay the
Prophet Jeremy was buried. Then riding forward all

that night, at last we satedowneat eight of the clocke

in the morning, and pitched our Tents neerea Village,
whereI did seea pillar erectedto Pompey,and herewe
restedand refreshedour selvesthe heatof the day. This
kind of journying wasstrangeto us, and contraryto our
health: for we beganne our journey at foure in the Strange
afternoone,to shun the heat of the day past, and rode
all night, soaswe not usedto this watching,wereso sleepy
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towards the Sunnerise, as we could not abstainefrom

nodding,andweremanytimeslike to fallfromourhorses.
To which mischiefe we could find no other remedy, then

A remedy
to to ride swiftly to the headof the Caravan,and there

obtaine
skepe.
dismounting,
to lie downeandslumber,with our horses
bridle tied to our legges,one of us by coursewalking
by us, to keepeus from injuries,andto awakenus when
the last Camelpassedby, lest we shouldthere be left
a pray to theeves. And we having sometwo hundred
Camelsin our Caravan,did in this sort passethe sleepy

houresin the morning,till sevenor eight of the clocke,

at which time we usedto pitch our tents,andrest. More-

over this greatlyafflictedus, that spendingthe morning

till ten or eleven of the clocke in pitching our Tent,

preparingmeat,and eating,we hadno time to rest,but

the extreme heat of the noone day, which so pierced

our tents,that we couldno moresleepe,then if in England
upon a Summersday we had lien neere a hot sea-cole
fire. And howsoeverwee lessenedthis heate,by flinging
our gownesover our Tent, betweenethe sunneand us,
[I. iii. 248.] yet for my part I was so afflicted with want of sleepe,
and with this immoderate heate, as I feared to fall into

a Lunacy, what then should a man think would become

of my sickly brother in this case?

Upon Friday the first of July, towards evening, wee
tooke up our Tents, supping while our Muccaro loaded
our beasts,then we rode over Mountainesall night, and
the next morning againepitched our Tents neerea poore
Village. And our Muccarobought us somefreshvictuals
in the Village, accordingto the mannerof Turky, where
the very Cities yeeld no Innes. Upon Saturdaytowards
evening, wee set forward, and rode that night over a
large Plaine, and next day after Sunne-risewee came
Antloch.

to Antioch, a citie of Asia, famous for the Patriarchate,

and by Histories sacredand prophane. Upon the east-

side,and upon the top of a high Mountaine,lye great

ruines of the old walles and houses, whence the seat of

the citie declineth to the Plaine on the West side.
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which Plaine our Caravanrested the heat of this day,

neerethe pleasantand largeFountaineof water,wherin

the Scripturesrecord so many to have beenbaptized
together,as first in this placethe faithfull had the name
of Christians. This Fountaine hath faire building, and
seemesof old to have been very stately, and here wee

pitchedour Tents in the middestof the Gardensof this

Plaine within

the walles.

For howsoever the ruines of

the walles shew, that of old the circuit of the citie was

very large, yet scarcethe hundreth part thereof was now

filled with houses. Upon the West side without the
walles, the citie is all compassedwith a River, and a great

Fen, and upon the East-side with Mountaines, which

situation makesit naturally strong. Here first wretched
I perceived the imminent danger of my most deare Mybrother

brothers
death,whichI neversuspected
til thisday,much'** fthe
lessehad any just causeto feare it.

A Turke in this

Caravan troubled with the same disease of a Flux, went

to the ground more then twentie times each nights

journey, and yet lived ; whereasmy brother only three
or foure times descendedfrom his Mule to that purpose,
which filled us with good hope. But here first I learned
by miserableexperience,that nothing is worse for one
troubled with the Flux, then to stop or much restraine
the coursetherof. For my brother stoppingthis naturall
purge, by taking Red wine and Marmelat, experienced
men did attribute (all too late) his death to no other
thing. I could not hire a horse-litter by any endevour

of our Muccaro,nor for any price, thoughI offeredan

incredible summe for that, or like commoditie to carrie

him,andwe thoughtit very dangerous

to stayhereamong
the Turkes, after our Caravandeparted,especiallysince
Scanderona
wasbut five and twenty miles distant, where
weeshouldhavethe commoditieto lodgewith anEnglishman, and so to get all necessariesfor his recoverie.

Thereforeupon Sundayin the evening,weeput all our

provisions in one of the foresaidcoveredchairesor cradles, A Camell-

cariedby the Camell, and made my brother a bed in the bed.

M. ii

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other cradle, where (as we thought) he might com-

modiously
rest. And I promised
the Muccarohalfea
piastrofor everytimemy brothershoulddescend
from

the Camellto easehimselfe,for weewereto ride before

with the horsemen,and hee was now to comebehind
with the Camels. Sowe set forward,andmy selfetwice

in thenight,andoncetowards
morning,left thehorsemen,
androdebackto my brother,to know how he fared,and

whenheegavemeeno answere,
I returnedto thehorsemen,thinkingthat he slept. Then towardsmorningI
was so afflictedwith my wonteddesireof sleepe,as I

thoughtanhowers
restwortha Kingsransome.Therefore
Byland.

my selfe and Master JasperTyant our loving consort,

rode a good paceto the Village Byland, where we were
to pitch our Tents, that we might makeall things ready
to receive

him.

But within short space our Muccaro running to our

Tent, and telling me, that heehad left my brother ready

to give up his last breth in the first houseof the Village,
seemedto say to me, Goe quickly and hang thy selfe.
With all possiblespeedeI ran to this house, imbraced
my dying brother, and confoundedwith sorrow, under-

stoodfrom his mouth,how farrethe eventsof our nights

journey had been contrary to our hope. For whereas
my selfe advisedhim to leave his Mule, and lie in the
chaire upon the Camels backe, he told me that he was

[I. ill. 249.]shakenin pieceswith the hard paceof the Camell. And
A faithless whereasI had offered the Muccaro halfe a piastro, for

Muccaro.eacj1
tjme^eeshouldlight to ease
himselfe,
hetold mee
that he had often askedthis favour of the Muccaro,but

could neverobtaineit, he excusinghimselfeby feareto

be left behindthe Caravan,for a prey to theeves. And
whereasthe Camelshinder partsbeing higher then the
foreparts,I hadlaiedmy brothersheadtowardsthehinder
parts,and raisedit as high as I couldwith pillowesand

clothes,for his betterease,it happened

(whichI being
ignorantof the way couldnot foresee)
that we all the
night ascending
mountaines,
his feet werefarrehigher
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then his head; whereuponhe told me, that most part

of the night he hadlien in a trance,whichwasthe cause

that he could not answer me, at such times as I came to

inquire of his health. Thus mischiefelighted upon

mischiefe,to make my wretchedstatemost miserable
:
Why shouldI usemanywords in a case,from the remem-

brancewhereofmy mind abhorreth. ThereforeI will

say in a word; My most deere brother Henry upon
Munday the fourth of July, (after the old stile), the yeere July4.

of ourLord 1596,andof hisagethesevenandtwentieth,AnmIS96died in my armes,after many loving speeches,

and the
expressingof great comfort in his Divine meditations.
The Turkes presently snatchedall things that were

his,asbelongingto the GreatTurke; yea,my selfecast

his shirts, with many other things of good value, and
whatsoeverI could see that was his, out of the Tent into

the Turkes hands,and as a man halfe out of my wits,

could indure to seenothing that might renew the bitter

remembrance

of him.

The

Turkish

Officers

in the Great

Covetousnesse

Turkesnameseazedupon all the goodsof Sir Johnfthe

Spencer,which Master Dorington sent with us, as if
they had belongedto my brother, neither could they be
released,without great bribes, after the contrary was
proved. Presently I sent for the English Factor lying
at Scanderona,
who scarcelyobtainedwith the paying of
five zechines, to have my brothers body buried in the
open fields: besides,the Janizares,Turkes, and Moores,
came in severall swarmes to me in this miserable case,

threatningto hinder his buriall, or to dig him up after

hee was buried, except I would satisfietheir insatiable
extortions. And had not the foresaid English Factor
takenupon him to satisfiethesepeople,and takenup my

pursefull of zechines,
whichI castamongthemin a rage,
surely for my part I had willingly given my selfe and

all that I hadwith me, to themfor a prey. One thing

abovemeasureafflictedme, (which I thinke Job himselfe
could not have suffered), namely, that while my selfe
and my brother were in our last imbraces,and mournefull
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speeches,the rascall multitude of Turkes and Moores,

ceasednot to girne & laugh at our sighesand teares;

neitherknow I why my heart-stringsbrakenot in these
desperate
afflictions: but I am sure from that day to
this I neverenjoiedmy formerhealth,andthat this houre
wasthe first of my old age.

Towardsthe eveningthe samefourth day of July, we

descended
with the saidEnglish Factor,(taking careto
have our baggagecarried) from the mountainestowards
Scanderona,
little distant from this place,in the furthest
Northerne part of the vally upon the seashore. From
henceJasperTyant our loving consort in this misery,
returned back to Haleppo; but my selfe not knowing
what to resolve,nor having power to thinke of disposing
my selfe,remainedat Scanderona
in the English Factors
house. The next night while I lay waking, I heard
multitudes of Woolves, (as I thought) howling upon
the mountainesof Byland, and in the morning I understood by the English Merchant, that a kind of beast
little bigger then a Foxe, and ingenderedbetweeneFoxes
Jagales. and Wolves, vulgarly calledJagale,used to range upon
these mountaines in troopes, and many times to scratch

the bodiesof the dead out of their graves; whereupon

I hired an Asseto carry me, and a Janizareto accompany
me, and went to see the place of my brothers buriall,
from which part I thought to hearethosehowlings: And
there beyond my expectation,I found that they had
scratchedup the earth almost to his body, and the Turkes

made no doubt, but that thesebeastshiding themselves

from day light, would accordingto their manner,returne
the next night to devoure his body. Therefore I hired
many poore peopleto bring stones,whereof I madesuch
a pile round about his body, as I preservedthat prey
from their cursed jaws, which done, I returned to
[I. iii. 250.]Scanderona
(so calledby the Turkes), which the Christians
call Alexandretta.

This is a pooreVillage, built all of strawand durt,

exceptingthe housesof someChristian Factors,built of
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timberandclayin someconvenientsort,andit liesalong

the sea-shoare. For the famousCitie of Haleppo having
no other Haven, the Merchants doe here unloadetheir

goods,but themselves
make hasteto Haleppo,staying
as little hereas possiblythey can, and committingthe
careof carryingtheir goodsthither upon Camelsto the
Factorsof their Nation, continually abiding here. The

pestilentaireof this placeis the causethat they darenot Scanderoon

make any stay here: for this Village seatedin Cilicia very
unwhohome.

(nowcalledCaramania),
is compassed
on threesideswith

a Fenny Plaine, and the fourth side lies upon the Sea.
In the way to Haleppo (asI remember)towardsthe East,
there is in this Plaine a Fountaine of cleare water, some

mile distant from this Village; and howsoeverall other

watersfalling out of the Fen are most unwholsome,yet
the goodnesof this Fountaineis so much prized, as the
Merchants use to carrie their meate thither, and eate there

under a pleasantshade. Not farre from this Fountaine,

there stands an old Castle at the foote of the mountaines,

which they call the Castleof Penthesilea,Queeneof the TheCastle

of

Amazons. On the sameside,beyondthe Fen,is a most Penthesilea

high mountaine, which keepesthe sight of the Sunne
from Scandarona,and being full of bogges,infects the
FennyPlainewith ill vapours,andbeyondthis mountaine,
my dearestbrother lies buried.

On the other side towards

the North (as I remember) in the way leading to

Constantinople,the like Fenny Plaine lies, and the
mountaines,though more remote, doe barre the sight

of the Sunne,and the boggyearthyeeldingill vapours,

makes Scanderona infamous for the death of Christians.

On the same side, Asia the lesse stretcheth it selfe

into the sea towards the West, and in the next shoare

thereof,is a pleasantVillage, now calledBias,whichof

old wascalledTarsus,whereSaintPaul wasborne,being Tarsus.
sixe miles from Scanderona, and seated in the same

Provinceof Cilicia, and aboundingwith fruits, silkewormes,and al things necessarie

to sustainelife.
Scanderona on the South side towards Palestina is also Scanderona.
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compassed
with the like fenny Plaine, but farre more

largethenon theothersides. Finally,on theWestside,

towardsthe Seaand Italy, is a safeHavenin the furthest

part of the MediteraneanSea,towardsthe East. And
into this Seathe ProphetJonaswascast,and preserved
miraculouslyby a Whale,wasin this part castupon the
shoare,they say,that the Owesof the Seadoeheremuch
Cause
ofthe increasethe malignitie of the aire, yet the Seamen use

mahgnitie
of to s}eep
in theirships,andseldome
to comeon land,till

the Sunnebe risen above the mountains hiding it, and

hathdrawneup theill vapours. The foresaidmountaines

of Cilicia are held for part of Mount Taurus, which in
Scythia is called Caucasus,and in theseparts Amanus.
I have formerly said, that these parts neere the Equinoctiall Line have seldome any raine, but the earth is

commonlymoistnedwith the dew falling after Sunne-set.

But while I staiedhere, a great tempestfell of thunder,
haile, and raine upon the seventh of August, and the
raine did not fall by drops,but by pailefuls,aswee reade
it falles, but much more violently, towards West India,
and neerethe Equinoctiall Line, and as no violent thing
is perpetuall,so this tempestsoonepassed.
Shortlyafter I cameto this unhappyVillage Scanderona,

A
great
sick-the griefeof my mind castme into a great sicknesse,
so
nesse caused
fy grief of my

mind.

as

c ^

^o jn perfect health had passed so many Kingdomes

&
i "

"

"

r Europe, at this time in the very flower of my age,

first beganto wax old. This sicknessebrought the first

weakenesse
to my body, and the second,proceedingof
anothergriefe after my returne into England, tooke from
mee all thought of youthfull pleasures,and demonstratively taught me, that the Poet most truly said,Cura

facit canos,that is, Caremakethgray-headed.

While I languishedherein a lastingsicknes,it hapned
that upon occasion,I looked upon the two testimonies,
given to my brother and my self at Jerusalem,of our
having been there, and I was not a little astonished,to
seethat they being both at the sametime cut out of the
sameskin of parchment,and written with the samehand
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and inck, yet that of my brother was in all parts eaten

with wormeSj
whenminewasaltogetheruntouched. And [I. iii. 251.]
after I did more wonder, that to this day the same
Testimonie given to my brother is no more eaten with
wormes, then at that time it was, and mine still remaines
unperished.

My foresaid sicknessewas so vehementand so long,

that all men doubted I would never recover, so as my

friends in England, after they had heard of my brothers

death,were advertisedwithin few weekesthat my selfe Mydeath

alsowasdead. But for my part, thoughmy nightly advertised

in
dreames,that I waswalking in the cavesand sepulchers
of Italy, might have somewhat discouragedme, and
though I had no other Phisitian, then the Barber-Surgean
of a ship,yet couldI neverdoubt of recoveringmy health,
but my minde still presagedthat I should returne home.
Yet when divers times I beganto recover,and presently
by the heateof the clime, and ill aire of the place,had
beencastdowneagaine,I resolvedto follow their counsell,
who perswadedme to trie if the aire of the seawould

strengthenme. Therefore my deare friend Master Maste

GeorgeDorington having sent me one hundred zechines
for my expences, the great summes of money which I

kindness:.

ihad
j ibeing
" all
11spent,by the accidents
-1
orr my brothers
1 i
death,
i i
and my sicknesse
(the particularsof which expenceI omit,
becausein this griefe and weakenesse
I had no minde to
note them, onely for a taste remembring,that I paid a
piastreeachday to a poore man, who continually cooled
my heatewith a fan.)
Master Dorington, I say, having sent me money, and
I having provided all necessaries
for my journey, at last

uponThursday,the tenthof October(afterthe newstile) Ot:foI9and in the yeere 1596, I was carriedaboarda French "'
Ship of Marsiles, partly by the helpe of Porters, partly
in a boate, being so weake as I could not stand. This
ship was calledJohn Baptist, and the Christian name of
the Master was Simon, with whom I had covenanted,

that I paying him thirtie piastri (or duckets)for my selfe

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1596.

andmy servant,he shouldsetus on landin somegood

Haven of the Iland Candia,and if it were possible,in
the chiefe Citie thereof, called Candia,and lying on the
North side of the Hand, whenceI was now resolvedto

takemy journeyto Constantinople,

leavingall thought
of goingby land. UponFridaytheeleventh
of October,
French
marriners
murmur.

we sayledprosperously:but after, the windesgrew so

contrary,as we were driven to the South of Candia.
Therfore the French Marriners murmuring againstus, as

heretickscausingtheir ill passage,

and there being no
hopeleft with thosewindesto set us on land at Candia
the chiefeCitie, the Master of our ship sentus in his boat
with some few Marriners which hee least esteemed, that

we might sayleto land, being fiftie miles distant.

TheIsland
of

Thus upon Thursday the three and twentieth of

Candia. October,
havingsayled
eighthowers
in greatdanger,
towardsthe eveningwe landedundera Promontoryof

Candia,wherethere wasneither citie, village, house,nor

cottage, so as plenty of raine falling that night, yet we
were forcedto lie in an open boat, wheremy companion
(or servant)not knowing our danger slept soundly, but

my selfedurst neverclosemine eyes,fearinglest these

Marriners (being Marsilians,who at that time little loved

the English),shouldoffer us violenceto gaineour goods.

This consort(or servantof mine was an English man,

and by professiona Cooke, and was come into these

Master
Sandy
partsto serveMasterSandy,who being sentfrom London
sent to be
English

to be the EnglishConsullat Haleppo,ashe passedfrom

Consul
at
Constantinoplethither, died in Asia Minor, of the same
Haleppo. diseasewhereofmy brother died, and in the samemoneth.

This servantbeing (after his Mastersdeath)to returne

into England,I tooketo attendmee,that I might by his
companyavoide solitude,and mittigate somepart of
my sorrow. He was no sooner entered into the French

ship, but he presently fell sicke, and not able to serve

himselfe,
couldnotgive metheexpected
comforts,
much
lessedoemeanyservice,
but greatlyincreased
my charge,
spending
all uponmypurse,& muchtroubledme,having72

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1596.

not himselfe the least skil in any forraine language,so

ashe recoveringnot till we cameto Venice(wherebeing

amongChristians,I had small use of his helpe),hee was
rather

a burthen

then a comfort

to me.

When

I was

to enter the Frenchship,I laid in provisionsof Hennes,

Egges,DamaskePrunes,and other things: but my
languishingstomacknot desiringnor beingableto digest
any other then salt meate, theseprovisions fell to the
shareof my sicke servant, and my self being nothing

but skin and bone,as one that languished

in a Con-

11U
2520

sumption,my bloud and humoursrenuedwith thesesalt

meates,could not but weakenmy future health, so as I

havingbeenalwaiesvery leane,after(by decayof naturall

heate) becamevery fat, and having lost the retentive
faculty of my stomack,so as I continually cast all that
lay upon it, so sooneas in the morning I cameinto the
aire, I had no remedieagainst this weakenesse,
but the
taking of Tobacco.
The French Marriners, who brought us to the shoare

of Candia,partedfrom us on Fridaythe twentyfive of The

Hand
of
July (after the new stile) early in the morning, and when
I hadwell rewardedthem for their paines; then first they
shewed me above the wilde Rockes, called Calisminiones,

a Monastery of the Greeks, some three miles distant, A Greeke

and calledSantaMaria Ogidietra. We being left alone, monastery.

and staying there fasting till noone, at last espied,and
calledto us two men passingby upon the Mountaines,
but they thinking us to bee Pirats, fled away as fast as
they could. Presentlybehold, my man commingout of
the Wood, and bringing with him an Asse, which hee

hadfound there,who perswaded

me to lay my baggage
on that beast, and so to walke softly towards the
Monastery. I willingly tried my strength, and leaning
upon our two swordsfor want of a staffe,and yet often

falling,wentforwardlike a snaile,till despairingof going

further,I fell upon the ground. After an howersspace,
a Shepheardpassingby, and I shewing him gold, and
namingMonastery,which word he understood,he swiftly
73

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MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

ran to the Monastery,andtelling the Monkes(calledby

the GreekesCaloiri) our state and condition, they
presentlysent a servantto us, who in the Italian tongue

Danger
inthetelling us the great dangerwhereinwe shouldbe, if we
mountains*.
staied upon those Mountaines till night, advised us to

makehasteto the Monastery. Thus driven with feare,

and incouragedby his company,I tried againe to goe
forward,and with great trouble passedone mile over the
Mountaines. For leaning, as I said on two swords,and
upon the passageof any steepeMountaine, by reason
of the lightnesseof my head, creepingupon handsand
feete, with great difficulty I went so farre. And now
being not able to goe any further, no not to savemy life,
behold a boy, who came to water his Asse at a Fountaine

adjoyning, to whom the servantof the Monkes gave a

piastre, and so whether he would or no tooke his Asse,

and set me upon it, and so at last wee passedthe other

two miles (longer then three English miles) and came
to the Monastery. The Caloiri or Monkes receivedus
Curteous curteously,and gaveus suchvictuals asthey had, namely,

monkes. Pomegranates,
Olives, Bread,and sharpeWine, which
were no good meatesfor sickemen, having fastedalmost
two dayes. Also they conferredlovingly with us, but
still desiring us to keepealoofefrom them. At bed time
they gave us a straw mat, to lay upon a plastred floare
for our bed; but we were better provided of Matterasses

and quilts of our owne, and though lying upon the

ground, yet slept soundly,becausewe were in safety.
The Italians in regard of their clime, are very curious
to receivestrangersin a time of plague,and appointchiefe
men to the office of providing for the publike health,
TheItalian calling the placewherethey meete,the Office of Health.
officeof
Also without their Cities (especiallyin the Stateof Venice)
Health.
they have publike houses,called Lazaretti, and for the
most part pleasantly seated, whether passengersand
Merchantswith their goods, must at their first arrivall
retire, till the Providers for Health have curiously
inquired, if they comefrom any suspectedplace,or have
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any infectioussicknesse.And herethey haveall things

necessaryin abundance,but may not converseor talke

with any man,till they obtainethe grant of freeconversation(calledla prattica),or if anymanspeake

with them,
he must be inclosed in the same house, and becausethey

stayfortie dayesthere,for the triall of their health,this

triall is called far' la Quarantana. Moreover, they that

goeby land in Italy, mustbring a Testimonieof Health The

calledBoletino,beforethey .can,*.passeor converse.
The Health.
Testimome
of
,
J

^T

Venetians are more curious in this, then any other using

this triall when there is no Plague,I know not for what

reason,exceptit beethat the Citie of Constantinople

is
seldomeor never free of the Plague,whencemany of
their shipscome,or for that somemysterie,for the good
of traffick, or of the Common-wealth,lyes hidden under
the pretence of this custome. For no man dares enter

the Citie, and conversethere, till he have gotten license

of theseProvisors,neither dare any Merchant disposeof [I- i"- 253-]
his goods,till they are brought to this house,and there
searched
by the Officers,if they seecause. This Preface
I make, becausethe Hand of Candia is subject to the
Venetians,and the Prior of this Monasterywould in no
sort give us free conversation,till by Letters wee had
signifiedour state to the Provisors of health, residing at
the chiefe City Candia, and til they should send some
answere backe unto us.

In the meane time they shut Themonkes

us up in a gardenhouse,wherewe hadplesantwalkes,shut
usuflna
andstoreof Oranges
and like fruites,andthe Countrysa
peoplebringing us Partridgesand many good things to
eate, and my man having skill to dressethem, and the
Monkes furnishing us with suchnecessaries
as wee could
not otherwisebuy, we wanted here no convenience,to
make the time of our abode seemeshorter, but onely

goodbeds. Thus I was forcedto write this followingLetter in the Italian tongue,and to senda messenger
with it to Candiathe Chiefe City.

[All' Illustrmo.
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MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

All' Illustrmo. & Excellmo. Sigr. il Sigr. Nicolao

Donati, Proveditore & Inquisitore Generale
nel regno di Candia.

mio osservmo.

Letter
tothe A Sigria. Illustrma.se degnaintendere,ch' io Fynes
Morysoni Inghlese,con un' mio huomo, ci siamo

Donati partitia li tredi questomese,d' Alessandretta,

pervenir'
a la volta di Candia: Et che in quel' paesetutti i
contorni sono sani, come porta la mia Patente netta,

sigillata col' solito sigillo di San' Marco. II Patron'

della Nave Francese, in chi di la c' imbarcammo, non

mantenendocila suoaparoladi metterciin terra in qualche

buonavilla di questaIsola,ci mandocon la suoafregata

a Calisminiones,doveci lascio' soletti. Di la con gran'
disagio (domandandola strada da i villani) arrivammo
a i vinti cinque del presente,a San' Maria Ogidietra:
dove i Frati, fin' che conoscano la volonta di vostra

Eccellenza, non ci vogliono dar' prattica in modo

nessuno; Et in quel' mentrec' hannorinchiuso in una
casaa parte. II viaggio mio' e di passar'piu inanzi fin'
a Constantinopoli,per i fatti dell' Illustmo. Ambasciatore
d' Inghilterra. II perche humilmente suplico che suoa
Eccellza. se degna d' haver rispetto d' un' povero
forestiero, anche nativo d' una Natione molto affectionata

a la suoa: et che (per suoa gratia) mi manda libera

prattica, accioche io passaseguitar' il mio viaggio, che
di qua, oltre il rincrescimentodella solitudine, ancheogni
cosu mi da noia. Con questoassicurandomi che vostra
Eccellza.haura compassioned' un' suo servitore, con disagi

grandissimiper mar' & per terra battuto, priegho Iddio

per 1' accrescimentodel suo honore. Et le bascio
humilmentele mani. Da San' Maria Ogidietra, a i vinti
cinque d' Ottobre (all uso nuovo) 1' An. 1596.
Di vos. Sigria. Illustma. Humilmo. servire.
Fynes Morysoni.
76

LETTER

FROM

NICHOLAS

DONATI

A.D.
1596.

Of theseLettersI receivedthe followinganswere.

Al molto magco. Sigr. il Sigre. Fy : Morysoni,

suo come

fratello.

MOlto
magco.
Sigr.
fratello.
Per
levostre
lettre
Letter
from
scritte
alii 25,
delcome
presente
(al uso
miovo)
all Illmo.
Signo>'
Sigr.Generale,
et dass.ss.Eccellma.
mandate
quiall' Q^"
officio nostro,habbiamoveduto il suo bisogno,& desider-

andofavorir'et agiutarlain questaoccasione,

conil riguardo
anco della salute pubca., Mandiamo duoi stradiotti per
accompagnarla
con il suo huomo,et condurladi qua, dove
sar a ben' trattata, & li si dara commodita, di poter, con

1' occasionedi qualchevassello,seguitar' il suo viazzo,

usateprima le debite cautele,per assicuration'delle cose
di questaoffo. Pero, S.S. senzapratticar' altrte., seguitara' questaguida che le mandiamo,& vegneradi qua
con animo consolato di

trovar'

Christiani

&

amici,

obedendoper adesso,& esseguendo

1' ordine da noi dato

a detti stradiotti, come cirendiamo certi che fara. Et. a.

V.S. c' offeriamo. Di Candia. Alii 20. d' Ottobre (all'

uso vecchio) 1596.
Portera con essa, la suoa

fede,sive patente.

Di V. S. comefratlli. :
li proveditori alia Sanita.

These Letters follow translatedinto English.

To the most Illustrious
the

Lord

Nicholas

[I. Hi.254.]

and most excellent Lord,

TheLetters

Donati

"

Generall

Provisor

and Inquisitor in the Kingdome of Candia.

my most respected.

MOst
Illustrious,
&c.I Your
may
please
to understand,
that
FynesExcellency
Morison an
Englishman, with my servant,the third of this moneth set saile
from Alexandretta, to sayle into Candia,and that those
parts are free from all infectious sickenesse,as appeares
by my testimoniall sealedwith the wonted sealeof Saint
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MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

TheLettersMarke. The Master of the French Shippein which I

in English,passed,
broke his covenantwith me, in that he did not
land us in the Haven of Candia,the chiefeCity of this

Kingdome; but sentus in his boateto the wild Promontory Calisminiones,

landing and leaving us there,in a
placealtogetherdisinhabited. From thencewe asking
the way of the Countrey people,did with much trouble
at last come to the Monastery Saint Maria Ogidietra,
upon the five and twenty of this present(after the new

stile), wherethe Friers, till they mayknow the pleasure

of your Excellency,wil in no sort give us liberty to
converse; but in the meane time have shut us up in a

solitary gardenhouse. My journey lies further to Constantinople,for the affairesof the Lord Ambassadourof
England there abiding: Wherefore I humbly pray that
your excellencywill vouchsafeto have favourablerespect
of a poore stranger,borne of a Nation well affectedto
that of your Excellency,and that by your favour licence
may bee sent me freely to converse,and to take my
journey to the City of Candia, sincemy solitary living
here, all delay, and many other things in this place,are
irksome unto me. Thus assuring my selfe that your
Excellencywill have compassion
of his servant,tired with
many misfortunesby Seaand Land, I beseechGod for

the increaseof your honor, and so humbly kisseyour

hands. From San' Maria Ogidietra this five and twenty

of October(after the new stile) in the yeere1596.

Your Excellencieshumble Servant,
Fynes Moryson.

The Letters sent me in answerethus follow;

To the noble GentlemanMasterFynesMoryson,

deare

to us as a brother.

NOble
Sir,
deare
tous
inplace
ofaBrother.
your
Letters
dated
the
five
and twenty
of this By
moneth
(after the new stile) anddirectedto the IllustriousLord
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COMMENTS

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A.D.
1596.

Generall, and by his Excellency sent to our Office;f*

we The
Letters
*
7"1 /" L

have understood your request, and desirous to favour

you in this occasion,with due respect to the publike
health,we have sent you two Horsemen,who shallguide
you and your servanthither, whereyou shallbe curteously
received,and shall not want the opportunity of a Barke,
to finish your journey, after we have taken due order

(according
to our Office)for the preservingof thepublike
health. Therefore without conversing with any man,
follow theseguides wee have sent you, and comehither
with a cheeremll heart, as to Christians and friends.

But

faile not to follow the order which we havegiven to these

guides, whereof we doubt not and so tender our selves
to you. From Candia the twenty of October (after the
old stile) in the yeere 1596.
Bring with you the testimony

of your health.

Yours in placeof brethren,

the Provisors

for health.

This testimoniall above mentioned, I tooke from the

Venetian Consull (who knew my diseasefree from all

infection)when I parted from Alexandretta,foreknowing
the necessitythereof. The foresaidtwo horsemenbeing
arrived,which with greatcurtesieweresentto conductme,
I parted from the Monastery to goe in their companyto
the City of Candia,eight & thirty miles distant, being to
passealmostthe wholebredth of this Kingdomein thevery
middle part thereof. The bredth of the Hand containes
five and forty miles, the length two hundred and thirty [I. Hi.255.]
miles,and the circuit (as Ortelius writes) five hundred & Thecircuitof

twenty,(otherssaysix hundredor sevenhundredmiles) ffieIslan<*the ancient and moderne writers reckoning diversly.

This Handis distantfrom the Capeof Otrantoin Italy,

five hundredmiles,(otherswrite five hundredand thirty):
From Alexandriain ^Egypt foure hundredand fifty miles
(others write five hundred), from the next shoare of

Affricke two hundredand fifty miles, from Joppain

Palestinesix hundred and sixty miles, (otherswrite six
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MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

hundredandforty): fromTripoli in Syriasevenhundred

miles,from the IlandCyprusfourehundredmiles,from
Venice 1500 miles, and from Constantinopleseven
hundred and twenty miles.

We beganneour journeyin the afternoone,

and as
werode,our guideshewed
us not farreout of the high

way, the Monumentfamousfor the love of the Kings

TheLabe-daughterAriadne to Thesius,called the Laberinth of
Crete,(for so Candiawascalledof old, and Saturnethe
first King thereof, begat Radamanthus,Minos, and
Sarpedon,of Europa the daughterof Agenor, as they
write). Also our guidestold us that not far out of the
way to the city Candia,there was a monumentof the

cave of Minos, which the Candianscall the sepulcher

of Jupiter: but my former adversitieshad taken from

me my wonted desire to see antiquities, so as we kept

the high way,andpassingthatdayby a City of the Jewes,

lodged that night at a Village, not in any Inne, but in
the very Church,upon strawandour ownebedding,being
content with such victuals as our guides brought us,
namely, cheese,fruites, and good wine. It is probable,
that if we had had free conversation,we might perhaps
have found good lodging in the Village, yet did we justly
doubt thereof, becausewe could buy no better meate,

nor get any provenderfor our beasts. The next dayin

the morning we set forward, and came to a pleasant
village, wherewe dined in a faire Church, but could get
no meat for our horses,except they would have eaten

pomegranates
or like fruits.
The
City of
/"*
J'

Tne same day in the afternoone, we came to the City

of Candia,wherewe staiedat the gate, till we knew the

pleasureof the Provisors for health. They could not
be ignorant that our sickenesse
wasfreefrom all infection,
yet imagining (as after I perceived)that we should be
Merchants,& have somerich Jewels,they sent us to the
Lazaretto, where in a weekesspace,when their spies
(accordingto their manner)had inquired after our state,

and found that there was no hope of gaine by our

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imaginary Jewels, and it then falling out, that other

Merchantsbeing landedwith goods,wereto be lodged

in our chamber; at last the GenerallSigr. NicolaoDonate

(calledGenerallfor his commandingin the warre, and

Provisor of healthby the said Office,and chiefeinquisitor
for Religion, which Office is sparingly executedin the

Stateof Venice,yet beingnot the chiefeCommander

of
the Hand; for II Sigr. Marc' Antonio Venerio, wasthen
Liefetenant to the Duke of Venice in this Iland, with

limited authority as the Duke himselfehath). I say this

generallProvisour for the health, sent unto us a Gentlemanof that office,II Sigr. VicenzoCornaro(who used us
nobly and curteously) and the Scrivano,(that is, Clerke
or Secretary)of that office, called II Sigr. Giovanni
Papadapolowith authority to give us free conversation.
TheseGentlemen(accordingto the custome,suchas the
stateof no passengercan be hidden from them) caused
ropes to be hangedacrosseour chamber,and all things
we had, yea, our very shirts, to be severallytaken out,
and hangedthereupon,and so perfumedthem with brim- Things

stone,to our great anoyance,

thoughthey well knew we perfumed
with
had no infectious sicknesse,which done, they gave us

freedome
to goeinto the City, andwheresoever
we would.
To the ScrivanoI gave a zechine,desiring him to take
it in good part, as the guift of a poore gentleman,and
nothing lessethen an Indian Merchant,as they suspected.
This housecalled Lazaretto, was built of free stone, with The

Cellersfor thelayingup of goods,andhadpleasant

walksLazaretto.
both in the yard and garden,and the Keeperof this house
had furnished me with a bed and all necessaries,and for

the sevendaiespast,had bought us our meat in the City,

whichhe would likewisehavedressed,but that mj servant

wasa Cooke,and for this servicehe had done,I gave

him also a zechine.

Then we went into the Citie, & lodgedwith an Italian,

who had often brought us meat and necessaries
to the
Lazaretto, and with him my selfe and my servant had

convenientbeds,andplentifull diet, for whichI paid sixe [I. iii. 256.]

M. II

8l

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1596.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

lyres eachday. But the horsemenwho conductedus

to Candiacameoften to me, and for that serviceI gave
to eachof them a zechine,and by them I understoodthe
prices of the Market for diet. So as all the Candians
speakingItalian, aswellas their naturall Greeke tongue,
and I finding the rate of our expencesto bee excessive,
I determined to hier a chamber, and to buy my owne

meatein the Market. But it happened,that at the same

Richard time an English Merchant landed,who was a Factor to

Darson
buy Muskedinesof Candia(whereof,and especially
of
an English
Merchant.

red Muskedine, there is great plenty in this Hand), and

this MerchantcalledRichardDarson,beingwel acquainted
with the best coursesof living in Candia, had hired a
little house,and a woman to dressehis meate, and at my

intreaty he wascontentto give us a chamberin his house,

and to hier us two beds,that so we might dyet together,
where he used us very curteously, and our dyet was as

plentifull as before, at a far lower rate, dividing our

expencesinto three parts, whereof he paied one, and my
selfetwo, for my owneand my servantsdiet. There was
at that time great dearthof Corne, so as white breadwas
hardlyto be got, though the Italians,making their meales
for the most part of bread,use to have it very white and
Charges
in good. Here we boughta Bocaleof rich Wine, containing
Candia.
two English quarts and a halfe for a lire of Venice; a
Pigion for 7 soldi; a Partridge for a lire, or 16 soldi; a
pound of vealefor 7 soldi, of mutton for some5 soldi,
& we had plentie of fruits for a small price. The Beefe
in Italy useth to be leane, and is seldomeeaten, and such

beefethey had here; for by the Law, called Foscherini,

it is commaunded, that no man shall kill a beefe, till it

be unfit to draw in the Plough, and to doe like service.

Here I paid foure lires for a paire of shooes,the rest of

my expences
I omit for brevitiesake,thosesufficing,to
give a passengersomeguesseat what rate he may live.

OnelyI will adde,thattheworkeof Portersandlabouring

men, as well in Italy as here, is had for small wages,
because
thereis greatnumberof poorepeople,andthey
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abhorrefrom begging,so asone soldocontentsa Porter

for bringing your victualsfrom the Market.
When I went to Jerusalemand sailedby the Hand of
Candia, I made some mention thereof, and I have now

formerlyset downethe length,breadth,andcircuit, and

the distance thereof from other Provinces, and have

shewedthat Candiais subject to the Venetians,and have

also named

the chiefe

Governours

thereof

for that

time.

I will now briefely adde, that this Hand is defendedby

a Venetian Garrison against the Great Turke, to whom
all the adjacentCountriesare subject. That it hath great Thegreat
plentie, of red Muskedines, wherewith England for plentie
of

the mostpart is served. That it hathgreatplentieCandtaof all kinds of Corne, of all manner of Pulse, of

Oyle, of all kinds of flesh,of Canesof sugar,of Hony,

of Cedar trees, of all coloured Dyings of Cypres trees,
(whereof many sweete smelling Chests are made, and
carried into forraine parts), and of all necessariesfor
human life. Neither is any venemousbeast found in
this Hand, but it

hath store of

medicinable hearbs,

especiallyupon the famousMountaine Ida.

The Cities of this Hand were of old one hundred, and TheCities

in the time of Pliny fortie; but at this day there bee fthellandonelythree,namely,Caneaat the West endeof the Hand,
neerewhich lies the Fort Souda,with a Haven capable
of a thousandGallies. The secondcalled Rethino by
the Italians,seatedon the South-sideof the Hand, (upon
which side the Italians adde a fourth Citie called Settia),
and the third called Candia, the Metropolitan Citie of TheCity

the Hand, which is faire and large, built of stone, with

a low roofe, after the manner of Italy, and the streets

thereofare faire and large. It is stronglyfortified (as

needrequires)by the Venetiansagainstthe Turkes, and

to that purposehath a strong Castle. From this Citie

a largeand pleasant
Plaineleadesto the foresaidcaveof
Minos, (which the Candianscall the Sepulcherof
Jupiter),neerewhichis the mostfamousMountaineIda,
whichthey hold to beeseatedin the middestof the Hand,
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MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

beinghigher then any of the other Mountainesthereof,

andit aboundethwith Cyprestrees. Finally, I remember,

that when I lodged in the Monastery San' Maria

Ninette
five Ogidietra,
'heCaloiri(orMonkes,
whoforthemostpart

measures
of areunlearned,
andtill theground,
andlabourlikelaimen),

come
fromoneassuredme that each measureof corne sowed in their
measure. fields the yeerepast, had yeeldedninetie five measures.

[I. Hi.257.]

Chap. IIII.

Of my journey from Candia(partly by land, partly

by Sea)by the seashoares,and by the Ilands
of the ./Egean Sea, Pontus, and Propontis, to
the Citie of Constantinople. And of my
journey thence by Sea to Venice, and by
Land to Augsburg, Nurnberg and Stode (in
Germany.) And of my passageover Sea into

England. And of my journey through many

severall Shires, of England, Scotland and
Ireland.

December
20. II^-^>^^-c*-^ HPon Monday the twentie of December

(after the old stile) at three of the clock

in the afternoone, we went aboard a little

Greeke Barke loaded with Muskedines,

and with tunnesof LemonsJuyce(which

the Turks drinke like Nectar), and with
Onions, and ready to sailefor Constanti-

nople,whereI payedfor my passage

five zechines,
and
asmuchfor my servant. The night followingwasvery
bright with Moone-shine,yet we staiedall the night in
the Haven (compassed
with walles),either because
the
Governourof the Castlewouldnot let the Barkego forth,
till the Master had satisfied him, or becausethe Master

pretending that causeof stay, had some businesseto

dispatch. The next morning early, being the one and

twentie of December,we set saile, and the sameday
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A.D.

1596.

we sailed close by the Hand Zantorini, more then one Zantorini.

hundred miles distant from Candia. They report, that
this Hand, and anotherof the samename(both of little

circuit)werein our agecastup in the middestof the Sea,

with an eruption of flamesand of Brimstone,and that
they arenot inhabited,but arecommonlycalledthe Divels
Hands, becausemany ships casting anchor there, and
fastning their Cablesupon land, have had their Cables
loosedby spirits in the night, and so sufferedshipwrack,
or hardly escapedthe same. The night following we
sailedin the middest of many Handswhich made that
Channellvery dangerous,and for my part I was more
affraid of the danger, becauseour Candian Merchant
growing acquaintedwith an harlot in the ship, was not
ashamedto have the use of her body in the sight of the
Marriners that watched, and much blamed him for the

same. Upon Wednesday the two and twentie of

December,we sailed by the Hand Paros, celebratedby Pares.

Poetsfor the fine Marblegrowingthere,and sowe came

to the Hand Naxos, two hundred miles distant from Naxos.

Candia. Naxos and the adjacentHandshad their owne

Duke of old, but now are subject to the Turke, as the
other Handsbee for the most part. And our Marriners
dwellingin this Hand,and landing to seetheir wives, we
also landedwith them, where I did seeupon a Hill like
a Peninsul neerethis chiefeVillage, two Marble images
erected to Thesius and Ariadne.

Here I observed, that

when any strangeror Inhabitant lands, the beggersflock

to the dores of the housesor Innes where they eate, and

havingformerly observedin the GreekeChurchat Venice,

that when they gave their Almes to beggers,they not

onely suffered them to touch their garmentswith their

lousierags,but alsotooke themfamiliarlyby the hands,

I knew not whether I should attribute

this fashion to their

charitableaffection in time of their bondage,or to their

seldomfeasting,and the multitudeof beggars.

In the evening we loosedfrom Naxos,and sailing over

a channellno lessedangerousthen the former,for the

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multitude of Hands,upon the three and twentie of

Decemberwe passedclose by the shoareof the Hand
Zio.

Zio, called Chios of old.

It is inhabited by Greekes

(asthe other Handsare),andis famousfor the pleasantnesseand fertiltie of the situation and soyle. It yeeldeth
great store of Mastick, and the country people keepe
flocksof tamePartridges,asof Hens other where. They
brag, that Homer lyesburied upon the Mountaine Helias,
andthis Handhath SaintGeorgefor their protectingSaint,
and beareshis Crossein their Flags, as England doth.
Here we might distinctly seethe shoareof Asia, in that
Seven
part, where of old the sevenChurchesstood not farre
Churches.distant, to which Saint John writes his Revelation. And
Pathmos.

the Hand Pathmos is not farre distant, where Saint John

[I. iii. 258.] lived in exile. Towardsthe eveningwe castanchorneere

Metelene. the HandMetelene,which is seated(asZio) in the Egean
Sea, and is no lesse pleasantand fertile.

Of old it was

called Lesbos, then Issa, and after Pelasgia,and therein

were borne, Pythagoras,the Poet Alceus, Antimenides,
Theophrastus,Phanius, Arton, and Tersandrus,and the
famouswoman Poet Sapho. Zio is distant one hundred
and forty miles from Naxos and Meteline, ninety miles
from

Zio.

The foure and twenty of December,(being Christmas

even,after the old stile usedamongthe Greekes,andin

Troy.

all Turkey), early in the morning we weighed anchor,

andwith a faire but gentlewind, sayledcloseby the shoare
wherethe City of Troy stood of old, seatedin a plaine,
and upon pleasanthils neerethe Sea,and at this day the
ruines of Illium the Castleof Priamus are seeneupon a
hill, and the ruines of the wals in the plaine, yet shew

the circuit of the City. The Poetssaidtruly;

Hie segesest ubi Troia fuit,
Cornegrowesnow whereTroy oncestood.
Yet the plowed fields have very many ruines of

buildings. On the North side of theseTrojan ruines,

a neckeof Land liestowardsthe Sea,wherethey saythe
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Greekes encamped,and left their fatall Trojan Horse.

Right over againstthis Land lies the HandTenedos,scarceTenedos.
ten miles distant, in the Haven whereof we cast anchor
for an hower, under a little Castle, and this Tenedos is

sixty miles distant from Metelene. From hencesailing

someeighteenemiles, we passedby two necksof Land,
one of Greece on the West-side, the other of Asia the

lesse,(now called Natolia) on the East-side,and after

twelve miles saile,we enteredthe streight of Hellespont,

nowcalledthe two Castles,the descriptionwhereofI will Sesfos

&
defer till my returne this way.
The

Greek

Marriners

have a custome

here to demand

a gift of all Merchants & passengers

in their ship, for
joy of their happyvoyage,and they say,(which I beleeve
not) that if any refuse, they tie a rope to his feete, and
draw him up to the top of the maste,till he yeeldto this
custome: but howsoever,we all obeyedthis ridiculous
custome, not to offend them who had used us well.

This channell running from the blacke sea, called

Euxinus, into Propontis, and so by Constantinopleto
thesesaid two Castles,and from henceinto the ^Egean
sea,from the North towardsthe South, is alwaiescontrary
to thosethat saylefrom the mediteranianseato Constantinople, especiallyafter they enter this streight of the two
Castles, and neere Constantinople it runnes with such

force towards the South, as they that saile to the City,

(whereof we had experience)with the best winds, yet
sayle very slowly. This violence of the Channell is
attributed to great Rivers violently falling into the blacke
Sea.

The foresaid Christmaseven we landed at Gallipolis Gallipolis.

a GreekeCity, seatedin Thrace, having the name (as it
seemes)from the French, and eight and twenty miles
distant from the two Castles. On Saturdaythe five and
twenty of December,being Christmasday, after the old
stile, we set saile; but the winds drove us backe to the

Haven of Gallipolis,wherebeingdetainedsomefew daies,

thoughI staiedin the ship for feareof somefraud from

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the Turkes, yet onceI went on Land with our Marriners.

The City lieth in length upon the shoareof Propontis,

from the South to the North, and it hath without the

walstowardsthe West, greatnumberof Wind-mils, the

buildings are of flint or little unpolishedstones,one or

two storieshigh, and the roofe is low and tiled, (not

plaine and plasteredto walke upon, as they be in Syria
and Cyprus); and this roofe is so low as it hath no
windowes,so as the buildings of thesepartsare very like
those of Italy. The Haven is on the East side, and
upon the oppositeshoareof Asia towards the East, are
the ruines not farre distant of Nice, a City of Bithinia,
famousfor the holy Councell held there of old. Upon
Saterdaythe first of January,we sailedsixty miles in this
Marmora. straight of Propontis, to the HandMarmora, not without
feare of Turkish Pirats, the Haven of Camera being
neereus, wherethe great Turkes Gallieslie. By the way
they shewedme a Castletowardsthe East, upon the shore
of Asia the lesse,which they say standsupon the confines
of the Trojan Dominion, and thereof hath the name to
this day. The Hand Marmora is so called (as I think)
of the marble

wherewith

it aboundeth.

The

second of

Januarywe setsaylefrom Marmora,and beingby contrary

winds driven backe (as I think, or little advanced)we
[I. iii. 259.] came to the Hand Aloni

Almi.

some ten miles distant from

Marmora(andsocalledof theformeof a yard,in which

Oxen used to grinde Corne, or beate it small.) After

the beginning of the new yeere (which the Greekes,as
Janua.
i.
most of Europe, begin the first of Januarie) the first
Anno1597. Wednesday(being the fourth of that month), the Grecian
Marriners

have a custom retained from old times, to

baptize the Sea, (as they terme it), which done, they
thinke the Flouds and Windes to grow more calmethen
formerly. The HandAloni hath a Port on all sidescompassedwith Hands,and that very large and safe, where
while we passedsomestormy daies,wee heard of many
Barkesand Galliescastaway. While I walkedhereupon
the shoare,a wild-headedTurke tooke my hat from my
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head(being of the fashionof Europe not usedthere),

and havingturnedit, and long beheldit, he said(to use
his rude words)Lend me this vessellto easemy belly
therein; and so girning flung it on the dyrtie ground,
which I with patiencetooke up. Theseand like wrongs

of speech,
eventhreatnings
of blowesI sometimes
indured
in Turkey, but never had the disasterto have any blow

given me by any of them,which manygood Christians

notwithstanding have suffered and daily suffer, and
my selfe if they had fallen to my share, must have

suffered with patience, except I would by resistance

have incurred shamefulland cruell death: On Thursday

the thirteenth of January, at last wee set sayle with
a faire winde, and after twentie miles sayling we
passedby the Citie Palormo seatedupon the shoareof Palermo.
Asia the lesse,and famousfor the white Wine it yeeldeth
(the best that ever I tasted),and having sayledten miles
further, we sailed by the Citie Heraclea, seatedon the Heracka.
shoreof Greece(whereof in my returne this way I shall
have causeto speakemore at large.)
Towards evening we thought we were come to one
of the cornersof Constantinople,calledthe sevenTowers,
yet by reasonof the foresaidswift channellrunning from
the black Seafull against us, with a most faire wind we
could not land in the Haven of Constantinopletill midnight, having that day sayled one hundred and twentie
miles in all from the said He Aloni. This voyage was
more tedious to us, in that howsoeverlanding we had
somtimesgood dyet, yet while we were at Sea,we had
no good victuals in the ship. For the GreekeMarriners Greeke
feede of Onions, Garlike, and dried fishes, (one kinde Marriners
T\'

whereof they call Palamides, and the Italians call

Palamito) and in steadof a banket, they will give you
a head of Garlick rested in the ashes,and pleasantlycall
it a pigeon. With this and Bisket they content them-

selves,and thesewe wereforcedto eate,havingomitted

to provide any dried or salt meatesat Candia,because

weehopedto find thosein our Barke,andknowingthat

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it wasin vaineto provideanyfreshmeates,because

they
would not suffer a fier to be made in so small a Barke,

wherewithwe might dressethem. But after we hadeaten

Bisket and dried fishes, we had an unknowne comfort or

helpe to disgest them. For in our privat cabbin, we

had the head of a tun of Muskedine lying under our
heads when we slept, in stead of a bolster, and our ship

being bound on the upper part of the sideswith bundles

of Reedes,to beateoff the force of the waves,we taking
oneof the long Reedes,found meanesto piercethe vessell,
and get good Wine to our ill fare,and drunke so merrily,

that beforewee cameto our journies end, our former

Reedebecametoo short, so as we were faine to pieceit
with

another.

Constanti- Having castanchor(asI said)in the Port of Constanti-

nople.

nople,behold,as sooneas day beganto breake,many

companiesof Turkes rushing into our Barke, who like
so manystarvedflies fell to suckethe sweeteWines, each
rascallamong them beating with cudgelsand ropes the
best of our Marriners, if he durst but repine against
it, till within short spacethe CandianMerchant having
advertised the Venetian Ambassadour of their arrivall,

he sent a Janizareto protect the Barke, and the goods;

and assooneashe came,it seemedto me no lessestrange,
that this one man should beate all those Turkes, and drive

them out of the Barke like so many dogs, the common

Turkes daring no more resist a souldier, or especiallya
Janizare, then Christians dare resist them. And the

Serjantof the Magistratehaving taken someof our

GreekeMarriners (though subjectto the Stateof Venice)
to worke for their Ottoman in gathering stones,and like
base imployments, this Janizary causedthem presently
to be released,and to be sent againe into their Barke,
suchis the tyranny of the Turkes againstall Christians
[I. iii. 260.] asweltheir subjectsas others,so as no man saylethinto
theseparts, but under the Banner of England, France,
or Venice, who being in league with the great Turke,
have their Ambassadours in this Citie, and their Consuls
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in other Havens, to protect thosethat comeunder their

Banner, in this sort sending them a Janizareto keepe
them from wrongs, so sooneas they are advertised of
their

arrivall.

My selfelodgedin the houseof MasterEdwardBarton, Master

the English Ambassadour,

who gave me a Janizareto Edward
guide11and protectme,
while
I went to
view the City,
Jtart??l
i 11 "
r T
e
English
round

about

the

whole

circuit

whereof

1 went

on

toot

and by boat in foure houresspace,the forme of the Citie

being triangular,andcontainingnine milesby Seatowards
the North and East, and five miles by land towards the

West. I professemy selfeto have small skill in the art

of Geography,yet will I adventure(though rudely) to
setdownethe forme and situationof this City, soplainely,
as I doubt not but the Readermay easily understandit,
howsoever in the same (as in other cities formerly
described)I acknowledgethat I use not the rule of the
scale,in the distanceof places,nor other exquisiterules
of that Art, having no other end,but to makethe Reader
more easily understand my description.

The descriptionof the City of Constantinople,and

the adjacent Territories and Seas.
The great lines or wallesshewthe forme of the City, The

andthesinglesmalllinesdescribe
theTeritoryadjoyning.description
of

(A) In this Towertheyhangout a light of pitchandf^^ '

like burning matter, to direct the Saylers by night,

comming to the City, or sayling along the coastout of
the SeaEuxinus (which they say is called the Black Sea

of manyshipwracks
thereinhappening.)And thisTower [i. iii. 26i.l
is sixteene

miles

distant

from

the Citie.

(B) Here is a marble pillar erected upon a Rocke

compassedwith the sea, which they call the pillar of
Pompey,and therein manypassengers
(for their memory)
use to ingrave their names. And here are innumerable
flocks of Seafoule and of many kindes, wherewith hee
that is skilful] to shoote in his Peece,may abundantly
furnish

himselfe.

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(C) Here is the Euxine or black Sea.

Twostrong

(D E) Here lie two strongCastles,onein Europe,the

Castles. otherin Asia,someeightmilesdistantfromthe Citie,

built to defend the Haven from the assault of the enemies

by Seaon that side,and the Garrisontherekept, searcheth

the ships comming from the Citie, that no slaves or
prohibited goodsbe carried therein, neither can any ship
passeunsearched,except they will hazard to be sunck.
Finally, the great Turke sendshis chiefeprisonersto be
kept in thesestrong Castles.
(F) Here great ships use to cast anchorat their first
arrivall, till they bee unloaded,and here againethey ride
at anchor to expect windes, when they are loaded and
ready to depart.

(G) All along this bankeand the oppositeside for a

large circuit, the greatestships use to lie when they are
unloaded,and they lie most safelyand closeby the shore,
fastanedby cableson land.

(H) Here lyes the old Citie built by the Genoesiof

Gallata
and Italy, called Gallata by the Turks, and Perah by the

Perah. Greekes
(of the situationbeyondthe Channell.)It is
now accounteda Suburbeof Constantinople,and is seated
upon a most pleasanthill, wherein for the most part
live Christians, as well subjects as others, and the
Ambassadours
of England, France,and Venice,only the
Emperours Ambassadourmust lye within the Citie, more

Master

like a pledge of peace,then a free Ambassadour,and

very few Turkes live here mingled with the Christians.
The situation of Gallata (as I said) is most pleasant.
Formerly the Ambassadoursof England were wont to
dwell upon the Sea-shorein the Plaine, and their Pallace
is not farredistantfrom this note (K); but MasterEdward

Edward BartontheEnglishAmbassadour
at this timedweltupon

the top of the hill, in a faire housewithin a large field,

and pleasantgardenscompassedwith a wall. And all
Gallata is full of very pleasantgardens,and compassed
with pleasantfields, whereof some towards the land
furthest from the Sea,are used for the buriall of Turkes.
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(I) Here a little Creekeof the Seais compassed

with

wallesand buildings,within which the Galliesof the

great Turke lie in safety, and there be fit places to
build Gallies, and store-housesfor all things thereunto
belonging.

(K) Here is the chiefepassage

over the water called

Tapano, where a man may passefor two aspers. All

along this Seabanke lye very many great Gunnes (as
upon the Tower Wharfe at London), and here the fishers
land, and sell their fish.

(L) Here the Megarensesof old built Chalcedon,a Chakedon.

Citie of Bethinia, famous for a Councell held there,

by the ruine of which Citie, Constantinopleincreased.

At this day there is onely a Village, or rather some
scatteredhouses,and it is commonly called Scuteri, or
Scudretta.

(M) Here the Great Turks mother then living, had

her private Garden.

(N) Hither the Heyre of the Empire is sent, as it

were into banishment,under pretence to governe the

Province Bursia, assooneas he is circumcised, and so

being made a Musulman (that is, a circumcisedTurke)

first begins to draw the eyesof the Army and Janizares
towards

him.

(O) Here is the Pallaceor Court of the great Turke, ThePallace

calledby the ItaliansSeraglio,and vulgarlySaray,and fttieSreat

it wasof old the Monasteryof Saint Sophia. Mahomet
the secondfirst compassed
it with walls, and the buildings
together with the large and pleasantgardensare some
three

or foure

miles

in

circuit.

I entered

the outward

Court thereof by a stately Gate kept by many Janizares

called Capigi of that office. The court yard was large,

all compassed
with building of free stone two stories
high, with a low and almostplaine roofe tyled, and with-

out windowes,after the manerof the building of Italy, [I. iii. 262.]
and round about the inside, it was cast out with arches

like the building of Cloisters, under which they walked

drie in the greatestraine. And in this Court is a large

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pulpit or openroome,wherethe great Turke usethto

shew himselfe to the Janizaresto satisfie them when they
make any mutiny.

(P) Here is a banquetinghouse, vulgarly called

Chuske, the prospectwhereof is more pleasantthen can

be expressed,
beholdingfoureSeatsat once,and the land
on all sides beyond them.

TheChurch (Q) Here is the Church of Saint Sophia,oppositeto

ofSaint
the Court Gate, of old built by the Christiansafter the

Sophia. formeof Salomons

Temple,
andindowed
withtheannuall
rent of three hundred thousand Zechines, now made a
Mosche

or

Mahometan

Church.

And

howsoever

the

Turks cannotindure that unwashedChristians(so called

by them, becausethey use not Baths so continually as
they doe) should enter their Mosches,or passeover their
Sepulchers,yet my self entered this Church with the
Janizaremy guid, trusting to his power to defendme,
yet he willed me first to put of my shooes,and according
to the Turkes custome to leave them in the porch, where

they were safe till we returned. The Church is of a

round forme, and built of bricke, and supportedwith
fairepillars, andpavedwith Marble (over which the Turks
layed Mats to kneele, and prostrate themselvesmore
commodiouslyupon them.) The roofe is beautifiedwith
picturesof that rich painting, which the Italians call alia
AllaMosaica.
Mosaica, shining like enameledwork, which now by
antiquity were much decaied,and in someparts defaced.
Round about the Church hung manyLampes,which they
use to burne in the time of their Lent (calledBeyram),
and every weeke upon Thursday in the evening, and
Friday all day, which they keepeholy after their fashion
for their Sabbathday. Round about the upper part of
the Church are large and most faire Galleries. And here
I did seetwo Nuts of Marble of huge bignesseand great
beauty. Moreover I did see the great Turke when he
entered this Church, and howsoever it lie close to the

Gate of his Pallace,yet he cameriding upon a horserichly

trapped, with many troopes of his chiefe horsemen,
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standing in ranke within the Courts of his Pallace,and

from the Court Gate to the Church dore, betweenewhich

troopeson both sides,he passedas betweenewallesof

brasse, with great pompe. And when a Chaus (or

Pensioner)being on horsebackdid see mee closeby the
Emperoursside, hee rushed upon me to strike me with
his mace,saying, What doth this Christian dog so neere
the personof our great Lord? But the Janizare,whom
our Ambassadour
hadgiven me for a Guide and Protector,
repelled him from doing mee any wrong, and many
Janizares(accordingto their manner)comming to helpe
him, the Chauswasglad to let mee alone,and they bade
me be bold to stand still, though I were the secondor
third personfrom the Emperour. Neere this Church is
the stately Sepulcherof Selymusthe second,and another TheSepulche

Sepulcher
no lessestately,andnewlybuilt for AmurathySe/ymus
lately deceased,where he lay with those male children

round about him, who according to the manner were

strangledby his Successour

afterheewasdead. Not farre
thenceis the Market place having some one hundred
marble pillars about it, and adornedwith a Pyramis or
pinacle,erectedupon foure Globes,and with a pleasant
Fountaine of water, together with other ornamentsleft
(as it seemes)by Christian Emperours.
(R) The wonderfull Moscheand Sepulcherof Solyman,
numbredamongthe miraclesof the World.
(S) Two housesfor the sameuse, as the Exchangeof Twohouses

London, where the Merchantsmeete,namely,for the f

selling of fine wares,but no way to be comparedto the
samefor the building. They are called the great and
the lesseBezestan, and use to bee opened onely certaine
daies of the weeke, and for some sixe howers, at which

timessmall and more pretious waresare there to be sold,

as Jewels, Semiters (or Swords), set with Jewels, but
commonly counterfet, pieces of Velvet, Satten, and
Damaske,and the like. And the Market place is not
farre distant, where Captives of both sexesare weekely
sold, and the buyers if they will, may take them into a
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house,and thereseethem naked,and handlethem (aswee

handlebeaststo know their fatnesseand strength.)

[I. Hi.263.] (T) Here is a Fort that is fortifiedwith sevenTowers,

FortJadicuk.
calledby the TurkesJadicule,andby Christiansthe seven
Towers,wherea garrisonof Souldiersis kept,because
the
Emperorstreasureis therelaiedup, andcheefePrisoners
use to be kept there. The treasureis vulgarly said to
bee laied up there,but the great Turke seldomegoes
thither;

and since it is true, that where the treasure is,

thereis the mind, I thinke it probable(which I haveheard

of experiencedmen) that most of the treasurelies in the
Seraglio,where the great Turke holds his Court.

(V) Herebe the ruinesof a Pallaceuponthe very wals

of the City, calledthe Pallaceof Constantine,wherein I
did see an Elephant, called Philo by the Turkes, and
anotherbeastnewly brought out of Affricke, (the Mother
of Monsters)which beastis altogetherunknowne in our
parts, and is called Surnapa by the people of Asia,
Description
of Astanapaby others,and Giraffa by the Italians,the picture
a Giraffa. whereof I rememberto have scenein the Mappes of
Mercator;

and because the beast is very rare, I will

describe his forme as well

as I can.

His

haire is red

coloured, with many blacke and white spots; I could

scarcereachwith the points of my fingers to the hinder
part of his backe,which grew higher and higher towards
his foreshoulder,and his necke was thinne and some three

els long, so as hee easily turned his head in a moment

to any part or corner of the roome wherein he stood,
putting it over the beamesthereof, being built like a
Barne,and high (for the Turkish building, not unlike the

building of Italy, both whichI haveformerlydescribed)

by reasonwhereof he many times put his nose in my
necke,whenI thought my selfefurthest distant from him,
which familiarity of his I liked not; and howsoeverthe

Keepersassuredme he wouldnot hurt me,yet I avoided

thesehis familiarkissesas muchas I could. His body
wasslender,not greater,but muchhigher then the body
of a staggeor Hart, and his headand facewaslike to that
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l^andeten>tnylts

The descriptionof the City of Constantinople,and the adjacent

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and Seas

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of a stagge,but the headwas lesseand the facemore

beautifull:

He had two homes, but short and scarce

halfea footelong; andin theforehead

hehadtwobunches
of flesh, his earesand feete like an Oxe, and his legges

like a stagge. The Janizaremy guide did in my name

and for me give twenty Aspersto the Keeperof this
Beast.

(WX) Here be two Castlesor Forts, divided by the Castles

Hellespont,
one seatedin Europe,
the rother in Asia, divided
bythe
i
V T
r
Hellespont.
'

whereof 1 made mention m my sayling to Constantinople,

and of which I shall speakemore largely at my going

from this City.
Constantinoplebuilt (sixe hundred sixty three yeeres
before Christ wasborne), by Pausaniusa Lacedemonian,
was first called Bizantium, till Constantine the Great in

the yeereof the Lord 315, did rebuild it, after it hadbeene
destroiedby the Emperour Severus,and called it by his
name.

The Turkes

under Mahomet

the second, first

tooke this City, in the yeere 1453, from the Christians,

with destructionof great multitudes of them, and at this
day it is called (of the great circuit) Stimboli by the
Graecians,
and Stamboldaby the Turkes. It is seatedin Thesituation

Thrace(alsocalledRomania)and is built in formeof a /ConsfaaTriangle, whereof two sidestowardsthe North and East,
lie upon two seas,and the third side towardsthe West, lies
upon the continentof Greece. For manycausesthis City
is famous,and in two respectsmay be justly preferred
to any other in the World knowne to us, namely for the

pleasantnesse
of the situation, and the largenesse
and
safety of the Haven. The forme thereof formerly set
downe,doth in part shewthe pleasantnes
of the situation,

but the fruitfulnesse

of the fields,the sweetnes
andbeauty
of the flowers,and the variety andgoodnesseof the fruits
cannot sufficiently be praised. The fishesin the winter
seasonflying from the cold of the Euxine or black Sea,

fall downein greatnumbersinto the SeaPropontis,passing closeby the walsof the City; andagainein Summer
time, not induring the heat of the Mediterraneansea,
M. II

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returne backein like numbersthe sameway. This City

hath a thousandpleasantcreekesof the Seawithin sight.

To conclude,the Countrey is no lessepleasantthen the
Inhabitants

are wicked.

TheHaven. The Haven will receivean hugenumberof shippes,

anduponboth the bankesof the City andGallata,shippes
of 500.tunnesor greateronceunloaded,may so lie with
their cablesfastenedon the Land, as they can passefrom

the shippesto Land without any boates,and for the

excellencyof the Port, the City it selfeis called the Port

[I. iii. 264.]by the Turkes,andOvid calsit the Port of two Seas,for
the two channelsof Propontis, and the Euxine Sea. Of
old the City had eleven gates called, Aurea, Pargea,
Romana,Carthasea,
Regia, Caligaria,Kilma, Harmagona,
Phara,Theodosia,and Spilica. At this day the slenderwall
of bricke towardsthe Sea,hath thirteenegatesnot worth
TheWalls, the naming. The wall towards the Land is of bricke,
and is said to have beenemuch ruined in the yeere 1509,

by an Earth-quake,yet still on that side are three wals

which are broad enoughfor a cart to passe,of which the
outmost towardsland is little higher then the foundation
of the second,nor that much higher then the foundation
of the third, the fields on that side being plaine, yet in
like sort rising higher and higher as they be neerer to
the wals of the City, savethat neerethe foresaidPallace
of Constantine, some hils lie without the wals.

TheSeven
Hilh.

This City (asRome) is said to containesevenHils or

mounts within the wals, wherof some to me seemed

imaginary,but I will reckon them as they doe, and first

beginne with the hill, upon which stand the ruines of
Constantines Pallace. The second hath the stately
Mosche(or Turkish Church)built upon the Pallace,which
of old belonged to the GraecianPatriarke. Upon the
third stands the stately Mosche and most richly built

Sepulcher
of Mahometthe second,
with anHospitallbuilt
by the sameEmperour,whereall Turkish Pilgrimeshave
their lodging and diet freely for three daies,and it hath

onehundredandfifty chambers
built for the pooreof the
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City, and the yeerely rents thereof are valued at two

hundredthousandzechines,yeathe Court or Seraglioof

the Great Turke paies each day an hundred Aspers to

this Hospitall. The Sepulcher

of Selimustakesup the
fourth hill, and the sepulcherof Baiazet,the fifth hill.
Betweene the fifth and the sixth hill, is the old Pallace Theold

of the GreatTurke, (which the Italianscall SeraglioPallacevecchio),wherethe Concubinesof the deceased

Emperour,

andthe presentEmperourssistersanda greatnumberof

his concubines,(for the fairestand dearestto him aretaken
to live in his Court), arekept by Eunucheswithin this old
Seraglio,which is of great circuit, containingmanyhouses
and gardenscompassed
within one wall. Upon the sixth
hill standsthe foresaidwonderfull Mosche and Sepulcher
of Solyman, noted with the letter (R). Lastly, the
seventh hill

containes

the chiefe Pallace of

the Great

Turke, and the ChurchSaint Sophia,now madea Mosche,

noted with the Letters O.Q.

The tops of the Sepulchersand Mosches,being of a

round forme and coveredwith brasse,and the spacious
gardensof Cypresseand Firre trees,make shewof more

beautyand magnificence
to the beholderfrom any high
place,or without the wals, then in deed the City hath.
The Sepulchersare no doubt very stately built, having The
upon the top one two or more round globescoveredwith Sepulchen

leadeor brasse. On the insidethey seeme

like lightsomefthe
Chappels
with manywindowes,and they beingbuilt in a
round forme, the deadEmperour is laied in the middest
or centerof the Sepulcher,in a chestor coffin raisedsome

three foot from the ground, having the Tulbent which

heewore upon his headin his life time laied upon his
Tombe,beingsetforth with the Jewelshemostesteemed,
(whichTulbent is madeof sometwenty or more yards
of pure and fine white linnen, fouldedin manyfoulds,
in the formeof a halfeglobe). Next the Emperourlies
the Sultanaor Empresse,
in her Coffin,(so they call his

Concubine,
Motherof his Heire and Successour),
providedalwaiesthat sheehavehad a letterof dowryby
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which shee is made his wife ; for otherwise shee is not

buried with him. And round about the Emperour and

The

Empressein Coffinslower then theirs,lie the bodiesof

Emperoun
j^ majechiljren which(according
to their manner)are
male children
i-o

strangled strangledby his Successour

assooneas he was dead,and

upon their Coffins likewise their Tulbents are laied

severally. These childrenare laied in little Coffinsof
Cypresse,
andthis middlepartwhereinthe deadbodieslie,

is compassed
with a grate, so as betweenethe bodiesand
the windowesthere is a gallery round about, which is
spred with Turkey carpets,and upon them the Priests
that keepethe Sepulcher,doe lie by night, and sit crosse
legged by day, neither is the roome at any time without
someof theseKeepers,so as the Emperoursare attended
even after death.

The buildings of the City have no magnificence,

being
[I. ill. 265.]partly of a matter like bricke,but white, and (asit seemes)
Thebuildings
unhardnedby fire, partly of timber and clay, excepting
oftheCity, somefew pallaceswhich are of free stone,but nothing so
statelybuilt asmight be expectedfrom the pride and riches
of the great Turkes chiefe servants. And thesehouses
(as those of the adjacentterritories of Europe) are built
only 2 stories high, with a low roofe without any
windowes,after the mannerof Italy, whereasthe houses
of Asia havea plaineand plaisteredroofe to walke upon,
Thestreetes.
especiallyin Asia the greater. The streetesof this Citie
are narrow, and shadowedwith pentisesof wood, and
upon both sidesthe way is raisedsomefoot high, but of
little breadth, and paved for men and women to passe,
the middest of the street being left low and unpaved,
and no broader,then for the passageof Assesor beasts
loaded. In many placesof the streeteslye carcases,
yea
sometimesthe bodies of dead men, even till they be
putrified, and I thinke this uncleanlinesseof the Turks

(who otherwiseplaceReligion in washingtheir bodies,

and keeping their apparrell,especiallytheir Tulbent pure

andcleane)is the chiefecausethat this Citie, thoughmost

pleasantlyseated,yet above all the Cities of the world
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is continually more or lesse infected with the plague.

They say, that Job, famousfor his pietie and patience,is
buried in this Citie:

but I did not see his monument,

and thinke it probable,that the sameand all like Christian

monuments,were defacedby the Turkes when they tooke
the Citie.

The worthie English Ambassadour,Master Edward Master

Bartonmostcurteouslyentertainedme with lodgingand Edward

dyet so long as I staied in this Citie, so as for them I
spent not one Asper: but I passeover the due praises
which I owe to the memory of this worthy Gentleman,

beinghereafterto speakemoreof him, I will onelyadde,

that I attendedhim onceto the great Turkes Court, and
when I had nothing satisfiedmy curiositie in viewing
the Citie by occasionscasuallyhappening,that hee commaundeda Janizareto guide mee round about the same,
till I had taken full view thereof. And with this guide
the first day I viewed the foresaid monuments within

the walles,and the seconddaycompassed

the Citie without
the walles,beginning at the passageover the water called
Tapano,and noted with the letter (K), and so passingby
water (in a boat, vulgarly called Pyrame, and hired for
fortie aspers)to the Castle of the sevenTowers, noted
with the letter (T), then passingby land to the Pallace
of Constantine,notedwith the letter (V.)
And by the way as we passedby land, an old woman Anold

meetingus, and taking me for a Captiveto be sold,u'man's

demaundedmy price of the Janizare; who for mirth
entertainedher offer to buy me and anotherGentleman,
servant to the Ambassadour,whom hee had sent to beare
me company: but becauseI was very slender and leane

after my long sicknes,he could not induceher to give

more then one hundredaspersfor me, though sheoffered

foure hundredaspersfor the other Gentlemanin my

company,as the Janizaretold me in the Italian tongue,
when he had intertained this discoursewith her to passe
away the time in our long walke. From the foresaid

Pallace
of Constantine
we hireda boatfor eightaspers,
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and so by waterreturnedto the passage

Tapano,from
whencewe set forth, havinggoneby land and waterthe
full circuit of the Citie, being nine miles by water, and

five by land. Thenceweereturnedto the Ambassadours

house,whereI gave the Janizaremy guide fifty aspers
for his paines.

Theship
A Venetianshipcalledthe greatLion wasnow readyto
called
the SetsayjefromConstantinople
to Venice,whichcommoditie
of my speedyreturneI thoughtgoodto take,andhaving
agreedwith the Patronor Masterof the ship,andbeing
promised by the chiefe of the Marriners (whom I had
bound unto me with some curtisies) that they would
without faile call me before they were to set sayle, I
passedthe time in the sweeteconversation of this worthy

Ambassadour,more securelythen I should have done,

til one evening I heard a great pieceof Ordinancedischarged,and thereuponsuspected(as indeedeit fell out)
that this ship ready to set sayle,gave this warning piece
to call aboardthe Marriners and passengers.And so I
made all the haste I could to the water side; but when

I came thither, saw that my labour was in vaine, the

ship beingunder sayle,andgone out of the Haven. My
selfe, my servant, and a Gentleman,the Ambassadours
[I. iii. 266.]servant,and sent by him into England with letters to the
Queene from the great Turke, being thus left behind,
presentlytooke one of the AmbassadoursJanizaresfor
our Guide, and upon the last day of Februarie(in the end

of the yeere1596accordingto the English computation,

Ann.1597.or in the beginning of the yeere 1597, accordingto the

computation
of mostKingdomes,beginningthe yeerethe
first of January)hired a boat (calledPyrame)for one
thousandAspers to Gallipoli, in hope to overtake the
greatship saylingslowly,beforeit couldpassethe straight

of Hellespont. And the sameeveningin whichthegreat

ship set sayle,wee in our little boat sayledby the shoare
Celebris. of Thrace fortie miles to Selebris,a towne of Thraice,

not without greatfeareand farregreaterdangerof being

cast away. For when we found the little boate unfit to
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passethe great wavesof the Sea(though much calmer

then other Seas),and thereforewilled our Marriner to
saylecloseby the shoare,he told us, that therewasgreater

dangerfrom theeves
uponthe shoare,thenfrom thewaves
of the sea, and so easily persuadedus to imitate the
Prophet David, committing our selvesrather to the hands

of God by saylingin the deepe,then into the handsof

men by coastingthe shoare. When we had passedthe
darke night without sleepein this obscure harbor, the
next morning early beingTuesday,and the first of March,
we sayledtwenty miles to Erylis, seatedupon the sameErylis.
shore of Thracia, not without extreme dangerof being
cast away, which we often and justly feared, and our
Janizareno lesse,who either for feare, or repentanceof
his sins, shed abundanceof teares. Erylis was of old
called Heraclea, famously knowne by having been the
seat of the Greeke Patriark and many Christian
Emperours. Here we left the boat which we had hired
at Constantinople,having found it unfit for this passage:
but howsoeverwee had hired it to Gallipoli, yet the
Marriner would remit nothing of the covenantedprice.
From henceto Gallipoli we hired for eight hundreda,spers
a greater Barke called Cayke. The secondof March,
notwithstandingthe rage of the windes and the waves,

we set saile, and landed at the Hand Marmora after fiftie Marmora.

miles sayle,in which Hand I had formerly been, and to

the mention thereof formerly made, let me now adde,
that it is inhabited only with Greeks,and theseGreeks

fearinglest our Janizare(after their maner)would pay

them nothing for our necessaries,
and he being a yong
unexperiencedman, and so not carrying himself with
suchauthoritie as other Janizaresdoe, we could not get

lodgingnor diet in anyhouse,til at lastour selvespromising to pay honestlyfor al we took, we were receivedinto
a house(whereaswe were wont) we slept upon our owne

bedding,they havingno convenientbeds,and we paied

for two Eggesoneasper; for a Caponetfive andtwentie
aspers; for our fier five and twentie aspers; and
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for the use of the house five and twentie aspers;

as likewise in other places where we landed, wee
paied commonly sixteene aspersor there-abouts,each
night for our lodging, and the use of the house. The
third of March wee set sayleafter midnight, and having
Gallipolis. sayledsixtie miles,camebeforebreakeof day to Gallipolis,

and the sameday hiring a boat with two Oaresfor two

hundred aspers,we passedeight and twentie miles, and
found the great ship of Veniceat anchor,but not daring
to goe aboardin the night, wee slept in our little boat
fastened to the shoare, with no little

inconvenience,

because
it rainedall night. The fourth of March we gave
the Janizareour guide three hundredtwentie eight aspers
for his paines,and to bearehis chargesback, which wasa
small sum for so great a journey. Yet after somerepining he was satisfied therewith, because he served the

English Ambassadour. Then we went aboard the

Venetianship, called the great Lion, and when I remembred that the ship wherein I sailed from Venice to
Jerusalemwas called the little Lion, I was stirred up to
give praiseand humble thankesto the great Lion of the
Tribe of Juda, who through so many dangerspreserved
meein this voyage. This Venetianship wasforcedheere
to expect the pleasure of the Turkish Searchersand

TwoCastles.
Customers,namely, at the two Castlesupon the entrie

of the Straightof Hellespont,wherof I mademention

in my saylingfrom Candiato Constantinople,and in the
description of that Citie have noted them with the letters

(W) and (X).

For the shipsthat comefrom Constantin-

ople, use to bee detained here some three daies, to the

end that in casethey carry awayprivate men'sslaves,the

Masters may have time to follow after them; and in like

[I. iii. 267.]caseif they carrie away any prisonersor offenders,the

publike Magistratesmay have meanesto bring them

backe. Besides,thesesearchersand Customerslooke, that

they carry no prohibited wares,neither can the ship, nor

any passengerbe sufferedto passetheseCastles,except

they bring the Pasportof the great Turke, which the

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chiefeVisere or Bashauseth to grant unto them. Thus

whenno shipwithout the knowledgeof the chiefeVisere

caneither passetheseCastlesleading to the Mediteranean
Sea,or the two Castlesabove leading into the Euxine
Sea,noted with (D E), surely thesefoure Castlesare the

greateststrengthof Constantinople
by Sea.
I said, that these Castles,where we found the Venetian

ship, are in the descriptionof Constantinoplenoted with

the letters (W) and (X), and they are now commonly
called the Castlesof Gallipolis: but of old that noted
with the letter (W) was called Sestos,being a Citie in Seitos.
Thrace, in which the most faire Hero was borne and

dwelt; and the other noted with the letter (X) wascalled
Abydos,being a Citie of Asia the lesse,in which Leander
dwelt, famous for his love to Hero, and these Castles

are divided by the Hellespont sometwo miles broad, at

least so narrow, as Leander is said often to have swomme
over it to his beloved

Hero.

The

Castle of Sestos more

speciallyis seatedin a most fertile soyle; for Nairo, the

next adjoyning towne, yeeldesexcellentWines, and all
necessaries
to sustainelife plentifully. Howsoever the
ships ought, and use to bee staied here for three daies,

yet a very faire windeblowing,and all dutiesbeingperformed,the Patronsof the shipsby a largegift to the
Officers,sometimesobtaineleaveto depart sooner. They
say, that eachpassenger
by Pole payeth here one zechine

for tribute: but perhapsthis belongsonelyto Merchants,

for my selfe,my servant,and the English Gentlemanin

my company,having given betweeneus one zechineto

the substitutes of the Venetian Bailiffe (so their
Ambassadoris called), we were dismissedupon their
motion, yet we moreovergave fortie aspersto a Janizare,
and fiftie aspersto a Chiauslarfor the feesof their offices.
It being unwholsometo sleepabovethe hatchesof the Unwholsome
ship at this time of the yeere (though in summertime I aire.
madechoice to sleepeso, when I sailedfrom Venice to

Jerusalem),
we three, namely,my selfe,the English
Gentlemanand my servant,gave for eachof us three
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zechinesto the Pilot to be partnerswith him in his cabin,

which by his Officehee had proper to himselfein the

Castleof the ship; and to the Patron or Master of
the ship for our diet, we paid eachof us after the rate

of five zechinesand a halfe by the moneth,aswell at Sea,

as in Harbors; and for our passagewe joyntly paid ten

ducatsof Venice,(soas I still paid two partsof threein

all expences); besidesthat, wee brought with us some

hundredsof Egges,and a vessellof excellentWine of

Palermo,which our Ambassadourat Constantinoplegave

us.

Upon Monday the seventhof March (after the old

stile used in Turky by all Christiansand others)in the
afternoonewe set sayle,and passedthe straight of Helles-

pont,andthe samenight sayledby the foresaidHandof

Tenedos.
Tenedos. This Sea is called Pontus of the adjacent
Province of Asia the lesse, named Pontus, which Province

containes Colchis (famous by the old Argonauticall

expedition), Capidocia, and Armenia. The eight of
Lemnos.March, early in the morning,we did seethe HandLemnos
(famousfor a kind of earth there digged, and in Latin
calledTerra Sigillata)upon our right hand,and the Hands
Metelene.
Metelene, and Chios (now called Zio), and the Citie
Smyrna(upon the continent of Asia the lesse)upon our
left hand, (to omit Ephesus,not farre distant upon the
samecontinent.) And being now entred into the JEgean
Sea(now calledArchipelagusof fiftie Handsstandinglike
Arches, and not farre distant one from the other, which

are called Cyclades,or Sporades),the ninth of March,

having now sailed eightie miles, and being to sayleby

the Hand Saint Georgeof Skyra, the windeswere so

contrary, as wee were forced to strike sayles,and lie at
hull (that is, tossedto and fro by the waves.) The same
Andros.day we set sayle,and left the HandAndros (one of the
Cyclades)and the Hand Tyno (subject to the Venetians)
on our left hand, or towards the East, and the Hand

Negropont(lying closeto the continentof Attica, and

Athens,right over againstthe ruines of famousAthens) on our
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right hand,or towardstheWest. The tenthandeleventh

of March, wee sayled100 miles in the sameSeafull of
Hands,and sailedby the HandsGia and Makarone. But [I. Hi.268.]

towardsnight contrarywindesrising high,andwe fearing

to beecastupon someshoareof many adjacentHands,
againewe strucksayleandlay at hull, tossingto andfro,
but makingsmallor no progresse.The twelfthof March,
early in the morning,we set sayle,and sayledby the
Hand Milo (of old called Miletum), where Saint Paul
landed, Acts 20, 15), and a neere Hand Sdiles (of old
calledDelos, and most famousfor the Oracleof Apollo), Delos.
and the Promontory of Morea (of old calledPeloponesus,
containingmanyProvincesof Greece),which promontory
is calledCapo Malleo. The thirteenth of March, having
sayledone hundred and ninety miles, we passedby the
Hand Cerigo, not subject to the Turkes (as most of the
Handsare), but to the Venetians,who in a Castleon the
South side keepea Garrison of souldiers. It is one of
the Cyclades,seatedat the entranceof the Archipelagus
towards the South, scarcefive miles distant from Morea

(the foresaid continent of Greece) and some one

hundred and fiftie miles from Candia, the chiefe Citie

of the Hand Candia, and was of old called Scotera,

also Porphoris, of that precious kind of Marble

there digged, and also Citherea, of which as her Citherea.
chiefe seate Venus

is often

so called.

And

to

this

day there are scenethe ruines of a Temple dedicatedto

Venus, and of a Pallace belonging to Menelaus the
husband of Helena.

From

the thirteenth

to the seven-

teenth of March, the windes were so contrary or scant,

as wee onely sayledone hundred and twenty miles, and
tooke harbourin the HandZante, subjectto the Venetians
(whereof I made mention in my voyage from Venice to

Jerusalem.)Here someEnglish Merchantscontinually

reside,and the Haven being commodious,and most ships
that trade in theseSeasusing to put into this Harbor,
the goods that are diversly transported thence, are
vulgarly, but falsely,esteemedthe native commoditiesof
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It hath scarce sixtie miles in circuit, and the

Mountaines round about upon the Sea-side,inclose a

pleasantand fruitfull Plaine. The Haven is like an halfe

Moone increasing,and the chiefeTowne calledZante,

lies in a little Plaine upon the innermostpart thereof in

length. The buildings of the housesaretwo storieshigh,
with a tyled, but low roofe without any windowes(according to the building of Italy) but are poore and basefor
the matter, so as the onely beautieof the Towne lies in
the Castlebuilt at the East end upon a high Hill, being
of a large circuit, and containing many houses and
Churches

within

the walles thereof.

In which

Castle the

Governour (called il Podesta) and the other Venetian

inferiour Magistratesdwell, and give Law to the people
of that

Hand.

Turkish The Turkish Pirats of Saint Mauro in Morea, having

Pirats. lately set upon and taken a huge Venetianship, did lade
seventeene
of their little barqueswith the most pretious
goods thereof, namely, clothes of Gold, Damasksand
Grogerans,to the value of a thousandthousandzechines
(as the report went), and setting the ship on fire, tooke
awaythe marrinersfor slaves. And the very time of my
being in this Hand, sevenTurkish Gallieslay upon this
coast,and robbedall the Venetianshipsfalling into their
hands, so as howsoeverthey had peacethen with the
Turkish Ottoman, yet their shipsdurst not stirre out of
this haven. Whereuponthey having now occasionto send
out shipsfor Corne, the Magistrate forcedthe Master of
an English ship then harbouringthere,to waft theseships,
though much againsthis will, when there were some20
Venetianshipsin the sameHaven, whereofdiverswereof
400 or 500 tuns. Also at this time it hapned,that a
A Spanish
Spanishship of Catoloniawas driven into this Harbor,
and the Magistrate calling our Merchantsbefore him,
would have forcedthem to give caution, that the English

shipsthenlying there,shouldnot assailethesame,though

betweeneEngland & Spainewar had now long time
bin proclaimed
: but they contestingagainstthis course
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asinjurious to them, yet could not be dismissed,till they

gavetheir words,that our shipsshouldnot assaylethe

sameby day or night, so long as it lay in this Haven.
And this Spanishship for long time not daring to goe
forth, at last upon occasionof Venetian Gallies landing
there, was wafted by them, and so escaped. Upon the

robbing and burning of the foresaidVenetianship by

Turkish Pyrates,the Venetian Baliffe, (so they call their
Ambassadour)
lying then at Constantinople,had obtained
the Great Turkes Mandate, that these Pyrates gallies
being burnt, they should presentlybe sent in bonds to [I. iii. 269.]
his Court, and this Mandate was brought by a Chiauss,
(or Pencioner)who camein the sameship with us, whereupon the Pyrates being more inraged against the
Venetians, did at this time take and spoyle another Another
Venetian ship of somefoure hundred and fifty Tunnes, Venetian
ship

calledthe Sylvester,
andnot contentwith the mostrich ta^en
^ the

booty, did cast into the Seamany Marriners yeelding to

mercy,and could hardly be perswadedby the intercession
of Turkes passengers
in the sameship, to sparethe lives
of sometwenty chiefeMarriners yet alive, and to forbeare
theburning of the ship. The Italians of best judgement,
did not expect that the great Turke would duly punish
theseoutrages,but rather were of opinion that himselfe
andhis chiefeVisere would draw the greatestpart of the
prey to their own hands,and that the Turkish Governours

inticedby like participation,would endevourto free these

Pyrates,and doe their best to nourish them, yea, that
this very Chiaussnow sent with a Mandate to suppresse
them, would be induced by bribes, to returne to Constantinople,with relation that the Pyrates could not be

found,so they did (as no doubt they would) for a time

hide themselves, and in conclusion, that the Venetians

afterhaving spentmuchmoneyin obtainingnew Mandatesfor their apprehension,

shouldfind no other remedy,

but to repellforceby force.

Upon Wednesdaythe thirtieth of March, (after the March30.

old stile)in thebeginningof the yeere1597,we setsayle,Ann.1597.

109

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but by contrarietieof winds, were againedriven backe

into the Haven of Zante. Upon Friday the first of Aprill

afterdinner,againewe set saile,andthe secondof Aprill

Cefalonia.saylingby the Hand of Cefalonia,(whereofI spakein
our voyagefrom Veniceto Jerusalem),we cast anchorin
Corfu.

the outward Haven

of the Hand Corfu,

because the

Master of our ship was sicke, and this his sickenesse

increasing,we set saile to returne backe to the chiefe
City of that Hand, the Haven whereof we entered the

sixth of Aprill.

From Zante to Cefalonia are seventy

miles, and from thence to Corfu are 120 miles.

This Hand Corfu inhabitedby Greekesis very fertile,

yeelding plenty of fruites, corne, wines, and Currands,
and this

Haven

is fortified

with

two

Forts

cut

out

off

a Rocke, namely, the old and the new Fort, (which is

more then a mile in circuit), both being very strong and
held unexpugnable,so as this Hand is worthily reputed
Corfu
a Keyeone of the chiefeKeyes of Christendome. The Master
ofChristen-of our ship havingrecoveredhis health,weeset saileupon

dome.

Tuesday
the twelfthof Aprill, andreturnedagaineto
the foresaid outward Haven of Corfu Hand, where an old

woman a passengerdied, and her kinsemen carriedher

body to be buried on Land. Here againewe were forced
to stay, the winds being contrary.
At last upon the nineteenthof Aprill towardsevening,
with a faire wind we joyfully set saile,and the twentieth
day we sailedover the streight Sea,betweeneGreeceand
the Province of Apulia in Italy. Upon Friday the two

andtwentiethof Aprill towardsthe evening,havingsayled

sometwo hundred miles from the said streight, we were
Raguza. carried by the shoareof the City Raguza, with a faire
gale of wind, and had the wind beenenever so contrary,
yet our Master knowing some late difference risen
betweene the Raguzeans and Venetians, would not
willingly have landed in that Haven. The blame of

whichdifferencesomeimputedto the Raguzeans,

in that
they favouredthe Scocchi,
a Neighbourpeopleupon the
shoareof Sclavonia,
who being subjectto the Emperour
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and Christians,yet robbedall kinds of shipspassingthese

Seas,andhadlatelyspoiledandburnt a VenetianGaily in
thePort of Rovingo. But otheralleaged
a moreprobable
causethereof, namely,that someVenetianGentlemenfor
some venerious insolenciesthere committed, had lately
beeneslainein a tumult. Raguzaof old calledEpidaurus,
and the chiefeCity of Sclavonia,is foure hundred miles
distantfrom Venice,built at thefoot of an high mountaine,
upon the Seashoare,and hath great trafficke by those
Seas,and huge ships, which the Kings of Spainehave
often hired and joined to their Navy. The governement Thegoverne-

is popular,and this City to the wonderof many,doth to ment

f
this day maintainethe liberty, though it be seated aSuzabetweenethe very jawes of the two powerfull Statesof
the great Turke and Venetians,to one of which all other
neereTownes Handsand Countriesare subject. For the
Venetiansareloath to drive them beingChristiansto such [I. iii- 270.]
despaire,as they might be forcedto yeeld themselvesto
the great Turke, and the City is very strongly fortified
towards the sea,whencethe Venetianscan onely assaile
them: besides,that they pay great customesof their
trafficke to the State of Venice, for which reason that

Stateattempts nothing againstthe freedomeof the City.

Againe,the Turkes knowingthat if they shouldbesiege

the City by Land, the Citizens would with all their best

moveablesflic into Italy by Sea, and receiving also a

greatyeerelytribute from the traffickeof this City, (where
the greatTurke hath his owne Officer calledChiaussagha
to gather the same,)are also content not to molest them
by warre, especiallysincethey know that the Pope, the
King of Spaine,and the Stateof Venice,would assistthe
Raguzeansagainst them, and no way indure that the
Turkish

Ottoman

should

make himselfe

Lord

of that

Haven.

Upon the threeandtwentyof Aprill towardsevening,

we sayledby the little HandAugusta,(beingyet of a good TheHand
largecircuit,andpopulous,andsubjectto the Raguzeans,Augusta.
but the Coastis dangerousfor shipsarrivall, by reason
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*597-

of the Rockescalledthe Augustines,)and by the little

Hand Corsolari. SomeHandsin this Seaare subject to
the Raguzeans, and some neere to the Northerne
continent, have the Great Turke for their Lord, but the

rest are subject to the Venetians,and are very many in

number,but little, and good part of them little or not

at all inhabited. The Italians our consorts, told us of

Pelaguza.
an Handnot farredistant,calledPelaguza,andlying neere
the continentof Italy, upon the Coastwhereof the famous
Turkish Pyrate of Algier, (a Haven in Africa) waslately
wont to hover and lie hidden, and made rich booties of

the Venetian and Italian Merchants. Upon Sundaythe

foure and twenty of Aprill, we had in sight, and little
distant, the little Hands, Catza and Lissa, and in the

afternooneon our left hand towardsItaly the HandPorno,

and in the evening towards Dalmatia, two Hands,and
upon the continent the City Zaga, being some two

hundred miles distant from Venice. And the night

following we sailedover an arme of the Seasomethirty
miles broade,lying betweeneDalmatia and Istria, called
// Comaro.
\\ Cornaro,which we passedwithout any appearance
of
danger, though otherwise it be generally reputed so
dangerous,as the Venetiansoffendedwith any Marriner,
use this imprecation ; Maledetto sia il Cornaro che t' ha

lasciato passare; that is: Cursed be the Cornaro for

letting thee passe. Upon Monday the five and twenty
of Aprill, as we sailedby the Coastof Istria, one of the
Marriners aged,and (aswe thought) honest,and of some
authority among the rest, privately admonished me, that

I should safelylocke up our goodsin our chests,lest the

inferior Marriners should stealeour shirts, or any other
thing they found negligentlyleft, which they usedto doe,
especiallyat the end of any voyage. Upon Tuesdaythe
sixe and twenty of April, we castanchorbeyondPola, in
the continent of Istria, a City now ruined, and upon the
Rovingo.
sevenand twenty day we entred the Haven of Rovingo
in Istria, subjectto the Venetians,where the shipsuse to
take a Pilot for their ownesafety,or els are tied so to doe
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by someold priviledgeof that City. Here the Provisors

for healthgaveus liberty of free conversation,
(as they
hadformerlydoneat Zante),seeingno manin our ship
to be sicke or sickely. And I did not a little wonder,
when I observedeachsecondor third personof this City

to halt and be lame of one foot, which made me remember Lame

the Citizensof Islebein Germany,and in the ProvinceRovingians.

of Saxony,where almost all the men have wry neckes;
whereof I knew the cause,namely becausethey used
daily to dig in mines, with their neckesleaning on one
side:

but of this common

lamenes

of the Inhabitants

in

Rovingo, I could not learneany probablecause,exceptit

were the foule diseaseof lust, raigning in thoseparts,

which I rather thought likely, becausethe lamenesse
was
common

to

weomen

as

men.

Now the sayling in our great ship waslike to be more

troublesome,dangerous,and slow, whereuponfive of us
joyning together, did upon the thirtieth of Aprill (after
the old stile) hier a boateof sixeOares,for sevenVenetian
Ducketsto Venice,wherewe arrived the next day towards Venice.
evening,and staied in our boat upon the wharfe of the
Market placeof Saint Marke, till the Provisorsof health
sitting in their Office neerethat place,cameunto us, and
after some conference,* understandingO that we and our

ship were free of all infection or sicknesse,gave us free [I. Hi.271.]

liberty of conversation. Wee staied three dayes at
Venice to refresh our selves,and paied each man three
lyres for eachmealein a Dutch Inne.
Then having receivedmoney of a Merchant, I went
to the Village Mestre, and there bought of Dutchmen
newly arrived in Italy, two horsesfor my selfe and my
man, the one for thirtie, the other for twentie ducates.

ThesehorsesI soldat Stodein Germanyaftermy journey

ended, at, or about the same rate. He that hath the

Dutch tongue, and either knowesthe waiesof Germany Profitin the

himselfe,or hathconsortsskilfull therein,beingto travell Dutch

from Stode,or thoseparts into Italy, shall finde more cngue'
profit in buying a horse in thoseparts of Germany,for
M.

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so heeshallsavegreatsummes
usuallypaidfor coches,
and at the journiesend,or ratherby the way towards
the endeof his journey,mayin Italy sell his horseswith
goodprofit. In the VillageMestre,eachof us paideach
mealefiftie soldi, that is, two lires and a halfe.

From hencewe took the right way to Augsburgin

Germany,to Nurnberg,Brunswick,and to Stode,an old
Citie lying on the Northern Sea of Germany. The
particularsof whichjourney I hereomit, havingin my
journey to Jerusalempassedthe very samewayfrom Stode
to Venice.

Charges
in Soasit shallsufficeto addesomefew things in general!.

Italy.

Within theconfines
of Italy,eachmanof uspaidfor each
mealefortie, and sometimesfiftie Venetiansoldi, and for
hay and stable for his horse commonly at noone foure

soldi, at night twelve soldi, and for ten measuresof oates

given eachday to eachhorsefiftie soldi.
After we entred Germany,eachman paid each meale
commonlytwenty creitzers,at Inspruchtwentie foure, and
somtimes twentie six creitzers, for hay six creitzers a
day, or there-abouts,and for ten measuresof oates,serving one horsefor a day wee paid fiftie creitzers. In the
Charges
in middle Provincesof Germany,eachof us paid for each
Germany.
mealecommonlysixteenecreitzers,that is, foure batzen,
and in the parts upon the Northerne sea some foure
Lubeck shillings. And from the Citie Armstat (seated
betweeneAugsburg and Nurnberg) to the said Northern
sea side, we had a new measureof oates called Hembd,
one of which measures was sold for some tenne Lubeck

shillings, and servedthree horsesfor our baite at noone,

and anotherwas almost sufficientfor them at night.
From Stode seatedupon the German Sea,we passed
in a boat to the outmost Haven, where wee went abroad

an English ship upon the fourth of July (after the old

stile) being Tuesday. The sixt of July early in the

morningwe set sayle,and the eight of July we cameupon
the most wishedland of England, and castanchorneere

Orford, a Castlein Suffolke. Upon Saturdaythe ninth

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A.D.
1597-

of July (afterthe old stile) we landedat Gravesend,

and
without delay with the night-tide passedin a boat to
London, where we arived on Sunday at foure of the
clock in the morning, the tenth of July, in the yeere July10,

1597,our heartsbeingfull of joy, that our mercifullGod an.1597.

had safelybroughtus thither. This early howerof the
morningbeingunfit to troublemy friends,I went to the
Cocke(anInneof Aldersgate
streete)andthereapparrelled
as I was,laid me downe upon a bed, where it happened,
that the Constableand watchmen (either being more The

busiein theirofficethenneedwas,or havingextraordinaryConstable's

chargeto search
uponsomeforaineintelligence,
andseeingerrour.
me apparrelled
like an Italian) tooke me for a Jesuitor
Priest (accordingto their ignorance; for the crafty Priests
would never have worne such clothes as I then did.) But
after somefew howers when I awaked, and while I washed

my hands,did inquire after my friends health, dwelling

in the samestreete,the Host of the houseknowing me,
dismissedthe watchmenthat lay to apprehendme, and
told

me how I had been thus

mistaken.

Chap. V.

[I. iii. 272.]

Of the journey through England, Scotland,and

Ireland.

that

desires

to

see

the

Cities

and

Antiquities of England, Scotland and

Ireland, let him readethe Chapterof the
usuall manner of all kingdomes to
journey, and to hire Cochesand horses,
andalso the Chapter,whereintheseKingdomes are Geographicallydescribedout
of Camden, or if he list, rather let him reade Camden

himselfeof this point: and lastly let him in the samelast

namedChapterperusethe diet of theseKingdomes,and

the entertainement
in Innes. Touchingthe distances
of
placesby miles: first, for Englandhe shall easilyfind

A.D.

Places
worthy
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a little printedbookeparticularlysettingdownethe same.

For ScotlandI will briefleysetdownemy journeytherein.
And for Ireland,the Cities beingrare and farre distant,
heemust havea guide,who may without great trouble
inquire them out. Onely give me leave for the helpe
of strangersto addethis one thing, namely,how they
beingcuriousto searchantiquities,and loth to omit the
sightof thingsworthyof observation,
mayto this purpose
best disposeof their journies, which all other men may

observation.
fit to their endes
andpurposes.First, let thempasse
out of Normandy to Rhye, an English Haven in Sussex,
then let them visit such of the five Kentish Ports as they

please,let them seeCanterbury,famousfor the Seateof

the Metropolitan Archbishop; then the Castleof Quinborrough,in the Handof Sheppey,and the Regall Navy ;
then let them passeby Rochester(a BishopsSeate),the
Regall Pallaceat Greenewich,and Depford the Navall
storehouse, and not farre thence see the broken ribbes

SirFrancis of the ship, whereinfamousSir FrancisDrake compassed

Drake's
Ship.the Worid) and so jet themcometo London. When

they have viewed the Monumentsof London and Westminster, and scenethe Kings Court, they may take a
cursory journey to view such antiquities in Middlesex,
Surry, and Barkshire, as upon the reading of Camden
they shall most desire to see,and especiallyall, or the

chiefePallacesof the King. Againe,from Londonthey

may take a cursory journey to see the University of
Oxford, and so by Worcester returne to London. In
their journey to the confinesof England and Scotland,
they may seethe Universitie of Cambridge,and view the
most choiseantiquities mentionedby Master Camdenin
Harfordshire, Northamptonshire,Lincolnsheire, Yorkeshire, Durham and Northumberland.

My selfeupon occasionof businessein the month of

4prill,
Aprill, andthe yeere1598,tookea journeyto thesesaid
Anno.
\ 598. confines,
namely,to Barwick,a Townethenvery strongly
fortifiedby theEnglish,to restrainethe suddenincursions

of theScots,andabounding
with all thingsnecessary
for
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A.D.

food,yeawith manydainties,as Salmonsand all kindes

of shell-fish, so plentifully, as they were sold for very

smallprices. And here I found that for the lendingof

sixtie pound,therewantednot goodCitizens,who would
give the lendera fairechamberandgooddyet,aslong as
he would lend them the mony. Being to returnefrom
Barwicke,I had an earnestdesire,first, to seethe King
of ScotsCourt. So from henceI rode in one day fortie
miles to Edenborrowthe chiefeCitie of that Kingdome.
And in this said daiesjourney after foure miles riding
I cameto Aton, a Village where the Lord of Humes Aton.
dwelles, whose Family was powerfull in those parts.
After sixteene miles more I came to Dunbar, which they

said to have been of old a Towne of someimportance,

but then it lay ruined, and seemedof little moment, as
well for the povertie, as the small numberof inhabitants.
After the riding of eight miles more, on the left hand
towardsthe West, and somethingout of the high way,
the pleasant
Village of Hadrington lay, which the English, Harrington.
in theraigneof QueeneElizabeth,tooke,andkept against
the French,who drawneover in the time of faction, kept [I. iii. 273.]
the Towne of Dunbar, and fortified the same. When I
had ridden five miles further, I came to the ancient and

(accordingto the building of that Kingdome) stately

Pallace of the L. Seton, beautified with faire Orchards

and Gardens,and for that clime pleasant. Not farre

thencelyesthe VillagePreston-graung,
belongingto the
Family of the Cars, powerfull from theseparts to the
very bordersof England within land. After I hadridden

threemilesmore,I cameto the VillageFisherawe,

neereFisherawe.
which beyonda Brookelyesthe Village Musselborrowin a
stony soyle, famousfor a great Victorie of the English
againstthe Scots. On the left hand towards the West,
and somethingout of the high way, the Queeneof Scots

then kept her Court (in the absence

of the King) at the
Village Dawkeith,in a Pallacebelongingto the Earle
of Murray.

From the saidVillageFishrawe,I rodethe restof the

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1598.

way, beingfoure miles,and so in one dayesjourney (as

Edenborow.
\ said)cameto Edenborow,seatedin Lodovey,(of old
calledPictland)the mostcivill Regionof Scotland,being
hilly andfruitfull of corne,but havinglittle or no wood.
This City is the seatof the King of Scotland,and the
Courts of Justiceare held in the same. Of old according

to the changeable
fortuneof warre,it wassometimes
in
the possession
of the Scots,sometimesof the English
inhabitingthis Easternepart of Scotland,till the English
Kingdomebeing shakenwith the invasionsof the Danes,
at last about the yeere 960. it becamewholly in the

powerof the Scots. This City is high seated,in a fruit-

The

full soyle and wholsomeaire, and is adornedwith many

NoblemensTowers lying about it, and aboundethwith
many springs of sweetwaters. At the end towards the
East, is the Kings Pallacejoyning to the Monastery of
the Holy Crosse,which King David the first built, over
which, in a Parke of Hares, Conies,and Deare, an high
mountainehangs,calledthe chaireof Arthur, (of Arthur

mountame
^g
C

prince of the Britanes, whose monuments famous

chaire
of among
a^Ballad-makers,
arefor themostpartto befound
Arthur. on thesebordersof England and Scotland.) From the
Kings Pallaceat the East, the City still riseth higher and
higher towards the West, and consistsespeciallyof one
broad and very faire street, (which is the greatestpart
and sole ornamentthereof), the rest of the side streetes
and allies being of poore building and inhabited with
very poore people,and this length from the East to the
West is about a mile, whereasthe bredth of the City
from the North to the South is narrow, and cannot be
halfe a mile. At the furthest end towards the West, is

TheCastle,
a very strongCastle,whichthe Scotshold unexpugnable.
Camdensaiththis Castlewasof old calledby the Britaines,
Castle meynedagned; by the Scots,The Castleof the

Maidsor Virgines,(of certaineVirgineskept therefor the

Kings of the Picts), andby Ptolomythe wingedCastle.

And from this Castletowards

theWest,is a moststeepe
Rocke pointed on the highesttop, out of which this
118

COMMENTS
Castle is cut:

UPON

But on the North

EDINBURGH

A.D.
I598.

& South sides without

the wals, lie plaine and fruitfull fields of Corne. In the

midst of the foresaid faire streete, the Cathedrall Church The

is built, whichis largeand lightsome,but little statelyCathedrall

for thebuilding,
andnothingat all for thebeauty
andChurchornament. In this Churchthe Kings seateis built some
few staireshigh of wood,andleaninguponthe pillar next
to the Pulpit: And oppositeto the sameis anotherseat
very like it, in which the incontinent useto standand doe
pennance;and somefew weekespast, a Gentleman,being

a stranger,
andtakingit for a placewhereinMen of better
quality used to sit, boldly entred the same in Sermon
time, till he was driven away with the profuse laughter
of the common sort, to the disturbance of the whole

Congregation. The housesarebuilt of unpolishedstone, Thehouses.

and in the faire streete good part of them is of free
stone, which in that broade streete would make a faire
shew,but that the outsides of them are faced with wooden

galleries,built upon the secondstory of the houses; yet

these galleries give the owners a faire and pleasant
prospect,into the said faire and broad street, when they

sit or standin the same. The wals of the City are built
of little and unpolished stones,and seemeancient, but
are very narrow, and in someplacesexceedinglow, in
other, ruined.

From Edenborow there is a ditch of water, (yet not

runningfrom the Inland,but rising of springs)whichis

carried to Lethe, and so to the Sea. Lethe is seated Lethe.

upon a creekof the Sea,calledthe Frith, somemile from [I. iii. 274.]

Edenborow,and hath a most commodiousand large

Haven. When Monsieur Dessy a Frenchman, did

fortifieLethe,for the strengthof Edenborow,

it began
of a baseVillageto growto a Towne. And whenthe

French King Francis the secondhad married Mary

Queeneof the Scots: againethe French,(whonow had
in hopedevouredthe possession
of that Kingdome,and

in the yeere1560.beganto aimeat the conquestof

England)morestronglyfortifiedthis Towneof Lethe:
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but ElizabethQueeneof England,calledto the succour

of the Lords of ScotlandagainsttheseFrenchmen,
called
in by the Queene,sooneeffectedthat the Frenchreturned
into their Countrey, and these fortifications were
demolished.

From Leth I crossedover the Frith, (which ebs and

Fife.

n flowesashighasStrivelin)to the VillageKing-korn,being

eightmilesdistant,
andseated
in theRegionor Country
calledFife, whichis a peninsule,that is, almostan Hand,

lying betweenetwo creekesof the Sea,called Frith and

Taye, and the Land yeelds corne and pasture and seacoales,as the Seasno lesseplentifully yeeld (amongother
fish,) store of oysters& shel fishes,and this Countrey is
populous, and full of Noblemens and Gentlemens
dwellingscommonlycompassed
with little groves,though
treesare so rare in thoseparts,as I remembernot to have
scene one wood.

From the said Village King-korn, I rode ten very

Falkeland.long milesto Falkeland,thenthe Kings Housefor hunting, but of old belongingto the Earlesof Fife, whereI
did gladly seeJamesthe sixth King of the Scots,at that
time lying there to follow the pastimesof hunting and
hawking, for which this ground is much commended;
but the Pallacewas of old building and almost ready to

fall, having nothing in it remarkeable.I thought to

Saint

have ridden from henceto Saint Andrewesa City, seated

Andrewes.in Fife, andwell known as an University,andthe seate

of the Archbishop: But this journey being hindred,
I wil onely say, that the Bishop of Saint Andrewes,at
the intercessionof the King of ScotlandJamesthe third,
was by the Pope first madePrimate of all Scotland,the
same Bishop and all other Bishops of that Kingdome
having formerly to that day beeneconsecratedand con-

firmed by the Archbishopof Yorke in England. LikewiseI purposedto take my journeyasfarreasStrivelin,

wherethe King of the Scotshath a strongCastle,built
uponthe front of a steepeRocke,whichKing Jamesthe

sixth sinceadornedwith manybuildings,and the same

I2O

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A.D.
1598.

hathfor long time beenecommittedto the keepingof

theLords of Eriskin, who likewiseuseto havethe keeping Striveling.

of thePrinceof Scotland,
beingunderyeeres.And from
thenceI purposedto returne to Edenborow,but some
occasions
of unexpectedbusinesse
recalledme speedily
into England,so as I returnedpresentlyto Edenborow,
and thenceto Barwicke, the same way I came.

I addefor passengers
instruction,that they who desireJourneys
through

to visit the other Countiesof England and Ireland, may

passe
fromEdenborow
toCarlile,
chiefe
Cityof ComberEngland.
land in England, and so betweenethe East parts of
Lancashireandthe West partsof Yorke, andthen through
Darbyshire, Nottinghamshire, Warwickeshire, Staffordshire,and Chesshire,may take their journey to the City
Westchester,whence they shall have commodity to passe
the Seato Dublin in Ireland, and while they expect this

passage,
they may makea cursoryjourney into Flintshire,
and Caernarvonshire
in Northwales,to seethe antiquities

thereof,or otherwisemay goe directly to Holy Head,

and thence make a shorter cut to Dublyn in Ireland.

From Dublyn they may passeto see the Cities of the Ireland.
Province Mounster, whence they may commodiously
passeto the South parts of Wales, and there especiallyWales.

seethe antiquitiesof Merlyn, andso takingtheir journey

to the West partsof England,may searchthe antiquities
of theseseverallCounties,and easilyfind commoditieto
passeinto the West parts of France: And all this circuit

beginningat London,may(with ordinaryfavourable

winds
according
to the season
of the yeere)be easilymade,from
thebeginningof March,to the endof September.Alwaies
I professeonelyto prescribethis course,to suchas are
curiousto search
all thefamousmonuments
andantiquities

of England,mentioned
in Camdens
compleat
description
thereof.

[Chap. VI.
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[I. iii. 275.]

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Chap. VI.

Of the manner to exchangeMoneysinto forraine

parts, and the diversmoneysof diversparts,

togetherwith the diversmeasures
of miles in
sundryNations,most necessary
for the understandingof the former journall.
The

He Travellers most commodious course,

Travellers

is to deliver

most

commodious
course.

into

the hands

of

some

Merchant those kinds of gold or silver

coynes,which are of greatest value in
thoseparts to which he takeshis journey,
with covenantto deliver him by his Factor
the same, both in the Speciesor kind,

and in the number, or to send them in that sort to him

by a trusty messenger. But the first course is not in

use, besidesthat, it is a difficult taske, to find such divers

kinds in any particular place, except it be from the

Exchangersand Usurers, who use not to serve another
mans turne for profit or otherwise,without their owne
gaine; and being most expert in suchaffaires, are like
to draw all the hoped profit to themselves. And the
secondcoursethreatensmany dangers,by robberies,by
confiscations
of the transmittedCoynes,and by the doubt-

full creditof the messengers.

Particularlyin Englandand

The
exporting
France)
hethatisknowne
tocarrygreatsummes
of money
retrainedabouthim,shallrunnegreatdanger
to berobbed,
andin
England the Law forbids any Traveller upon paine of

confiscation,to carry more money about him out of the

Kingdome,thenwill servefor the expences

of hisjourney,
(namely,abovetwentypoundssterling). As likewisein
France,the like Law restrainesthe exportingof money,

allowing
anHorseman
fromLyonstoRome,eightycrownes,
fromTurineto Romefifty, andnomore,for hisexpences
;
all greatersummesfoundabouthim, beingsubjectto

confiscation
: yet I confesse
that many wary Travellers
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have exported greater summesout of England into

France,and out of France into England; and thereby

with thesehazards,
havemadegreatgaine: But uponthe
confinesof Italy, and the severallprincipalitiesthereof,

yea,at thegatesof eachCity in Italy, mostcraftyOfficers

so curiously searchinto the breachof these Paenall
Statutes, and so narrowly prie into all mens carriage,
never wincking at any delinquent, as there is no hope

uponbreachof the Law to escape

the penalty: for these
searchersare tied to more strict attention in this businesse,

that (accordingto their Office)they may bewareleasttheir

Princes be defrauded of their Tributes.

And since very

Jewels,and the least toyes carried about passengers,

are Jewels
subject

subjectto frequentTributes(according
to the frequenttoTributes.

Principalities)thesegoodfellowesleavenothing unassaied,
in the wisheddiscoveryof thesefraudes,yea,where they
have no just suspition of fraud; yet ceasethey not to
trouble passengersin this kind, till they have extorted
somebribe or gift from them. Beholdherea two horned
danger,(as I may tearme it of the captiousargument,
calledDilemma) which travellers cannot possibly escape
in Italy, who carry about them Jewelsor great summes

of money,wherethey are in dangerof confiscation,if Dangers

of

they hide them warily, and of theeves,if they shewthem, Confiscation

andpayduetributesfor them. For theeves

(namely,
andtheeve
menbanishedfor notoriouscrimes)lie continuallyupon
the confinesof Princes(very frequentin Italy), and more

speciallyof the Kingdomeof Naplesand of the Popes

territory.

In Germany, Bomerland, Sweitzerland,the

Low-Countreys, Denmarke, Poland, and Turkey,

passengers
may carry summesof moneyabout them with

more security,neitherhave I there observedany great

dangertherein,so that the passenger
affectnot solitarinesse,andbe so wary as not to boastof his plenty.
Touchingthe diverskinds of Coynesto betransported,

I forewarne
theReader,
thatthegoldCoynes
of England

andof France,andaswellthe silverasgold Coynesof

Spaine,
arein generall
spentabroad
with greatest
gaine:
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but eventhe gold and silverCoynesof otherPrinces,

are rarely currant out of their owneDominions, and can

[I. iii. 276.]hardly be exchangedamong Merchantswithout some

losse. Againe, that hee who exportsany gold coynes,
must takecareto havethemof just weight,for suchhee
may disbursewith gaine,but shallbearelossein others
that are lighter, becausethey want the helpe of their
PrincesPrerogative,whereno man can be forced to
receivethem. Now I wil briefly shew,which kinds of
foraine

coines are most

valued

in divers

states.

In

England the gold and silver coynesof Spaineand French

Crownesarehighly valued. In Scotlandthe samecoynes,
and as well in Scotlandas Ireland; moreover,the gold
and silver coynesof England arevalued. For Germany:
at Stode the English angels,and all the gold coynesof
Value
of
England, Franceand Spaineare most esteemed
: but if
foraine comes.
vou passeinf-o the upper parts of Germany,you must
for your expencestherechangethesecoynesat Stodeinto
the Rhenishgold guldens,and silver dollers of Germany.
But at Vienna and the confinesof Hungary, the Hungarian ducats are most currant.

In Bohmerland the

Rheinishgold guldens,the silver dollersof Germany,and

the Hungarian ducats. In Sweitzerland,first, the French
Crownesof gold, then the gold guldensand silver dollers

of Germany. In Denmarkethe silverandgold coynesof

England. At Dantzk in Prussen,and throughoutall
Poland,the gold coynesof England,andthegold guldens
andsilver dollersof Germany,and especially
Hungarian
ducats. In Franceupon the Seacoasts,the Angelsand
gold coynesof Englandarecurrant: but for yourjourney
further into the land,you mustchangetheminto French
Crownes,and the silver coynesof that Kingdome,and
the gold coynesof Spaineare very currant in all the

Cities even within the land. In the Low Countries, all

coynesare currant, they being most cunning exchangers,

andwantingmanythings,yet drawingto themabundance

of all forrainecommodities,
so asthey haveskill to draw

gold out of thedung(ashe saidof Ennius.) Yet they

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mostesteeme
the coynesof England,Spaine,andFrance.
In Turkey the gold zechinesof Veniceare most currant, Value
of

andpreferred
evenbeforetheirowneSultanones
of gold.fi>raine
coines.
The coynesafter them most esteemed
and to be spent
with mostgaine,are the silverryalsof Spaine(whichthe

Italians call Pezzi d' otto, and Pezzi di quattro, pieces

of eight, andpiecesof foure,and the Turks call piastri,

andhalfepiastri.) In Italy generallythe gold coynesof
Spaineare spentwith most advantage. In the next place,
and more particularly at Venice and Naples the French
Crownesare esteemed,but in Italy more then any other

place; you must havecarethey be of just weight. In

generall,all gold coynesmay be put away with gayne at

Venice,but theybeingin otherpartsof Italy lessevalued,

or not currant, heethat travelshigher, must changethem
there into silver Crownesof Italy, and least the weight
of them should be burthensome, and he should chance to

fall into the hands of theeves(called Banditi, banished

men),he shall do well to carry no more about him then
will sufficefor the expencesof his journey, and to deliver
the rest to someVenetianMerchant of credit, taking his
bils of exchange,or letters,by which he may receivethem
in any other Citie or Cities, as his occasionsrequire.
But in respect of the foresaid difficulties to export
coynesin specie,that is, in the kinde, the Traveller shall
doe better who takes the second and most usuall course,

takingcareto havehis moneysdeliveredto the exchangers

Exchange
of
(or Merchants)by the handsof sometrustie friend, to be moneys.

exchanged
over (accordingto the exchangevariablein
respectof the time, and the place to which it is to bee
made)and sent to him in forraine parts for his expence

(by severallsums,and at set times of the yeere.) This

exchangeis so variable upon many usuall accidents,as a
constantmannerof so unconstanta thing cannotbe pre-

scribed. But therate& coursetherofmaybeinquiredin

the Burse(or publikemeetingplacefor the Merchants.)
For the alteration thereof is weekely made knowne

particularly
to theMerchants,
thatby letterstheypresently
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may certifie the sameto their severallFactersbeyondthe

Alteration
of Seas. Now this daily alterationof the exchangecommeth,

theExchange.
partlyof the quantitieof moneys
for the presentto be
exchanged
to the Princesor Merchantsuses,and of the

greater or lessernumber of thosethat desire moneysin

exchange. For when small summesare to be exchanged,
either by the Prince for paymentof his Army, or by the
Merchantsfor their traffick, andwhenmanydesiremoneys
upon exchange,then the rate thereof is raised, and the
[I. iii. 277.]Traveller loseth more thereby, as on the contrary, the
rates are abased,and so the traveller gaines by his
exchange. But a farre greater causeof this alteration,
is the changeof the moneysvalue by the PrincesEdicts.
Thus at Antwerp (in our memory) when an English
Angell of gold was worth twelve Belgick shillings and
eight pence,then heethat in London paid twentie English
Flemish shillings, receivedat Antwerp five and twentie Belgick

Exchanges.
shillings and foure pence. But at this time when the
saidAngel wasat Antwerp worth five Belgick or Flemish
guldens and two blancks (that is, seventeeneBelgick
shillings,wanting a stiver), he that at London paid twentie
English shillings, receivedat Antwerp foure and thirtie
Belgick shillings wanting two stivers. And this divers
valuation of the Angel (as of other coynes)seemesto
proceedeof this Flemish custome,that when the united
Provinceshave great store of any coynein their coffers,
then they raise the value thereof, that they may issue
it with advantagein the payment of their Army; and
when the samecoynesare to be brought into their coffers
by tributes and taxes, then they in like sort use to decry
them, that the Statemay alsoreceive them with advantage.

For howsoeverthis raising and decrying of moneysby

publike Edict, savourethof tyranny, yet the necessitie
of the united Provinces affaires in their long and
dangerouscivill warres,or the hidden skill they have to
make gaine of all things with an unseene,and so lesse

felt oppressionof the commonpeople,hath madethis

courseordinaryamongthe Flemings,which to al other
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subjectsis offensivein high degree. Yet howsoevera

certaine value of moneys cannot be set downe, not-

withstandingthe value of English Angels, and gold

coynes of Spaine, France, and Germany is more
constant then of others, and subject to little increase
or decrease. And (to say truth) howsoever this
alteration may oppressethe subject,yet it imports little
to travellers,whetherforrainecoynesbe raisedor decryed,
sincethe pricesof al things necessaryto life, answerein
due proportion to the presentvaluation of moneys,and
use to be changedas the value of moneyis altered. But
to makethe mannerof exchangesmore manifest,by one
exampleconjectureof the rest. English Merchantstak-

ing moneyto be exchanged,

doe give the traveller,or Billes
of
his friend for him, three severallbilles of exchangefor Exchange.
the samemoney,for his better securitieto receiveit, yet
in eachof them inserting a caution, that onely one be
paid. Of thesethree bills the traveller useth to retaine
one with himselfe, and to take order that the other two

be sent before him by severall messengersto the

MerchantsFactor,who receivedhis moneyand gave him
these billes for it.

Or in the Travellers absence,his

friend receiving these billes, sendsthem all by severall

messengers
to him living beyond the Seas. And to
avoide all fraudes, I advise the traveller to have his billes

so made,as the Species,or kinde of money be therein

named,in which the Factoris to pay him in forraineparts,

and the numberof the piecesin that kind, and the just
waight of the coyne (as the Italians for French Crownes
write, Scudi d' oro in oro del Sole.) And becausethe
Factorsuse to delay and put off the paiment of these

billes; first, lest they shouldobject,that they know you

not to be the man,exceptyou proveit by the testimony
of countrimen,who in all placesarenot to beefound,or
may perhapsbe unknowneto you, and you to them as to
the Merchant, you shall doe well besidesthesebilles of
exchange,to send the Merchants letters to his Factor,

expressing
the mostrare markesof your body,by which
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you maybe madeknowneto him, togetherwith caution,

that your moneybeepaid to no other then your selfe,
lest any deceiveyou, and receiveit in your name,having

by fraude or violencegotten one of your three billes,

Advice
to

and arriving at the place before you. Moreover, since

travellers use to remove twice in the yeere from one

travellers.Citie or Countreyto another,namely,at the Springand

at the Fall of the leafe,lest your billes of exchangeshould
negligentlybeesent,or slowly cometo your hands,and so
you be forced to leesethe seasonof the yeere most fit
for taking of journeys,take order that the moneyyou are
to use at the fall of the leafein Italy, bee sent by billes

from Englandat the Spring,or if you be in nearerplaces,

that it bee sent three, or at least two moneths before the

time you are to use it.

And lest the Factor should pro-

tract paiment, let it be expressedin your bill that the

money be paid upon sight. Our Merchantswrite their

[I. in.278.]kils of exchange

for neereplacesin 4 kinds,namely,to
beepaid, at sight, at usance,at halfeusance,and at double
usance; which word usancebeing not English, I take to
Usance. be borrowed of the Italian word usanza, signifying a
manneror custome. The word (at sight) imports present
payment; at halfe usancea fortnight after the date; at
usance, a moneth ; at double usance, two moneths.

And

thus to him that goes from London to Hamburg in

Germany,it is all one, whether his bill of exchangebe
paid at sight, or at halfe usance,since hee can hardly

arrivetherein lessespacethena fortnight. But touching

the exchangefrom London to Venice farther distant, by

thewordusance
threemonethsaresignified,andby double
usancesix moneths. The Turks Empier is so farre
distant, and the journeys are so uncertaine, as our

Merchantsusenocertainerateof exchange
thither,neither
indeedusethey to give anybillesof exchange,
but onely
lettersof credit, to receiveset summesof money,or at
large,asmuchasthe travellershallwant, (of whichthird
kinde of receivingmoneyin forraineparts,I shallhere-

afterspeake.)By theforesaid
billesof exchange,
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ing to the foresaidopportunities,the travellercommonly

loseth, and sometimesgainetn. For my selfe am
familiarly acquaintedwith a Merchant,who tooke up one
hundred poundsat London, to be paid by his Factor at

Stodein Germany,which Factor againetooke up the

samehundredpoundsat Stode,to be paid by his Master
at London, and at foure monethsend, he paiedthe same,

havingby thesebils of exchange

madeusethere of all
this time, without one penny losse. But in generall,

whengreat quantitieof moneyis to bee madeover to

any placefrom London, the traveller shall lose after five Loss
in
in the hundred by the yeere; and when small quantitie Exchange.
is to bee made over, he shall lose after the rate of fifteene

in the hundred by the yeere,and ordinarily he shall lose

about the rate of ten in the hundred by the yeere.
By reason of the aforesaiduncertaintie in receiving Uncertaintif
moneyby billes of exchange,aswell by the slow sending in receiving

of them,asby thedelaywhichFactors
useto makein money
by
billesof
paying them, as also by the usuall negligenceof the Exchange.
travellersfriend, who is to makeover his mony, or by his
wantof readymony at the time, I sayfor this uncertaintie,
lest the traveller should lose the seasonof the yeerefit to
take journeys, by the expecting of his mony, a third

courseof receivingmony in forrainepartshath growne

in use, namely, that the traveller should take with him

lettersof credit,from someMerchantof great trade to

his Factor, to furnish him from placeto placeof money,
either accordingto his want, or for a certaine yeerely
summe. I confesseit is a more frugall course,that he

shouldfirst pay his moneyat home,and afterreceiveit

beyond the Seas,then that he should first receive it there,

and after repay it at home: but I would advise him to

makeover his moneyafter the foresaidmannerby billes

of Exchange,andwithall to carry theselettersof credit

for abundant
cautionof all events,soasuponanycrosse
accident,he may ratherincurrea small losseof money,

thentheunrecoverable
losseof time. Yetevenin money
takenby lettersof credit,reckoning
thetimeof therepaiM. ii

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ment,Merchantsusenot to exactgreatergaine,then ten

in the hundrethby the yeere,especially
if they be honest
men,or haveany bondof friendshipwith the traveller,
or his friends at home, and be confident of repaiment,

without any doubt, arisingeither by the travellerssicknesseor by his friends ill keeping of their credit.

expert

enceof the
rate of

It remainesthat I addesomewhatin generallout of

my experience,of the rate at which my selfe received

Exchanges.
money
by theforesaid
bilsof exchange,
or lettersof

credit. And first I will confessemy negligent omission,

in noting the ratesof my exchanges,
whereof (asa matter
of moment) I much repent me; but for this reasonthe
Reader must beare with me, if I set the same downe more

briefly then were fit for his instruction. Out of England

into Scotland,and Ireland, a Traveller shall have many
opportunitiesto carry moniesin specie,(that is, in kind),
or to exchangethem without any losse. The exchange
out of England, to Stoadeor Hamburge in Germany,
useth to bearethis rate, for a pound, (or twenty shillings
Hamburg.sterling) to receive there five and twenty Hamburge
shillings and sixepence. My selfedeliveredforty pounds

in England,andafter the rate of twentyfoure Hamburg

shillings and eight pence,for eachEnglish pound, or at

the rate of an imperialldoller,valluedat foure shillings

six pence English I received at Stoade forty nine

Hamburg pounds six shillings and eight pence.

[I. iii. 279.]Hereof I kept in my purse ten dollers, (that is,
two Hamburg poundsand fifteeneshillings),the rest
I left in a Merchants hands, who sent me at divers

times to Leipzig, first nine and thirty dollers,(that is,

ten Hamburgpoundsfoureteene
shillingsandsix pence),
& at anothertime threescoredollers,(that is, sixteene
Hamburgpoundsten shillings)andthe third timeseventy

dollers,(thatis,nineteene
Hamburgpounds
fiveshillings).
Thesejoined togetherwith two shillings,paiedto the
Carrierfor my letters,maketheforesaidsumme
of forty
nineHamburgpoundssixeshillingseightpence,
received
uponbill of exchange
for my forty poundfirst paidin
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London. Againe,I tookeup at Stodefrom anEnglish

Merchant,seventydollersuponmy lettersof credit,and

rating eachdoller at foure shillingseight penceEnglish,
I gavehim a bill of sixteenepoundsterling,to be paid
him by my friend in London. From theseparts in
Germany,a Traveller must carrywith him the foresaid
kindsof moneyesmostcurrantin Germany,whenhe takes

his journey to the upperpartsof Germany,to Bohemia,

and to Sweitzerland,or the confinesof Hungary. The

exchange
out of Englandinto the Low-Countries,
usually TheLowrateth an English pound sterling, first paid in England, Countries.
at foure and thirty Flemmish shillings, wanting two
slivers, to be paid after in the Low-Countries. In
DenmarkeTravellers seldomemake any long aboad,and
the tradeof our Merchantsis morerarein that Kingdome,
wanting native commodities; so as there is no usuall
exchangefrom London thither. From London to
Dantzk in Prussen,the exchangeof an English pound
sterling,first paid in London, useth to be rated at foure
and twenty Hamburg shillings and six pence,to be paid
there. My selfeby letters of credit receivedfifty dollers
at Dantzk, and after the rate of foure shillings six pence Dantzk.
English for eachdoller, I gave my bill for the payment
of elevenpound five shillings English, to be repaiedby
my friend at London. And at Dantzk the sameMerchant

for the samefifty dollersgaveme one and thirty Hungarian ducketsof gold, and foureteen grosh in silver,

being the fittest money for my journey to Crakawin

Poland,andto Viennain Oestreich(or Austria). Out of
Englandto Venicein Italy, the exchange
of foureshillings
and sixe or eight penceEnglish, useth to bee rated at a

VenetianDucket. My selretooke no bils of exchange

from England to Venice, but had letters of credit, Venice.
to receive money of a Venetian Merchant, to be
repaid in London upon my bill, after the rate

of foure shillings three pence for each Venetian

ducket. And at first being to take my journey

for Romeand Naples,I tookeup two hundredsilver

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1617.

crownes,mostfit for that journey,whichat Venicewere

rated at two hundred five & twenty duckets,and nine-

teenegrosh,andI gavemy bill for threeandfifty pound

sterling,twelveshillingsand sixepenceEnglish,to be
repaiedby my friend in London. Then I retainedwith

my selfe as many of those crownes,as were necessary

for my journey,leavingthe rest in the handsof a

VenetianMerchant,whogavemea bill to receivesomany

crownesin specie,(that is, in kind) at Florence,whereI
purposedto makemy aboadfor somefew moneths. Out
Turkey. of England into Turkey, I formerly said that for the
uncertaintyof the journey,upon the great distancesof
places,there is no certainevalue of exchange,neither use
our Merchantsto send bils of exchangethither, but to
give letters of credit, first to receivemoney there, either
at largeaccordingto the passengers
wants,or for a certaine
yeerelysumme,to be after repaiedin England, upon the
passengersbill. And the Merchants there, for each
Haleppo. zechineof gold of Venice,deliveredat Heleppo, use to
exact nine or ten shillings English, to be repaied in
London, to the passengers
great losse,which he that will
avoid, may exchangehis money to Venice, and there
receivezechinesof gold, or silver moneysof Spaine,to
carrywith him in specie,(that is, in kind). From London
into France,the exchangeof sixe shillings English, useth
to be rated at threescore French soulz, or three French
pounds, which make a common French crowne, but a

French crowne in specie,and of just waight, is valued

there at threescore
and foure soulz, (as in Englandan
France. Angell of gold is worth more then ten shillingssilver
among the Exchangers,though in expencesit is given

out for no more then ten shillings)and not onelybils

of exchangeinto Franceare given at the foresaidrate
for moneysfirst receivedin England: but he that hath
a merchantto his friend or acquaintance,
mayeasilycompoundto receivemoney,first, in Franceuponhis letters

[I. in.280.]of credit,andto repayit in Londonaftertherateof sixe

shillings English, for sixtie Frenchsoulz.
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To this I will addetwo generallcautions,most necessarie for travellers; first, whereasin Germanyand Italy,

the Territoriesof absolutePrincesare frequent,and of

smallextent,andeachof thesePrincesdoth coynesmall
piecesof brassemoney, it behooveth the passengerto
take heede, that he spend each Princes brasseCaution
asto
braise
twneys.
moneys within his Territory, or else that upon
the confines hee change them into brasse moneys
currant in the next Territory ; which if hee neglect, the
subjectsof the newPrince,howsoeverthey beeneighbours
to the former Prince, and may daily changethesecoynes
for their owne, yet they will not receive them without

great gaine,they being of themselves

little worth, and

onely by the prerogativeof eachPrince, currant among

their owne subjects. Secondly,the passengermust take Caution
to
speciallcare, to leave a faithfull friend at home, to pay
the bils readily, which he sendsover to his Merchant,
for sodoing, heeshallneverwant in forraineparts (at least
amongChristians,and knowne placesof trafficke), yea,
out of his good report hee shall bee furnishedwith more
money,then is warrantedby his letters of credit : but
on the contrary,if his friend deny or delaypaiments,hee
shallnot havecredit to borrowa pennyupon his occasions,
more then that for which the Factors shall have warrant

by billes of exchange,or letters of credit; and if he

fall into any misfortune, he shall not find a friend to
deliver him from penurie and shame.

Thesethingsbeingsayedin generall,nothingremaines

now, but to set downe the particular moneysof severall

Kingdomes,and the value of them, at the time when I

livedbeyondSeas,
whichvalueis subjectto change,
at the

pleasureof eachabsolute Prince. And in this discourse

I thinke mostfit to beginwith the moneysof England,

beingmorefamiliarlyknowneunto me.
Beingto write of the Standard,weight,and value of f thed'wers

Englishmoneys,
I thinke fit first to give somefew Mniesof
} \ -n
England.
admonitions

to the Reader.

First, that the purestgold containesfoureand twentie

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caracts in the ounce, and foure graines make a

caract.

The
purest

silver.

Secondly,
that the purestsilvercontaines
twelveounces

in eachpoundTroy weight: And thatEdwardthefirst,

King of England,keepingtheFeastof ChristsNativitie

at Barwick, in the yeere 1300, did upon Saint Stevens

day decriethe valueof basesilver moneys,andafter did

altogether
forbidtheuseof them,andshortlyaftercommandedsterlingmoneyto be coyned,so calledof the
Easterlings,who first coyned silver money of that
TheEnglish

pound.

Standard,which is of elevenouncestwo penny weight.

Thirdly,thattheEnglish
pound,
aswellof goldas

silver (meaningthe pound of the Ballence,not the pound

of twentie shillings commonly spent) containestwelve
ouncesTroy weight. And that eachounce of silver is
worth five shillings of the currantmoney,and eachounce

of Angelgol'dis worththreepoundfive shillings(orsixtie

five shillings) of Queene Elizabeths silver money, and
eachounceof Crownegold is worth threepound (or sixtie
shillings) of the samecoyne.
Fourthly, that the Mint-Master gave account before
the QueenesExaminersfor the money they coyned,as
well by the tale (or numberof the pieces)asby the sheere:

for it being not possibleto coynemoneysof the just

prescribedweight, yet the Mint-master was held to have

performedhis contractwith the Queen for the standard
prescribed by her, so the silver were not more then 2

penny weight in the ounce heavier or lighter, then her

standardprescribed:andin like sort for the coyningof

gold, a certaineproportionof someeight grainesin the
ounce, was allowed to the Mint-Master

in this account

by the sheere.
Queene

Elizabeth and

Fiftly, that 20 pennyweight makesan ounce,and 24

grainesmakea pennyweight.
Now I returne to the discourse in hand.

Queene

Elizabethin the yeere1600,contractedwith the MintMaster. Master, that of gold of the standardof twenty three
caractsthreegrainesanda halfe,he shouldcoynepieces

the Mint-

OF

THE

MONEYS

OF

ENGLAND

A.D.
1617.

of Angels,halfeAngels,fourthpartsof Angels,piecesof
an Angelanda half, & of 3 Angels. Now this Angel
wasof threepennyweight and 8 graines,and this gold

wascommonly
calledAngelgold. Alsoshecontracted
t1-'"" zSl-

with him, that of gold of the Standardof twentietwo

caracts,he shouldcoynepiecesof twentieshillings,and
piecesof tenneshillings,andpiecesof five shillings; and
thepieceof tenneshillingswasthreepennyweightfifteene
graines. And this gold calledCrownegold, wasalmost Crowne
gold.
two caractsbaserthen the former, and two caractsafter the

rate of this standard,are worth five shillings of Queene

Elizabethssilver. Lastly, she contractedwith him, that
of silver of the standard of eleven ounces two penny Silver
pieces.
weight, he should coyne shillings, halfe shillings, fourth
parts of shillings, and piecesof two pence,and of one
penny, and of halfe pence. And the shilling was foure
penny(or ninety sixegraines)waight. The sameQueene
not long before her death, reduced her silver to the
Standerdof eleven ounces,which was two-pennyweight
baser then the former in each ounce, and the Mint Office

wassaid to have gained thereby one halfepennyin each

ounce, or about five in the hundreth.

King Jamesin the yeere1604publisheda Proclamation,KingJames

wherebynew piecesof gold were to be coyned,of a Proclamatio

standard uniforme

to the standards of other Nations:

for it appeares
by the Proclamation,
that the gold coynes
of England,werenot of a just proportionbetweene
gold
andsilver,accordingto the proportionusedby all Nations,

soasthe Englishcoynesof gold,beinggiven in England

for lesse,then indeedthey wereworth, it cameto passe,
that theyweretransportedinto forraineparts,wherethey
were esteemedat higher rate; which mischiefe his

Majesticdesiredto take awayby this uniformestandard,

published in the sameProclamation ; for the better under-

standingwhereof,this followingTablewasjoynedto the

same.

King Jamesin the yeere1609,contracted

with the [I. iii. 283.]

Mint-Master,that of gold of the Standardof threeand

J35

B.
It is to be remembred,that the pound weight English, being t
C. weight of Scotlandfoure-pennyweight, and nine grainesEnglish:
everyseverallpieceof Gold and Silver Coyne,accordingto the tru
English Weight.
o

B.

N
4-"

N N N N

^3

3
en

CO
1) 4-1
f-T C Cfl
COo (J
C
'rt
5
C
(U

PL, o

Pieces of
Gold

of

xx.s.

06 10 16 18

x.s.

35080905

' v.s.

IO

'xx.s.

Ofthese
37.11.4.5.
Pieces

weight
Troy.

iiij.

jj.s.vj.d. oo 19 3702 06 06.

ij.s.v

v.s.

v.s.

19 08 IO 08

ij.s.vj.d. 09 1605 04

xij.d.
Silver

of

X.S

OI14 041212 make

a pound Goldof ' v.s.

iiij.s. 0106090810

Piecesof

of

032018OI IO

ij.s.v

Of these3.H.2.S.

xii.d

Piecesof
vi.d.
Silver of

vj.d.

OI 22 09 00 '5

make a pound

ij.d.

001509 16S

weightTroy.

j.d.

oo O?M 2002 12

i.d.

ob.

oo

ob.

f7 1001 06

ii.d.

OF

THE

MONEYS

OF

ENGLAND

1617.

twentiecaracts,
threegrainesanda halfe,he shouldcoyne

piecesof thirty shillings,calledRoseRyals; piecesof KingJamei

fifteene
shillings,
called
Spur
Ryals.
Andtheforesaid
f^"
RoseRyallwasninepennyweightandfive graines.Also
he contractedwith him, that of gold of the Standardof
two and twentie caracts, hee should coyne pieces of

twentieshillingscalledUnites; piecesof ten shillings,

called double Crownes,piecesof five shillings, called
Brittan Crownes, pieces of 4 shillings, called Thistle

crownes,and piecesof 2 shillings6 pence,calledhalfe

Brittan crownes; and lastly, that all thesepiecesshould
bee proportioned to the foresaid Table. But the first
Standardof this yeere 1609waslighter then the Standard
of the yeere 1600 by ten pencein eachAngell, and the
secondstandardof the yeere1605),waslighter in like proportion, then the second standard of the yeere 1600.
Moreover, the Goldsmiths of this time said, that of old

a wedgeof gold (or any gold uncoined)being brought

into the Mint, was coyned there for six silver shillings
in eachpound of gold, whereasat this time the Mint
exactedthirtie silver shillings for the same,whereupon
the Merchantscarriedtheir wedgesfor the most part into

Flaundersto be coyned,andfew of thembeingbrought

into England,the Goldsmithscould not procureany of
them for the exerciseof their trade, but were forced to

melt coyned gold and silver for that purpose. In the

sameyeere 1609, the King contractedwith the Mintmaster, that of silver of the standard of 11 ounces, he

shouldcoynedivers piecesabovementionedin the former

Table,accordingto the rule thereinprescribed.To conclude,Caesar

in his Commentaries,
mentionsbrassecoynes
of the Brittans,but the Kings of Englandhavenow for
manyages,castout of Englandall useof brasse
or copper
moneys,using none but coynesof gold and silver, and

thatof a pureallay.
King Jamesin like sortashedid for the Englishcoyne,Of thedivers

didalsojoyneto hisforesaid
Proclamation
theforesaid
mne^s
f
Tableof the Scottishweights,wherebythe correspon-

AD.
1617.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

dencieof the Scottishmoneyto the English,andthe just

value, weight and purenessethereof may be distinguished;to whichend I havealsoformerlyjoyned

those tables.

The Scotsalsocoynea silvermoneyof 13 pencehalfe

penny,andanotherpieceof halfethe samevalue,andboth
thesepiecesof moneyare of the samepurenes& value
with the English silver. And the Scotsof old called20
English pence,a pound,asweein Englandcall 20 silver
shillingsa pound. And in like sortthirteenepencehalfepennyEnglish, was by the Scotscalleda Marke, as in
Englandthirteeneshillingsfourepenceis socalled. Also
the Scotshaveof long time hadsmallbrasse
coynes,
which
they sayof late aretakenaway,namely,Babees,esteemed
by them of old for 6 pence,wherof 2 make an English
peny; also Placks,which they esteemedfor 4 pence,but
3 of them make an English penny; also Hard-heads,
esteemed
by themat onepennyhalfe-penny,whereofeight
make an English penny.
Of thedwers The Irish Histories report, that a Bishop, Justice of
moneys
of
Ireland under John King of England, did coynemoneys

Ireland. jn jj-gjan^of tne samepurenes

andweightwith the

English. And the Irish had a Mint-house at the beginning of QueeneElizabethsraigne. But in our memory
the Irish have not enjoyed any priviledge of coyning
moneys, but have continually received them from the
Mint of England. And for the most part of Queene
Elizabeths Raigne, they had the samecoyne with the
English, savethat the Irish shillings were stampedwith
a Harpe, the Armes of the Kingdome, and being called
Harpers, were only worth 9 penceEnglish. But civill
warre having set all Ireland in a combustion,the same
Queenemore easily to subduethe rebels,did take silver
coynefrom the Irish, somefew yeersbefore her death,
& paid her Army with a mixed base coyne, which by

Proclamation
was commanded
to beespentandreceived

for sterlingsilvermony,for nopieces

of goldwereat any
time expressely
coynedfor the Irish. And this basemixed
138

OF

THE

MONEYS

OF

IRELAND

*.D.

1617.

moneyhad3 partsof copper,

andthefourthpartof silver,
whichproportionof silverwasin somepart consumed
by the mixture,so asthe EnglishGoldsmiths
valueda
shillingthereofat no morethen2 silverpence,though
theyacknowledged
the sameto be worth2 pencehalfe
penny. At lastthecivill warrebeingappeased
immediatelybeforetheQueenes
death,KingJames
hersuccessor
in

theyeere1605to^ awaYthismixedcoine,& restoredtheir

old silver harpersto the Irish. Moreoverin the happy[I- "i- 284.]
beginningof King Jameshis Raigne,the Irish had the
underwritten old coynes,which Sir GeorgeCareyKnight,
at that time Lord Deputie, and yet continuing Treasurer
at wars for that Kingdome, did so gather up, as at this
day none of them are to be found. These coyneswere Oldcoynes

thus called; First, they had silver groats,calledbroad used

ln
facedgroates,which of old were coynedfor foure pence,
thoughsomeof them were now worth eight pence. Also
they had silver groats,calledcrosse-keele
groats,stamped
with the Popestripple Crowne,likewise coined for foure
pence,but being of more value. And thesegroatswere
either sent hither of old by the Popes,or for the honour
of them hadthis stampesetupon them. Lastly, they had
silver groatsof like value, calledDominus groats,of the
Kings of England, then called Domini (that is, Lords)

of Ireland. Also they had Rex groats,so calledof the

Kings of England,after they had the stile of Kings of
Ireland,which werecoynedfor foure pence,but by the
mixture of copperwere onely worth two pence. Also
theyhadwhitegroats,whichwerecoynedfor fourepence,
but of suchbaseallay,asnine of themweregiven for an
Englishshilling. They hadlittle brassepence,andpence

of a secondkinde,calledHarpers,beingas big as an

English shilling. They had alsobrassefarthings,called

smulkins,whereoffoure madea penny. Lastly, there
werelately foundbrassecoynesby plowingup the earth,
whosestampeshewed,
that the Bishopsof Irelandhadof TheBishops

oldthepriviledgeof coyning. And of all thesemoneysfIreland

aforesaid,
somewerecoynedat London,someat the Cynedmme
139

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1617.

FYNES

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ITINERARY

Mint, at Yorke, and some at the Mint at Bristow in

England.

Ofthedivers Beingto write of the diversmoneysof Germany,I

moneys
of

thinke fit first to set downe someLawes of the Empire

Germany.
about
coyning
of moneys.
In theDiet(orParliament)
at
Augsburg in the yeere 1551. it was decreedby the
Emperour, togetherwith the Electors,Princes,States,the
Counsellors of those that were absent, the Ambassadours,

and Substitutes;that in the greaterpiecesof coynesto

that pieceincluded,which is worth six creitzers,the Mintmasters,of a marke of Colen pure silver, should make

eight gold guldensanda halfe,with halfea creitzer(the

gold gulden being esteemedat seventiecreitzers)making

in silver ten guldens,twelve creitzersand a halfe, (the

silver gulden being esteemedat sixtie creitzers.) And
that hereafter in the sacred Empire, the under written

Pieces
of

moneyin the
sacred

Empire.

piecesof moneysshould be coyned; namely, the great

silver piece, and two halfesof the same,answering in
value to a gold gulden. Also piecesof twenty creitzers,
twelve, ten, sixe, three, and one. Also that the States,

accordingto the conditions of their Countreys, should

coyne for commonuse certainepiecesof small moneys,
with penceand halfepence. That the Rhenishguldensof
the Electors,and the guldensanswerableto them, should
be worth

seventie

two

creitzers.

And

that

all

dollers

being worth sixty six creitzers(and so half dollers)should

be admitted by the Counsellers,but for the rest, that they
should certifie the Emperor the true value of each,to

the end he might prescribehow eachcoyne,accordingto

the value made by them, should be receivedand spent
or prohibited. And lest the Empire should by fraudes
suffer losse,in the carrying out of uncoynedsilver, and
bringing in of forrainemoneys,it wasin the meanetime
decreed,that no man should carry out of the Empire
any uncoynedsilver, and that thosewho had the Regall

priviledgeof coyning,shouldnot sell the sameto any

other, but use it themselves, with this condition, that

hereafter,
of a silvermarkeof Colenweight,theyshould
140

OF

THE

MONEYS

OF

GERMANY

A.D.
1617.

maketen silverguldens,with twelvecreitzersanda halfe

(the gulden being esteemed
at sixtie creitzers),so as in
that summe there should be found a silver Marke

of the

said weight, exceptingalwaiesthe chargesof coyning

for the smallerpiecesof moneys. And this to bee done

upon penaltieof losing that priviledge. Moreover,it Abasing

wasdecreed,that upon paine of burning, all men should cynetabstainefrom clipping, and washing of coynes,or any

abasing
of themwith like fraudes. Lastly,it wasdecreed,
that the Stateshavingthe priviledgeof coyning,should
not hereafter,upon penaltie, bring any dollers, guldens,

groshes,
or halfe,or fourth partsof groshesto the mint,
exceptingthosewho had mines of their owne,who were

not forbiddento coyneas muchgold and silver as they

had in their owne mines,so they coynedaccordingto the
foresaiddecree; and that no other shouldcoineany other
gold, then accordingto the value and weight used by the
Emperor,and the Princesof the Empire upon the Rheine. [I- i-285.]
In the Dieta at Spyre,in the yeere 1557, it wasdecreed,
that hereafterthe stipends should be increasedto the
Assessorsof the Imperiall Chamber, so as a Gulden

havingbeenegivenhithertofor 16.Batzen,or sixty foure

Creitzers,should hereafterbe paied from the Callendsof
Aprill, in the yeere 1558, for seventysevenCreitzers.
Likewise in the Dieta at Augsburg, in the yeer 1558, Stipends

it wasdecreed,
that the followingstipendsshouldbe paid decreed
bythe
toi the
Judgei and
Assessors
of that
chamber.
Namely, that -Augsburg,
!et f
T j
"
T-I
T
1111
the Judge, being an iiarle, or Baron, should have 2000. A<D>

guldens,and if he were a Prince, his stipend should be

increased. That an Assessorbeing an Earle or Lord,
should have sevenhundred guldens,a Doctor licentiate,
or a gentleman,should have five hundred Guldens, an

Advocatein Exchequer
causes,
shouldhavethreehundred
guldens,eachGuldenbeingesteemed
at sixteenebatzen,
till agreement
weremadefor equallmonyin the Empire.
The Princes and divers States,and free Cities, have from

old timesby the gifts of Emperours,the priviledgesof

coyning. The Electors and Princes of Austria, doe
141

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1617.

stampetheir Coynesupon one side with their owne

Image, having the imperiall apple over their heads,
and upon the other side with their owne armes:

but the Coynesof other Princesand free Cities, are

stampedwith the ImperiallEagle. The Coynesthat are
not of just value,areprohibitedby ImperiallEdicts,but
the greatestgainewhichthe PrincesandCities makeby
Priviledges
of their Priviledge, is by the coyningof smalbrassepeeces,
coynmg. which peecesare not of any value out of the Territory
where they are coyned, and cannot be spent upon the
confineswithout losse. As thesepriviledgesof Coyning
are derived from the Emperours,so were they subjectto
the Emperours censure, while their power was yet
unbroken. For I find these words, under the Emperours

name, in the abstract of the Imperiall lawes, (vulgarly

called Reichs Abscheydt.) Let every one which hath

the priviledge of coyning,sendtheir Counsellersto me at

Nurnberg, &c. In the meanetime let coyningceasein all
places,upon penalty of losing that priviledge. In the

Impenall sameBookeby an imperiallEdict, with the consentof

the Princesand States,in the yeere 1559, the weightsand
stampesof all Coynesare prescribed,and it is decreed,
that none should coynemore small moneysthen for the
necessityof their Subjects,and that thesemoneysincreasing, they shouldpresentlybe forbiddento coyneany more.
By like Edicts divers Coynesare either decriedfor the

value,or altogethertakenaway,and the bringing in of

forrainemoneys,
andtransportingtheCoynesof Germany,
are for the time forbidden. OtherwiseeachPrincemay
convert forrainemoneysinto the Coynesof Germanyfor

the use of his subjects. The transportingof uncoyned

Gold or Silver into the Low-Countreysis there forbidden
for the time. Great punishmentsare decreedtherein,to
be inflicted on those,that use fraudsto abasethe Coynes.
Likewise it is decreed, that Gold-smiths should not use

any coyned moneysin the exerciseof their Art, except

uncoynedwedgeswere not to be had, in which casethey

are restrainedto melt no more coyne then necessity

142

OF

THE

MONEYS

OF

GERMANY

A.D.
1617.

requires.Lastly,thereindecrees
aremade,that for the
time noneshouldsell or lay to gagetheir priviledgeof

coyning,andthat hereafter
like priviledgeshouldnot be
grantedto any,withoutbeingsubjectto the prescribed

lawes,andthat a silvermarkeshouldbeworth foureteene

halfeounces,(whichweight the Germanscall Loth, being Loth.
halfean ounce); andthat Gold-smythsoffendingherein,
shouldbe punished,accordingto the qualityof the fraud.
Now I will set downe the divers moneysof Germany,

with the severall values of them.

And first I will

fore-

warnethe Reader,that most reckoningsof Germanyare

made by common silver guldens, yet is there no such
coyne in the Empire ; and theseGuldens are esteemed
at fifteenebatzen in Germany,neere the value of three
shillings foure pence English. Also that in reckoning
of payments,the Germansuse to make them by markes
of Colenand Lubecke, yet is there no suchmoney at all
coyned. Now I returne to the purpose. The Gold
RhenishGuldens of Germany,are almost of the same Generally.
standardwith the Crowne Gold of England: but the
differenceof the valueshallhereafterappeare. The Gold
Ducketof Hungary, is of the purestgold of twenty foure
Caracts,and it is tv/o penny weight and sixe graines,(for
I will apply all values to the English Coynes); and in [I . 286.]

Englandthey are worth sevenshillingsand two pence.

The silverDoller of the Empire(calledReichsDoller) is
of the standard of ten ounces or thereabouts, and is

eighteene
pennyweightsixteene
graines. And at this time
in Englanda Dolleris worthfoureshillingsandfive pence,
which of late, beforethe reducingof our money,was
givenfor foureshillingsfourepence. The PhillipsDoller,
is of the standardof nine ouncesten pennyweight,and
it is an ouncehalfequarterweight, & at this time in
Englandit was worth foure shillings ten pence.
At Stoade,Hamburg,andLubecke,the Gold RhenishAtStoa^

Gulden
waswortheightandtwentysilverMisenGrosh,thoseParts
and a halfe, and a fourth part of a Grosh. And the

ImperiallDoller was worth foure and twenty Grosh.

143

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ITINERARY

1617.

The sameRhenishgold Gulden,wasworthsixeandthirty

Lubeckeshillingsand a halfe,and the Imperiall Doller
wasworth threeand thirty Lubeckeshillings,thoughin
all reckoningsit were accountedbut two and thirty
shillings. A commonsilverGuldenwasworth eightand
twenty Lubeckeshillings. A FrenchCrowneof Gold
wasworth foureand forty. An English Angell of Gold
was worth two Dollers, with the fourth part of a Doller
and two Lubecke shillings, (or otherwise it was worth

twelveFlemmishShillings,andfoureLubeckeshillings.)
SevenLubeckeshillingsand a halfe,madean English
Shilling sterling, and sixe Lubecke shillings made a
Flemmish Shilling, and likewise a shilling of Hamburg.
At Hamburg.
The Hamburgerscoyneda peeceof Gold calleda Portegue, which was worth foure poundsand eight shillings
of Hamburg, or three and thirty Markes of Lubecke, (a
Marke being esteemedfor two shillings eight penceof
Hamburg). At Stoade the silver shilling of England
was worth seven stivers, and the Groates of England,
being of the samestandard,yet were currant for two
stivers and a halfe, becausesevenstivers in that money
could not be divided into three equalparts. Whereupon
it fell out, that he who bought any thing for an Hamburg
penny, if he paiedthree English groats, had an English
shilling given him backe,and so had the thing bought
At Emden.for nothing. At Emden upon the confinesof the Empire
and the Low-Countreys, a silver Gulden of Emden was

worth twenty stivers, an Imperiall Doller five and forty

(which sincethat time is worth sevenand forty) a Doller
of Emden wasworth thirty stivers,(for Princesand Cities
coynegold and silver Guldens,which often in their value
differ from the Imperiall, as likewise Dollers in specie,
(that is, kind) differ in value from Dollers, as they are
esteemedin contracts),a Frenchcrownewas worth three
At Breme,

Oldenburg,

Flemmish

Guldens

and sixe stivers.

Now

sixe stivers

(as also sixe Lubecke shillings) make one Flemmish

andthose shilling. At Breme and Oldenburg,they have these

parts.
smallmoneyscurrant,namely,Groates,andpeeces
(of the
144

OF

THE

MONEYS

OF

GERMANY

A.D.

1617.

stampe)calledCopstucks,and a Doller was there worth

fourecopstucksanda halfe,or five andfifty Groats. A

French crown was worth six Copstucks,and one Copstucke was worth ten stivers, or twelve groats or there
abouts. A Groat wasworth little more then an English

penny. A Seslingwasworth halfea Lubeckeshilling,

and they have also halfe Seslingsin theseparts. At

Brunswicke a Doller was worth six and thirty Maria At

Brunswicke.
Grosh, which are of equall value with foure and twenty
silver Misen Grosh, and also nine Maria Grosh, make

eight Lubeckeshillings. The sameDoller was worth

eighteenespitz-groshen,whereof eachwas worth two
Maria Groshen. Here also I changedsixe Dollers into
five RhenishGold Guldensand nine Grosh. At Magdeburg, Leipzig, Misen, and in all the Electorateof Saxony, At Misen
and

and in the NeighbourTerritories,to the confinesof those

parts.
Bohemia,a Doller was worth foure and twenty silver
Groshen,which are as much worth as eighteenespitzgroshen,or as sixe and thirty Maria Groshen. A Rhenish

Gold Gulden wasworth sevenand twenty silver Groshen,

and the silver Phillips Doller, was of the samevalue. A
commonsilver Gulden was esteemedat one and twenty

silver Groshen,a FrenchCrowneat three and thirty, a

Spanishpistolet at two and thirty, an halfe Milreise at

sixe and thirty, the short and long Crusado,at five

and thirty, the Hungarian Ducket at thirty silver
Groshen.

The

Rose

Noble

was

esteemed

at

three

Dollers and a halfe, the English Angell at two

Dollers,andlittle morethen an Ort, or fourth part of a
Doller.

And

the silver

Grosh is worth

more then two

pence,lessethen 2. pencehalfepenny
English. And for
the small Coynes,a Grosh was worth foure drier, & one

drier wasworthtwo Dreyhellers,andoneDreyhellerwas [I. iii. 287.]

worth a pfenninganda halfe,and twelvepfenningmade
a Grosh,and two schwerdgroshen
madeoneschneberger.
In general!,throughall the upper partsof Germany,a In upper
dollerwasesteemed
at eighteenebatzen,a silver Gulden Germany.
at fifteene,a Phillips doller at twenty,a RhenishGold
M. II

145

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ITINERARY

1617.

Guldenat twenty,a FrenchCrowneat foureandtwenty

and a halfe, a Gold Crowneof Italy was esteemed
at

Heidelberg
andat Strassburg
at foureandtwentybatzen,

at Augsburga silverItalianCrowneat two and twenty

batzenanda halfe. And the silver Groshof Misen being

carriedout, & currantin all Germany,a Rhenishgold

GuldenthroughhigherGermanywasworth sevenand
twentysilverMisenGrosh,a silverGuldenthere(asin
Saxony)wasesteemed
at oneand twentyGrosh. The

Batz is worth threeEnglish pence,and foure Creitzers

makea Batz, foure pfenningmakea Creitzer,and three
Creitzers make a Zwelver, and twenty zwelvers make
fifteen batzen, which is a common silver Gulden.

In allPrinces More particularlyknow,that in all PrincesTerritories,

Territories.new and divers small moneysare found. At Nurnberg
eight pfund (that is, Pounds)with twelve pfenning,make
a silver Gulden, thirty pfenning make one pfund, two
haller make one pfenning, five pfening make one finfer,
seven pfening make a Maria Grosh, thirty six Maria
Groshmakea silver gulden. In Austria two haller make
one pfening,foure pfeningone creitzer,sevenCreitzersand
a halfemakea shilling,eight shillingsmakea silverGulden.

At Augsburgsevenhallermakeonecreitzer,eightpfening
makeoneBemish,threeCreitzersmakeoneplappart,twenty

plappart(asalsosixeand twentyBemishwith 2 pfening)

makea silverGulden. In Franconia,
sixpfening(whereof
twelve makenine pfening of Misen) makeone gnack.
In Sueviaand Bavaria towards the Rheine, three Creitzers

makeone shilling, or one plappart,and twenty plappart

make a silver gulden. At Lindaw, and from thenceto
Costnetz, three pfening of Costnetz make one creitzer,
twelve pfening make a batzen, and there be also halfe

batzen. From thenceto Basil, thesemoneysare spent

beforenamed. At Strasburg
andSpira,fourepfeningof

the Phaltz,(that is, Palatinate)makeoneCreitzer,andat

Heydelberg,
andso to Francfort,two Strasburg
pfening,
make one Creitzer. At Francfort sevenand twenty

weispfening
makea silverGulden,
andeighthallermake
146

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THE

MONEYS

OF

GERMANY

A.D.
1617.

a weispfening.At Wien (that is, Vienna)andupon the

confines
of Hungary,fourepfeningmakea creitzer,thirty
pfening(or sevencreitzersand a halfe,)makea shilling,
and one shilling makes a pfund (or pound).

Alwaies let the Reader understand, that the value of In generali.

thesemoneyesis subjectto change,in diversProvinces,

and more at divers times.

And let him know, that an

Imperiall Doller is now in Germany worth nineteene

batzen,which at my being there was given for eighteene
batzen; and that a Phillips doller is now worth twenty
two batzen,which then was given for twenty, and that
a Rhenish Gold Gulden is now worth three and twenty

batzen,which then wasgiven for twenty. Likewise that

in the Territory of the Elector of Saxony,a doller is now
worth sixe and twenty Misen Grosh and a halfe, which
thenwasgiven for foure and twenty. Also that the great
Coynesof Germany,are now worth more in England,
then they were at that time, in respectof our silver somewhat debased. And if any object, that our English
coynes of silver are now worth more in the LowCountreys, then they were at that time when they were

morepure, let him know, that all great Coynes,aswell of

silver as Gold, as well forraine as domesticall, have since

that time beeneincreasedin value in the Low Countreys;

yet he that will changean English Angell into dollers,

or greatsilver Coynesin the Low-Countreys,

shallgaine
no moreat this time then formerly, sincenow they esteeme

a dollerat sevenshillingssixepence,whichformerlywas
given for five shillingsfoure pence,and all the gayne
which this raising of the Coynesseemesto promisea
passenger,
is by changinghis great Coynesinto stivers
and smallbrassemoneys,whichbeing of noneor small
value in themselves,are despisedby Merchants,who are

to receivegreat summes. But I will referrethe change

of the value of Coynesin the Low-Countries,to the

properplace,andreturneto thevalueof Coynes,

increased
in Germany: Wherein no man is to wonder, that the

greatCoynesstill remainingof the old standard,yet are [I. iii. 288.]

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1617.

givenfor moreof their ownesmallmoneys,thenformerly

they were, since divers reasonstherof may be readily

brought. Either for that the Merchants,

beingto receive
great summes,desirerather with losseto receivegreat
Coynes,then with gaineto receivethe base,and brasse
Coynes. Or perhapsfor that the small Coynesare now

either more abased,or altogethermadeof brasse: And

most of all, for that forraine Merchants doe more carry

out the moneys of Germany for their wares, then any

native commodities thereof, so as the increasedvalue of

Coynesin Germany,turnesonely to the losseof strangers,

and to the gaineof the Empire.

Divers
moneysBohemianow long subjectto the Family of Austria,
ofBohemia.
havinglong held the dignity of Emperours,doth admit
all the great Coynesof Germany,in the samevalue as
the Germans held them.

And as well the Bohemians,

as the Hungarians,in the yeere 1551 gave consent,that

thenceforwardtheir moneysshould be made agreeableto
those of the Empire, in weight, matter, and value.
Touching 'the small moneysin Bohemia,and upon the
confinesof Hungary and Poland, I rememberthat three
potschandelsor pochanelsmade one creitzer, and nine

creitzerswith a pochanellmadefoure weissgrosh,

and
that thirty Grosh of Moravia (or weissgrosh)made a
doller. And that in Bohemiathey had a kind of Grosh,
which answeredin value to the Groshof Polonia. Lastly,
that Merchantsreckonedtwo hallersfor a pfenning, and

six pfenningfor a grosh,andsixty groshfor a shocke,and

forty groshfor a marke.
Divers

The Common-wealthof the Sweitzersconsistingof

moneyes
of diversCitiesandVillages,
and
Territories,
dothalsoadmit
Stveitzer/ana. j<-i-.i
-i ,
r /~,
divers moneys. The pnviledge or Coyning is granted

in common to Zurech, Basil, and Schaphusen,

and each

of theseCities hath his peculiarmynt, with Officersto

overseethat the moneysstampedwith the markesof the

Basil.

Cities, be of just weight, and due mixture: but each

of theseCities hath their peculiarmoneys. They of
Basil, with the Neighbourtownesof Alsetz,doe coyne
148

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THE

MONEYS

OF

SWITZERLAND

A.D.
1617.

a peeceof money,whichof a Crow stampeduponit, is

calledRappenMuntz, whereoffive and twenty pound
Troy weight, (calledin Latin, Assis)make a common

goldgulden,esteemed
at sixtycreitzers.Theyof Schap-Schaphuse
husen,doecoynemoneyof the samemixture andvalue,

togetherwith theusuallmoneyof theEmpire. Theyof

Zurech coynedollersand halfe dollers,after the value Zurech.

of thosein the Empire; but they havea lessemoneyof
their owne,whereof forty poundsTroy weight, (calledin
Latin Assis) make a common gold Gulden. They also

coyneBatzen,whereof sixteenemake a gold Gulden.

More particularly to explanethe value of thesemoneys:
Six Rappenof Basil, make a plappart or three creitzers,
and twenty plappart or sixty creitzers,make a common
Gulden. And as I formerly said in the discourseof
Germanmoneys,from Lindaw to Costnetz,threepfenning
of

Costnez

make

a Creitzer.

Now

adde

that

the

moneyof Schaphusen
and Costnetzis spentto the confines
of Schaphusen,
and the money of Basil is spent from
thenceto Basil. At Zurechsixepfenningmakea shilling,
(worth a penny English), and three pfenning make a
Sicherling. Two great finfers of Basil, and one little
finferlin, make a batz of Basil, and in like sort five finferlin
make a batz, and five finfers make two batzen, and these

moneys are spent to Strassburg,and so to Spire in

Germany. Bern,Friburg,andSolothurn,havea peculiarPeculiar

money,whereoftwo and forty poundsTroy weight (in mney
f
Latin Assis)and twice foure ounces(in Latin Trientes) "'
makea gold Gulden. Besidesthey (and especiallythose

of Solothurn,in great quantity)coynea peeceof mony,

which the Sweitzerscall Dickenpfenning,& the French
call Testoone,but it is lesseworth by the tenth part
then the Testoone of France.

Those of Bern did first

coyneBatzen,socalledof a Beare,the Armesof the City,

(forthe wordsBaren,andalsobatzen,signifieBeares
in
theSweitzers
tongue),andtheCitiesof Suevia,
imitating

them,drew the samemoneyand word into Germany.

At Bernsixteene
batzenareesteemed
for a rhenishgold
149

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ITINERARY

1617.

Gulden. The moneyof Lucerna,

is like to thatof Basil,
but onelysixeounces
Troy weightmorebase,andfifty

of thesemoneysmakea Rhenishgold Gulden. As the

Frenchgold is spentwith gainein Sweitzerland,

so in

all placesupontheseconfinesof Francethe Frenchsilver

Coynescalled Francks,are commonlyspent. In the
Cantonsdwelling scatteredin Villages, (namely, the
[I. iii. 289.]Sweitz, those of Undervald, the Tugians, those of
Glarona,and Abbatiscella),a pound is a doller. In
Rhaetia(or the Grisons)the Bishopand the Citizensof
Chur.

Chur coynemoney,and the Abbot of Disent hath an old

priviledgeof coyning. And heresixty creitzersmakea

common gulden, foure Angster make a Creitzer, and
twelve Angster make a Behmisch. But in this Province
confining upon the State of Venice, the Lires or Berlingots, and the gagetsof Venice,are vulgarly spent,and I
remember that when I came out of the state of Venice into

this Province, I spent Crownesof Italy; and I find in

my notes, that at LasagnaI changeda silver crowne for
eight and twenty batzen:

but since seven batzen of

Germanymake two lires of Venice, and a gold crowne

of Italy, is theregiven for eight lires ; I thinke that either
it was a gold crowne that I changed,or that the batzen

of this Provinceareof lessevaluethenthoseof Germany.

For a gold crowneof Italy, and the French crowne are

both of a value,and I saidbefore,that at Strassburg

I
changedeachof theseCrownesfor foure and twenty
batzen: yet to the contraryI find, that passingforward

in this Territoryof the Grisons,I exchanged

at Lanzia

silver crowneof Italy for sevenand twenty batzen,and

that

three

batzen

were there

esteemed at foureteene

creitzers,which in Germanyare onely worth twelve

creitzers. So as I am doubtfull, and cannot determine

the valueof the Italian coynes,in the smallmoneysof

the Grisons.

Coynes
fftheAugsburg,
Intheforesaid
Imperiall
Dieta
(orParliament)
held
at
Loto.
in the yeere1551.thesewordsareaddedto
Countreys.the Imperiall Edict. We wil that this our Edict shallbe

OF

THE

LOW-COUNTREYS'

MONEY

A.D.
1617.

propoundedto our Hereditary States of the LowCountreys,and we will take carethat they apply themselvesthereunto,as much as they possiblycan. The
Statesof theLow-Countreys,
coynediverspeeces
of gold,
asArchiducallAngelsand Crownes. And the Angell is
of the standardof twenty two Caracts,and of three penny

weight sevengraines. Also they coynegold Lyons,

called Riders, whereof each is worth foure Flemmish
Guldens and a halfe.

The Noble of Gant, is of the same Gant.

standardwith the French Crowne,and in England it is

worth thirteene shillings foure pence. They spend
commonlyPhillips dollers, the value whereof I have set
downewith the moneysof Germany. To conclude,they
coyneany peece,of which they can makegayne,yea, the
Merchantsreport, that they coyne the great moneysof Hollanders

Spaine,
England,and all Dominions,stamped
with the 5^ tn
sameImage and Armes, and for such utter the samein
their trafficke with the Indians. But they coyne little
gold or silver of their owne, having a singular Art to
draw all forraine coyneswhen they want them, by raising
the value, and in like sort to put them away,when they

havegot abundance
therof, by decryingthe value. And
whentheir Exchequeraboundethwith any money,& they
are to pay their Army, then they increase the value

thereof; but having aboundanceof the samecoyne,and

being to receivetheir revenues,then they decrythe value
thereof. And while they thus raise the value of forraine
great coynes,in their small moneys,it fals out, that they
have plenty of gold and silver, with the onely losseof
basestiversand brassemoneys. And indeed,as well the

art, as industryof this Nation, hath in our agebecome

wonderfullto all otherNations. For theyhavenowoods,
yet by the commodityof their rivers and ditches,they are

becometerribleto their enemiesin the strengthof their

Navy. They havenot corne to sufficetheir ownewants,
yet by fetching it from other parts, they relieve therewith

all Nationsthat want corne. Of late,whenthey hadno

skill in trafficke,the Italians trading at Antwerp, did

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ITINERARY

rashlytake their childrento write their letters,and be

their cashiers,and they too late complaine,that when

thesechildrengrewto age,theydid not onelytakeall

forraine trafficke from them, and send them backe into

Italy, but alsofollowedthemthither,andliving dispersed

throughall the Citiesof Italy, andspendingat a low rate,
did also draw all that trafficke

to themselves.

In like

sort they haveno minesof gold and silver,yet by their

singularwit, and rare industry, doe aboundboth with
gold andsilver. To conclude,astheyaremostpracticall

in all kinds of businesse,so are they most subtile in the

art of the mynt, and moneymatters. But I will returne
to the moneysof the Low-Countreys. At this day the
English Angell being esteemedat five Flemmishguldens
and two blancks,two English Angels(or twenty shillings)
[I. iii. 290.] are there worth foure and thirtie Flemish shillings, wanting 2 stivers,and a hundreth poundsFlemish makesixty
English poundssterling. Two English shillingsare three
shillings foure penceFlemish,and make a Flemish silver
gulden, twentie Flemish shillings makea Flemish pound,
twentie stivers makea Flemish gulden, sixe stivers make
a Flemish shilling, two blancksmake one Flemish stiver
and a halfe, foure orkees(or doights) of brassemake a

Flemishstiver. A Frenchcrownewas given for three

Flemish guldens, and foure stivers: (but in Holland
onely three stivers, and in someplacesbut two stivers

morethenthreeguldens.) An Imperialldollerwasgiven
for fortie five stivers,a Spanishpistoletfor threeflemish

guldens,andtwo or threestivers,a gold Rhenishgulden

for two Flemishguldensand nine stivers,anda Phillips

dollerof silverfor twoFlemishguldens

andeightstivers,
or very little more.
Of thedivers

The marke of Denmarke was esteemed at 16 Lubeck

moneys
of shillings,andtwo shillingsof DenmarkmadeoneLubeck
shilling,and thirtie threeLubeckshillingsweregiven
for an ImperiallDoller, yet two andthirtie of Lubeck,or
sixtie foureshillingsof Denmarkmadea commonDoller

in contracts.The goldof Englandwascommonly

spent

OF

THE

MONEYS

OF

DENMARK

A.D.
1617.

in Denmark,and they esteemedan English Angell at

two Dollers, and little more then the fourth part of a

Doller; and theyesteemed

the EnglishRoseNobleof

that time at three Dollers and a halfe, which coynethey

had almost drawnealtogetherinto Denmark, by the

exacting
thesame
for thetributesof ship-masts,
andother

Merchandizes,
passingthe narrowstraightof their Sea.
The Polonianscoynegold Ducketsof the samevalue of thedivers
with the Hungarian Duckets (whereof I have spoken moneys
of

amongthe moneys
of Germany),
andtheseDucketsat Polandthis day are given for seventyPolish grosh, which of

late were worth

no more then sixtie five.

Venceslaus

King of BohemiawascrownedKing of Polandaboutthe

yeere 1300, who first brought silver money into Poland,
namely,Bohemiangroshen(I meanethoseof silver, not
the white grosh),which to this day arecurrant in Crakaw,
and thoseparts. For before that time the Poloniansdid
traffick with little pieces of uncoined silver, and with
exchangeof skins and other commodities. At this day
the Polonians, aswell as the Germans, make all contracts

by silver guldens, but have no such coyne stamped.

Thirty Polish grosh make a silver gulden, and a doller
at this day is worth fortie Polish grosh,at the least,which

not long sincewasworth no morethen thirtie five grosh,

but to this dayin contractsthirtie sixePolishgroshmake
a doller,howsoever
a dollerin specie(that is, in kinde)be
worth fortie grosh at the least. Three Pochanelsmake
a Creitzer, and seven pochanelsmake a Polish and

Bohemiangroshenof silver. At Danskein Prussia(of

old a Provinceof Germany,but lately annexedto the
Crowneof Poland) they coyne Hungarian dukets of
gold (as they doein Poland),and they havetwo coynes
of gold, calledMilreis, andhalfe Milreis. And I received

of a Merchantthere,eachHungarianducket,and each

halfemilreis,for a dolleranda halfewith onesesling,

andeachmilreisfor threedollersandtwo seslings.And
thirtie sixePolishgroshdid theremakea doller. But I
remember,
that I did therechangean Hungarianducket

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1617.

for fiftie sixe Poloniangrosh, which value passeththe

formerabouta groshand a halfe. For a seslingof

Hamburgmakesa Danishshilling,andthatis little more

worth thena halfePolishgrosh. The MuscovitesEmpire

lyesuponthis Province,andthereforeI will addea word
of their coynes. They makeall contractsby a money

calledRubble,whichis altogetherimaginarie,for they

haveno suchcoyne,and it is esteemed

in Englandat
thirteene shillings foure pence sterling, and in the
Muscovitesmoney,it is ratedat thirtie threealtinesand
two Diagoes. And sixe singleor three doublediagoes
make one altine.

Of thedivers The Italian Crowneof gold, and the Spanishpistolet,

moneys
of anddoublepistolet(beingtherecurrent),are of the same
Italy.

Ingeneral!.
standard,
allay,andvalue,
withtheaftermentioned
French
Crowne, save that the double pistolet containes two
French Crownes.

The Venetian

zecchine is of the same

standard,finenesse,and value as the Hungarian ducket,

abovementionedin the moneysof Germany. The Popes

giulii of silver,andso likewisethe poali,areof the same

standardfinenesseand value with the English sixe pence,
but the lire of Venice being worth about nine pence
[I. iii. 291]. English, is of a little baserstandard. The Spanishcoynes
of silver are currant in Italy, and they are called Pezzi
d' otto, piecesor rials of eight, and they be of the standard

of 11ouncesandtwopennyweight,andarethreequarters
of an ounceanda halfeweight,andin Englandeachof
themis worth foure shillingsfoure pencehalf peny,this

Spanishmony beingtwo and twentiepencein eachtwentie

shillings English, more worth then the English silver.
All Crownesof gold are currant in Italy, and all at one
rate, exceptingthe FrenchCrownes,which at Veniceand

Naplesareesteemed
somewhat
higherthenother,though
in all the other Cities of Italy, it is more commodious
to spend Spanish pistolets or crownes, then French

crownes. In generall, the Italian silver crowne, given

for sevenlires of Venice,is worthalmostfive shillings

English,and the Italian gold crownevulgarly calleddj

OF

THE

MONEYS

OF

ITALY

A.D.
1617.

oro, given for sevenlires, and aboutfifteenesols of

Venice,is worth almostfive shillingssixepenceEnglish,

andthegoldcrowne,
vulgarlycalledd' oroin orodelsole,
givenfor eightlires,and someoddesolsof Venice,is
currantin Englandfor sixe shillings. To conclude,
greatersummes
paidin little brasse
moneys,
arein Italy

deliveredby weight,not by tale or number. And more

particularlyto explainethe valuesof moneys. At VeniceAt Venice.
a zechine of Venice is given for ten lires, and ten or
twelve sometimes
moresols. A doublepistolet of Spaine,
called Dublon', is there given for seventeenelires. A
French crowne is given for eight lires, and eight, or
sometimesten sols. An Italian crowneof gold is there

given for eight lires, and somefor sevenlires sixteene

sols(for the weight of Venicebeing heavierthen in other

partsof Italy, the light crownes

arelesseesteemed.)The
Spanishpiastre of silver is given for sixe lires, the silver
ducket for sixe lires and foure sols, the silver crowne for

sevenlires, the justino for two lires, the mutsenigofor a

lire, and foure sols. Besides, the Venetians have silver

piecesof 4 lires, of eight soldi (or sols), and of sixe

soldi, and a pieceof two soldi calledGagetta,which are
of a baser standard. Touching the brasse moneys,
twentie soldi make a lire, two soldi or three susinesmake

a gagetta,two betsi or three quatrines,make a soldo or

marketta,and foure bagatinesmakea quatrine. In the

Dukedomeof Ferrara,the silver crowneis spentfor seven At Ferrara.
lires of Venice,and in the moneyof the Dukedometwelve
bolignei make a Venetian lire, three susines make a

boligneo,andtwo boligneimakeoneamoray,sevenmake
one Saint Georgio, foure make one cavalot,foure and a

halfemakeoneberlingasso,
nineteene
makeonecarli,and
ten boligneimakeone bianco,and two brassequatrines
makea susine,sixemakea boligneo,sevenmakea gagetta
of Venice. At Bologna,a silver crowneis given for ten At Bologna.
poali,and a Frenchcrowneof just weight for thirteene
poali. The poalo,andthe giulio in other partsof Italy

areboth of onevalue,but herethe giulio is givenfor

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1617.

sixe bolignei, and foure brassequatrines,or for fortie

brassquatrines,and the poalois given for eight bolignei,
or for fortie eight brasse quatrines. Also hee that

changeth any crowne, shal have more gaine, if

he change it into bolignei (which are good for
expences there), then if he change it into poali
(becausethe poali are currant in other parts, but
the bolignei onely in the territory of Bologna.) At
At Pesara. Pesaro,and in the Dukedomeof Urbino, a gold crowneis
spentfor twelve poali, and fifty two brassequatrinesmake
a poalo: but if you will changeyour gold crowne into
brasse quatrines, which are not current out of the
Territory, you may have 182 quatrinesfor the crowne,
which makefifteenepoali, which is a fifth part more then
it is worth in silver.

At Ancona, and in the Marca of

At Ancona.Ancona, a gold crowne is given for eleven poali and a

half, or to the value of twelve poali, if you receiveit in
brassequatrines,and therefortie quatrinesof brassemake
a giulio, fortie three make a poalo. A silver crowne is

given for ten poali, and if you receivebrassequatrines

for poali, they will give sevenbaoccimore, and ten baocci
At Rome. make a poalo. At Rome a gold crowne is sometimes
given for eleven poali and a halfe, somtimesfor twelve,
sometimes for twelve and a halfe,* according:
to the abundO

anceand want of gold, and all gold crownesare of one

value. And a silver crowne is given for ten poali or
giulii, and ten baoccimakeone giulio or poalo,and foure
brassequatrinesmakea baocco. Lastly, at Rome more
then any other where, he that changethcrownesinto
quatrines,which cannotbe spent out of that State,shal

in appearance
makegreatgaine: but in the Marketthose
[I. iii. 292.]whichsell, useto lookeinto the buyershands,andif he
havequatrinestherein,they hold the thing to be soldat a
higherrate, if he bring silver,they sell cheaper.And I
remember,that the Gentlemenof Romerefusingto take
quatrinesfor their rents,the people,whenthe Popecame
abroad,falling on their kneesbeforehim, in steadof
asking his blessing,did with humblecriescravea remedie
156

OF

THE

MONEYS

OF

ITALY

A.D.

1617.

for that oppression. At Naples a gold Spanishcrowne, At Naples.

or a Frenchcrowneof just weight,wasgivenfor thirteene

carlini, an Italian gold crowne for twelve carlini and a
halfe, a silver crowne for tenne carlini, and nine carlini

make eight reali, or giuli, or poali, and five carlini make

oneparaque,and fortie brassequatrinesmakeone carlino,
ten quatrinesmakeone sequin,threequatrinesone turnas,
& two cavali make one quatrine. In the Dukedome of
Florence, a gold crowne is given for twelve giulii (or AtFiorenza.
reali, or poali, for they beeall of one value) and for halfe
a giulio more. And a silver crownecalledPiastre (which
is most commodiousto bee carried for expencesin all
Italy, and especiallyhere) wasgiven for ten giulii and a
halfe. Touching smallermonys, ten brassedenersmake
a quatrine, three brasse quatrines make a soldo, five
quatrinesmakea baello(or creitzer,which is a little coyne
of silver), and eight baelli makea giulio or carlino, and

fortiegiulii maketwentieshillingssterlingEnglish. At
Genuaand in Liguria, gold crowneof just weight (aswell / Liguria.
Spanish,as French,Venetian,Florentine,Neapolitan,and
that of Genoa) is given for foure lires and a halfe of
Genoa. A silver crowne there called ducaton, is given
for three lires of Genoa,fifteene soldi or bolinei, and some-

what more. And a chanfron of Naples for one and

thirtie soldi. Fifteene lires of Genoa make twenty
shillings sterling English, twentie soldi or bolinei of
Genoa make a lire of Genoa, and twelve soldi of Genoa

make a lire of Venice, seven soldi and a halfe of Genoa

makea reale,foure soldi makea cavalotto,sixe quatrines

makea soldo,or bolineo,and two denersmakea quatrine.
Also at Genoathey coyne a silver piece of eight reali,
which is given for threelires andone or two soldi. Likewise they coyne a piece of foure reali, and another of
two reali. Also they coyne silver pieces,of one, two,
and foure lires, and a silver pieceof ten soldi or bolinei.
Lastly, they coyne brassepieces of foure soldi, called
cavalotto,of one soldo or bolineo, of eight deners,of
foure deners,and of one denere. In the Dukedome of

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At Milano.Milan, a gold crowneof Italy beingof just weight,is

given for one hundredtwentieone soldi. A Spanish
dublonof just weight,is given for two hundredand
sixty soldi,and moresometimes.A dublonof Milan
for two hundredand fiftie soldi, a light gold crownefor

one hundred and seventeenesoldi, a silver crowne called

ducaton

for one hundred

and foureteene

soldi.

And

twentie soldi make a lire, two lires of Genoa make about

three lires of Milan, foure brassequatrinesmakea soldo,

nine soldi make a bianco, ten quatrinesmake one par-

poyolle,forty quatrinesmakea terso. My selfeat Milan

changeda gold crownetor sixe lires and sixe soldi, and
at Marignano,hiring a horsefor sixelires, andgiving a
In Piemont.
gold crowne,I receivedbackeeight soldi. In Piemont,
a Frenchcrowneis given for ten florines somewhatmore,
a silver crowne for eight florines. And twelve grossi
makea florine, foure quatrini make a grosso,foure soldi
make a bianco, sevenquatrinesmake a soldo, sixe soldi
and sixequatrinesmakea florino, twelve quatrini makea
cavalotto, and foure cavalotti make a florino.

Lastly, in

At Mantua,
the Dukedomeof Mantua, a zecchineof Veniceis given
for eight lires and twelve soldi, a gold crowneof Mantua
for seven lires, a silver crowne for sixe lires and foure
soldi. Foure trantis make a soldo, two soldi make a
parpayollo, sixe soldi make a Barbarino, ten soldi and a

halfe make a giulio, twelve soldi and a halfe make a

Spanishriall, 2o soldi make a lire, 2 trantis make a susine,
and 3 deners of Mantua make a trantis.

Thedivers The greatTurke coynesa pieceof goldcalledSultanon',

moneys
of and it is of the samestandard,finenesse,and value with

Turkey.the Hungarian
ducket,
abovementioned
among
the
moneysof Germany. In Affrick, thoseof Barbaryhave
a gold Ducat, commonlycurrentamongChristians,which
is so rare in Turkey, as I do not rememberto havescene
any piecethereofspentthere. Neither havethe Affricans
any mines of gold, but they carry salt to Ganger,and

thencebring this gold. And this Barbaryduckatof gold

is of the standard of three and twentie caracts,and the
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MONEYS

OF

TURKEY

A.D.
1617.

fourth part of a graine, and three penny weight wanting

two graines,and at this day in England it is given for
nine shillings two pencesterling, which of late wasworth [I. Hi.293.]

no more then eight shillingsfoure pencesterling. To

conclude,the gold zechine of Venice, and the Spanish

peeces
of silver, of foure and eight Reali,and the very
silver of Venice, are so commonly spent in Turkey, as
the gold and silver of Turkey seemesdispised,or at least
is seldomespent. But becausethis vast Dominion hath

largecircuit, it will not be amisseto namethe moneys

currant in divers places. And first I forewarne the

passenger,
that in all places,he is in danger,who shewes
his money,but most of all among the Turkes, where to
be rich, is more dangerousthen the greatestcrime can

be objected,either in respectof the covetousJudgein

publike, or the ravinous nature of eachman in private,

neitherdoth any thing more provokethe Turkes to lay

snaresfor the unwary passenger. So as howsoeverit be
not improvidentlydone, to carry summesof gold or silver
by sea,& in Barks of Christians; yet I would advise a
passenger
to be wary how he shewthem amongChristians,
and much more among Turkes, and advise him rather
to make shew, to draw his money from a little purse,
hiding his greater store, then in paymentsto pull it out
by heapes. The Greeke Hand Zante, subject to the At Zante.
Venetians,hath Venice money, and a gold zechinewas
given there for elevenLires, and two gagets.
Likewise the Greeke Hand Candia, subject to the At Candia.
Venetians,hath the moneys of Venice, where a gold
zechinewas given for eleven lires, and to the Turkes

(landingthere)at a higherrate. The silvercrownecalled

piastre,was there given for six lires, and about foure
soldi. And here I found a silver peece,which I never

found to be spent in the State of Venice,namely,a

perper,worth eight soldi, and eight baggatini of Venice.

The Greeke Hand Cyprus, subject to the Turkes, At Cyprus.

spendsthe Venetian gold and silver lires, but receives

not the peeces

of eight soldi,nor the lessermoneysof

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Venice,neither are the Venetianlires currant any further

then this Hand,thoughperhapsthey may be spentwith

somelosseupon the Coastadjoyning. At Cyprusthe
gold zechinewas given for eleven lires of Venice, and

for 120 aspersof Turkey; and the silver crowncalled

piastre, or a pieceof eight Reali Spanish,was given
for seventyAspers,and the gold Sultanonof Turkey,

was of the samevalue with the zechineof Venice: yet

the very Subjectsmore willingly receivedthe zechines.
The Turkish Asper is a little peeceof silver, which at
Haleppoin Syriawasworth somethreefarthingsEnglish :
and eight aspersat Cyprus made one scahy(a Turkish
money which the Italians call Seya)being esteemedat
little more then sixe penceEnglish, and fifteene scahy
made a zechine,twelve scahymadea French or Spanish
Crowne, ten scahy made a piastre or Spanishpeeceof
eight Reali. And sixteenebrasseMangouri made one
silver Asper, neither can any money of Cyprus be spent
in Palestine

without

losse.

At Jerusalem.At Jerusalemand through all Palestine,and thoseparts,

the gold zechinesof Venice are more esteemed(as in
all Turkey,) then any other peecesof gold, and the very
Turkes more willingly receive them then the Turkish

Sultanons.At Jerusalema zechinewas given for five

andforty meidinesof Cairoin ./Egypt,the Spanishpeece
of eight Reali calledpiastre,was given for eight and
twenty meidines; and halfe a piastre at the samerate,
neither have they any Aspers there, but thesemeidines
onely, where of each is worth three Aspers, so as the

five and forty meidinesgiven for the zechine,areworth

135 Aspers,and the eight and twenty meidinesgiven for
the piastre, are worth eighty foure aspers. The gold
crownesof Franceand Spaine,arenot spentherewithout
losse,but the silver ducketsof Italy arecommodiousto be
At Tripoli. spenthere. At Tripoli in Syria,and at Haleppo,and in

the territoriesadjoyning,the foresaidsilver aspersare

commonlyspent. The gold zechineof Veniceis there
worth ninety meidines,and the Spanishpiastre worth
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MONEYS

OF

TURKEY

A.D.

sixty; but thesemeidinesof Tripoli, differ from the

other of Cayroin ^Egypt, for thoseof Tripoli are each
worth oneasperanda halfe,but thoseof Cayroare each
worth three Aspers. At Constantinopleall contractsare At Con-

madeby aspers,
howsoever
theforesaid
peeces
of goldand staniinPlesilver be there also currant. And in small contracts they

pay aspersby the weight, becausethey cannoteasily

numberthem,but in greatcontractstheyreckonby Asses
loadesof aspers,as the English doe by hundred and
thousandpounds. Lastly, at Constantinople,I exchanged
gold zechineseach at 125 aspers,a French Crowne at
one hundred aspers,and a doller of Germany at 75
aspers.

The gold FrenchCrowneis of the standardof two and [J-U1-294-]

twentycaracts,
and is two pennyweight,fouregraines "/ 'e '1>I
and a quarter. The silver peececalled Quart d' escu, prance,
that is, the fourth part of a crowne, is of the standard
of elevenounces,and is six penny weight foure graines,
andis worth two VeniceLires, or eighteenepencesterling
English. The peeceof Silver called Francke, is of the
standardof nine ouncesten pennyweight, and eighteene
pennyweight sixeteenegraines,and is worth two shillings
English. The French Crowne is exchangedfor three
Franckes, or for foure Quarts d' escu, or for little more
then foure testoones.

For

foureteen

soulz and a halfe

make a testoon, fifteene soulz make a Quart d' escu, and

twenty soulz make a francke, and sixty soulz make a

French crowne, and twelve deniers make a soulz. Yet

a goldFrenchcrownein specie,(thatis, in kind) is changed

for sixtyfive soulz. As in like sortin England,a French
crowneis worth no more then six shillings, and the
English Angell is worth no more then 11 shillingsin
commonestemation,yet he that brings a weighty a French

crownein specieto the Gold-smyths,they will give him

sixeshilling six pencefor it, andhe that bringsto them
an old Angell of gold, they will give him 11. shillings
and six pence, or more for it.

And in the last civill

warre, the value of the French crowne was raised to 120,

M. II

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1617.

soulz,till the King reducedthe sameto the old value

after the warre composed.The sameKing Henry the

fourth since that time raisedthe value of gold crownes,

to the end he might draw backehis gold which was

carriedinto forraine parts. My selfepassingthrough
Lorayne,beforethe Frenchcivil warrewasfully appeased,
did at Monwicke, upon the confinesof Lorayne and

Germany,exchangea Frenchcrownefor foure franckes

and nine grosh,and shortly after commingto Shallons,
exchanged
a Frenchcrownefor no morethen sixty soulz,
so as I guessethat either the Franckesof Loraine differ
from the Franckesof France,or that the tumult of the
warre, and the making of peaceshortly after, made this
difference.

Of the divers measuresof miles, through divers

parts of the world.
Thedifference
TT^Urther being to write of the diversmeasures
of miles,

ofmiles. Jj through
thediverspartsof theWorld,it seemed
good
to me to adde the measureof miles, vulgarly received,
namely that five Italian miles, or three French, or two and

a halfeEnglish, makeoneDutch mile, and that oneDutch

mile and a halfe makes a mile of Sweitzerland.

It remainesnow that accordingto my owneexperience,

I shouldspeakesomethingof the diverskindesof miles.

And in generall, this my opinion hath respect to the
difficult or easie passagesof the way, since even in
England, the miles seeme,and indeed are more short,
neereLondon, where the waiesare faire and plaine, and

frequentlyinhabited,asthey seeme,andindeedaremore
long andtedious,throughthe desartplacesof the North,
over mountaines,
and through uninhabitedand difficult
passages.

Italian.
English.

The Romansof old held a thousandpacesfor a mile,

and such are the miles of Italic.

A commonEnglish mile makesone& a halfeItalian,

but towardsthe North, & in someparticularplacesof

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THE

MEASURES

OF

MILES

A.D.
1617.

England,the milesarelonger,amongwhichthe Kentish

mile (being a SoutherneCounty)is proverbiallyheld to
be extraordinarilylong.

The Irish miles among the English, and the Irish- Irish.
English are answerable
to the English; howsoeverfor
the solitaryanddisinhabited
wayes,andmanyfoardsoften
overflowed, they are more troublesome to passe.
In like sort the miles of Scotland, answere to the Scottish.

Northerne miles of England, save that the frequent

climing of mountaines,and the unbeatenwaies,make
themseemelonger,andindeedrequiremoretime for the
passage.

Villamonta Frenchgentleman
in the bookof his travels French.
witnesseth, that one French mile containes two Italian
miles.

The commonGermainmile, being for the most part in German.

plaines,makesmore then three English, or five Italian
miles; but in someplacesthe solitudeof Woods, and the
ascentof Mountaines,makethe miles of Germanyseeme
muchlonger, and Sueviaextraordinarilyhath long miles,
thoughit be a plaine Countrey. The miles of Sweitzer- [I. Hi.295.]
land, being over continuall Mountaines,are so long, as
passengers
distinguish their journey more by the spaces
of howers,then by the distancesor numbers of miles.
And I remember,that rinding no horse to be hired, I

went on footefrom Scaphusen

to Zurech,whichjourney
I wasgoing ten howers,beingaccounted
but fouremiles.
And in Rhaetiaamongthe Grisons,uponthe confinesof
Italy, onemile is held for sixe Italian miles. And upon
the footeof the Alpes towardsthe North, one mile is
accountedfor seven miles and a halfe of Italy, where

havinga goodhorse,I couldride with an ordinariepace

no morethenoneDutchmile in fourehowersspace. By
which appeares,that the measureof miles is very
uncertaineamongthe Sweitzers,who for the mostpart
reckontheir journeysby howersriding, or going with
an ordinary pace,and not by miles.

Themilesof Bohemia
andMoraviaareno lessetedious,Bohemia.
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andI remember,
thatmy selfepassingthereon horseback,
did commonlyride no morethen foure milesin a dayes
journey. And howsoever
the lengthof the Sweitzers
and
Bohemian
milesmayin part beattributedto the climbing
of Mountaines,and bad waies,yet no such reasoncan

begivenfor themilesof Moravia,whichCountryis either

a plaine,or little pleasantHilles, andthe waiesfaire,and
the Countreywell inhabited.
Flemish. The Low-Countrey miles are of a middle length
betweenethe Germanand Frenchmiles. But in the very

Countyof Holland they differ muchone from another,

since foure miles of great Holland make sixe miles of
little Holland.

And I remember, that about the Citie

Home, I esteemedeachmile longer then three English.

Also next to the Holland miles, those of Freesland are

longer then the rest.

Danish. A mile of Denmark is somewhatlonger then three
English miles, and answerethto the common mile of
Germany.

Polonian. The miles of Poland generally are like the miles cf

Denmarke,but they differ in length one from the other.
For I remember,that in Prussia each dayes journy I
passedby coach some seven miles, and in middle Poland

nine or ten miles, but in upper Poland towardsGermany

I commonly rode on horse-back no more then five miles

or there-aboutseachday, in my passagefrom Crakawto

Moravia. In Russia among the Moscovites confining
upon Poland, a mile is called a ferse, and answeresto five

Italian miles, or one common mile of Germany.

Turkish. In Turkey those that guide Christians,having the

Italian tongue, doe in my opinion number the miles to
them, much after the Italian manner.

164

The

Rebellion

[ii. 1.1.]

of Hugh Earle of Tyrone, and the appeasing

thereof;

writen

in forme of

a Journall.
PART

II.

BOOKE

I.

Chap. I.

Of the Induction or Prefaceto my Irish Journall,

and a compendious narration, how Charles

Blount, Lord Mountjoy (my Lord and Master

of happy memorie) was chosenLord Deputy
of Ireland ; and of this worthy Lords qualitie,

asalsoof the Councelsin generall,by which he

broke the Rebels hearts,and gave peaceto that

troubled State. Together with his particular

actionsin the end of the yeere1599.
T my returne from Scotland about the
month of Septemberin the yeere 1598,
I retyred my selfeto Healing (my deare
Sister Faith Mussendineshouse, being Faith

situate neerethe South banke of Humber, Mussendine.

in the Countie of Lincolne.) In which

place(andmy dearesisterJaneAlingtons Jane

houseneereadjoyning)whilestI passed
an idle yeere,I
hada pleasing
opportunitie
to gatherinto someorderout
165

AD.
1169.

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of confused
andtornewritings,the particularobservations
of my former Travels, to bee after more delibrately
digestedat leasure. After this yeere spent in Countrey

solace,the hopesof prefermentdrew me into Ireland.

Of which journey being to write in anothermanner,then
I have formerly done of other Countries, namely,rather
asa Souldier,then asa Traveler,asoneabiding in Campes,
more then in Cities, as one lodging in Tents, more then
in Innes; to my former briefe discourseof the journeys
through England and Scotland,I have of purposeadded
there,out of my ordinarycourse,the like of Ireland, onely
for

travellers

instruction.

HughEarkof \ am nOwto treate of the famousand most dangerous

Rebellion of Hugh, Earle of Tyrone, calling himselfe,
The Oneale,(a fatall name to the chiefe of the sept or
Family of the Oneales),and this I will doe, according
to the courseof the former Part namely, in this place
not writing Historically, but making only a Journall, or
barenarrationof daily accidents,and for the rest referring
the discourseof Ireland for all particularsto the severall
heads,wherein eachpoint is joyntly handled,through all
the Dominions of which I have written. Onely in this
[II. i. 2.] placefor the better understandingof that which I principally purposeto write, I must crave leave to fetch some
short remembrances
(by the way of preface)higher then
the time of my owne being in Ireland, in the Lord
Mountjoy his Governement.
Ann.1169. About the yeere 1169 (not to speakeof the kind of
subjection which the Irish are written to have acknowledged, to Gurguntius, and someBrittan Kings), Henry
the 2 being himself distractedwith Frenchaffaires,gave
the Earle of Strangbowleaveby letters Patents,to aide
Dermot Morrogh King of Lemster, againstthe King of
Meath. And this Earle marrying Eva, the daughterof
Dermot, was at his death made by him heire of his
Kingdome. Shortly after King Henrie himselfelanded
at Waterford, and whilst he abodein Ireland, first Dermott

MacCarthy, King of Corcke, and the South part of

166

PREFACE

TO

THE

HISTORY

A.D.
I339-

Mounster, and Dunewald Obrian King of Limrick, and

theNorth partof Mounster,thenOrwarkKing of Meath,

andRoderickKing of Connaght,(by singularpriviledge
over the rest, calledthe King of Ireland),and the above
namedKing of Lemsteryet living, did yeeldthemselves
vassalsunto King Henrie, who for the time was saluted
Lord of Ireland (the title of King being first assumedby
acteof Parliamentto King Henrie the eight manyyeeres
after.) In the said Henrie the secondsraigne, Sir John
de Courcywith fourehundredvoluntary English souldiers

sent over, did in five battailes subdue Ulster, and stretcht Ulster

the boundsof the English pale as farre as Dunlucein subdued.

the most Northerne parts of Ulster.
About 1204, John Courcy of English bloud, Earle of
Ulster and Connaght, did rebel, and was subdued by
Hugh Lacy. About 1210 the Lacies of English bloud
rebelling,were subduedby King John, who after some
three monethsstay returned backeinto England, where
the Lacies found

friends

to be restored

to their Earledome

of Ulster. About 1291 O-Hanlon & someUlster Lords

troubling the peace,were suppressedby the English
Colonies. From 1315 to 1318 the Scots made great
combustions in Ireland to whom many Irish families

joynedthemselves,andboth weresubduedby the English

Colonies. In the yeere 1339generallwarrewasbetweeneAnno1339.
the English Colonies and the Irish, in which infinite
number of the Irish perished. Hitherto Ireland was
governedby a Lord Justice,who held the placesometimes
for few yeeres,sometimesfor many. In the yeere 1340,
John Darcy, an Englishman, was made Justice for life,
and the next yeere did exercisethe place by his owne
Deputy (which neither before nor after I find to have
been granted to any, but some few of the Royall
bloud.)

About the yeere1341, the English-Irish(or English TheEngl'uh-

Colonies),being degenerated,first began to be enemiesIrish

enemies
to the
to the English, and themselvescalling a Parliament,wrote
to the King, that they would not indure the insolencies
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1400.

of his Ministers,yet mostof the Justiceshitherto were

TheDuke
of

of theEnglish-Irish(or English,bornein Ireland.)

About the yeere1361,Leonel,Duke of Clarence,

was

Clarence
made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and sometimesleft
made Lord
Lieutenant,

his Deputy to governeit. This Duke being Earle of

Ulster and Lord of Connaghtby the right of his wife,
cameover with an Army of some 1500 by pole, and
quietedthe bordersof the EnglishPalein low Lemster.

He reformed the English-Irish, growne barberous (by

imbracingthe tyrannicallLawes of the Irish, most profitable to them, which caused them likewise to take Irish

names,and to use their languageand apparrell.) To

which purposegood Laweswere madein Parliament,and
great reformationfollowed,aswelltherein,asin the power
of the English, for the sevenyeeresof his Lieutenancy,
and after, till the fatall warres of Yorke and Lancaster

Houses. And hitherto mostof the JusticeswereEnglishIrish.

Ann.1400.

Richard
II.

About the yeere 1400, Richard the second, in the

eighteenthyeere of his Raigne, camewith an Army of

foure thousand men at Armes, and thirtie thousand

Archers,fully to subduethe Irish : but pacifiedby their

submissions, and no act of moment otherwise done, he

returnedwith his Army into England. After, to revenge

the death of the Earle of March his Lieutenant, he came

againewith a like Army: but was suddenlyrecalledby

the arrivall of Henry the 4 in England. During the
said Kings Raigne, Ireland was governed by his Lord

Lieutenants,sentfrom England,and in the Raignesof

Hen. the 4, and Hen. the 5, by Justicesfor the most
part chosenof the English-Irish, only the Lord Scroope
for 8 yeres was Deputy to Thomas the secondson to
Hen. the 4, who was L. Lieutenant of Ireland.

[II. i. 3.]

This I write out of the Annals of Ireland printed by

Camden. In which,from the first Conquestof Ireland,

to the following warresbetweenethe Houses of Yorke

andLancasterin England,I find smallor no mentionof

the Onealsgreatnesse
amongthe Irish Lords. And I
168

PREFACE

TO

THE

HISTORY

A.D.
1400.

findvery rarementionof anyseditionsin Ulster,especially

amongthe NortherneIrish, so as that Province,from

the first Conquestto thesecivill English warres,doth

therebyseemeto havebeeneone of the mostpeaceable
andmostsubjectto theEnglish. NeitherreadeI therein,
of greatforcesor summesof mony sentout of England
into Ireland, (exceptvoluntaries,and the cursaryjourneys
of King John and King Richard the second); but rather
that for the most part all seditionsas well betweenethe

English-Irish, and the meere Irish, as betweenthe

English-Irishthemselves,
werepacifiedby the forcesand
expencesof the sameKingdome.
During the said civill warre betweene Yorke and The
Lancaster,for England, most of the Noble Familieswere
wasted,and somedestroied; whereuponthe English Irish,

whichhithertohadvaliantlymaintained
theirConquest,
^anr.a^er
now beganto repaire into England, partly to beareout
the factions,partly to inherit the Lands of their Kinsmen,
of whom they were discended: And the meere Irish
boldly rushed into the possessions,
which the other had

left void in Ireland.

And from that time, under the

governement of English Liefetenants and Deputies,

seditionsand murthersgrew more frequent,the authority
of the English Kings becamelesse esteemedof the
Irish, then in former times, and the English Pale had
sometimeslarger, sometimesstraighter limits, according
to the

divers

successes of

the

Irish

affaires

at

divers

times.

After the appeasing

of the said bloodywarre,I finde
some 1000 men sent over by Henry the seventh to

suppressePerkin Warbeck, an English Rebell, and 500 perkin

men sent by Henry the eight to suppresse
the GeraldinesWarbeck.

of English race,rebelling againsthim. Otherwisethe

said Annals mention no great or generall rebellion in
Ireland, especiallysuch, by which either much blood of
the English wasspilt, or much of our treasureexhausted,

till the happyraigneof QueeneElizabeth. For in this

onelyage,Religionratherthen Liberty first beganto be
169

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I577-

made the cloake of ambition, and the Roman Locusts, to

Papists

maintainethe Popesusurpedpower,breathedeverywhere

fier and sword, and not onely made strong combinations

combinations.
against
thoseof thereformed
religionin all Kingdomes,
but werenot ashamed
to proclaimeand promiseHeaven

for a reward, to such cut-throatesas should lay violent

handson the sacredpersonsof suchPrinces,as opposed

their tyranny. Amongst which, this famous Queene

being of greatest power, and most happy in successe
against them ; they not only left nothing unattempted

againsther sacredperson,and her Crowneof England,

but whitherincouraged
by the blind zealeof the ignorant
Irish to Popery,or animatedby an old Prophesie
He that will England winne,
Must with Ireland first beginne,

did also raise two strong and dangerousrebellions in

Ireland, the one of the Earle of Desmond, & the other

of the Earle of Tyrone, (not to speakeof the troubles

made by ShaneOneale, the easiesetling whereof shall
be onely mentionedin the treatingof TyronesAncestors.)
Howbeit the wonted generallpeaceseemesto have continued till after the 19. yeereof the Queenesraigne,being
Anno1577. J577: at which time the Lords of Connaght,and Ororke,
for their particular, made a compositionfor their lands
with Sir Nicholas Malby, Governour of that Province,
wherein they were content to yeeld unto the Queen so

large a rent, and suchservices,(both of labourersto worke

upon occasionof fortifying, and of horse and foote to
serve upon occasionof war), as it seemsthe Popish
combinationshad not yet wrought in them any alienation
of mind

from

their

wonted

awe and reverence of the

Crowneof England.
Therebellion Touching the rebellion of GeraldEarle of Desmond:
oftheEarkof John Gerald the sonneof Thomas(whoseProgenitorsof

Desmond.Englishrace,hadlong behaved
themselves
valiantlyin
subduing the Irish) had Kildare given him by King
170

PREFACE

TO

THE

HISTORY

A.D.

1578.

Edward the second, with title of an Earle.

And this

Family of the Fitz Geralds,or Geraldens,(as they are

now called)long flourished,(not onely keepingIreland

in obedienceto the King ; but infesting the seacoasts
of the Welsh, not yet united to the Crowneof England,)
and never raisedarmesagainstEngland, till ThomasFitz
Gerald, the sonneof Gerald Fitz Gerald, Earle of Kildare,

andLord Deputyof Ireland,underKing Henry theeight, [

l- 4-1

(whom the King had called into England, and there

broughtin questionfor his ill Governement),

hearingby
light and falserumour that his father wasexecuted,rashly
tooke Armes against the King, inviting the Emperor
Charlesthe fifth to invade Ireland, which he in the meane
time wasted with

fire and sword.

This

Thomas

and five

of his Uncles were shortly after hanged,the father being

beforedead of griefe. But Queene Marie restoredthis
Family to honour and lands, though they never after
recovered their former dignity. Of these Geralds
most of the greatestLords in Mounster are descended,
(though for divers causes,many of them have taken
other Sirnames) and particularly the Earles of
Desmond.

Maurice Fitz-thomas

a Geraldine was first created Earle

Maurice

of Desmondby Edward the third. Of whoseposteritie

many
excelled in wealth, vertue, and honourable reputa- -cT
]
Desmond.
f,

..

,.

TT

-11

tion, farre extending their power. But James invaded

his Nephewesinheritanceby force, and imposedheavy

exactions on all depending upon him, whose sonne
Thomas following his fathers steps, was by the Lord
Deputie beheadedin the yeere 1467: his sonneswere
restored, and the Earledomeremained in his posterity,
till GeraldEarle of Desmondin the yeere 1578 rebelled Ann.1578.
againstQueeneElizabeth. To whoseaide certainebands

of Italians and Spaniards,sent by Pope Gregory the

twelfth, and Philip King of Spaine,landed at Smerwic,
who besiegedby the Lord Arthur Grey, then Lord
Deputy, in a Fort they had built, and calledthe Fort del
ore, shortly after yeeldedthemselves,in the yeere 1583,
171

A.D.
1583.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

andwereput to the sword,asthe necessitie

of that State,
andtheir mannerof invadingthe land, wasthen saidto
require. And the Earle of Desmondflying into the
Woods,was there in a cottagekilled, and his headcut

off, (being,asthey say,betrayed

by his ownefollowers,
whereinthe Ulster men challenge
an honourof faithfulnesseto their Lords, above those of Mounster; for in

the followingwarresnoneof themcould be inducedby

feareor reward,to Layhandson their reverenced
Oneale.)
Thus with anArmy of sixethousandmen,whereofsome
foure-thousandwere newly sent over at divers times, this
Rebellion of Desmond in Mounster was soone appeased.

The
Earledome
of Desmond
adjudgedto

The Earledomeof Desmondwasby authoritie of Parliament adjudgedto the Crowne,and madea County, with
Sheriffes appointed yeerely to be chosenby the Lord

theCrowne. Deputie.

Upon the attainter of the said Earle of Desmond and his confederats,
all the landsfalling to 574628
the Crowne, were in Acres of English measure Acres.
about

Hereof great part wasrestoredto the offenders,as to

Patrick Condon his Countrey, to the White Knight his
Countrey, to someof the Geraldines,and to other their
confederatsno smallportions. The rest wasdivided into
Seigniories,grantedby letters patentsto certaineEnglish
Knights and Esquires,which upon this gift, and the conditions whereunto they were tied, had the common name
of Undertakers.

Landgrants

inKerry
andto

In Kerry and Desmond,by patent,

Sir William

Harbert,

to Charol

30560Acreswith

Desmond.
Harbert,
to SirValentine
Browne,
yeerely
rents
five
hundred
foure and
to Sir Edward Denny, besides an
uncertaine portion to George Stone twentie pound sixe

and John Chapmanand their heires, shillingseight pence

were
granted

sterling.

172

PREFACE

TO

THE

HISTORY

A.D.

1583-

In Limerick by Patent to Sir"

Landgrants

HenrieBillinsley,
to WilliamCarter,

inLimerick.

to Edmund Mannering, to William

Acres, with
Trenchard,to Sr. GeorgeBourcher, 96165
rents nine hundred
to Sr. GeorgeThornton, to Richard three & thirty pound
Fitton, to Robert Annesley, to
Edward Barkley, to Sir Henry fbure shillings halfe
Uthered, to Sir William Courtney, penny,sterling.
to Robert

Strowde, and to their

heires,were granted
In Corke, by patent to Vane'

Landgrants

Beacher,to Henrie North, to Arthur

in Corke.
Rawlins,to Arthur Hide, to Hugh 88037 Acres, with
Cuffe, to

Sir Thomas Noris, to rents five hundred

Warham Sent-leger,to S Thomas-twelvepound seven

Stoyes,to MasterSpencer,
to Thomas shillings sixe pence
Fleetwood, and Marmaduke Ed- halfepennysterling.
munds, and to

their

heires

were

granted

In Waterfordand Tipperaryby"

[II. i. 5.]

Patent to the Earle of Ormond, to 22910 Acres with Landgrants

Sir Christopher Hatton,

to

Sir rent three hundred in Waterford

Edward Fitton, to Sir Walter and three pound,and

Rawleigh,
andto theirheires
werethreepence
sterling.
Tipperary.
granted

These Undertakers did not people these Seigniories

grantedthem and their heires by Patent, (as they were
bound) with well affectedEnglish, but either sold them

to EnglishPapists,(suchasweremostturbulent,andso
being daily troubled and questioned by the English
Magistrate, were like to give the most money for the
Irish land) or otherwisedisposedthem to their bestprofit,
without respectof the publike good: neither did they
build Castles,and doe other things (accordingto their

covenants)
for the publike good,but onelysoughttheir

private ends,and so this her Majesties bounty to them,

turned not to the strengthning,but rather to the weaken173

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1583-

ing of the English Governementin that Provinceof

Mounster.

Tyrone* Touchingthe Rebellionof the Earleof Tyrone,the

Rebellion.

wortj1yAntiquaryCamdenmentionethNealethe Great,
tyrannisingin Ulster, and great part of Ireland, before
the cornmingof Saint Patrick into that Kingdome,about

the yeereof our Lord 431, addingthat this Familynotwithstandinglived after more obscurely,not onely till
the English enteredto conquerIreland, about the yeere
1169: but after that, to the time that the Scots under

Edward Bruce, attempted to conquer that Kingdome,

about the yeere 1318. In which turbulent time, Donevaldus O Neale startedup, and in his letters to the Pope
stiled himselfe King of Ulster, and true Heire of all
Ireland. Further, Camdenaddeth,that after the appeasing of thesetroubles, this new King vanished,and his
posteritie lurked in obscuritie, till the Civill warresof
England,betweenethe Housesof Yorke and Lancaster.
The seedewhereof was sowneby Henry the fourth of
LancasterFamily, deposingRichardthe secondof Yorke
Family, and usurping the Crowne, though Henrie the
fourth and his sonneHenrie the fifth by their valour so
maintainedthis usurpation,as no Civill warre brake forth
in their time, nor so long as the nobleBrothersof Henrie
the fifth, and Uncles to Henrie the sixth lived.

After,

betweeneHenrie the sixth of Lancaster Family, and

Edward the fourth of Yorke Family, this bloudy war
was long continued,but endedin the death of the next
successor
Richard the third, a double Usurper, both of
the House of Lancaster, and the Heires of his Brother
Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke. After, in

the marriageof Henrie the seventhwith the Daughter

and Heire of Edward the fourth, both these Houses were
united;

and so this bloudie warre well ended.

this time, behold the Pedigreeof the Oneales.

From

Owen

Hugh mac Owen.

Oneale.

Henrie Mac Owen Oneale married the D

Giraldine.

Con More (or Great) married the Daughte

Neece,
whoseFatherandhimselfwaxingbol

Art macHugh. tyrannised

over
thepeople,
and
despised
thetit
in regard of that of Oneale.

Con,Sirnamed
Bacco
(orLam

cursedhisposterity,if they shouldle

or build houses,to invite the En
suspectedof Henrie the eight, an
the suppression
of the Earlesof Kild
who had rebelledwith the Earle,

NealeMoorelJPhilemeRoe

macArt. J ( macArt.

andrenouncing
thename
of On

Inheritanceheld by the Irish Law

manis preferred
to a boy,andth

whoseGrandfatheroverlivesthe F
mostactive Knave, not the next
land regrauntedto him from the
B

Scaleof England,asto his Vass

D

A.B.

D.

Tyrone. Thus in the three and thirty yeere of He

was made in Ireland, with consentof the three Est
usurpationof the title of Onealewas madecapitall to t
successors
(the former stile of Lords being changed)w
Lawes of England were receivedto be of force in that

Shane(or John) Oneale succeedinghis Father

and
vexing
hisFather
todeath,
wascruell
andba
the neighbourLords to be his subjects,as Mac Ge

O Realy,O Hanlon, O Cahon,Mac Brien, O H

Donnell Galloglasse. And when Henrie Sidne

Justic
Suss
PhelimeHugh prove
Henry Mac
eldestsonne. had t

ON

HughMac

NealeMoore.

Phelime
Roe.

thath

his la

onely for life by Ta

of the people,being

of the name.) Hee made warre a

Collogh Mac Donnell. But when Th

led the English forcesagainst

him, he bythe counselof the

A.B.C.

Matthew Okelly

Earleof Kildare,sailedinto yeresagereputed

th
D.

E.

A.B.C.

D.

E.

England,andsubmittedhim- a Black Smith at Dudalke,gi

selfe to Q. Elizabeth,and Con O Nealeby a Smithsw

after for a while conformed

at her death.

This Bastard

himselfe to obedienceand appointed

to succeed
him by
civilitie. But when heetir- KingslettersPatients,at wh
annisedoverthe Irish Lords, time he was createdBaro

and they craved succourof Dungannon : but he waski

Henrie SidneyLord Deputy in hisFatherslife timebySh

in the yeere1565,he leading the legitimatesonneof C

an Army against him, sent whose Bastard this Matth

Edward Randolph with seven was.
Companies of Foote, and a

Troope
of Horse
bySea
toDerryandLoughfoyle,
toas

the Rebell on the back. Against whom the Rebell turn

all hisforces
wassodefeated,
asheefledfor succor
to

Scots,whose brother he had killed, and they at first en

taining him wel, after fell to words, & killed him in

yeere 1567.

After in a Parliament at Dublin, he w

condemned
of treason,
andhislands
confiscated,
anda L

made, that no man should after that presume to take

Owen Mac Hugh

g NealeMoore,offered
to serveagainsttraitor Hugh.
A.

Turlogh Mac

Henry of the
Fuse, Rebell
with Hugh.
B.

Turlogh
Brasilogh.
I
c.

C
by

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1583.
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178

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

AD

1588.

dissemblingsubtile and profound wit. So as many

deemedhim borne, either for the great good or
ill of his Countrey. In an Irish Parliament he

put up his petition, that by vertue of the letters

Patentsgrantedto his Grand-father,to his Father
& his heires,he mighttherehavethe placeand title of
the Earle of Tyrone,andbe admittedto this his inheritance. The title and placewere there grantedto him,
but the inheritance(in regardthe Kings of Englandby

theattainderof Shane,were thereofinvested)wasreferred

to the Queenespleasure. For the obtaining whereof, Sir
John Perrot then Lord Deputie, upon his promise of a SirJohn

greatrent to be reservedto the Crowne,gavehim his p'rrot\Lord

lettersof recommendation
into England,wherehe sowell
knew to humour the Court, as in the yeere 1587 he got

the QueenesLetters Pattentsunder the great Sealeof

England, for the Earledome of Tyre-Oen, without any
reservationof the rent he had promisedto the L. Deputy,
wherwith, though his Lordship were offended, in that
the Pattent was not passedin Ireland, and so the said
rent omitted, yet in reverenceto the great Lords, who

hadprocuredthis grant in England,he did forbeareto

opposethe same. The conditions of this grant were,
that the boundsof Tyrone should be limited; That one
or two places (namely, that of Blackwater)should be
reservedfor the building of Forts, and keeping of
Garrisonstherein; That the sonnesof Shaneand Tirlogh

shouldbe providedfor; andthat he shouldchallengeno

authoritie over the neighbour Lords bordering upon
Tyrone, or any where out of that County. And such
were his indeavours in the Queenes service, such his

protestationsof faith and thankfulnesse,as Tirlogh

Linnogh,by theQueenes
intercession,
wasinduced(upon
certainconditions for his maintenance)to surrenderthe
County,and all commandin thoseparts unto him.

The Spanish(forsooth)invincibleNavy, sentto invade[II. i. 8.]

England,
in theyeere1588,beingdispersed,
andprovingAnnnothinglessetheninvincible,manyof themwerewrecked
179

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1589.

on the Coastsof Ireland,whereofsomewereharboured

by theEarleof Tyrone,with whomsincehewasthought

to haveplotted the followingmischiefes.

Anno
1589. And shortlyafter(in theendof thisyeere,or beginning
SirWilliamof the next)sir john perrotbeingrevoked,Sir William
Fitz-williams,was sent Lord Deputy into Ireland. I
haveheardthat he havingbeenformerlyLord Deputy,
whenhe returnedandsuedfor recompence
of his service,
a great Lord shouldanswerhim, that suchimployments
were preferments,and not servicesto challengereward:

And therefore,if in this newimploymentanyshallthinke

that he followed this counsell,seekingto make it a preferment to him and his family, I doe not much marvell

thereat. This I write of hearesay,

but as in the generall
relation following, I purpose to write nothing which is
not warrantedeither by relationspresentedto the Queene,
by the principall Councellersof Ireland, or by Letters
interchangedbetweenethe Statesof England and Ireland,
or like authenticallwritings; so for the particularof the
abovenamedLord Deputy, if perhapssomemay thinke
any thing observedby me to derogatefrom him, I protest,
that whatsoever I write is in like sort warranted, and
may not be omitted without the scandall of Historicall

integrity,beingobjections
frequentlymadeby theRebels,
for excuseof their disloyalty,aswellin all their petitions,
astreatiesof peace: But howsoeverI cannotbut mention

theseimputations,yet I advisethe Readerto judge of

them, as objectionsof the Rebels,who in their nature

are clamorous,and could no way make their excuseso

plausible,as by scandalizing
the chiefeGovernor. And

I furtherprotest,that as I shallin the due placeonce

mentionan honorableanswerof this L. Deputy,to part

of the chief complaintsmadeby the Irish against

him, so I would most willingly have insertedhis full

justification,if any such memoriallhad cometo my
hands.

Sir William Fitz-williams,being Lord Deputy of

Ireland, Sir John Norreys was Lord Presidentof
180

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1589.

Mounster,(whomadehis brotherSir Thomashis Vicepresident),

and Sir RichardBinghamwasGovernorof
Connaght.This Lord Deputynowagaineenteringthe

governement
of Ireland,that Kingdomewasin the best

estate
thatit hadbeene
in of longtime,notonlypeaceable
Ireland
andquiet,(soas any the greatestLord calledby letterpeaceable
and
or messenger,
readilycameto the Statethere,and none ?Ui
of them wereknown,to be any way discontented),
but
also most plentifull in corne,cattel,and all mannerof
victuals. But within three monethsafter his taking of
the sword, some Irish informed him, that the above

namedSpaniards,
last yeerewreckedon the Coastsof
Connaghtand Ulster, had left with the Inhabitants(in
whosehandsthey fell) great store of treasureand other
riches. This the Lord Deputy (as the Irish say) did
greedily seeketo get into his hands,but surely he pretendedthe Queenesservice,as may appeareby a commission,by which he first assaiedto seasethe same. This
not taking any effect, he tooke a journey himselfeinto
thoseparts, with chargeto the Queeneand Countrey (as
they said) and that in an unseasonable
time of the yeere,

after Allhallontide. Where altogetherfailing of his

purpose,he brought thencewith him as prisoners,two

of the bestaffectedGentlemen
to the Statein thoseparts,
whom he deemedto possesse
the greatestpart of those
riches,namely,Sir Owen macTooly (father in law to the sir Owen

Earleof Tyrone,who hadlong enjoieda yeerelypensionMacTooly

of onehundredpoundfrom the Queene,andhadkept ad

SirJohn

Odonnel
in a goodcourse
of opposition
against
Tyrloghta^n

LynnoghOneale)and Sir John Odoghorty,(of Ulsterprisoners

by
'

Lords best affectedto the English.) Wherof the first theLord

refusing(asthey object)to pay for his inlargement,con- Defutytinuedprisonertil the beginningof Sir William Russels
governement,who in pitty dischargedhim, but the old

gentlemans
heartwasfirst broken,so as shortly afterhe
died. The second
wasreleased
aftertwo yeeresrestraint,
not without payingfor his liberty, (asthe Irish say). At
this hard usageof thosetwo Ulster gentlemen,all the
181

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1590.

great men of the Irish, (especiallyin thoseNortherne

parts) did much repine.

Ann.1590. In the monethof May 1590,the Earleof Tyronecame

into England, where he was after an easie manner
restrainedof his liberty, becausehe camewithout the
[II. i. 9.]

Lord Deputies Licence,which fault repairedby his submission, he was freed of his restraint.

In the moneth

TheEarleof of June,theEarleagreedbeforethe Lords,to enterbonds

Tyrone
agrees
with good suretiesof the Pale, to keepepeacewith all

tokeepepeace.
^js Neighbours,
namely
SirTirloghLynnogh(whosince
the renouncingthe title of Oneale,and yeeldingat the
Queenesintercession,
the governement
of thosepartsto
the Earle,wasKnighted); and at his returneto put in
pledges,to be chosenby the Lord DeputyandCounsell,

for more assurance

hereof, and of his loyalty, asalso the
performanceof certaineArticles signedby him : Provided
that the pledgesshould not lie in the Castle,but with
somegentlemenin the Pale, or Merchants in Dublyn,
and might be changedevery three moneths,during her
Majestiespleasure.
TheArticles. The Articles were to this effect: To continue loyall
and keepethe peace: To renouncethe title of Oneale,
and all intermedling with the Neighbour Lords: That
Tyrone should be limited, and madea shire or two, with
Gaolesto be built for holding of Sessions: Not to foster
with any neighbour Lord, or any gentlemanout of his
Countrey, not to give aid to the Hand and Irish-Scots,
nor take any of them: That if for his defencehe needed

forces,he shall levy noneout of his Countreywithout

specialllicenceof the State,in whichcasehe might have
English bands. To conclude, with the Lord Deputy
within ten moneths,about a compositionof rents and

services
to her Majestyfor all his Countrey,according
to
the abovementionedcompositionof Connaght,madein
the yeere1577. Not to imposeany exactionswithout
licenceof the Stateon his Countryaboveordinary,except
it befor necessary
forcesfor his defence,
andthatalsowith

licence: Not to make any roadesinto Neighbour

182

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1590.

Countreys,exceptthey be within five dayesafter a prey TheArticles.

taken: That noneof his Countreyreceiveany stelths
from Neighbour-Countreys,
nor stealefrom them, but

he to bring forth the theeves,or drive them out of

Tyrone: That he executeno man,exceptit be by Commissionfrom the Lord Deputy, under the broad seale
for martial law, and that to be limitted.

That his Troope

of 50 horsein her Majestiespay, be kept compleatfor

her service; and that besideshe answera rising out at

every generall hosting. That he meddle not with

spirituall livings, nor lay any chargeon them. Not to
maintaineany Monkes or Friers in his Countrey: Not to
have intelligence with forraine traytors. That he take
no blackerent of any Neighbours. To causethe wearing
of English apparell, and that none of his men weare
glibbes(or long haire): That he answerefor his brother
Tyrlogh Mac Henry, Captaineof the Fewes: That in
time of necessityhe sell victuall to the Fort of Blackewater. Thesehe promisedto performeupon his honour
beforethe Lords in England, and that his pledgesto be
put in, shouldlie for performanceof them, to his power.
And orderwasgiven, that all the Neighbour Lords should
be drawne to like conditions, that so they might not
spoileTyrone.
In the moneth of July 1590, Con mac Shane,(that Ann.1590.
is, the son of ShaneOneale,) accusedHugh Earle of Conmac

Tyrone, of many practices,to make himselfegreat in Shane's

the North, and that after the wrecke of the above named

Spaniards,he conspiredwith those which fell into his

hands,about a leaguewith the King of Spaine,to aid
him against the Queene. These Articles the Earle
answeredbefore the Lords in England, denying them,
andavowingthe maliceof Con to proceedof her Majesties
raising him to be Earle of Tyrone, and Cons desire to
usurpethe nameof Oneale,as his father had done,which
namehe labouredto extinguish. He could have spoken

nothing more pleasingto this State(as he well knew),

and thereforehis answerewas approved: But the event
183

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1590.

shewedhis dissembling;for within two or threeyeeres,

Death
ofSir Sir TyrloghLynnoghdied,andthentheEarletookethis
Tyrlogk

title of Onealeto himselfe,(whichwastreasonby act of

Lynnogh.parliament
in Ireland,)
stillexcusing
himselfe
subtillythat
he tooke it upon him, lest someother shouldusurpeit,
promisingto renounceit, yet beseeching
that he might

not be urged to promiseit upon oath. Camdenaffirmes

that Hugh ne-Gavelocke,bastard to Shane Oneale,

exhibitedtheseArticlesagainstthe Earle,who aftergot

him into his hands,and causedhim to be hanged,(hardly

finding any, in regard of the generallreverenceborne to
the blood of the Oneals, who would doe the office of

hangman,)and that the Queenepardonedthe Earle for

[II. i. 10.]this fact. I doubt not but he writesupongoodground,
and I find good warrant for that I write the sameto be
exhibitedby Con macShane,and both may be reconciled
by the exhibiting of the petition by Hugh, in the name
of Con.
Sure I

am

that

the

Earle

durst

never

enter

into

Shane
rebellion, till he had gotten the sonsof ShaneOnealeto
Onea/e's
sons,
be his prisoners. Two of them, in this time of Sir
William Fitz-williams his governement,were now in the

Castleof Dublyn, andif they hadbeenesafelykept,they

being true heiresof Tyrone beforetheir fathersrebellion,
would have beenea strong bridle to keepethe Earle in

obedience:But they togetherwith Phillip Oreighly,(a

dangerouspractiser),and with the eldestsonneand heire

of old Odonnel,(both imprisonedby Sir JohnPerrot,in

his governement),shortly after escapedout of prison,
being all prisonersof great moment,whoseinlargement
gaveapparantovertureto ensuingrebellion. Neither did

the Irish spareto afHrme,that their escape

waswrought
by corruption,because
oneSegar,Constable
of the Castle
of Dublin by Patent,having large offers madehim to
permit the escapeof Oreighly, and acquaintingthe
Lord Deputy therewith, was shortly after displaced,
and one Maplesdon,servant to the Lord Deputy,
was put in his place,in whosetime those prisoners
184

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REBELLION

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IRELAND

A.D.
1590.

escaped. To returne to the orderly course of my

relation.

The Earle on the last of August,and the sameyeere

1590, did before the Lord Deputy and Counsellof
Ireland, confirme the above mentioned Articles, sent TheArticles

thitheroutof England,
faithfullypromising
by wordandconfirmed.
under his hand, to performe them. But still he delaied
and put off the performance,by letters unto both States,

intreating that equall security might be taken of Sir

Tyrlogh Lynnogh,and in generallof all the bordering
Lords,(whichhe knewat that time most difficult to effect),
and by many subtile shifts, whereof he had plenty.
About

this time

Mac Mahown,

Chiefetaine of Ann.1590.

Monaghandied, who in his life time had surrenderedthis Death

of

his Countrey,held by Tanistry the Irish law, into her MacMahown

Majesties
hands,and receiveda regrant
thereof,
underCteftatne
f
, .
.
Monaghan.
'

_,

the broad scaleor England, to him and his heires males,

and for default of such, to his brother Hugh Roe mac

Mahowne,with other remainders. And this man dying
without heires males, his said brother came up to the
State,that he might be setled in his inheritance,hoping
to be countenancedand cherished as her Majesties
Patentee,but he found (as the Irish say) that he could
not be admitted,till he had promisedto give about sixe
hundred Cowes (for such and no other are the Irish

bribes). After hewasimprisoned(theIrish sayfor failing

in part of this payment),and within few daies,againe
inlarged; with promise that the Lord Deputy himselfe
would go to settle him in his Countrey of Monaghan,
whither his Lordship tooke his journey shortly after, with
him in his company. At their first arrivall, the gentleman was clapt in bolts, and within two dayesafter, indited,

arraigned,and executed,at his owne houseall done(as

the Irish said)by suchOfficers,asthe Lord Deputy carried
with him to that purpose. The Irish said, he wasfound
guilty by a Jury of Souldiers,but no gentlemenor free-

holders,and that of them foure English souldierswere

sufferedto goeandcomeat pleasure,but the otherbeing
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ITINERARY

1590.

Irish kerne, were kept straight, and starved,till they

found him guilty. The treasonfor which he was condemned,was becausesometwo yeeresbefore,he pretendinga rent due unto him out of the Ferney,upon
that pretence,levied forces,and so marchinginto the
Ferneyin warlikemanner,madea distresse
for the same,
(whichby the English law may perhapsbe treason,but
in that Countreynever before subjectto law, it was
thought no rare thing, nor great offence). The greatest
TheFerneypart of the Countreywasdivided,betweene
fouregentledivlded.

men of that name,under a yeerelyrent to the Queene,

and (as they said) not without payment of a good fine
under hand. The Marshall Sir Henry Bagnoll had part
of the Countrey,CaptaineHenslowewas madeSeneshall
of the Countrey, and had the gentlemanschiefe house,
with a portion of land, and to divers others smaller
portions of land were assigned,and the Irish sparednot
to say,that thesemen were all the contriversof his death,
and that every one paid somethingfor his share. Hereupon the Irish of that name,besidesthe formerallegations,
exclaimedthat their kinsmanwas trecherouslyexecuted,
[II. i. ii.] to intitle the Queeneto his land, and to extinguish the
name of Mac Mahowne, and that his substance was

divided betweenethe Lord Deputy and the Marshall,

yea, that a pardon was offered to one of the Jury for
his son, being in dangerof the Law, upon condition hee
would consentto find this his kinsmanguilty.
Complaint Great part of these exclamationswas containedin a
against
the complaint exhibited, against the Lord Deputy after his

Lord
Deputy.
returnejnto England,to the Lordsof her Majesties
Councell, about the end of the yeere 1595, in the name
of Mac Guire, and Ever Mac Cooly (one of the Mac
Mahownes,& chiefe over the Irish in the Ferny.) To
which Sir William Fitz Williams, then sicke at his house,

sent his answerein writing. There first he avowesto

the Lords, that the fact of Mac Mahowne, was first

adjudgedtreasonin England, and that his calling in

question for it was directed from thence, and for the

186

THE

REBELLION

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IRELAND

A.D.
1591.

mannerof proceeding
herein,not prescribed,
that it was
just, and contraryto their calumniousallegations,who

complained
againsthim. He furtheranswered,
that the TJte
Lord
most part of the Countrey was not bestowedon the

MarshallSir HenrieBagnall,but thatsevenof thechiefe

in that Countreyhad the greatestpart of it, that three
hundredFreeholderswereraisedto her Majestic, with
eight hundredpoundyeerelyrent, and that all the Country

seemedthenglad of his execution,and joyfully received

theEnglishLawes. The restof thecomplainthe denied,
and for the bribe of Cowesin particular, did avow, that
Ever Mac Cooly, oneof the plaintiffes, offeredhim seven
thousand Cowes to make him chiefe of the name, when

he might have learned,that his mind was not so poore,

to preferre Cowes or any bribes before the Queenes
service.

To returne to our purpose, certaine it is, that upon

Mac Mahownesexecution,heart-burningsand lothingsof

theEnglishgovernement,
beganto growin the Northerne
Lords against the State, and they shunnedas much as
they could, to admit any Shiriffes,or any English to live
among them, pretending to feare like practisesto overthrow

them.

The sixteenthof July 1591, the Earle of Tirone wrote Ann.1591.

unto the Lords of England, excusinghimselfe,that Sir
Tirlogh Lynnogh was wounded by his men, while he
sought to prey his Countrey. In the samemoneth he

sufferedhis Countreyof Tyroneto bemadeShireground, TheCountrey

being by certaineCommissionersboundedon every side, ofTyrone

anddividedinto 8 Baronies,
andtheTowneof Dun-made
^

gannonmadethe Shier Towne,wherethe Gaoleshould^

be. In the moneth of October he wrote againeto the

Lords, justifying himselfeagainstthe complaintof the

Marshall Sir Henry Bagnoll, avowing that he had not
stolne his sister, or taken her away by force, but that

afterher brothersmanydelayes,shewillingly going away

with him, hee married her. And that he had no other

wife,beinglawfullydivorcedfrom her,whomthe Marshall

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1591-

termedhis wife. He complainedagainstthe Marshall,

that he reapedthe benefit of all that in Ulster, which by

his endeavourshad been brought to her Majesties

obedience. That he had obtainedunder the great Seale
a superioritie over Ulster, which he exercisedover him.
About this time the NortherneLords are thought to have

conspired,to defendthe RomishReligion (for now first

among them Religion was made the cloake of Treason),
to admit no English Shiriffes in their Countries,and to

defendtheir libertie andrights againstthe English.

Ann.1592. In the Moneth of August 1592,the Earle of Tyrone
by his letters to the Lords in England, justified himselfe
againstthe complaintof Sir Tyrlogh Lynnogh, apparantly
shewingthat his sonneCon Onealedid not disturbe the
Commissioners
sitting in Monaghan,but that they, having
one hundred Foote for their guard, were afraid of two
Horsemen; which they discovered. He wrote further,
that he had brought Odonnel into the State, (who since
his above-mentioned
escapeout of prison, had stoodupon
his defence),and that he would perswadehim to loyalty,
and in casehee were obstinate,would serveagainsthim
as an enemy. And further craftily intreated the Lords,
that he might have the Marshalls love, that they being
neighbours,might concurrethe better for her Majesties
service,and that their Lordships would approve of his
match with the Marshals sister, for whose content he did
the rather

desire

his love.

Ann.1593. In the beginningof the yeere1593, or about this time,

[II. i. 12.] a Northerne Lord Mac Guire, beganto declarehimselfe
discontent, and to stand upon his defence upon the
executionof Mac Mahowne, and the jelousiesthen conceivedby the NortherneLords againstthe English. This
Mac Guire, Chieftaine of Fermannaghavowed,that he
had given three hundredCowesto freehis Countreyfrom
a Shiriffe, during the Lord Deputies Government,and
that notwithstanding one Captaine Willis was made

Shiriffeof Fermannagh,
havingfor his guardonehundred
men, and leading about some one hundred womenand
188

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1593-

boyes,all which lived on the spoileof the Countrey.

Hencethis barberous
Lord takinghis advantage,
setupon
them, and drove them into a Church, where he would

have put them all to the sword, if the Earle of Tyrone

had not interposedhis authoritie, and made composition
for their lives, with condition that they should depart

the Countrey. Whereuponthe Lord DeputySir William

Fitz Williams sent the Queenesforcesinto Fermannagh,
wonne Mac Guires Castle of Eniskillen, and proclaimed
him Traytor. And the Irish avow, that the Lord Deputy
there let fall threatning speechesin publike against the
Earle of Tyrone, calling him Traytor.
Thesespeeches
commingto the Earles hearing,he ever
after pretended,that they were the first causethat moved
him to misdoubthis safetie,and to standupon his defence,
nowfirst combininghimselfewith Odonnell,and the other
Lords of the North, to defend their Honours Estates, and

Liberties. WhenTyronefirst beganto plot his rebellion,Tyrone

plots
he is said to have used two notable practises. First, his
menbeingaltogetherrude in the useof Armes,he offered
the State to serve the Queeneagainst Tyrlogh Lynogh

rebellion.

with sixe hundred men of his owne, and so obtained

sixe Captainesto traine them (called by our men Butter

Captaines,asliving upon Cesse)and by this meanes(and
his owne men in pay, which he daily changed,putting
new untrained men in the roome of others) he trained
all his men to perfect use of their Armes. Secondly,
pretendingto build a faire house(which our Statethinkes
a tye of civilitie) he got license to transport to Dungannona greatquantitie of Lead to coverthe Battlements
of his house: but ere long imployed the sameonly to
makebulletsfor the warre. But I returne to my purpose.

Sir Henrie BagnollMarshallof Ireland,had formerly

exhibited to the Statedivers articlesof treasonpractisedTreason

by theEarleof Tyrone,whonowwouldnot cometo thefracfiseJ

Statewithouta protection.To thesearticlesthe Earle yrc
answered
by letters,saying,that the Marshallaccused
him

upon envy, and by suborned witnesses,and that he

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'593-

togetherwith the Lord Deputy, apparantlysoughthis

overthrow. Further complaining,that the Marshall
detainedfrom him his sistersportion, whom hee had
married,and that (accordingto his formercomplaint)he
usurpedjurisdiction over all Ulster, and in particular
exercised it

over

him.

Yet

these articles

of

treason

againstthe Earlewerebeleeved
in England,till he offered
by his lettersto standto his triall either in Englandor
Ireland. And accordinglyheanswered
to the saidArticles
beforethe Lord Deputy and Councellat Dundalke,in

such sort as they who had written into England against

him, now to the contrary wrote, that hee had sufficiently
Ann.1594. answeredthem. Whereuponthe Lords of Englandwrote

TheLords
of to the Earle of Tyrone,in the monethof August of the

England's

Letters. following
yeere,
thattheyapproved
hisansweres,
andthat

in their opinion he had wrong, to be so charged,and that

publikely beforeJudges,and especially,that his answeres
were for a time concealed. Further, they commended
him for the token of loyalty he had given, in dealing
with Mac Guire to submit himselfe, exhorting him to
persist in his good course,and charging him (the rather
for avoiding his enemiesslaunder) not to medle with
compoundingof Controversiesin Ulster out of Tirone,
without the Lord Deputiesspeciallwarrant. At the same
time their Lordships wrote to the Lord Deputy, taxing
him and the Marshall, that they had used the Earle
againstLaw and equitie, and that hee the Lord Deputy
was not indifferent to the Earle, who offered to come

overinto Englandto justifiehimselfe.ThuswastheEarle

clearedin shew,but whetherthroughfeareof his enemies,

or the guiltinesof his conscience,

heshewedhimselfeever
after to be diffident of his owne safety.
In the beginning of the yeere 1594 Mac Guire brake

[II. i- I3-] into openRebellion,heenteredwith forcesinto Connaght

MacGuire's
(wherethe Burkesand Orwarkein Letrim, commonly

Rebellions.
calledOrwarkes
Countrey,
for disobediences
to theState,
hadbeenprosecuted
by Sir RichardBingham,Governour
of that Province.) This forerunnerof the greatercon190

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1594-

spirators(shortlyafter seconded
by Mac Mahowne)was
perswadedto enter Connaughtby Gauranusa Priest,
whom the Pope (forsooth) had made Primate of all
Ireland,andwasincouragedthereunto,by his ominating
of good successe. But by the valour of Sir Richard

Binghamthe Governour,Mac Guire wasrepelled,with

slaughterof manyof his men,amongwhomthis pretended
Primate

was killed.

Against this Mac Guire, the Earle of Tyrone served TheEarlef

with the Queenes

forces,and valiantlyfighting,wasTyrone
serves
wounded
in the thigh,yet this Earleprovidingfor his ^u'cuire.
securitie,about this time imprisonedthe abovementioned
sonnesof ShaneOneale,who had escapedout of Dublin
Castle,and if they had beenthere kept, would have been
a sure pledge of his obedience,neither would he restore
them to libertie, though he were required so to doe, but
still covering his treacherousheart with ostentationof a
feare conceivedof his enemies,he ceasednot daily to
complaineof the Lord Deputies and Marshals envy
againsthim, and of wrongs done him by the Garrison
souldiers. Thus the fier of this dangerousRebellion is
now kindled, by the abovenamedcauses,to which may
be added, the hatred of the conquered against the
Conquerors,the differenceof Religion, the love of the Theloveo

Irishto Spaine
(whence
someof themaredescended),
*^e
.nsfl
to

the extortions of Sheriffes and sub-Sheriffes buying

theseplaces,the ill governementof the Church among
our selves,and the admitting Popish Priests among the
Irish, and manysuchlike. And this fier of rebellionnow
kindled, shall be found hereafter to be increased to a

devouring flame, by slow & slender oppositionsto the

first erruptions,before they had libertie to combineand
know their owne strength; by not laying handstimely
on suspectedpersonsof quality, to prevent their combining with the rest (especiallyin Mounster, being as yet

quiet): by intertainingandarmingof Irish men(a point

of high oversight begun by Sr Joh. Perrot, &
increasedby Sr Will. Fitz Williams, the present
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'594.

Causes
of theL. Deputy, who at the first sendingof forcesinto

Rebellion.
Formannagh,
gavepowerto certaine
Irishmento raise
companies,which they did of their own Country men,
so as this ill custome being after continued, it both

furnishedthe enemywith trained men, and filled our

Bands with such false hearted souldiers, as some doubted,
whether

we had not

better

have them

enemies then

friends): By a Treatie entertainedat the very entrance

of the Rebellion, before any blow was strucken,which
madethe Traytors proud, and dauntedthe heartsof good
subjects; By ensuing cessations,long continuing and
giving liberty to the Traytors to strengthentheir combination, and to arme themselvesin forraine parts and at
home, whereuponall idle and discontentedpeople had
opportunitie to draw into Tyrone, and the Traytor Earle
of Tyrone had meanesto oppressethe bordering Lords

of Countriesadjoyning,whereofmany feelingoncehis
power, somefor feare, somefor love, joyned with him.
Besidesthat, the Army in the meanetime wasnot onely
an excessivechargeto the Queene,but lay idle, and in
steadof hurting the enemy,oppressed
the subject,thereby
daily driving manyinto Rebellion. Lastly (for I will not
more curiously searchthe causes,being not suteableto
so briefe a narration as I intend), the Rebellion was
nourishedand increasedby nothing more, then frequent
Protectionsand Pardons,grantedeven to those,who had
formerly abusedthis mercy,so asall entred andcontinued
to bee Rebels,with assuranceto be receivedto mercyat
their pleasure,whereof they sparednot to brag, and this
heartenedthe Rebell no lesse,then it discouragedthe
subject.
Anno1594. This presentyeere 1594, about the month of August,

S/rWilliamsir WilliamFitz-williams,
theLordDeputybeingrecalled
into England,
Sir William .Russell tooke the sword.
5
.'
,
About this time Ulster men m open hostility distressed

her Majestiesforces,andTyrone(so I will hereaftercall

him, deservingno additionof title), havinglongabsented
himselfefrom the State,wasundoubtedlyreputeda party
192

THE

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IRELAND

A.D.
1594.

in their rebellion,whenhis sudden& voluntary appearance

beforethis newLord Deputy at Dublin, in the very first

monethof his governement,
mademanyhopebetter of
him. He most assuredlypromisedal humble obedience
to the Queene, as well before the State at Dublin, in his

own person,as to the Lords in Englandby his letters, [H. i. 14.]

and making his most humble submissionto her Majesty,
besoughtto be restoredto her former Grace,from which
he had fallen by the lying slandersof his enemies,not
by any his just desert. The Marshall Sir Henry Bagnoll SirHenry

wasthenreadyto provebeforetheLord DeputyArticlesBagnoll

of hightreason
against
Tyrone,andto avowthathe^|^

sent mac Guire with his Primate into Connaght. That Treason
hee had secretintelligencewith the Traytors mac Guire against
and Odonnell, and had communicatedcounselswith them, Tyrone.

and gave them aide in the wasting of Monnaghan,and

the besiegingof Eniskellin, by his brother Cormacmac
Baron,and by Con his owne base son; and that he by
threatshad drawnethe Captainesof Kilulto and Kilwarny
from their faith and alleageance
to the Queene. It wasin
Councelldebated,whether Tyrone should be staied to
answerehereunto; and the Lord Deputy wasof opinion
he should be staied: but most of the Counsellers,either

for idle feare, or inclination of love to Tyrone, thought Tyrone

best to dismisse him for that time, and the counsell of dismissed.

these,as more in number, and best experiencedin Irish

affaires, the Lord Deputy followed. This much displeasedthe Queene,sincethis Foxestreasonablepractises

werenow soapparant,and her selfehadforewarned,

that
in case he came to the State, he should be staied, till

he had cleeredhimselfeof all imputed crimes. And the

Lords in Englandby their lettersthence,sharpelyreproved TheLord
the Lord Deputy, for sodismissinghim, which might give Deputy
the Rebelsjust causeto thinke that they durst not charge
him with treason,for feare of his forces, and their Lord-

shipsprofessed
to doubt,that Tyronesperformance
would
not be such,as might warrant this act.

The Lord Deputy shortly after tooke the field, and

M. ii

193

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1594-

TheLord leaving for martiall causesthe Earle of Ormond, for

civell causesthe Lord Chanceller,to governe Lemster

and those parts in his absence,drew the forcesinto

Fermannagh,that he might releeve Enis-Kellin, and
expell mac Guire out of his Countrey. This winter
following, it seemesthere was somenegotiation on both
sidesabout peace. For in the moneth of February, the

Lords of England wrote to the Lord Deputy, of her

Majestiesdislike of certainewritings sent over from
Odonnel and Sir Arthur Oneale, namely that in their
petitions, they included the pardon of mac Guire, and
Orwarke(commonlycalledOrurke). That they indented
with the Lord Deputy, that he should cometo Dundalke
within a moneth,and especiallythat the Lord Deputy by
Sir Edward More should desirea fortnight more for his
comming thither. Their Lordships also signified, that
3000.

the Queene sent over 2000. old souldiers, which had

souters
ient servedunderGeneralNorreysin Britanny;(givingorder
that they should be divided into hundreds,and so many
Captaines)besidesthat 1000. souldiers were levied in
England, to be sent thither. And becausetheir Lordshipsjudged, that all the practisesof the Northern Lords,
came out of Tyrones schoole,(howsoeverhe grossely
dissembledthe contrary), their Lordships advised the
Lord Deputy to offer Odonnel pardon, so as he would
severhimselfefrom Tyrone : And that the rather,because
he wasput into rebellionby Sir John Perrots imprisoning
him without any cause.
Tyrone hearing that suppliesof souldiers,& namely
the old souldiersof Britany, were comming for Ireland,
and that Garrisonsof English were to be plantedat the
Castlesof Ballishanon; and Relike, lying upon the Lake
Earn, thought it no longer time to temporise. Wherefore about this time of this yeere ending, or the first
Ann.1595 entranceof the yeere 1595, he drew his forcestogether,

Tyrone
takesand in open hostilitie, suddenlyassaultedthe Fort of

*%*,
Frif Black-water,
built upon
the
passageintoj Tyrone
on the
Black-water. c
.,
i "
_.i_
"
j u i
bouth side, and taking the same, raced it, and broke
194

THE

REBELLION

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IRELAND

A.D.
1595-

downethe Bridge. And now the Norther,ne

Rebelswith
Bannersdisplaied,entredthe Brennye. Yet at this time
Tyronesubtilly madesuitefor pardon,andpromisedthe Tyronis

Treasurer
at warres,Sir HenrieWallop,that he would ^%-

continue his Alleageanceto the Queene. At this time

likewise Feagh Mac Hugh, Walter Reagh, and many
Lemster men, began to enter into actions of hostility
againstthe English.
The Lord Deputy, who saw this storme of Rebellion L. Deputy,

wouldlye heavyon his shoulders,

in his lettersto the LfGeneral1
Lordsin Englandhadlet fall a request,
thatsomeold **
experiencedCommandermight be sent over to him, for
his better assistance,
meaning(no doubt) sucha Captaine[II. i- 15-]
as should be commandedby the supreameauthority of
the Lord Deputie. But the Lords either mistaking his
intent, or becausethey sojudged it best for her Majesties
service,sent over Sir John Norreys, a great Leader,and SirJohn
famousin the warresof the Low Countriesand France, Norreyi
giving him the title of Lord General,with absolutecommand over military affaires, in the absenceof the L.
Deputie. This great Commanderwas not like to be
willingly commandedby any, who had not borne asgreat
or greater place in the warres then himselfe. So as
whether through emulation, growing betweenehim and
the Lord Deputy, or a declining of his Fortune, incident
to the greatestLeaders,howsoeverhe behavedhimselfe
most valiantly and wisely in some encountersagainst
Tyrone, and the chieferebels,yet he did nothing against

them of moment. About the beginningof June, the

L. Deputie and the Lord Generall drew their Forces

towards Armagh, and now Tyrone had sent letters of
submissionto them both (intreating the Lord Generall
more speciallyfor a milder proceedingagainst him, so
as he might not be forced to a headlongbreachof his
loyaltie.) These letters should have been delivered at

Dundalke,but the Marshall Bagnollinterceptingthem,

stayed the messengerat the Newrye, till the Lord

Deputiesreturne,at which time because

in this journey

A.D.

FYNES

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ITINERARY

Tyronehadbeenproclaimed
Traytor,herefusedto receive
them, in respectof her MajestiesHonour.

SirHenrie
Wallop

Yet shortly after at Tyrones instance,Sir Henrie

and
SirRobert
Wallop,Treasurer
at Warres,
andSir RobertGardner
chiefeJusticeof Ireland, were by Commissionappointed
conferre
with to conferrewith him and his confederateRebels. Tyrone
Gardner to

Tyrone. in this conference

complainedof the Marshall for his
usurpedjurisdictionin Ulster, for deprivinghim of the
Queenesfavour by slaunders; for intercepting his late
lettersto the Lord Deputie,and Lord Generall,protesting
that he never negotiatedwith forraine Prince, till he was
proclaimedTraytor. His humblepetitionswere,that hee
and his might be pardoned,and have free exerciseof
Religion granted(which notwithstandinghad neverbefore
either been punished or inquired after.) That the
Marshall should pay him one thousandpound for his
dead Sisters, his wives portion.

That no Garrisons nor

Sheriffesshould be in his Country. That his troope of

fiftie horsein the Queenespay might be restoredto him.
And that such as had preyed his Country, might make
restitution.

Odonnell's Odonnell magnifying his Fathers and Progenitors

complaint.servicesto the Crowne,complained

that CaptaineBoyne,
sent by Sir John Perrot with his Company into his
Countrey,under pretenceto reducethe peopleto civilitie,
and being well entertainedof his Father, had besides
many other injuries, raiseda Bastardto be Odonnel,and
that Sir John Perrot, by a ship sent thither, had taken

himselfeby force,and long imprisonedhim at Dublin.

And that Sir William Fitz Williams had wrongfully kept
Owen O Toole abovementionedsevenyeeresin prison.

His petitionswere for pardonto him and his, and for

freedome of Religion.
O

That no Garrisons or Sheriffes

.

might bee placed in his Countrey. And that certame

Castlesand lands in the County of Sligo might bee

Shane

One
ale's

restored

to him.

ShaneMac Brian Mac PhelimeOneale,complained

of

complaint. an Handtaken from him by the Earle of Essex,and that

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hehadbeenimprisonedtill hesurrendered
to the Marshall
a Barrony, his ancient Inheritance. Hugh Mac Guire
complainedof insolenciesdone by Garrison souldiers,
and by a Sheriffe,who besideskilled one of his nearest

Kinsmen. Brian Mac Hugh Oge, and Mac Mahowne

(so the Irish called the chiefe of that name surviving),
and Ever Mac Cooly of the same Family of Mac
Mahownes,complainedof the above-mentionedunjust
executionof Hugh Roe Mac Mahowne,in the Governement of Sir William

Fitz

Williams.

The Commissionersjudged some of their petitions

equall,othersthey referredto the Queenespleasure. But
whenon the Queenespart, they propoundedto the Rebels
someArticles to beeperformedby them, they weregrowne
so insolent,asjudging them unequall,the conferencewas The
brokenoff, with a few dayesTruce grantedon both sides, conference

whentheQueene,for sparingof bloud,hadresolvedto broken

off.
give them any reasonableconditions.
This Truce ended, the Lord Deputy and the Lord [II. i. 16.]
Generall,about the eightenth of July, drew the Forces
to Armagh, with such terror to the Rebels,as Tyrone Tyrone
left the Fort of Blackwater, burnt the Towne of Dun- betakes

gannon,and pulled downe his House there, burnt all

Villages, and betooke himselfe to the Woods. They
proclaimedTyrone Traytor in his owne Countrey, and Tyrone

leavinga Guardin theChurchof Armagh,theyfor wantProclaimd

of victuals,returned to Dublin, and by the way placeda
Garrisonin Monaghan. And when the Army cameneere
to Dundalke, the Lord Deputie accordingto his instructions from England, yeeldedthe commandof the Army
to the Lord Generall,and leaving him with the Forces
in the Northerne Borders, returned to Dublin.

The

third of SeptemberHugh Earle of Tyrone, Hugh O

Donnel, Bryan O Rourke, Hugh Mac Guire, Bryan Mac
Mahowne, Sir Arthur Oneale, Art Mac Baron, Henry

Oge Oneale,Turlogh Mac Henry Oneale,CormacMac

Baron (Tyrones Brother), Con Oneale, Tyrones base

Sonne,BryanArt Mac Brian, and oneFrancisMounfoord,
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werefor formeof Law indited,thoughabsent,and condemnedjudicially of Treasonin the Countieof Lowthe,

neere the Borders of the North.

TheLemster From this time the Lemster Rebels began to grow

Rebels.

very strong: for Feogh Mac Hugh of the Obirns,&

Donnel Spanniahof the Cavanaghs,
when they were
declining, & in want of munition, were not prosecuted,
but upon fainedsubmissionwere receivedinto protection,
and so had meanesto renewtheir Forces,and supply their
wants, so as this yeere,about this moneth of September,
they began to oppresseal the subjects,from the Gates
almost of Dublin, to the County of Wexford (the most
ancientEnglish County, and ever much caredfor by the
Queene), which they spoiled, wanting forces to defend
it, and so deprived the English souldier of great reliefe
he might have found therein. The like may be said of
the Oconnors in Ophalia.

GenerallNorris being left by the Lord Deputie on the

Northerne Borders,with full commandof the Army, the
Winter passedwithout any great exploit. There wasin
Emulation many things no small emulation betweenethe Lord
betweene
the Deputie and him, and no lessein Tyrones particular.
Lord Deputie
The Lord Deputie seemedto the Lord Generall,to be
and the Lord
Generall. unequalland too sharpeagainstTyrone, with whom he
wishedno treaty of Peaceto bee held, (which he wisely
did, having experiencedhis false subtiltie, and knowing
that he sought delaies,onely till hee could have aide
from Spaine.) But the Lord Generall(whether it were
in emulation of the Lord Deputy, or in his favour and
love to Tyrone) waswilling to reclaimehim by a Gentle
course(which that crafty Fox could well nourish in him.)
And it seemessomepart of the Winter passed,while this
project was negotiated betweenethem.

Ann.1596. For in the beginning of the yeere 1596, a Comission

was procured out of England, whereby her Majestic,
though justly offended with Tyrone and his associates,
about their demaunds, in the former conferencewith Sir

Henry Wallop, and Sir Robert Gardner, yet in regard

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of their letters of humble submission,since that time A Commissio

presented
to her, doth signifieher gratiouspleasure
to procured
out
Sir John Noreis Lord Generall,and Sir Geffry Fenton,

herMajestiesSecretary
for Ireland,giving themauthoritie
to promisepardonof life, andrestoringof landsandgoods
to the saidLords, seekingwith due humilitie her Royall
mercy, and to heare them, with promise of favourable
considerationin all their complaints. And thus much
the Commissionerssignified to Tyrone and Odonnell,by
Captaine Sant Leger, and Captaine Warren, sent of
purposeunto them, with instructionsdated the eleventh
of Aprill, this presentyeere 1596, and with referenceof
other particulars,to a meeting appointedto be at Dun-

dalke. The twentieof the samemonth Tyrone at Tyrone

craves
DundalkebeforetheseCommissioners
cravedthe QueenestheQueenes
mercyon his knees,signing with his handa most humble mercy.
submissionin writing, vowing faith in the presenceof
Almightie God, who seethinto the secretsof all mens
hearts,and (to use still his owne words) most humbly

cravingher Majestiesmercyandpardonon the kneesof

his heart. His first petition for liberty of Religion, was
utterly rejected. For the second,touchingfreedomefrom
Garrisons and Sheriffes, he was answered, that

her

Majestiewould not beprescribedhow to governe. In the

third, intercedingfor Orelyespardon,it wasdisliked that
he should capitulate for others, yet giving hope of his [II. i. 17.]
pardonupon his owne submission. For the fourth, concerningthe Jurisdictionof Armagh, the answerwas,that
her Majesty would reserveall the Bishops right. For

the fifth, concerningthe freeingof ShaneOnealessons,

it wasreferredto her Majestiesfurther pleasure. Finally,
he promisedto desistfrom aiding the Rebels,and from
intermedling with the neighbor Lords. To make his promises.
Country a Shiere: to admit a Shiriffe. To renouncethe
title of Oneale. To confesse(upon his pardon) all his

intelligences
with forrainePrinces,andall his pastactions,
whichmayconcernethe good of the State. To rebuild
the Fort and Bridge of Blackwater,and to relievethe
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Garrison for ready money at all times. To deliver in

sufficientPledges^ To dismisseall his Forces,& to pay

suchreasonable
fine to her Majestiesuse, as shouldbe
thought meeteby her Majestic. Hugh Odonnelat the
sametime did agreeto diversarticles,for the goodof his
Countrey, and made his like humble submission. The
like did Hugh mac Guire, Bryan mac Hugh, Ever Oge
Roe mac Cooly, Bryan Orewark (called Ororke), Shane
Mac Bryan, Phillip O Reyly, and others. To eachone
was given (under the Commissionershands)a promise
of her Majesties pardon, upon putting in of Pledges.
And Proclamationwas made,to give notice hereof to all
the Queenessubjects,that in the meanetime no actsof
hostilitie might be done againstany of those,who had
thus

submitted

themselves.

Thus the Ulster Rebels,by a submissiontoo honest

to be truly intended by them, whilest Pledges were
expected,and Pardonsdrawne,were freedfrom the prosecution of the Queenes Forces this Summer.

And even

Tyrone at tn^s^me did Tyronesoliciteaidein Spaine,

andtwo

solicites
aide or three messengerscame secretly to the rebels from
fromSpaine.thence,by whom manyof them (asOrorke, Mac William,
&c) senta writing signed,to the King of Spaine,covenant-

ing, that if heewould sendsufficientForces,theywould

joyne theirs to his, and if he would at all relieve them,

in the meanetime they would refuse all conditionsof
Peace. But Tyrone, though consenting,yet was too
craftie to signe this Covenant,yea, craftily he sent the
King of Spainesanswereto the Lord Deputie, whilest
hee notwithstandingrelied on the promisedsuccours. I
finde nothing of momentdonethis Summerby the Forces
with the Generall,being restrainedby the last agreement

at Dundalke; onelyaboutthe endof August,heewrote

out of Connaght unto the Lord Deputie, complaining
of divers wants, and desiring more Forcesto be sent
him. To whom the Lord Deputie answered,that his
Lordship had warrant to supply some of his wants
in the Countrie, and denied the sending of any
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Forces to him, becausehimselfe was to goe into the

Field.

By this time the rebelsof Lemster were (as I formerly Therebels

oj

mentioned)grownestrong,Feogh Mac Hugh breakingLemster

*

his

protectionentred into acts of hostilitie, and he growne

5trong'

together with the O Mores, O Connors, O Birnes, O

Tooles,the Cavenaghs,
Butlers,and the chiefenamesof
Connaght, animated by the successeof Ulster men,
combinedtogether,and demaundedto have the barbarous
titles of O and Mac together with lands they claimed,
to be restored to them, in the meanetime spoiling all
the Country on all sides.
About the moneth of January, Sir Richard Bingham, SirRichard

Governourof Connaght,who hadvaliantlybeatenOrorke Blngham.

out of his Countrie, and prosecutedthe Bourks, andother

Rebels,was calledinto England, upon complaintsof the
Irish, and Sir Conyers Clifford was sent to governe SirConyers
Connaght. This Gentlemancomplainedoff by the Irish, Clifford.
wasvaliant and wise; but someof our English Statesmen thought him too severe,and that he had thereby
driven many into rebellion, howsoeverhimselfevery well
experiencedin the Country, and thosewho best understood the Irish nature, found nothing so necessarie
for
keepingthem in obedience,as severitie,nor so dangerous
for the increaseof murthers and outrages,as indulgence
towards them. His answersto their complaintscould
not be so admitted

as for

the time

some discountenance

fell not on him, which reward of serviceshe constantly

bore, till in short time after, to his great grace,the State

thoughtfit againeto usehis service,in a placeof great

commaund

in the Armie.

Sir John Norreys Lord Generall,Sir GeorgeBourcher, Another

Master of her MajestiesOrdinance,and Sir Geffery Commissio

Fentonher MajestiesSecretary
for Ireland,beingby aPP'int^-

Commissiondirected to treat againe with Tyrone, did [II. i. 18.]

by their letters dated the twenty of Januarieremember
him of the favour he had received at the last treatie at

Dundalke,and chargedhim (as formerly he had been

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charged)with high crimessincethat committedby him,

to the violationof the Articles thenagreedon, therefore
advising him, that since they were for her Majesties
serviceto draw to the Borders,he would there testifie to
them his penitenciefor offencesdone since his pardon,
by suchan humble and heartiesubmission,as they might
recommendinto England from him. Tyrone by his
answereof the two and twentie of Januarie,acknowledged
under his hand her Majestiesmercy therein extendedto
him, and confessedoffencesand breachesof the Articles

there signed, withall desiring them, to examine the

wrongs and provocations,by which he had beenedriven
thereunto, and protesting his sorrow for these offences.
Meeting
with The sameday he met the Commissioners
neereDundalke,

Tyrone
neerewherehe beingon the one sideof the Brooke,they on

Dundalke.
^e other,heeput of his hat,andholdingit withgreat
reverence in his hand, said to them.

That hee was come

thither, not onely to shew his duty to them, as her

Majesties Commissioners,but his inward desire to bee
made & continued a subject. When he would have
remembredthe wrongs sincehis late Pardon provoking
him to disloialtie, they cut him off by remembringhim
of all the benefits,and that of his last pardon, received
from the Queene,which should have counterpoisedhis
wrongs,and have kept him in duty. He confessedthis,
with shew of great remorse,and protestedbefore God
and heaven, that there was no Prince nor creature, whom

he honouredashe did her Majestie; nor any Nationof

peoplethat he loved or trusted more, then the English.
Protesting further, that if her Majestie would pleaseto
acceptof him againeasa subject,and to take suchcourse
as hee might bee so continued, (thus still he reserved

pretenceof wrongsto shaddowhis future disloialties),

then he doubted not but to redeeme all his faults past

with some notable services. Besides,hee gave answers

to diversquestions,andsignedthemafter with his hand.

First, askedwhat messages
andlettershadpassed
betweene
Spaineand him ; he answered,neverto havereceivedany,
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but incouragements
from Spaine,and assurances
of an Tyrone's

Army to aide him: that he never had further contract dnswen.

with the Spaniards,and that he had sent the King of
Spainesletter abovementionedto the Lord Deputie and
Counsell: that he never receivedthenceany money or
ought of value, nor any of his confederates
to his knowledge. Only Odonnel had some fifteene barrels of
powder,whereofhe should have had a portion, but never
had it. Secondly,for the late Submitties,Pardons,and

Pledges,heeundertookethat with all speedethe Pledges

should be sent to Dublin, with Agents to sue out the
Pardons granted in the last Treatie at Dundalke.
Thirdly, for his making O Realy, he vowed that the
Gentlemen of the Countrie made him, and that he would

hereafternever meddle in the causesof the Brenny.

Fourthly, for the Rebelsof Lemster and the Butlers, he
answered,that he never had confederacywith any but

FeoghMac Hugh, and for the Butlers,heenever had

anything to doewith them. Fiftly, for Agentsin Spaine,

he denied to have any, or to know any his confederates
had. Sixthly, for his jealousieof the State,hee avowed
it to be upon just causes,which hee would after make
knowne. This done,heedesiredCaptaineWarren might
come over the Brooke to him, and then by him he

requestedthat himselfemight come over to the Commissioners,in token of his faithfull heart to her Majestic,
which granted,he with great reverencesalutedthem, and
with hat in hand, lifting up his eyesto Heaven, desired Hisoathe.

God to takevengeance
on him, if (her Majesticvouchsafingto make him a subject, and to causethe Articles

of Dundalketo be kept to him) he would not continue

faithfull, and desired never to see Christ in the face, if

hemeantnot ashespake. He confessed,

thatthe Spanish
shipslately arrived in the North, had brought Odonnel

the Kings letter, signifying that he heardthe Earle of

Tirone to be dead,andthe Irish to havereceiveda great
overthrow,desiringto be advertisedof their State. And
that Odonnel before his comming had given answere,
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that if the King sentan Army, he would take his part,

and hoped the like of the other Irish.

But at his

comming,that the SpanishCaptaineexcusingthat the

King had not written to him, he only told him, that
[II. i. 19.] promisehadnot beenkept with him by the English,and
TheKingof thereforehe would not refuse the Kings promisedaide.

Spaine's
help.And with manyexecrations
swore,that theCaptaine
left
neither Munition nor Treasure with him, and that he

neverreceivedany thing from the King of Spaine,but

that letter above mentioned, which he sent to the Lord

Deputy. And that he never wrote but three letters into

Spaine,all about one time, and (as he thought) all intercepted. Lastly, he vehementlydenied to have incited
any Mounster men to rebellion, since his last pardon.

So with like reverenceas formerly, he tooke his leave.

CommissionsUpon advertisementhereof into England, the Compowerto
meetmissionersreceivedample power to concludeall things
with Tyrone. Thus much they made knowne to him
by letters,sent to him by his old friend CaptaineWarren,
the ninth of March, with instructions to appoint the
secondof Aprill the day of meeting at Dundalke, which
Tyrone accepted,with shewof joy to be receivedto her
Majesties mercy, the sweetneswhereof he had often
experienced,and of feare to be pursued by her forces,
which he professedhimselfenot able to resist. But by
his letters the fifteene of March, he made doubt of meet-

ing, pretendingthat his pledgeswere not changedaccording to covenant,nor restitution madehim by thosethat
had preyedhis Country, and that his confederates
could
not comesosocne. The Commissioners
replyedby letters
Tyrone
delays,
the two and twenty of March, that thesewerebut delayes,
sincethe pledgesat the meeting (upon his putting in his

eldestsonnefor pledge)shouldbe restored,andhe in all

things reasonably
satisfied,protestingthat if he refused
this occasion,they could doe no more for him, sinceher

Majestywouldbe no longerabusedby his fairepromises

and delayes: Adding, that he must conformehimselfe
to the directionsthey had, and could not alter. Master
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Secretary
wrote out of Englandunto the Commissioners
the two and twenty of March; That her Majesty was TheQueene

displeased
to havethe treatythusdelayed,andchargedprepared
for
to havethe meetingin a Towne,asa submission
of the
Rebels,not in the field as a parley. That her Majesty
preparedfor the warre, resolving not to have any more
treaties, if this tooke not effect. Lastly, desiring them

to acquainttheLord Deputywith all their directions,and

the issues,and to excusehis not writing to his Lordship,
thinking that the Commissionerswere not at Dublyn

with

him.

Upon the tenth of Aprill, in the yeere 1597, the Ann-J597CommissionersagainepressedTyrone by letters, not to
slackehis owne greatestgood by delayes,and appointed

for the last day of meeting,the sixteenthof that present

moneth, and that his confederatsnot able then to come,

shoulddraw after as sooneas they could, protestingthat

this was the last time that they would write unto him.
Tyrone on the seventeenthof April, sent his reasonsof Tyrone:
not comming: First justifying his relapsinto disloialty excuses.
by the truce not observedto him, and becauserestitution
wasnot made him of preyestaken from him, which was
promised. Then excusinghis not meeting, becausehis
pledges,by the truce being from three monethsto three
monethsto be changed,werestill detained,yea,his pledges
the secondtime put in, were kept togetherwith the first;
And saying,that he durst not cometo the Lord Generall,

becausemanypromisesby him made,being not kept,

he knew it was much against his honourablemind, and
so could not be perswaded,but that the Lord Generall
was overruled by the Lord Deputy, so as he could not
makegood his promiseswithout the Lord Deputiesconsent, who shewed malice to him, and was no doubt the

causeof all the breachesof such promises,as had beene

madeunto him. Againe, in regard he heardthat the

Lord Bourgh was to come over Lord Deputy, who was

altogether
unknowneto him, heprotestedto fearethat the
acts of the Lord Generall with him, would not be made
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good,wishingthat ratherthe Lord Generallmight be

continuedin his command,for then he would be confident

of a goodconclusion. Finally,hedesireda meetingneere

Dundalkethe sixeandtwentyof Aprill, but this appointmentfor the day beingagainstthe last finall resolution,
and for the placeagainsther Majestiesdirections,there
wasno more speechof this treaty.
SirWilliam

In the meane time Sir William Russell Lord Deputy,

Russell
calledby the managing
of thoseandlike affaires,findinghimselfenot duly countenanced
out of England, in the place
he sustained, had made earnest suit to be called home,

[II. i. 20.] and accordinglyabout the end of May he was revoked,

andtheLord Bourgh,(sohehimselfewrites,otherswrite

L. Bourgh.Burke, and Camdenwrites Borough) came over Lord

L.Deputy.
'Deputy. The iff successe
of the treatiesand small
progresseof the warres, together with this unexpected
change of the Lord Deputy, comming with supreme
authority, as well in martiall as civill causes,brake the

heart of Sir John Norryes Lord Generall, a leader as

worthy and famousas England bred in our age. Of late
(accordingto vulgar speech)he had displeasedthe Earle
TheEarleof of Essex, then a great favourite in Court, and by his
Essex
andSir merites possessed
of the superintendencyin all martiall

John
Norryes.
affaires
. For Sir john Norryes
hadimbraced
theaction
of Brest Fort in Britany, and the warresin thoseparts,
when the Earle himself had purposeto entertainethem,
and prevailedagainstthe Earle, by undertakingthemwith
lesse forces, then the Earle desired for the same. And

it was thought that the Earle had preferred the Lord

Bourgh, of purposeto discontenthim, in regard the said
Lord Bourgh had had a private quarrell with the said
Generallin England, and that besidesthe superiourcommand of this Lord, (though otherwisemost worthy, yet
of lesseexperiencein the warresthen the Generallhad),

couldnot but be unsupportable

to him, esteemed
oneof
thegreatestCaptaines
of his time,andyet havinginferiour
commandof the Presidentshipof Mounster in the same
Kingdome. Certainely upon the arrivall of this new
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Lord Deputy,presentlyGenerallNorryeswascommanded
to his governementof Mounster, and not to stirre thence
without leave. When he came thither, this griefe so
wrought upon his high spirit, as it apparantlybrake his
brave and formerly undauntedheart, for without sickenes
or any publike signe of griefe, he suddenlydied, in the Death
of

imbraceof his deerebrotherSir ThomasNorreys,his Generall

vicepresident,
withinsome
twomoneths
of hiscomming
Norryes.
into

Mounster.

The Lord Bourgh at his entry into the placeof Lord

Deputy, found all the North in Rebellion, except seven All theNorth

Castles,with their Townesor Villages,all but onelying in Rebellion.

towardsthe sea,namelyNewry, Knockfergus,Carlingford,
Greene-Castle,
Armagh, Dondrom, and Olderfleet. And
all Connaghtwaslikewise in Rebellion,togetherwith the
Earle of Ormonds nephewesthe Butlers, in Mounster.

In this monethof May, Ororke wassent into England, Ororke

by theKing of Scots,andthereexecuted.This Ororkeexecuted.

seemesto have beeneexpelled his Countrey, when Sir
RichardBinghamwasGovernourof Connaght,but those
of his name, and the chiefe of them, usurping the
Countreyof Letrym, still continuedRebels.
Tyrone hitherto with all subtilty anda thousandsleights Tyrone's

abusing
theState,
whenhesawanydanger
hanging
overcraftinesse.
him, by fained countenanceand false words pretended
humblestsubmission,and hearty sorrow for his villanies;
but assooneasopportunity of pursuing him wasomitted,
or the forceswere of necessityto be drawne from his
Countrey,with the terror of them all his loyalty vanished,
yea, he failednot to mingle secretlythe greatestCounsels
of mischiefe with his humblest

submissions.

And these

courseshad beenenourishedby the sloth of our Leaders,

the frugality of someof our counsellers,and the Queenes
inbred lenity: yet of all other, he had most abusedthe
late Lord Generalslove to him, and his credulity, which
speciallygrew out of his love. Now of this new Lord
Deputy, by letters hee requesteda truce or cessation,
which it seemedgood to the Lord Deputy to grant for
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'597-

a moneth,in regardof the conveniency

of her Majesties
presentaffaires,not anyway to gratifiethe Rebell,for he
had no purposeto entertainemore speechof his submission, or to slacke the pursuit of him and his con-

federates,to which he was wholly bent. He saw the

lamentableeffects, which thesecessations,together with
protections,hadhitherto produced,and amongother evils,
did speciallyresolve to avoid them.
TheLord
Thereforeassooneas the monethof truce wasexpired,
Deputytakes
the Lord Deputy aswellby his first actions,to give luster
thefield.
and ominous presageto his governement,as becausehe
judged it bestfor the serviceto strike at the head,presently
drew the ForcestowardsTyrone. The Irish, in a fastnes
neereArmagh, (so they call straight passages
in woods,
where to the natural strength of the placeis addedthe
art of interlacingthe low bowes,and castingthe bodiesof
treesacrossethe way) opposedthe passage
of the English,
who made their way with their swords,and found that
[II.i.21.] the Irish resolutelyassaulted,would easily give ground.
The
Fortof Then the Lord Deputy assaultedthe Fort of Blackewater,
Blackwater

retaken. formerly
builtbytheEnglishuponthepassage
to Dungannon, whence the Earle at his first entering into

rebellion,hadby forceexpelledthe English,as carefully

as he would have driven poyson from his heart. This
Fort he soon wonne, and repayring the same, put a

companyof English souldiersinto it, to guardit. But

whilst the Lord Deputy with the whole army wererendering thanks to God for this good successe,the Rebels
shewedthemselvesout of the thicke woodsneereadjoyning on the North-side of the Fort, so as the prayerswere
interrupted by calling to armes. The English entered
Conflict
intheskirmish, and prevayledagainst them, driving them to

woods. flye into thethickestof theirdens. In this conflictwere

killed Francis Vaughan, brother to the Lord Deputies
wife ; and Robert Tumour Serjant Major of the Army,
and two foster brethren to Henry Earle of Kildare,who

with his troopeof HorsevaliantlyservedupontheRebell,

and tooke the death of his foster brethren so to heart,
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(aftertheeducation
of theIrish)ashe shortlyafterdied.
Many alsowerewounded,amongwhomThomasWalker

was of chiefe name.

When the Lord Deputy first resolvedto draw up to

Blackewater,
he sent directionsto Sir ConyersClifford
to comeup with theConnaghtforcesby thewayof Ballyshannon,and to meetehim there, which he in like sort

attempted,but beingovermatched
by the Rebelslying in
his way, could not peirce so farre, but was forced to SirConyers

retire, and by that retreat wonnegreat reputation to Clifford''!

himselfe
andthemenunder
him: for having
withhimsr*(/"a(
somesixe or sevenhundred foote onely; of which part
was of the old Britan Souldiers,and being assayledby
more then 2000. Rebels, during thirty miles march he
valiantly repelledthem, and safelyretired to the garrison.
The Lord Deputy leaving the Fort at the Blackewater well guarded to the charge of CaptaineThomas
Williams, withdrew the Forces towards the Pale. Now

the Rebels tossed betweene hope, feare, and shame,

resolvedto besiegethe Fort, and Tyrone thought his TheRebels

reputation
lost,if herecovered
it not,andsowithjoynt^f'&fthe
force they compassed
and assayledthe same. Whereof por(
the Lord Deputy being advertised, with all possible
expeditiongatheredthe forces,to leadethem to the reliefe

of that fort, and the Rebelshearing of his Lordships

approach,quitted the siegeof the Fort, and retired into
their strengths. Whereuponthe Lord Deputy marched

forward,and having passedthe BlackwaterFort, and

purposingto enter and passethe placeleading to Dungannon Tyrones chiefe House, he fel suddenly sicke,
and beingcarriedbackein his horselitter to Armagh,and
thenceto the Newry, died in the way, to the great joy Death
ofthe

of the Rebels,dejectedwith his sharpeprosecutionand LordDeputy.

bold adventures,and to the no lessegriefe of the English,

erectedwith hope of good successe.Howsoever many

of goodjudgementheld his purposeof passingto Dungannonvery dangerous,and altogetherfruitlesse,since

no garrisonsbeing planted to gaine ground, no other
M. ii

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issuecould be hopedin the best event, then a bragge

of couragein passingto Tyronescheefeseate,whichno
other Deputy had yet attempted. And as they greatly
commended
the Lord Deputiesvalour in theseactions,
so they fearedthe ingaging and losseof the Queenes

Army, by this or somelike bold attempt.

Lord
Justice. After his death,Sir ThomasNorreys,Lord President
of Mounster, was under the great scale of Ireland
provisionallymadeLord Justiceof the Kingdome,(asthe
custome is in such sudden changes)who repaired to
Dublin, and there executedhis place for one month (as
I thinke of September)and no longer, for he being sick
& cast down in minde by the great sorrow he had conceivedfor the late deathof his worthy brother, madegreat
suite to the Queeneand the Lords in England,to be eased
of this burthen of being Lord Justice,and to have leave
to retire himselfe to his governementof the Province
of Mounster.

Lord

Lieftenant,

And so Adam Loftus Lord Chauncellorof Ireland, and

Lord Archbishopof Dublin, and Robert Gardner chiefe

Justices. Justiceof Ireland,by letters out of England, the thirteene
and Lords

of October were made Lords Justices for the civell

governement, and the Earle of Ormond with title of

Lord Liefetenant of the Army, was authorizedto command in cheefefor all martiall affayres. Tyrone after
[II. i. 22.] his old custome,flies unto the Lord Lieftenant, with
protestations of loyalty, and complaines of wrongs,

inforcinghis disloiallcourses,
whichhis Lordshipadvertising into England, receivedauthority from thence,to
treat with Tyrone about his submission, having Sir
Geffery Fenton Secretaryof Ireland joyned with him

Meeting
withfor an assistant. Hereuponensueda meetingat Dun-

Tyrone. dalkeon the 22 of December,

whereTyronemadehis
most humble submissionin writing, acknowledgingher
Majesties great merciein giving him and his Associates
their pardons upon former submissions,and upon the
kneesof his heart (as he writes) professedmost heartie
penitencie for his disloialtie, and especiallyhis foule
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relapsesthereinto,humbly beseeching
the Lord Lieutenant to be a meanesto her sacredMajestic for his
pardon,withall making knowne his grievances,which
howsoever
they could not justifie his offence,yet might
in somemeasure
qualifiethe heinousnesse
thereof. And
till thesemight be booked,to be sent over with his

Submission,most humbly craving of his Lordship to Tyrone

craves
grant a truce or cessationof Armes for eight weeks a trucefollowing. And further, to the end it might appearethat
his submissionproceededfrom his heart, promising that
for the time of this cessation,there shouldbe no impediment given to her Majesties Ministers bringing victuals
to BlackwaterFort, yea, that for a poore token of his
humblestduty, hee would voluntarily give to the hands
of the Captaine fortie Beeves,and suffer the souldiers
to cut and fetch in wood, or any other provisions. For
his performancewhereof hee offered presently to give
Pledgesto his Lordship.
The same day hee subscribedthe following articles, Hesubscribes
propoundedto him by the Lord Lieutenant. First, he these
Articles.
promisethfor him and his associates,
faithfully to keepe
her Majesties Peace during the cessation. Secondly,
that hee will presentlyrecall all Ulster men sent by him
into Lemster, leaving those who should not obay his
directions to the Lord Lieutenants discretion. Thirdly,

if any during the Truce shall breakeinto Rebellion, he

promisethnot to aide them, so as none dependingon his
Truce, be in the meanetime taken in by the Statewithout
his consent. Fourthly, he agreethto a generallLiberty,
of buying necessariesfor his men in the Pale, and
for the Queenessubjectsin Ulster, and nothing to be
forceablytaken on either side. Fiftly, that upon pretendedwrongs no revengebe taken, but restitution be
made within ten dayesafter complaint. Sixthly, that
during the Truce hee shall have no intelligencewith the

King of Spaine,or other forrainePrince, but acquaint

the State with any messagehee shall receive, or

projecthe shallheare. Seventhly,that he shallpresently

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draw a bookeof his grievances,

suchas he can prove,
without mention of frivolous

matters unworthie

her sacred

Majestiesview. Eightly, that he will deliverinto the

Fort forty Beeves,andgive safeconductto her Majesties

Ministers

to vittaile

the said Fort of Blackwater, and

suffer the souldiers to cut and fetch wood on the South-

sideof Armagh,andfor all othernecessaries

permitthem
to agreewith the owners,so as they comenot of themselvesinto his Countrie, but have his men with them in

company. Ninthly, that anyprey beingtrackedinto his

Countrie, he shall make restitution, and deliver the

theeves
to beexecuted,
andif anybe stoppedfrom following of his track the stoppershall answerethe goodsso
tracked; which course the Lord Lieutenant promised
likewise

to hold towards him and his associates.

The foure and twentie of December,Tyrone advertised

the Lord Lieutenant, that he servedthe Fort with fortie
Beeves
sent
by Beeves,but the Captainehadrefusedten of them,wherein
Tyrone. his discretionwas taxed by the Lord Lieutenant, since
they were of voluntarie gift. Yet Tyrone promisedto
send ten other of the best he had in lieu of them.

Submission
oj
The eighteenth of Februarie Brian Oge Orwarke

Brian

(commonlycalledOrorke) Lord of Letrym (commonly

Ororke. calledOrorkes
Country)
submitted
himselfin a great
assemblyon his kneesto her Majestic, beforeSir Conyers

Clifford Governourof Connaght,subscribingfurther to

theseArticles. First, that he and his followerspromised

in all humblenesse
to performeall duties to her Majestic,
as becommethgood subjects. Secondly,that he will
receive her Majesties Sheriffes,and yeeld them all due
obedience. Thirdly, that he will pay to her Majesticher
compositionor rent, and yeeldto her Highnes all services,
accordingto his new Patent to be granted. Fourthly,
[II. i. 23-] that hee shall send out of his Countrie all strangersto
their owne dwelling places. Fifthly, that heewill apprehend all Rebels,Theeves or Malefactorscomminginto

his Countrie, sending them and their goods to the

Governour, Sixthly, that heewill deliver Pledgesfor
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his Sept (or Family) and the chiefe Septswith him,

within twentie dayes. Hereof Sir ConyersClifford Si''C"yers

advertised
theLordsJustices,
prayingthatin regardof aj^ff
the strengthandfastnesse
of OrorkesCountry,he might
not beediscontented,
with havingBeevestakenfrom him

for reliefe of the Army, without paymentof ready money

for them, sincethat coursehad alreadygrievedall the

Submitties. Further, he shewedthat the Countrie of

Ororke was most necessaryto be defended. For howsoever it was held by Sir Richard Bingham the last
Governouras by Conquest(upon expelling of the above
mentionedOrorke), yet then it was all waste, so as the
Rebell could make little use of it, whereas now it was

most replenishedwith cattle, and therefore like to be

assaultedby Tyrone and Odonnel, incensed against
Ororke by reasonof this his submission. Besidesthat,
the Queenesforcescould lie no whereso fitly for service,
asupon the Earne, nor there beerelievedbut by Ororke,
nor receivereliefe with his contentmentbut by paying
readymoney. Lastly, heeshewedthat all the peopleupon
the Earne, and in those parts, excepting Mac William,
had submittedthemselvesto her Majestic, and delivered
Pledgesfor their Loyalty, being glad to live under her
MajestiesLawes,and onely terrified with the burden of
relieving the souldiers,without paiment for their cattle.
Therefore he desired that two of the privy Counsell
might beesentover, to take knowledgeof suchgrievances,
as the Submittiesshould presentunto them, and to take
order for their satisfaction. This goodly submission
had all the sameissue, as followeth in that of the famous

Faith-breakerTyrone.
Since the last meeting of the Lord Lieftenant with
Tyrone at Dundalke, his Lordship had sent over into
England Tyrones humble submission,and the Booke of
his grievances,and had received authority from her
Majesty, to makea finall conclusionwith the Rebels,and
now at anothermeeting in Dundalke, on the fifteeneof
March, the Lord Lieftenant signified to Tyrone, that her
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1598.

Conditions
of Majesty by his humble submissionhad beeneinduced

pardon
for

againeto receivehim to mercy,andto give him andall

Tyrone.theInhabitants
of Tyrone
hergracious
pardon,
upon
i. conditionsfollowing. First, that he renewhis humble
submissionto the Lord Liefetenant on her Majesties

2. behalfein somepublikeplace. 2. That he promisedue

obedience
of a Subject,andnot to intermeddlewith the
Irish, nor his adherents,not onely hereafter,but now,
leavingthemto themselves,
thattheymaybecome
humble
suitorsfor their ownepardons,in which caseit is promised

themalso. 3. That he dispierce

his forces,uponreceitof
his pardon, and dismisseall strangers,Irish, Scots,or
4- others.

4. That he renounce the name and title of

5- Oneale. 5. Not to intermeddle with her Majesties

Vriaghtes, (so the Irish call the bordering Lords, whom
the Ulster Tyrants have long claimedto be their vassals).
6. 6. That he build up againe,at his ownecharges,the Fort
and Bridge of Blackewater,and furnish the souldierswith
7- victuals, as formerly he did. 7. That he deliver to the
Lord Lieftenant the sonnes of Shane Oneale, who were

her MajestiesPrisoners; till breaking out they fell into

his hands,and were imprisonedby him. 8. To declare
faithfully all intelligence with Spaine,and to leave it.
9- 9. That he receive a Sheriffe for Tyrone, as all other
10. Countries doe. 10. That he put in his eldestsonnefor

pledge,and at all times cometo the statebeing called.

ii. 11. That he pay a fine in part of satisfactionfor his
12. offence, accordingto her Majesties pleasure. 12. That
he aid no Rebell, nor meddle with the Inhabitants on the

East sideof the Ban,yet so as he may enjoy any lands

13-or leaseshe hath there. 13. That he receive not any
disloyall person,but send such to the chiefe Governour.

Tyrone
To the first andsecondArticlesTyroneagreeth,so as
agreeth
toall time might be given for the otherLords his associates
to
the Articles
save

two.

assemble,that they might herein lay no imputation on

him. To the third he agreeth,cravinga generallpasport

for all suchstrangers. To the fourth he agreeth. For
the fifth, hesaiththat hedesirethnothingof theVriaghts,
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A.D.
1598.

but suchdutiesas they yeelded,sincehis Grandfathers

time. To the sixthheagreeth. The seventhherefuseth,
because
he had not thoseprisonersfrom the State. To
the eight heagreeth. To the ninth heagreeth,according[II. i. 24.]
to the statuteappointinga gentlemanof the Countrey
to be chosen,yet cravingforbearance
for a small time.
The tenth he refuseth,for the pledges(in particular). For
the eleventhhe agreethto a fine of five hundredCowes,
yet praying the Lord Lieftenant to be a meanesto her
Majesty for the remittall thereof. To the twelfth he
agreeth. To the last he agreeth,provided that he would
deliver no man to the State, who came to him for causeof

conscience. Finally, in regard Odonnell and other of

Tyrones associates,did not then appeare,and in that
respectthe Lord Liefetenant had beenepleasedto grant
him further day till the tenth of Aprill following, he 10.April.
promised upon his credit and honour, and by his hand

writing, that in casethey or any of them should not then

appeare,and submit themselves; yet he at that time
would make his submission,and humbly crave and receive

her Majesties graciouspardon, and goe thorow with all

things requisite for a perfect conclusion,and to deliver
in two pledgesof his faith, to be chosenout of a schedule
presentedto the Lord Lieftenant, the sameto be changed
according to the agreement,and if the Mores and
Conners,for whom he had obtained protection, should
violate this peace,that he would no way give aide or
assistance
to them. Hereuponat the instanceof the Lord

Liefetenant,the LordsJusticescausedTyronespardonto The

pardon
be drawne,and sealedwith the great scaleof Ireland, sealed.
bearingDate the eleventhof Aprill, in the fortith yeere
of her MajestiesRaigne,and of our Lord the yeere 1598. An. 1598.
Tyrone receivedhis generall pardon, but continuing
still his disloyall courses,never pleadedthe same,so as
upon his abovementionedindictment,in September1595.
you shallfind him after outlawed,in the yeere 1600.
The Irish kerne were at the first rude souldiers, so as

two or three of them were imployedto dischargeone

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1598.

Peece,and hithertothey havesubsisted

especially
by

trecheroustenders of submission,but now they were

TheIrish grownereadyin managingtheir Peeces,and bold to

Kerne
growne
skirmishin bogges
andwooddy
passages,
yea,thisyeere

skillful. andthenextfollowing,
became
so disasterous
to the
English,and successefull
in actionto the Irish, as they
shakedthe English governementin this kingdome,till
it tottered, and wanted little of fatall ruine. Tyrone

wantednot pretences
to frustratethis late treaty,and to
returneto his formerdisloyalty,and the defectionof all
other submittiesdependingon him, followedhis revolt.
Tyrone's First he sentaid to Phelim macFeogh,chiefeof the

trechene.Obirnes,
thesonne
of FeoghmacHugh,(killedin Sir
William Russelstime), to the end he might make the
warre in Lemster againstthe English : And becausethe
English Fort of Blackewaterwas a great eye sore to
him, lying on the cheefepassageinto his Countrey, he
assembledall his forces, and assaulted the same. But

Siege
of
Blackewater

Fort.

CaptaineThomasWilliams, with his companyunder him,

sovaliantly repelledthe greatmultitudes of the assaylants,
with slaughterof many and the most hardy, attempting
to scalethe fort, (which was onely a deepetrenchor wall
of earth, to lodge someone hundred Souldiers),as they
utterly discouragedfrom assaylingit, resolvedto besiege
it a farre off, andknowing they wantedvictuals,presumed
to get it by famine.
This Captaineand his few warders,did with no lesse

couragesufferhunger,andhavingeatenthe few horses

they had, lived upon hearbesgrowing in the ditchesand

wals, suffering all extremities,till the Lord Lieftenantin
the moneth of August sent Sir Henry Bagnoll Marshall
of Ireland, with the most choiceCompaniesof foote and
horsetroopesof the English Army, to victuall this Fort,
and to raise the Rebelssiege. When the English entered
the Pace,and thicke woodsbeyondArmagh, on the East
side,Tyrone (with all the Rebelsforcesassembled
to him)
pricked forward with rage of envy and setled rancour
againstthe Marshal,assayledthe English, and turning his
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THE

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A.D.

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full forceagainstthe Marshalsperson,had the successe

to kill him, valiantlyfighting amongthe thickestof the TheMarshal

Rebels.Whereupon
theEnglishbeingdismaied
withhis killed.
death,the Rebelsobtaineda greatvictory againstthem:

I termeit great,sincetheEnglishfromtheirfirst arrivall

in that Kingdome,never had receivedso great an over-

throw, as this commonlycalled,The defeatof Blacke-Blackewatcr.

Thedefeat
of
water; Thirteene valiant Captaines, and 1500. common

Souldiers,(whereofmanywere of the old companies

which [II. i. 25.]
hadservedin Brittany under GenerallNorreys)wereslaine
in the field. The yeelding of the Fort of Blackwater
followed this disaster,when the assaultedguard saw no

hopeof reliefe: but especiallyupon messages

sent to
CaptaineWilliams, from our broken forces retired to
Armagh,professingthat all their safetiedependedupon
his yeelding the Fort into the handsof Tyrone, without
which dangerCaptaineWilliams professed,that no want
or miserie should

have induced

him thereunto.

Shortly after Sir Richard Bingham (abovementioned) SirRichard

late Governourof Connaght,and unworthilydisgraced,Bingham

wassentoverto succeede
Sir HenrieBagnollin the marshal.
Marshalshipof that Kingdome.
By this Victory, the rebels got plenty of Armes and
victuals, Tyrone was among the Irish celebratedas the
Deliverer of his Country from thraldome,and the combinedTraytorson all sideswerepuffed up with intolerable
pride. All Ulster was in Armes, all Connaghtrevolted,
and the Rebelsof Lemster swarmedin the English Pale,
while the English lay in their Garrisons,so farre from
assailingthe Rebels, as they rather lived in continuall

feareto besurprised
by them.
After the last yeeresnavallexpeditionout of England
into the Hands,certaineold Companiesof one thousandNew
forces

andfiftie foote,drawneout of the Low Countries,wereforIreland.

appointedto Winter in the West parts of England, To
these, nine hundred and fiftie new men were added this

Summer,and the commandof thesetwo thousandFoote,

and of one hundred Horse, was given to Sir Samuel
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Bagnol,who wasappointedto goewith themto Lough-

foyle, in the North of Ireland: but after the defeateof

Blackwater, they were countermaundedto goe into
Lemster, to strengthenthe QueenesForcesin the heart
of the Kingdome.

The old Companies.

Captalnes. Sir SamuelBagnol,Colonell
CaptaineJohn Jephson
CaptaineJosiasBodley
CaptaineJohn Sidney
CaptaineFoulke Conway CaptaineNicholasPynner -

150
100
100
100
100 1050 Foot.
100

CaptaineEdward Blaney -

100

CaptaineTobey Calfeild

100

Captaine Austin Heath

CaptaineOwen Tewder

100
TOO

To these were added new men, partly

under old Captains,as CaptaineFrancisRoe,
.950 Foot.
Captaine Charles Egerton, Captaine Ralph
Bingley, and partly under new Captaines
Besides, Sir, Samuel
Bagnol
the Colonell had)
&
r
~
rrj
"
[
the command or a Iroope or rlorse new raised)
.,

Rebellion in
Mounster.

After the defeateof Blackwater,

TyronesentOny Mac

Rory O More, and one CaptaineTyrel (of English race,

but a bold and unnaturall enemyto his Countrie, and the
English), to trouble the Province of Mounster. Against
whom Sir ThomasNorreys Lord Presidentopposedhimselfe: but assooneas he upon necessarie
occasionshad
with-drawnehis forcesto Corke, many of the Mounster
Anno
1598.rnen now first about October 1598, brake into rebellion,

andjoynedthemselves
with Tyronessaidforces,spoyled
the Country, burnt the Villages, and puld downe the
houses and Castles of the English, against whom

(especially
the femallsex)they committedall abominable
outrages. And now they raisedJamesFitzthomasas a
Geraldineto be Earle of Desmond,(which title had since
the warresof Desmondbin suppressed),
with condition,
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A.D.

1598.

that (forsooth)he should be vassallto Oneale. The

MounsterRebellionbrakeout like a lightning,for in one
moneths space,almost all the Irish were in rebellious

Armes,and the English weremurthered,or strippedand

banished. Thus havinginflamedMounsterwith the fire [II. i. 26.]
of Rebellion,and leaving this seditionto be cherished
and increasedby this new Earle of Desmond,and other

Rebels of that Province, the Ulster forces returned backe

to Tyrone: The infection which Mounster men had Spread

ofthe
Re^ton
drawnefrom the corrupted parts in Rebellion, did more
and more spreadit selfe,so as the old practiseslong held
by the Arch-Traytor Tyrone to induce them to a revolt,
now fully attained their wished effect. To the working
whereof in the hearts of the seditious, there wanted not

manystrong motives, as the hatredwhich the Geraldines

bare to thoseEnglish Undertakers(of whom I formerly
spake, in Desmonds warre), which possessedtheir
Ancestorslands; alsothe incouragementthey receivedby
the good successe
of the Rebels,and no lessethe hope
of pardonupon the worst event. And to speaketruth,
Munster undertakersabovementioned,were in great part TheMunster
causeof this defection,and of their owne fatall miseries. Undertakers.
For whereasthey should have built Castles,and brought
over Colonies of English, and have admitted no Irish
Tenant, but onely English, theseand like covenantswere
in no part performedby them. Of whom the men of
bestqualitie nevercameover, but madeprofit of the land ;
othersbrought no more English then their owneFamilies,
and all entertained Irish servants and tenants, which were

now the first to betraythem. If the covenantshad been

kept by them, they of themselvesmight have made two
thousandable men, whereasthe Lord President could not

find above two hundred of English birth among them,

when

the Rebels

first

entred

the Province.

Neither

did

these gentle Undertakers make any resistanceto the

Rebels,but left their dwellings,andfled to walledTownes;

yea, when there was such dangerin flight, as greater

could not have been in defending their owne, whereof
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manyof them had wofull experience,

being surprisedwith

their wivesandchildrenin flight. Amongthe Mounster

The
chiefe Rebelswere the Vicount Mountgarret, the Earle of
Rebels.
'

Ormonds neere Kinsman, and the Baron of Cahir, a

Butler, and of the EarlesKindred. Both thesepretended

theirdiscontentandmaliceagainstthe saidEarle,for cause

of their revolt. But more dangerouscauseswere suspected,and excepta Royall Forcewerequickly opposedto

the Rebelsbold attempts,a generallrevolt wasfeared.

Tyrone's

May you hold laughter, or will you thinke that

double
Carthage
everbredsucha dissembling
faedifragous
wretch
dealings.
asTyrone, whenyou shallreade,that evenin the middest
of all thesegarboyles,and whilest in his letters to the
King of Spainehe magnifiedhis victories,beseeching
him
not to beleeve that he would seeke or take any conditions

of Peace,andvowing constantlyto keepehis faith plighted

to that King, yet most impudently he ceasednot to
entertainethe Lord Lieutenant by letters and messages,
with offers of submission. This hee did, but not so

submissivelyasbefore,for now the Gentlemanwasgrowne

higher in the instep, as appearedby the insolent conditions he required.
Ireland being in this turbulent State, many thought
it could not bee restoredbut by the powerful! hand of
EarleofEssexRobert Earle of Essex.

Lord
Lieutenant.

This noble Lord had from his

youth put himselfeinto military actionsof greatest

moment, so farre as the place he held in Court would
permit, and had of late yeereswonne much honour in
some services by Sea and Land, so as he had full
possession
of a superintendencie
over all martiall affaires,
and for his nobleworth wasgenerallyloved, and followed
by the Nobilitie and Gentrie. In which respectsthe
Queeneknew him fit for this service. He hadlong beena
dearefavourite to the Queene,but had of late lien so open

to his enemies,as he had given them power to makehis

imbracingof military courses,and his popularestimation
so much suspectedof his Soveraigne,as his greatnesse

wasnowjudgedto dependasmuchon her Majestiesfeare

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of him, as her love to him. And in this respecthe

might seemeto the Queenemost unfit for this service.
But surely the Earle was perswaded,that his Honour

couldnot standwithout imbracingthis Action; andsince

he affected it, no man durst be his rivall.

Besides that,

his enemies
gladlyput forwardthis his designe,that they
might havehim at more advantageby his absence
from
Court. Finally, the vulgar gave ominous acclamations
to his enterprise,but the wiser sort, rather wished then
hopedhappy effects,either to his private or the publike
good,in regardof the powerfullenemiesheeleft in Court,
(whenceall seconds
were to cometo him), andof his owne [H. >"2?-]
distractedends(though enclinedto the publike good, yet
perhaps,in aimingat the speedyendof this warre,andsome
other particulars,not fully concurringwith the same.)
The Earle of Essex,whenhefirst purposedto intertaine TheEarleof
the managingof the Irish warres,advisedand obtained, Essex's

thattwoRegiments
of old souldiers
shouldbetransported
Forcesout of the Low-Countriesinto that Kingdome: namely,

The first Regiment.

Sir Charles Pearcy Colonell

200

CaptaineRichard Moryson LieutenantColonell -

150

Sir
Oliver
Lambart
Captaine
Henrie
Masterson

150
150 >i05oFoote.

CaptaineRandal Bret
CaptaineWilliam Turret
CaptaineTurner

150
150
TOO

The second Regiment.

Sir Henry Dockwra, Colonel (and
Conductor of all)
Captaine John Chamberlin Lieutenant Colonel CaptaineEdmond Morgan-

200
150
950 Foote.
150

CaptaineEdward Michelburne -

150

CaptaineWalter Floyd

150

CaptaineGarret Harvy

150
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1598.

TheseRegimentslandedin Ireland beforethe Earles

commingover,andwerethendispersed
by the Earle into
divers Regimentsof new men, to seasonthem, and to
replenish them with sufficient Officers.

TheEarles

The Earles Patent was grantedwith title of Lord

Patent. Lieutenant,
andwith moreampleauthoritie,
thenmany
other Lord Deputieshad formerly grantedthem: for
whereasothershad powerto pardonall Treasons,Felonies,
and all offences,except such treasonsas touched her
Majesties person,her heires,&c, and the counterfeiting
of money. This exceptionwasby the Earlesimportunitie
left out, which hee extorted with wise providence,since
the Lawyersheld all Treasonsto touch the Princesperson.
And whereasother Lord Deputies had power to bestow
all Officesexceptingthe chiefereservedto the Queenes
gift, his Lordship had power to bestow some of the
chiefest,and to removeall Officersnot holding by Patent,
and to suspendsuch as held by Patent. Besideshis Lord-

ship had power in many things, which never had been

formerly given to any : as to make Martiall Lawes (he
beingLord Martiall of England),and to punishthe transgressors. And to let the lands of Tyrone and other
Rebelsnamed,to any personswhatsoever,and to their
heires Males, reserving due rents to her Majestic. To
commandthe Ships already sent, and to be sent into
Ireland, exceptthe Lord Admirall were sent forth to Sea,
and commandement
were given of joyning the said ships
to his Fleete. And lastly to issuethe Treasureaccording
to the two establishments,
with liberty to alter that which
wassignedby the Lords in England, with the adviseand
consent of the Counsell of Ireland, so as he exceeded not

the summe of the Establishments. He had an Army

assignedhim, as great as himselferequired,and such

for numberand strength,asIrelandhadneveryet scene.

The

The establishment
wassignedby the Queenethe foure

Establishment,
an(jtwentyof March,beingthelastday(aftertheEnglish
account)of the yeere 1598. It contained: first, the pay
of the chiefeOfficersin the Army : the Lord Lieutenant
222

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1598.

Generallten pounda day. The Lieutenantof the Army

three pound a day. The Generallof the Horse fortie
shillings a day: the Marshall of the Campe thirtie

shillingsa day: the SergeantMajor twentieshillingsa

day: the Lieutenantof the Horse twentie shillingsa day:

The Quartermaster
twentie shillingsa day: the Judge
Marshall twentie shillings a day: the Auditor Generall

thirteeneshillingsfoure pencea day: the Comptroler

generall of the victuals ten shillings a day: the Lieu- [II. i. 28.]
tenantof the Ordinanceten shillings a day: the Surveyer
sixe shillings eight pence: two Clerkes of Munitions
eachfive shillings a day: foure Corporalsof the field sixe
shillings eight pencea day a peece: one Commissarieof
victualseight shillings, and three other, eachsixe shillings
a day: The Carriage Master sixe shilling eight pencea
day: and twentie Colonels, each ten shillings a day;
whereof the totall in the yeere amounts to thirteene Theyeere
ly

thousandone hundred twentie seven pound sixteenetotall

13,127 //.
shillingseight pence.
16s.
It contained further the pay of thirteene hundred

M.

Horse, divided into sixe and twentie Bands, each Band TheHorse.

havinga Captaineat foure shillingsa day, a Lieutenantat

two shillings sixe pencea day, a Cornet at two shillings a
day, and fiftie horsemeneach at fifteene pence a day,
whereofthe totall in the yeereamountsto one and thirtie 31,408/1.51.
thousandfoure hundred eight pound five shillings.
It containedfurther the pay of sixteenethousandfoote- Thefootemen.
men, distributed into one hundred and sixty Bands, each

Bandhaving a Captaineat foure shillings a day, a Lieutenantat two shillings a day, an Ensigne eighteenepence
a day, two Sergeants,a Drum, and a Surgeon,each at
twelve pencea day, and ninetie foure souldiers,and sixe
deadpaies(allowedto the Captaine)at eight penceeach
by the day; whereof the totall in the yeereamountsto
two hundred twenty eight thousandtwo hundred fortie 228,246
//'.

sixepoundthirteeneshillingsfoure pence.

13/.4^.

Lastly, it contained an extraordinarie supply of six

thousand
poundto be allowedby concordatum,
for Spies,
223

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1598.

Guides,Messengers,
Barkeshiring, keepingof Prisoners,
buildings,reparations,rewardes,and like charges; the
totall of the Establishmentby the yeereamountsto two

hundredseventyseventhousandsevenhundredeighty
two pound fifteene shillings.

Charges
not Besidesher Majesty was at great chargefor many
contained
in things not containedin the establishment
as followeth.

Establishment
^rst ^OT
Officers
generall.TheLordLieftenant
for his
ordinary entertainementby the yeere,one thousandthree
hundreth pound. His LordshipsBand of Horse by the

yeere, one thousand five hundred thirteene pound two

shillings six pence. His Lordshipsfifty footmen by the

yeere,six hundred eight pound sixe shillingseight pence.
Both these bands of horse and foot being not of the
Army, I take to be allowed him for his followers, and the

servantsin his family, besideshis companyof horseand

foot in the Army ; the Treasurerat warres^by the yeere
sixe hundred eight and thirty pound fifteene shillings.
The Marshall of the Army by the yeere one hundred

foure pound eighteeneshillingsand nine pence. The

Master of the Ordinancefor himselfeby the yeerefoure
hundred fifty pound three shillings foure pence,and for
Clerkes,Gunners,and Ministers of the Ordinanceby the

yeere,foure hundredfifty nine poundfive shillingsten

pence. The Muster-Master generall by the yeere two

hundred nine pound seventeeneshillings six pence.
Newly
erected
Secondlyfor chiefeOfficersnewly erected. The Gover-

officers. nour Of Loghfoyle,by the yeerethreehundredsixty

five pound. The Governourof Caricfergusby the yeere
onehundredeighty two poundten shillings. The Gover-

nour of Dundalke
Forces at Rathdrum

as much.
The Commander of the
and Wickelow as much.
The Com-

manderof the Forcesin Ophaly as much. The Commander

of the Forces at Cavan as much.

These paymentsbeing made in sterling money, doe

amount

to

sixe

thousand

five

hundred

fourescore

ten

pound nineteeneshillings sevenpence.

Observethat all theseabovenamedOfficers(excepting
224

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.

1598.

the Muster-Master) as also the Lieftenant of the Army,

TheGeneral!of the Horse,The SerjantMajor, And like-

wise the Governours of Provinces and Garrisons, have all

beside their fees, the command of a band of Horse, or of

Foot, or of both. Thirdly for Officersin the foure Courts officers

in

andcertainePattentees:In the Exchequerthe Earle of thefoure

OrmondLord Treasurerof Irelandhathfor his fee,forty Cmrt!
and
pound. The Treasurerat warres,threescoresixe pounds
thirteene shillings and foure pence. The chiefe Baron
threescoreand eleven pound ten shillings, and in 7^

augmentation fourescore eight pound seventeene

Exchequer.
shillings and nine pence. The Chancellor foureteene pound. The second Baron foure and thirty
pound. The Auditor Generalltwo hundredpound. The
SurveyorGenerallfourescorepound. The Remembrancer[II. i. 29.]
forty pound. The Serjantat Law seventeene
pound sixe
shillingsand eight pence. The Attourney Generallone
hundredforty nine poundsixeshillings eight pence. The

Solicitoronehundredforty ninepoundsixeshillingseight
pence. The Escheatorsix pound thirteene shillings and
foure pence. The secondRemembrancerten pound ten

shillings. The chiefeIngrosserfourteenepound. The

secondIngrossernine poundsixeshillingsandeight pence.
The chiefeChamberlainethirteenepound six shillings and
eight pence. The second Chamberlaine sixe pound
thirteeneshillings and foure pence. The Clerke of the
first fruits ten pound. The keeper of the Records
thirteene pound sixe shillings and eight pence. The
Usher of the Court three pound sixe shillings and eight
pence. The Clerke of the CommonPleas three pound
sixe shillings eight pence. The Transcriptor fifty three
shillingsfourepence. The Deputy Auditor elevenpound.
The Vicetreasurers
Deputy elevenpound. The Somoniter
onehundredsixeshillings eight pence. The Marshall of
the Court one hundred sixe shillings eight pence. A

Messenger
foure and forty shillingsfive pencefarthing.

Two Pursivantseacheighteenepound five shillings fee;

In the Kings Benchthe chiefeJusticefoure hundred

M. ii

225

A.D.
1598.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

TheKing's pound. The secondJusticeone hundredthreeand thirty

Bench.

pound sixe shillings eight pence. The Clerke of the

Crowneten pound.
TheCommon In the CommonPleasthe chiefeJusticethreescore
seven

Pleas.

poundtenshillings,
andin augmentation
fourescore
eight
pound seventeene
shillings nine pencefarthing. The
secondJusticeforty pound, and in augmentationtwenty
pound. The Protonotor ten pound. In the Chauncery.
The Lord Chauncellorfoure hundredand fifteenepound

The

Chauncery.
sixeshillingseightpence. The Masterof theRolesfifty

pound,andin augmentationfourescoreeight poundseventeeneshillings nine pence. Two Ministers eachseven&

twenty pound thirteen shillings foure pence. The Clerke
of the Crownesixe pound thirteeneshillings foure pence,
and in augmentation six & twenty pound thirteene
shillings foure pence. The Clerke of the Hamper foureteene pound.

Divers Officers in the Starre-chambersixe

and fifty pound thirteene shillings foure pence. Divers

Ministers of the Ordinanceholding by Patentone hundred
thirty five pound thirteene shillings five pencefarthing.
The Constableof the Castleof Dublyn and his warders
with

divers

other

Constables

and

Porters

three

hun-

dred thirty five pound thirteene shillings two pence

farthing-.
D

Officers
ofthe

State.

For Officersof the State. The Secretaryone hundred

sixepoundthirteene
shillings
fourepence.TheClerke

of the Counsell threescoreand two pound thirteene

shillings foure pence. The Surveyerof the victualsone
hundredforty threepoundsixeshillingseight pence. The
King at Armes thirty five poundsixe shillingseight pence.
The Serjantat Armes eighteenepound two shillings two
pence halfe penny farthing. The Pursivant at Armes
thirteene pound sixe shillings eight pence. The Irish
Interpreter sevenand twenty pound sevenshillings sixe
pence. Officers about the Customeforty pound. For
Creation money to Noble men; the Earle of Ormond
thirty pound. The Earle of Kildaretwenty pound. The
Earle of Clanrickard forty pound. The Earle of
226

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.

1598.

Thomondtwenty pound. The Baronof Kaherfifteene

pound. Divers annates& procurationstwo hundred
fourescore& nineteenepound nineteeneshillingsthree
pencehalfe penny. For Parchment,Paper,Inke, Bagges,
&c. in the Exchequer,Kings Bench,and CommonPleas,

two hundredfourescoretwo pound, ten shillingseight

pence: For other payments by warrant two hundred
sixeand twenty pound two shillings foure pence. In the
County of Wexford, the Justice of the liberties twenty
pound. The Senescallfive & twenty pound. The
Receivertwenty pound. The Marshall forty shillings.
The totall of thesebeing paid in Irish mony, is foure
thousandsix hundred fifteene pound thirteene shillings
halfe penny; which reduced to sterling money, makes
three thousand foure hundred threescoreone pound
thirteen shillings 9 pence.
Fourthly for Officersin Lemster. The Lieftenant of Officers
in

the QueensCounty one hundred twenty one pound Lemster.

thirteeneshillings foure pence. The Provost Marshall of
theArmy threescore
andseventeene
poundelevenshillings
three pence. The Provost Marshall of Lemster one [II. i. 30.]
hundred and two pound thirteene shillings one penny
halfe penny. These paid in sterling money, amount to
three hundred one pound sixteeneshillings eight pence
halfe penny.
Fifthly, for Officersin Mounster, the Lord President Officers
in
one hundred three and thirty pound sixe shillings eight
pence. His diet with the Counsell allowed at his table,

five hundredtwenty pound. His Retinue of twenty foot

with the Officers,and of thirty Horse, eight hundredand
three pound. The chiefe Justice one hundred pound.
The second Justice threescore sixe pound thirteene

shillings foure pence. The QueenesAttourney thirteene

pound sixe shillings eight pence. The Clerke of the
Councell twenty pound. The Clerke of the Crowne
twenty pound. The Serjant at Armes twenty pound.

The ProvostMarshalltwo hundredfive andfifty pound

ten shillings. The totall beingpaid in sterlingmony,is
227

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1598.

one thousandnine hundredfifty one pound sixteene

shillings eight pence.

Officers
in
Sixtly, for Officersin Connaght,the chiefeComConnaght.
missioner
(or Governour)onehundredpound: his diet
with the Counselat his table,one hundredfourescoretwo

pound ten shillings. An allowance

to himselfeforty

pound. The Justiceonehundredpound. The Queenes

Attourney twenty pound. The Clarke of the Crowne
twenty pound. The Clarke of the Counselltwenty
pound. The Serjantat Armestwentypound,the Provost
Marshalltwo hundredthreescoreand foure pound, twelve
shillings sixe pence. An increaseof pay to the present

chiefe Commissioner, two hundred fourescore two pound

ten shillings.
The totall beingpaid in sterling money,is nine hundred
forty nine li. twelve s. sixe d.

IrishKerne. Seventhly,certainebandsof Irish kerne,five hundred

threescorenineteenepound eight shillings nine pence.
Warders. Eightly, for warders in severall Provinces, three
thousandfive hundred threescoreand seventeene
pound
two pencehalfe penny.
Commissaries
Ninthly, for Commissariesof Musters, five hundred

ofMusters.threescoreseventeene
pound eighteeneshillings foure
pence.

Pensioners. Tenthly, Pensionersof all sorts, as well recordedin

the Office of Musters, as those holding by Patent, and
recordedwith the Auditor, someholding for tearmeof
yeers, some during life, some during good behaviour,
someduring pleasure,three thousandtwo hundred forty
nine 1. nine d.

Almes-men.Lastly, Almes-men,fourescoreeight1. nineteene

s.
foure d. ob.

The totall of the abovenamedchargenot containedin

the establishment,is twenty one thousandthree hundred
twenty eight 1. eight s. sevend. ob.
Adde to this the establishment, two hundred threescore

seventeene
thousandsevenhundredfourescoretwo pound,
fifteene shillings.
228

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

AD.
1599.

The totallof theyeerelycharge,

is two hundredfoure- Thetotan
Oj-

scoreand nineteenethousand,one hundredelevenpound theyeerely

three s. seven d. ob.

charge.

To whichif you addethe greatchargeof all sortsof

Munitions, with the like extraordinaryexpences,and doe
also consider that the thirteene hundred Horse, and sixe-

teene thousandFoot, by new supplieswere made fully

twenty thousand: the heavyburthen of this yeereswarre
in Ireland will appeare.

The Earle of Essexhad in speciallchargefrom the special

charge

Queene,to bend all his forcesagainstthe chiefeTraitor totheEarle

Tyrone, (and the Ulster Rebels his confederates),and
withall to plant Garrisonsat Loughfoyle and Balishannon,
to the end they might at the sametime assaylehim (and
them) at the backe(both which courseshis Lordship had
in all counselsperswaded,and often taxed the omissions
of them). Thus with happy acclamations
of the people
(who to so worthy a Generallin the head of so strong
anArmy, did ominatenothing but victory and triumphes),
yet with a Sunne-shinethunder happening(as Master
Camden notes for an ominous ill token) : This noble

Lord (accompanied
with the flowerof the English Gentry,
and conductedon his way with many of the Nobility),
tooke his journy from London towards Ireland, in the
end of the Moneth of March, and the beginning of the
yeere 1599, and though crossed with tempestuous
weather,(whereinthe Earle of Kildare, and somegallant
gentlemenaccompanyinghim in a little barke,chosenof [II. i. 31.]
purposefor speed,were unfortunately castaway), landed
within few dayes at Dublin, where according to the
manner of other Governours, he received the Sword.

Upon his Lordships demaundto bee advertisedfrom Thepresent

the Counsell of the present state of that Kingdome, a state
of
Collectionthereof, debatedand agreedupon in Counsell,
and signedby the Counsellers,waspresentedto his Lordship the seventeenthof Aprill, being to this effect.
First, for the Province of Lemster, in the Countie of

Dublin, all the Mountainers were in actuall rebellion, Dublin.

229

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1599.

Thepresent
as Phelim Mac Feagh, and his brother Redmond, with

State
of

their Sept (or name)of the Obyrns,and Phelim Mac

Feagh with his Sept of the Otooles, and Walter Mac

Edmondchiefeof the Galloglasses,

with his Septof Mac

Donnels; onely two Castles,Newcastle and Wickloe,

Sir Henrie Harrington held for the Queene,and all the
rest of the Countrie continued loyall. The Rebels
thereof were in number foure hundred eightie Foot, and
Kildare. twentie Horse. In the County of Kildare JamesFitzpierce a Geraldine, two Geraldines, base brothers to the
late Earle of Kildare, some of the Delahides, some of the

Odempsies,and some of the Eustaces(of which Sept

was the late Vicount Baltinglasseattainted), all in action
of Rebellion, were in number two hundred and twentie
Foote, and thirtie Horse.

All the rest of the Countrie

being wasted by the Rebels, yet held for the Queene.

Carhgh. In the County of Carlogh, being little and all wasted,
the Castlesof Carlogh and Laughline, and her Majesties
houseof Femes,held by the QueenesWardes,and sixe
Castlesbelonging to the Earle of Ormond, held for the
Queene; but the Cavanaghs,and Keytons, were in
Wexford.Rebellion. In the County of Wexford being wasted,
all the Castles held for the Queene, and Sir Thomas

Calclough,Sir Richard Masterson,and Sir Dudly Loftus,

the onely English there inhabiting, held for the Queene.
But Donnel Spaniagh(aliasCavanagh)with all that Sept,
the Omorroghs, Mac ony More, all the Kinsellaghes,
Dermot

Mac

Morice,

and divers others with

their

followers, were all in rebellion, and in those two Counties

the Rebels were in number seven hundred and fiftie Foote,

and fiftie Horse. In the County of Leax, called the

QueenesQueenesCountie, lately all English, now usurpedby the
Rebels Owny Mac Rowry Omore, and all the Sept of
O Mores, and the chiefe of the Galloglassesin that
County, of the Sept of Mac Donnel, the Sept of
O Dempsies(exceptSir TerenceO Dempsey)the Sept
of O doynes (except Teig Oge O Doyne), were al in
rebellion, and the base son of the Earle of Kildare, a
230

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1599.

Geraldine,lately camein upon protection. The RebelsThepresent

were in number five hundred seventie Foote, and thirty state
of

Horse. MasterHartpol, Master Bowen,and Master^eland.

Pygot, were the onely English Inhabitants,by whom
and some others, certaine Castles were kept for the
Queene,besidesthe Fort of Mariaborough kept by the
QueenesGarrison. In the Countie of Ophalye, called

(of Phillip King of England)the Kings County,lately Kings

County.
English, the Fort of Phillipstowne was kept by an
English Garrison,Sir GeorgeColley, Sir Henrie Warren,
Mast. John Moore, and Mast. Phillips, held their Castles
for the Queene,the rest of the Castleswere kept by the
sept of the Oconnersthen rebels, and al the land was
wasted,the Sept of the Omollyes and Odonnerswere
likewise in rebellion, and they were all in number foure
hundred sixtie and eight Foot, and twelve Horse. In

the Countyof Kilkenny, the Vicount of Mountgaret,a Kilkenny.

Butler, of the Earle of Ormonds Family, and sonnein

Law to Tyrone, was in rebellion, with his brethren, and

with someof his sonnes,and with his followers, being

in number one hundred and thirty Foote, and twentie
Horse, and held the Castlesof Balliraggeand Colekil;
the rest of the Castles,and the whole County were held
by the Earle of Ormond for the Queene. In the County Meath.

of Meath, the sonneand heireof Sir William Nugent

wasin rebellion,and the Countielying in the heart of the
Pale, wasgreatly wastedby the Ulster Rebels,and many
Castleslay waste without inhabitants, but no Rebels
possedeither Towne or Castle therein. In the County

of Westmeath,lying for the most part waste; the Westmeath.

Omollaughlines,and the Magoghegines,many of the

Nugents,and the Geraldines

werein rebellion,being in
number 140 Foot, and twentie Horse, besidesCaptaine
Tyrel (a Rebel of English race),who had of Ulster men
and other strangerstwo hundred Foote. In the County Lowthe.
of Lowthe, Sir Edward Moore and Sir Francis Stafford

were the only English house-keepers,

al the lands were

wastedby the Ulster rebels; but the Lord of Lowthe, [ii. i. 32.]
231

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1599.

Thepresentan English-IrishBarren,andall the TownesandCastles

state
of

stoodfirme for the Queene. In the County of Lonford,

Ireland. ^ ^ Qfarrols
werein rebellion,
except
twochiefemen
Lonford. of that Family, and the Castleof Longford was held
by an English Warde, and the Rebelswere in number
one hundred and twenty Foot. The whole number of
the

Rebels

in

this

Province

of

Lemster

was

three

thousandfortie and eight Foote, and one hundredeighty

two

Horse.

TheProvinceSecondly,
for theProvinceof Ulster(consisting
all of
Irish Septs,except the Scots possessingthe Rowt and
Clinnes), those of Lecale, and the little Ardes held for
the Queene,but overawedby Tyrone, were forced to
give way to him to tirannize in their Countries. Dundalke the frontier Towne betweene the Pale and Ulster,

and Knockfergus (or Carickfergus) a frontier Towne

towards Scotland,were kept by English Garrisons,as
likewise the Newry, Carlingford, Greene Castle, and
Narrow water (all neare Dundalke), and the Castle of
Ballinecargiein the Brenny,the rest were all in Rebellion.
Neale Brian Fertough in the upper Clandeboyes,
had in
number eighty Foote and thirtie Horse. Shane Mac
Brian in the lower Clandeboyes
had eighty foote andfiftie
Horse. The Whites Countrie (or the Duffery) had
twentie Foote. Mac Arten and SleaghtMac Onealehad
one hundred foote, and twentie horse. Mac Rorye
Captaine of Kilwarlin had sixtie foote, and ten horse.

CormackMac Oneale,Captaineof Kilultogh had sixtie

foote and ten horse. Hugh Mac Murtagh beyondthe

Min water had fortie foote. ShaneMac Brian Carogh
upon the Ban side,had fiftie foote, ten horse. Sir James
Mac Surleyboy,and his Scots,possessing
the Rowt and
the seven Glynnes, had foure hundred foote, and one
hundred horse. The Hand of Magee, belongingto the
Earle of Essex, was altogether waste. Mac Guire in
Fermannaghhad sixe hundred foot, one hundred horse.
Mac Mahownein Monaghan,and Ever Mac Coolyein
the Ferney, and others of that name in Clankarvil, had
232

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1599.

five hundred foote, one hundred and sixtie horse. The Thepresent

Oreylyesin the Brenny(or the Countyof Cavan)had state

of

eighthundred
foot, two hundredhorse.Ocane
in his Irf^nd.
Countrie had five hundred foote, two hundred horse. TheProvince

Sir Art Onealein Sleught Art had three hundredof Ulster.

foot, sixtie horse. Henry Oge in his Countriehad two
hundredfoot, and fortie horse. Turlough Mac Henrie
Onealein the Fues, had three hundred foote, sixty horse.
Ohaganin his Countrie had one hundred foote, thirtie
horse. Oquin in his Countrie eightie foote, twentie
horse. The Donolaghesin their Countrie one hundred
foote, sixtie horse. Mac Can in Clancan one hundred

foote, twelve horse. Tyrone the Arch-traytor in Tyrone

seven hundred

foot

200 horse.

Carmack

Mac

Baron

his

brother, in his Countrie had three hundred foot and

sixtie horse. Mac Gennis in Yuogh (or Mac Gennis

Countrie) had two hundred foot, fortie horse. In Tyr-

connelOdonnelsCountry, Sir John Odoghertyfor his

Countrie had three hundred foot, and fortie horse.

Odonnelssonnein the ConologhsCountrie one hundred

and fiftie foote, and fiftie horse. Mac Swine for his

Countrie five hundred foote, and thirtie horse. Oboyle

for his Countrie one hundred foot and twenty horse. O
Donnel himselfein the County of Donnegaltwo hundred
foote, sixtie horse. O Gallohore for his Countrie (in
which his chiefehouseis Ballashannon)
had two hundred
foote, sixtie horse. Sleught Rorie for his Countrie one
hundred foote, and fiftie horse. The forcesof the Rebels
in Ulster are in all one thousand seven hundred and two

horse, and seven thousand two hundred and twentie

foote.

Thirdly, for the Province of Mounster, In the County TheProvince

of Tipperary. The Lord Baron of Cahir a Butler, with of Mounster.

hisbrotherandfollowers,
hadthreehundredfootetwelveTipperary.
horse. Edmond Fitzgibbon called the White Knight
(thisnicknamegivento onefor his greyheares,comming
as hereditarie to his posteritie), in his Country foure
hundred foote, thirtie horse. Richard Pursell Baron of
233

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

J599-

The
present
Loughwey 200 foot, 6 horse. The Omulriansthree

stateof
Ireland.

hundredfoote,sixehorse. The Omaighirssixtiefoote,

threehorse. The Okennydayes
five hundredfoot, thirty
horse.

The Burkes in the Lord Burkes Countrie, two

Carke. hundred foote, foure horse. In the County of Corke,

JamesFitz thomas,the supposed

Earle of Desmond,two
hundredand fifty foote, thirtie horse. The Lord of
Dowalloughtwo hundredfoote,eighthorse. BarryOge,
and the Lord Barryes brother in the Muskerye, one
hundred and twentie foote, three horse. Davy Burke in
PI.i-33.] the Carbryefive hundredfoote. In the County of LimLimrick. rick, Pierce Lacy, with divers septs,had three hundred
Kerrie. foote, and fifteenehorse. In the County of Kerrie, the
Lord Fitz Morrice, Thomas Oge, John Delahyde,with
others, five hundred foote, thirtie horse. In the County

County
of of Desmond, called Oswyllivan Beare, and Oswillivan
Desmond.
Mores Countrie, Dermod Mac Owen (usurping the name
of Mac Arty Moore) had five hundred foote, six horse.
Waterford.
In the County of Waterford, the Rebelshad two hundred
foote, and ten horse.

In all the Rebels of this Province

of Mounster were strong five thousandthirtie foote, and

two

hundred

fortie

two

horse.

This

number

the Earle

of Ormondjudged to beethe least,and thought the horse

one hundred more in number.

Observe, that all the

Cities and Port-townes, and almost all the Castlesin this

Provinceof Mounster,and manygreat Lords andGentlemen, held for the Queene.

Connaught.Fourthly and lastly, for the Province of Connaught;

Rascommen.
In the County of Roscommen,the Castlesof Roscommen,
Athlone, Tulske, Boyle, and Ballineslawe,were kept at
her Majestiescharge,and the Rebelsof divers septshad
Sligo, five hundredfoote, sixtie horse. In the County of Sligo,
O Conner Sligo, and divers septs of rebels, had three
hundred foot, and thirtie horse,and onely the Castleof
Leytrim. Calony held for the Queene. Orworke in Leytrim
(called Ororkes Countrie) had sixe hundred foote, sixtie
horse,and not any Castlewaskept for the Queene. In

Maio.

the Countyof Maio, somethree Castleslately held for

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the Queene,but werethought to be rendredup to Mac Thepresent

William, who with his followers had sixe hundred foot, state
of

sixtiehorse. In the Countyof Galloway,

the towneof Ireland.

Galloway,of Athenrie,andthe Castleof Milech,held for Galloway.

the Queene,but many septsof the Country were in
rebellion, who had some foure hundred ninetie foote.

In the County of Clare, the Earle of Thomondsbrother Clare.

(who first was upon suspition committed to prison by
the said Earle, and after released),with the Obryans,
and Mac Marres,and other septs,had sixe hundredfoote,
fiftie horse,and not one Castle was there kept for the
Queene. In all, the rebelsof this Provinceof Connaught
were strong three thousand and seventie foote, two
hundred

and twentie

horse.

And

the Rebels

in all

the

foure Provinces were strong eighteene thousand two

hundred fortie sixe foote, and two thousandthree hundred

forty sixe horse.

The Earle of Essexin the monethof Aprill dispatchedletters
from
two lettersto the Lords in England; by the first whereof
he advertisedthem of this strength of the rebels; and
by the second,that Tyrone had in counsellresolved,first,
to heartenhis confederates,
and strengthenthem in their
dependency
on his protection; then to make two heads
againstthe Queenesforces, the one in Ulster, of some
sixe thousandhorse and foote, under his owne commaund,

and the other in Connaghtof somefoure thousandhorse

and foote under

O donnells

commaund:

and further

advertisedtheir Lordships, that many in Mounster had

takena solemneoath at a publike Crossein that Province,
to be stedfastin their rebellion. And that no traytor
soughtpardon,but usedsuchinsolentbehaviour,asmight
well shewthey had no such thought. That the mindes

of the very subjectswereso alienatedfrom the English,

as well for Religion as Governement,as somewho could
bring one hundred horse, and three hundred foote into
the field upon private revenge,would protest not to be
able to serve the State with

sixe horse or foote.

That

every active borderer had a solliciter with the Rebels,

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and almostevery one of the greatestin the Statehad

some Rebell or other to his Client. Concluding, that

smallor no assistance
couldbe promisedfrom the Irish,
so as howsoeverthe QueenesArmy was great, yet he
durst boldly say, that the playster would doe no more
then cover

the wound.

After few dayesof rest, good part of the English

forcesbeing drawnetogether,this nobleLord Lieutenant
gave entranceto his first actions,from which the progresse
commonlyreceivetha kind of ominous luster or staine.
And therein heeattemptednot the headof the Rebellion,
accordingto his own advisein England, and the Queens
expressecommaund,but was induced by some of the
Counsell in that State, aiming at their owne private
interest, more then the publike good, to leadehis forces
against some few Rebelsin Mounster, where he tooke
the Castleof Cahir, belonging to Edward Butler, Baron
of Cahir, and making a great prey of the rebels cattle
[II. i. 34.] in those parts, he cast the terror of his forces on the
weakest enemies, whom he scattered and constrained to

flie into Woods and Mountaines, to hide themselves.

The fifteenth of June, while the Lord Lieutenant was

yet in this Mounster journey, he receivedadvertisement

from a Captaine,whom he had imployedby seainto the
Twosfys North, to spie out Tyrones actions,that two shipslately

fromSj>aine.
comefrOmSpaine,had put confidence
in Tyrone,who

went from Dungannon to Loughfoyle about that businesse,but they brought onely munition, not any treasure.
That Tyrone had given forcesto Brian Mac Art, sonne
to Art Mac Baron, that hee might take pledges,and
watch over Neale Mac Brian, whom he suspected,and
had chargedMac Genis to doe the like over Mac Cartan,
also suspectedby him, so as there was no possibilitie to
parley with them, accordingto the instructionsgiven by
his Lordship. That Tyrone kept his greatpledges,Shane

Onealessonnes,in an Hand,within a strong fastnesse,

but as yet had neither gatheredat home, nor received
from forraineparts any treasure. That both Tyrone and
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O donnelhad their Agentsin the out lies of Scotland,

to sollicite the Redshankesto assistthem for pay. That

the King of Spainehad promisedthem aide of men, Aide

promised
which they would not have landedin Ulster, but in some bytheKing

Port of Mounster,
or at Galloway
in Connaght.That ofSpaine.
Scots daily carried Munition to them, which trafficke
might be hindred by two Gallies with Oares, but no
ship using saylescould stop their passage. That the
grosseof the Northerne Rebels in Ulster, and part of

Connaghtdrawnetogether,wouldbe ninethousandfoote,
and one thousandfoure hundred horse. That they were
confidentto draw the warre into sucha length, as should
be unsupportableto the State of England. To which
end Odonnel had hired a Masse of Redshankes, who

were to be cessedin Connaght and Mounster, because

Tyrone, having deadly fewde with some of the chiefe
Leaders, durst not trust them in Ulster.

Besides that

upon arrivall of forraine treasure, great multitudes of

those Scots were

like

to flocke

unto

them.

And

to the

sameend Tyrone had madestrong fastnesses

or intrench- Tyrone's

ments,aswellupon the passages

of Loughfoyleandfastnf"esBallishanon,(where he left forces to resist the English
Garrisonsto be sent thither), as at the Blackewater,and
Ballinemoyree,himselfe purposing to meet the English
Army in the woodsof Ballinemoyree,betweeneDundalke
andthe Newry, wherehe hopedto makesomeof the best
to drop, and after to fall backe at his pleasureto like
fights of advantage,which he had preparedat the Blackewater. So as the onely meanessuddenlyto breakethose Meanes
to
rebels,was to hier 4000. Redshankes,to breakein upon breake the

them, (by advantageof their rowing boates)into the

heart of Tyrone, betweenethese intrenchments,where

they might easilytake from him all his wealth, consisting
in cattell, and there intrench themselves,and in despite
of all Tyrones forces, be supplied with all necessaries
from the ScottishHands. And indeed to this purpose,
the Lord Bourgh, if he had not beeneprevented by

suddendeath,hadcontracted
with thoseScots,promising
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Paytothe 4OOO.
men for the first monethspay, 1200.pound,the
Scots.

chiefeLeadera Colonelspay, and certaineCaptainesthe

pay of a Captaineof 100, men. After which moneth,
their Septswere to be cessedfor their victuals, upon such

countreys,as they must havefought with the Rebelsfor

every morsell: Namely, the sonsof Agnus mac Connell
with their Sept,upon the Route, the Glinnes,and North
Clandeboy,who for the pretencethey had to inherite that
Countrey, would prosecute James mac Surley, the
possesserthereof to the uttermost. Donnel Grome and

his Sept, uppon Yuogh, being Mac Genis his Countrey.

The Mac Lanesand their Sept,upon the South Clandeboy, and the Duffren.

All which Septs were to put in

pledgesto the Lord Bourgh, not to prey any under the

Queenesprotection, and to depart the Kingdome, when
his Lordship should pleaseno longer to make use of
their

service.

The five and twenty of June,during the said Mounster

journey, the Lord Liefetenant wrote unto the Queene
this Letter following.

Letter
from "TT THen this shall cometo your Majestieshands,I

Lief"* t

know not ; but whensoever it hath that Honour,

totheQueene
S1V&
^ leave(I humblybeseech
your Majesty)to tell
you, that having now passedthrough the Provincesof
Lemster and Mounster, and beenuppon the Frontire of

Connaght, (where the Governour and the chiefe of the

[11.1.35.]
Provincewerewith me); I darebegin to give your
Majesty some advertisementof the state of this Kingdome,not as beforeby heare-say,but as I beheldit with
mine owneeyes. The peoplein generallhaveablebodies
by nature, and have gotten by customeready use of
armes,and by their late successes
boldnesto fight with
your Majesties troopes. In their pride they value no
man but themselves,in their affectionsthey love nothing
but idlenesseand licentiousnesse,
in their rebellion they
haveno other end,but to shakeoff the yoakeof obedience
to your Majesty, and to root out all remembrance
of the
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English Nation in this Kingdome. I say this of the Thestate

of

people in generall, for I find not onely the greater part theKingdome

thus affected,but that it is a generallquarrell of the

Irish, and they who doe not professeit, are either so

few, or so false,that there is no accomptto be madeof

them. The Irish Nobility andLords of Countreys,doe

not onely in their heartsaffect this plausiblequarrell, and

are divided from us in religion, but have an especiall

quarrell to the English governement,becauseit limitteth

and tieth them, who ever have beene,and ever would be

as absoluteTyrants, as any are under the Sunne. The

Townes,beinginhabitedby menof the samereligionand

birth as the rest, are so carried away with the love of
gaine, that for it, they will furnish the rebels with all
things that may arme them, or inable them against the
State,or against themselves. The wealth of the Kingdome, which consisteth in cattle, oate-meale, and other

victuals,is almost all in the Rebelshands,who in every

Province, till my comming, have beeneMasters of the
field. The expectationof all theseRebelsis very present,
and very confident,that Spainewill either so invadeyour Spaine.
Majesty, that you shall have no leisure to prosecutethem
here,or so succourthem, that they will get most of the
Townes into their hands,ere your Majesty shall relieve
and reinforceyour Army. So that now if your Majesty
resolve to subdue these Rebels by force, they are so
many, and so framed to be Souldiers,that the warre of
force will be great, costly, and long. If your Majesty
will seeketo breakethem by factionsamongstthemselves,
they are covetousand mercinary,and must be purchased,Rebels
and their Jesuitesand practisingPriests,must be hunted cvetous
and
out and taken from them, which now doe sodderthem memnary-

sofast,andsoclosetogether. If your Majestywill have

a strong party in the Irish Nobility, and make use of
them, you must hide from them all purposeof establish-

ing English governement,

till the strengthof the Irish
be so broken, that they shall see no safety but in your

Majestiesprotection. If your Majesty will be assured

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Worth
oftheof the possession
of your Townes,andkeepethemfrom

Tozvnes.supplyingthe wants of the Rebels,you must have

garrisonsbroughtinto them,ableto commandthem,and
makeit a capitaloffencefor any Merchantin Ireland,to
trade with the Rebels, or buy or sell any armes or
munition whatsoever. For your good subjectsmay have
for their mony out of your Majesties store, that which

shall be appointedby order, and may serve for their

necessarydefence,whereasif once they be tradable,the
Rebelswill give such extremeand excessiveprices,that
they will never bee kept from them. If your Majesty
will securethis your Realmefrom the dangerof invasion,
Defence
oftheassooneas thosewhich direct & mannageyour Majesties
Country. intelligences,give notice of the preparationsand readinesseof the enemy, you must be aswell armed, and
provided for your defence: which provision, consistsin
having forces upon the Coast, inroled and trained, in
having Magazinesof victuall in your Majesties West
and North-west parts, ready to be transported; and in

having ships both of warre and transportation,which

may carry and waft them both, upon the first allarum

of a discent. The enrolingandtrainingof your subjects,

is no chargeto your Majesties owne cofers: The proMagazines.
viding of Magazines,will never be any losse,for in using
them, you may savea Kingdome, and if you use them
not, you may have your old store sold, and (if it be well

handled)to your Majestiesprofit. The armingof your

Majesties ships, when you heare your enemy armesto
the Sea,is agreeableto your owneprovident and Princely
courses,and to the pollicy of all Princes and statesof
the World. But to returne to Ireland againe,as I have
shewed your Majesty the dangers and disadvantages,
which your servantsand Ministers here shall and doe

meetewithall, in this greatworkeof reducingthis Kingdome. So I will now (as well as I can) representto
your Majestic your strengths and advantages. First,

[II. i. 36.] theseRebelsare neitherableto forceany walledTowne,

Castle,or Houseof strength,nor to keepeanythat they
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get, so that while your Majesty keepsyour Army in i. The

strengthandvigor, you areundoubtedlyMistresseof all take
Rebels
cannot
the
townesandholdswhatsoever.By whichmeanes
(if your Townes.
MajestyhavegoodMinisters)all the wealthof the Land
shall be drawne into the handsof your subjects; your

soldiersin the winter shallbe easefullylodged,& readily

supplied of any wants, and we that command your

Majestiesforces,may make the warre offensiveand

defensive,
mayfight andbein safety,asoccasion
is offered.

Secondly,
your Majesties
Horsemen,
aresoincomparably
2.Rebels
poore
better then the rebels,and their foot are so unwilling to horsemen.
fight in battell or grosse,(howsoeverthey be desirousto

skirmishand fight loose); that your Majesty may be

alwaiesMistress of the championCountries, which are
the bestparts of this Kingdome. Thirdly, your Majesty
victualling your Army out of England, and with your ^.Victualling.
Garrisonsburning and spoylingthe Countreyin all places,
shall starvethe Rebell in one yeere,becauseno placeels
cansupply them. Fourthly, sinceno warre can be made
without Munition, and munition this Rebell cannothave, 4. Munition.
but from Spayne,Scotland,or your owne Townes here,

if your Majestywill still continueyour ShipsandPinaces

upon the Coast, and be pleased to send a Printed
Proclamation,that upon paine of death no Merchant,
Townes-man,or other Subject, doe trafficke with the
Rebell,or buy or sell in any sort any kinde of Munition
or Armes, I doubt not, but in short time I shall make

them bankeroutof their old store,and I hopeour Seamen

will keepethem from receiving any new. Fifthly, your
Majesty hath a rich store of gallant Colonels,Captaines,5. Gallant
and Gentlemenof quality, whoseexampleand execution Leaders.
is of moreuse,then all the rest of your troopes; whereas

the men of best qualitie amongthe rebels,which are

their Leaders, and their horsemen, dare never put them-

selvesto any hazard, but send their Kerne, and their

hirelingsto fight with your MajestiesTroopes; so that

although their common souldiers are too hard for our
new men, yet are they not able to stand before such
M. II

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gallantmenaswill chargethem. Sixthly,your Majesties

6.OrderlyCommanders
being advisedand exercised,know al
Commanders,
advantages,
and by the strengthof their order,will in
all greatfightsbeatetherebels. For theyneithermarch,
nor lodge,nor fight in order,but only by the benefitof
their footmanship,can comeon, and goe off at their
pleasure,which makesthem attend a whole day, still
skirmishing,andneveringagingthemselves.So that it

hath beenever the fault and weakenesse

of your Majestis

Leaders,whensoever
you havereceivedany blow. For

the rebels doe but watch and attend upon all grosse
oversights. Now if it pleaseyour Majestic to compare

youradvantages
anddisadvantages
together,youshallfinde
that though theseRebelsare more in number then your
MajestiesArmy, and have(though I doeunwillingly confesseit) better bodies,and perfecteruse of their Armes,
then thosemen which your Majestic sendsover; yet your
Majestie, commandingthe walled Townes, Holdes, and
Champion Countries, and having a brave Nobilitie and
Gentry, a better Discipline, and strongerorder then they,
and such meansto keep from them the maintenanceof
their life, and to waste the Countrie, which should nourish

them, your Majestie may promise your selfe, that this

actionwill (in the end) be successefull,
though costly, and
that your Victorie will be certaine,though many of us
your honest servants must sacrifice our selves in the

quarrell, and that this Kingdome will be reduced,though

it will aske (besidescost) a great dealeof care,industry,
TheLord and time. But why doe I talke of victorie, or of
Liefetenanfs
successe
? is it not knowne,that from England I receive
complaint.nothing but discomfortsand souleswounds? Is it not
spokenin the Army, that your Majestiesfavor is diverted
from me, and that alreadieyou do boad il both to me
and it? Is it not beleevedby the Rebels, that those
whom you favour most, doe more hateme out of faction,
then them out of dutie or conscience ?

Is it not lamented

of your Majestiesfaithfullestsubjects
both thereandhere,
that a Cobham,or a Raleigh (I will forbeareothersfor
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their placessake)shouldhavesuchcreditandfavourwith
your Majestic,when they wish the ill successe
of your
Majestiesmost important action, the decayof your
greateststrength,andthe destructionof your faithfullest

servants? Yes, yes, I see both my owne destiny, and

your Majestiesdecree,and doe willingly imbracethe one,
and obey the other. Let me honestlyand zealouslyend [II. i. 37.]
a wearisome life, let others live in deceitfull and uncon-

stant pleasure; let me beare the brunt, and die

meritoriously; let others achive and finish the worke,
and live to erectTrophies. But my prayer shall be, that
when my Soveraignelooseth mee, her Army may not
loose courage,or this Kingdome want phisicke, or her
dearestSelfe misseEssex, and then I can never goe in
a better time, nor in a fairer way. Till then, I protest
before God and his Angels, that I am a true Votarie,
that is sequestredfrom all things but my duty and my
charge; I performethe uttermost of my bodies,mindes
and fortunes abilitie, and more should, but that a constant

careand labor agreesnot with an inconstanthealth, in

anunwholsomeand uncertaineclymate. This is the hand
of him, that did live your dearest,and will die,
Your Majestiesfaithfullest servant
Essex.

Towards the end of July his Lordp. brought back his

forces into Lemster, the souldiers being wearie, sicke,
and uncredibly diminished in number, and himselfe
returned

to Dublin.

All that his Lordp.

had done in this

journey,besidesthe scatteringof theRebelsweaketroopes,

was the taking of Cahir Castle,and receiving the L. of CakirCastle
Cahir, the L. Rocheand someothers into her Majesties
Protection, who after his departure did either openly

fall againeto the rebelsparty, or secretlycombinewith

them. While his Lordp. was in this journy, some600
men left in the Glinnes, by the unskilfulnesseof some
young Captainesand souldiers,and the ill affection of
someIrish Officers,receiveda disgraceful!blow from the
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Adisgraceful
Obirns,whereupon
his Lordp. now severelypunished

blow.

their fault,disarming
the souldiers,
andexecuting
the

tenthman,callingtheCaptaines
to a MartiallCourt,and

dischargingthem,and condemning
to beeshot to death
an Irish Lieutenant,who had parliedwith the Rebels,
and was thought to have animatedthem. Then his
Lordp.understanding
that theQueenewasmuchoffended
with this Mounsterjourny, he cast in his letters the
fault on the Counsell of Ireland, whose advise, by reason

of their long experience

in thosewarres,he thoughtfittest
to follow, at his first entry,but withal gaveher Majesty
ful assurancethat he would presently leade the Army

into Ulster againstTyrone himselfe. Yet theseletters

were scarcedelivered, when by others he signified a
Journey
Into necessityof a journey into Ophalia and Leax neere
Ophalia
and Dublin, against the Oconnorsand Omores, whom he

Leax.

brakewith ease,
himselfleadingsome1500into Ophalia,
& sending Sir ChristopherBlunt the Marshal into Leax
with rooo men, under the command of Sir CharlesPearcy

and Sir Richard Moryson. Then at his returne, taking

a view of the Army, he found it so weakened,as by
letters signed by himselfe and the Counsell there, hee

desireda supplieof 1000foot out of England,to inable

him presentlyto undertakethe Ulster journey.
Thus resolved to march Northward, he commaunded

SirConyers
Sir ConyersClifford, Governourof Connaghtto draw

Clifford hisforcesup to Belike,thatheemightforceTyroneto

send someof his forcesthat way, while he assailedhim

on the other side. Sir Conyers Clifford accordingly
marchedthis way with one thousandfoure hundredfoote
by Pole, and the Earle of SouthamptonsTroop of one

hundred horse, under the leading of CaptaineJohn

Jephson,with some other Irish horse: & commingto

the Curlew mountaineshe left the munition and carriages

underthe guardof the horse,til he passingforwardwith

the Footehadtried the passage.He had not gonefarre,
before Ororke and other rebels with him, upon the
advantage of Woods, Bogges, and, a stony causey,
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assailedour men, who at the first valiantly repelledthem,

till the rebelsfinding the munition our men had about

thembeginningto faile,renewedthe chargewith greater
fury then before; at which time our men, discouraged rebel
with the wantof powder,(almostall theyhadaboutthem vtctonebeing spent, and their store being behind with the
carriage),as also weariedwith a long march they had
madebefore the skirmish, beganto faint, and take themselvesto flight, whom the rebelspursued,& killed some
one hundred and twenty in the place,amongwhich the
Governour Sir ConyersClifford, and a worthy Captaine
Sir Alexander Ratcliffe, were lost, besidesas many more

hurt, whereofthe greatestpart recovered. And no doubt

the rest had all perished,if the Horse had not valiantly
succoredthem. For the Lord of Dunkellyn (who that [H. i. 38.]
day had most valiantly behavedhimselfe)sent word to
CaptaineJohn Jephsonof their distresse,who presently
chargedupon the causey,and to the very skirts of the
Wood, with suchresolution,as the rebelseither thinking yalianthone.
Horse could not have served there, or expecting
advantagesupon them in that boggy place,stood gaping

on them, and gave way, without any resistancefor a

good space,in which our men had leasureto retire over

a Ford, into the Plaine, where the carriageswere, and
thenceto the Abby of the Boyle, being very neere the

place. Afterwardsthe rebelsbeganto chargeour Horse,

but their powder being almost spent, CaptaineJephson
safelyretyred, with the losseof somefew horses. In a
Consultation, somewere earnestto have marched forward

the next day: but the Lord of Dunkellin, Sir Arthur

Savage,Captain John Jephson,and many of the best

judgement,consideringthe Governor was lost, our

troopesutterly dismaied,and Odonnel comedowne with

all his forcesinto thoseparts,thoughtfit our menshould

retire to their Garrisons. So CaptaineJephsonall that Captaine

night kept the Ford, while our Footein the silentnight

retired, and in the morning when they were in safetie,

heewith the Horse under his commandwent softly after
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themto the Castleof Athlone. It is strange,the rebels

thenpresentbeingbut sometwo hundred,andmostof

our men beingold soldiers,how this defeatecouldbe
given,but smallaccidents
in militarieaffaires,areoften
causes
of strangeand greatevents: for I haveheard
this mischance
fully attributedto an unorderlyturning
of the wholebody of the Van; which though it were

toward the enemy,yet being mistakenby somecommon

souldiersfor a flight, it causeda generallrowte.

Supplies
from

In the meanetime the foresaidsupply of one thousand

England. footewas sentout of Englandto the Lord Lieutenant,

accordingto his and the Counselsrequest. But few
daies after, his Lordship signified by his letters into

England,that he could doe no more this seasonof the

yeere,then to draw thirteene hundred Foote, and three

hundred

horse

to the

borders

of

Ulster.

Whether

he

cameabout the Ides of September,and Tyrone two dayes

together shewedhimselfe and his troopes upon distant
hilles, to the English. Then Tyrone sent Hagan to the
Lord Lieutenant,to intreat a Parly betweenehis Lordship
and him; which his Lordship refused, answering,that
if Tyrone would speakwith him, he shouldfind him next
day in Armes, in the headof the Army. The next day,

Tyrone after a light skirmish,one of Tyroneshorsemencried

intreats
a

Parly.

with a loud voice, that Tyrone would not fight, but would

speake
with theLord Lieutenant,
andthat unarmed,
and
both withdrawneaside from the forces. The next day,
when his Lordship marchedforwards, Hagan met him
againe,and declaredto him, that Tyrone besoughtthe
Queenesmercy, and that he would vouchsafeto speake
one word with him, which granted, he would in all
humblenesse
attendhis Lordship at the Foard Balla-clinch,
neere the chiefe Towne of the County of Louth. His
Lordship sent somebefore,to view the Foard,who found
Tyrone there, and heeassuredthem, that howsoeverthe
waterswere somethingrisen, yet they might easilyheare
one anotherfrom each side. His Lordship being come

thither, Tyrone leavinga troope of horseupon a hill

246

THE

REBELLION

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A.D.
1599.

not far off, camedownealone,andputting his horseup

to the belly in the water,with al humblenesse
saluted
his Lordshipstandingon the other banke,andtherethey
passedmany speeches.Then Tyrone calledhis brother Conference
Cormack, Mac Gennys, Mac Guire, Ever Mac Couley, withTyrone.
Henrie Ovington, and O Quin, to the Foard, the Lord
Lieutenanthaving first calledthe Earle of South-hampton,
Sir GeorgeBourcher,Sir WarhamSantLeger, Sir Henrie
Davers, Sir Edward Wingfeld, and Sir William Constable, to come downe. Tyrone very Courtly saluted
each one, and after short conference, it was concluded,

that the next day Commissioners,should meeteto treate

of Peace,and they madea mutuall Truce from that day 4 mutuall
for sixe weekes,and so from sixe weekes to sixe weekes, truce.

till the Callendsof May, with caution, that it should bee

free to either side, upon foureteenedayeswarning first
given, to renew the warre. And if any of the Earle of
Tyrones confederatesshould not assent hereunto, hee
left them to bee prosecuted,by the Lord Lieutenant.
By this time the Queenehad receivedhis Lordships
last letters above mentioned, signifying that he could [H- "39-1
onely for this winter, draw to the confinesof Ulster, with
one thousand

three

hundred

foot

and three

hundred

horse; At which time, to justifie his resolution, he sent Judgement

of
the judgement of the chiefe Commandersof the Army, thechiefe
subscribed with their hands, dated the one twentie of

August,that for that time morecouldnot be enterprised

for thesereasons;that the Army wasunwilling to bee
drawnetowardsUlster, so as many ran away from their
Colours; that manywere sicke; that no Plantationcould
be made this yeereat Loughfoyle, nor any coursetaken
to divert Tyrones forces; that the ConnaghtArmy was
defeated;that hist Lordships Army had not above foure
thousand able men at the most;

that these were unable

to standagainstthe rebels,being six thousandshot, and

lying within strong intrenchments; that much lesseany

strongGarrisonscould beeleft in the North, and a safe

retreit made; And lastly, that thoseGarrisons,if they
247

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MORYSON'S

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1599.

could beeleft there,would more endangerthe English

(beingcontinuallyto supplythemwith vittles in winter
TheQueene
time)thenannoythe rebels. Her Majestiebeinghighly

offended.offended,
that soroyallan Army,maintained
with her
excessive
charge,had in sixe monethseffectednothing,
and now gaveno hopeof any importantserviceto be
done againstthe rebels,wrote a sharpeletter to the Lord
Lieutenant, and the Counsell of Ireland, as followeth.

Elizabeth Regina.

By the Queene.

The Queene's

sharpe
Letter
Right
trusty
and
right
well
beloved
Cosen
and
Councellor,
and
trusty
and
welbeloved,
We greet
to the Lord

Lieutenantyou well. Having sufficientlydeclaredunto you before

andthe
this time, how little the mannerof your proceedingshath
Counsell
of answered,either our direction, or the worlds expectation.

Ireland. And findingnowby yourlettersby Cuffe,a coursemore

strange, if stranger may be, we are doubtful what to

prescribeyou at any time, or what to build upon by your
owne writings to us in any thing. For we have clearely
discerned of late, that you have ever to this hower
possessed
us with expectations,that you would proceede
as we directed you. But your actionsshew alwaiesthe
contrary, though carried in such sort, as you were sure
we had no time

to countermaund

them.

Before your departure, no mans counsell was held

sound, which perswadednot presently the maine prosecution in Ulster, all wasnothing without that, and nothing
was too

much

for

that.

This

drew

on

the

sudden

transportation,of so many thousandsto be carriedover

with you, as when you arrived we were chargedwith
more then the liste, or which weeresolved, to the number

of three hundred horse; Also the thousand which were

onely to be in pay during the service in Ulster, have

been put in charge ever since the first journey. The
pretenceof which voyage, as appearethby your letters
was to doe somepresentservice,in the Interim, whilest

the seasongrew morecommodious

for the maineprosecution; for the which purpose,you did importunewith
248

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1599.

great earnestnesse,
that all mannerof provisions might TheQueene's
be hastnedto Dublin againstyour returne.
ltter-

Of this resolutionto deferreyour going into Ulster,

you may well thinke that wee would havemadestay,if
youhadgivenus moretime,or if we couldhaveimagined
by the contentsof your ownewritings, that you would
havespentnine weekesabroad. At your returne,when
a third part of July waspast,andthatyou hadunderstood
our mislike of your former course, and making your
excuseof undertaking it onely in respectof your con-

formitie to the Councelsopinions,with great protestations of haste into the North, we received another letter,

of newreasonsto suspendthat journeyyet a while,and

to draw the Army into Ophalia. The fruit whereof was

no other at your comminghome,but more relationsof

further miseriesof your Army, and greaterdifficulties
to performethe Ulster warre. Then followed from you
and the Councell

a new demaund of two thousand men Camdensaith

to which if we would assent,you would speedilyunder- onely

one
take what wee had so often commanded.

When

that thousand-

wasgranted,and your going onwardpromisedby divers

letters,wee receivedby this bearernow fresh advertisement, that all you can doe, is to goe to the frontier, and
that you have provided only for twentie daies victuals.
In which kinde of proceeding,wee must dealeplainely [II. i. 40.]
with you & that Councell, that it were more proper

for them,to leavetroubling themselves

with instructing
us,by whatrules our power& their obediencearelimitted,
& to bethink them, if the courseshave bin only derived

from their Counsels,

how to answerethis part of theirs,
to traine us into a new expencefor one end, and imploy
it upon another; to which we could never have assented,
if we could have suspectedit should have beeneundertaken, before we heard it was in action. And therefore

we doe wonder how it can be answered,seeingyour

attemptis not in the capitall Traytors Countrey,that you
have increased our list:

but it is true as we have often

saied,that we are drawne on to expence,by little and

249

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FYNES

MORYSON'S

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1599-

TheQueenit
little, and by protestationsof great resolutionsin

letter.

generalities,
till theycometo particular
execution.Of

all which courses,whosoevershall examineany of the

argumentsused for excuse,shall find, that your owne
proceedingsbeget the difficulties,and that no just causes
doe breed the alteration.

If lacke of numbers, if sicke-

nesseof the army be the causes,why wasnot the action

undertaken,
whentheArmy wasin betterstate,if winters

approch: why were the summer moneths of July and

August lost ? if the springwastoo soone,and the summer
that followed otherwise spent, if the harvest that succeededwas so neglected,as nothing hath beenedone,
then surely must we conclude,that none of the foure
quartersof the yeerewill be in seasonfor you and that
Counsell,to agreeof Tyrones prosecution,for which all
our charge was intended. Further we require you to
consider,whetherwe have not great causeto thinke, that
the purpose is not to end the warre, when your selfe
have so often told us, that all the petty undertakingsin
Lemster, Mounster,and Connaght,arebut losseof time,
consumptionof treasure,and wasteof our people,untill
Tyrone himselfebe first beaten,on whom the rest depend.
Doe you not see, that he maketh the warre with us in

all parts by his Ministers, secondingall placeswhereany

attemptsbe offered: who doth not see,that if this course
be continued, the warres are like to spend us and our

Kingdome beyond all moderation,as well as the report

of the successe
in all parts hath blemishedour Honour,
and incouragedothersto no smalproportion. We know
you cannotso muchfayle in judgement,as not to under-

All theWorldstand, that all the World seeth, how time is dallied,

seeth.

though you thinke the allowanceof that Counsell,whose

subscriptionsare your Ecchoes,should serveand satisfie
us. How would you have derided any man else,that
should have followed your steps? How often have you
told us, that others which precededyou, had no intent
to end the warre? How often have you resolvedus,
that untill Loughfoyle and Ballishannonwere planted,
250

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.O.
1599.

therecouldbenohopeof doingservice
uponthecapitallThe
Queene
Rebels? We must thereforelet you know, that as it lettercannotbe ignorance,so it cannotbe want of meanes,
for

you had your asking, you had choiceof times, you had
power and authority more ample then ever any had, or

ever shallhave. It may well be judged,with how little

contentment, wee searchout this and other errours: for

who doth willingly seeke for that, which they are so

loth to find, but how should that be hidden which is so

palpable? And therefore to leave that which is past,

and that you may prepareto remedy matters of weight

hereafter,rather then to fill your paperswith many

impertinent arguments,being in your generall Letters,
savouringstill in many points of humours,that concerne
the private of you our Lord Liefetenant; we doe tell
you plainely, that are of that Councell, that we wonder
at your indiscretion, to subscribeto Letters which concerne

our publike service,when they are mixed with any mans

private,and directedto our CounsellTable, which is not
to handlethings of small importance.
To conclude,if you will say, though the Army be in
list twenty thousand, that you have them not, we answere
then to our Treasurer, that we are ill served; and that

there neednot so frequent demandsof full pay: If you

will say the Muster-masteris to blame, we much muse
then why he is not punished,though say we might to
you our Generall,if we would Ex Jure proprio judicare,
that all defectsby Ministers, yea though in never so
remote Garrisons, have beene affirmed to us, to deserve

to be imputed to the want of care of the Generall. For

the smallproportion you say you carry with you of three
thousandfive hundred foot, when lately we augmented
you two thousandmore. It is to Us past comprehension,[II. i. 41.]

exceptit be that you haveleft still too great numbers

in unnecessarie
Garrisons,whichdoeincrease
our charge,
and diminish your Army, which We commandyou to

reforme,especiallysinceyou, by your continuallreports

of the state of every Province, describethem all to be
251

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FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1599.

TheQueenis
in worsecondition,then ever they werebeforeyou set

letter.

footein thatKingdome.Sothatwhosoever
shalwrite
the story of this yeeresaction,must say,that We were at

great chargesto hazardOur Kingdome,and you have

takengreat painesto preparefor many purposes,
which
perish without understanding.And thereforebecause
We seenow by your own words, that the hope is spent

of this yeeresserviceupon Tyrone and O Donnel,We

doecommandyou and our Councell,to fall into present
deliberation,and thereuponto send Us over in writing,
a true declarationof the Stateto which you have brought

our Kingdome,andwhatbe the effectswhichthis journy

hath produced,and why theseGarrisonswhich you will
plant farre within the land in Brenny and Monaghan,as
others whereof We have written, shall have the same
difficulties.

Secondly,We looke to heare from you and them

joyntly, how you thinke the remainderof this yeereshal
be imployed, in what kind of warre, and where, and in
what numbers,which being done and sent Us hither in
writing with al expedition,you shal then understandOur
pleasurein all things fit for our service,untill which time,
We commandyou to be very carefull to meetewith all
inconveniences,
that may arise in that Kingdome, where
the ill affectedwill grow insolent upon Our ill successe,
and the good subjectsgrow desperate,when they seethe
best of Our preservingthem.

Thecartel/. "Wehaveseenea writing in formeof a cartell,full of

challengesthat are impertinent, and of comparisonsthat
are needelesse, such as hath not been before this time

presentedto a State,exceptit be done now with a hope

to terrific all men, from censuring your proceedings.
Had it not bin enough to have sent Us the testimony
of the Counsell,but that you must call so manyof those,
that areof slenderexperience,and none of Our Counsell,
to sucha forme of subscription. Surely howsoeveryou
may have warranted them, Wee doubt not but to let

them know, what belongsto Us, to you, and to them252

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REBELLION

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A.D.
1599.

selves. And thus expectingyour answere,

We ende,at

Our Manner of Nonsuch the fourtenth of September,

in the one and fortieth yeereof Our Raigne, 1599-

The Lord Lieutenantbeing nettled,or rather galled Lords

Justices.

with this letter, resolvedto leaveAdam Loftus the Lord

Archbishopof Dublin, and Sir GeorgeGary Treasurerat

Warres,to governethe Kingdomein his absence,

and
presentlysaylinginto England,postedto the Court, where
altogetherunlockedfor, he arrived the eight and twentie
of September,and presentedhimselfeon his kneesto the
Queene, early in the morning, being in her private
chamber, who received him

not with

that chearefull

countenance,which she was wont to shew him, but after

a briefe conference, commanded him to retire to his

chamber,and there to stay, untill hee knew her further

pleasure; from whencehis Lordships next remove, was
to the Lord Keepershouse,in stateof a prisoner.

The list of the chiefe Officers of the Kingdome, Thechlefe

and the Army, and the disposallof the forces Officers
ofthe
made in September, 1599, when the Lord
Lieutenant left the Kingdome.
Officers
Lord

Lieutenant

and Governours.

the Earle

of Essex.

Lord

President

of Mounster void by the death of Sir Thomas Norreys.

Placeof chiefeCommissioner
of Connaghtvoid or provisional. Lieutenant of the Army Earle of Ormond.

Treasurerat WarresSir GeorgeCarey,The Marshals

place of Ireland void. Master of the Ordinance Sir
GeorgeBourcher. Marshall of the Campeprovisionally
Sir Oliver Lambert.

Lieutenant

of the Horse Sir Henrie

Davers. SerjeantMajor Sir Arthur Chichester.

Colonels of Horse.
Sir William

Evers.

Sir Griffin
253

[II. i. 42.]
Markham.

A.D.

FYNES

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ITINERARY

1599-

Colonels
Earle of Kildare.

of Foote.

Earle of Thomond.

Lord of Dun-

kellin. Lord Audley. Lord Dunsany. Sir Edward

Denny. Sir Matthew Morgan. Sir CharlesPiercy. Sir
Henry Dockwra. Sir Christopher Saint Laurence. Sir

John Bolles. Sir Edward Harbert.

Sir Charles Wilmott.

Sir Henrie Power. Sir Arthur Savage.

Foure Corporalsand a Provost-Marshallof the Army.

Thedisposal/

of theforces.

The disposall of the forces.

Horse

in Mounster.

The Earle of Thomond, 25. Sir Anthony Cooke, 50.

Sir Warham Saint Leger, 25. CaptaineThomasWhite,
50.
Mounster.

Foote

in Mounster.

Earle of Thomond, 200. Master Treasurer, 100. Sir

Henrie Harington, 100. Sir Henry Power, 200. Sir

Edward Denny, 150. Sir Anthony Cooke, 100. Sir
CharlesWilmott, 150. Sir Francis Barkley, 100. Sir
John Dowdal, 100. Captaine William Power, 150.
CaptaineClare, 150. CaptaineBrowne, 100. Captaine
Keamys,100. CaptaineBostock,100. CaptaineBrooke,
100. Captaine Rande, 100. Captaine Flower, 100.
CaptaineDiggs, 100. CaptaineWilliam Tirwhit, 150.
CaptaineParker, 100. CaptaineWilliam Hartpoole, 100.
CaptaineFrancisKingesmil, 100.
Horse in Connaght.
Earle of Clanrickard, 50. Provost Marshall, 10. Sir

Theobald Dillon, 15. CaptaineGeorge Blunt, 12.

Connaght.
Foote in Connaght.
Earle of Clanrickard, 100. Lord of Dunkellyn, 150.

Sir Arthur Savage,200. Sir ThomasBourke,100. Sir

Gerrald Harvy, 150. Sir Hugh O Connor, 100. Sir
TheobaldDillon, 100. CaptaineBadbye,150. Captaine
RichardPluncket, 100. CaptaineMostion, 100. Captaine
254

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REBELLION

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A.D.
1599.

Tibot nelong,100. Captaine

WalterFloyd,150. Cap-The
dis
taineThomasRoper,150. Captaine
OliverBurke,100.ofthe
forces.
CaptaineThomasBurke, 100. CaptaineDavid Bourke,
100.

Horse at Carrickfergus.
Neale Mac Hugh, 30.
Foote at Carrickfergus.
Sir Arthur Chichester, 200. Sir Richard Percy, 150.

CaptaineEington, 100. CaptaineNorton, 100.

Horse at the Newry.

Sir SamuelBagnol, 50.

Foote at the Newrie.

Sir SamuelBagnoll,200. CaptaineEdward Blaney,

150. CaptaineFreckleton,100. CaptaineJosiasBodley,
150. CaptaineFrancis Stafford, 100. CaptaineToby
Cawfeild,150. CaptaineLeigh, 100.
Foote

at Dundalke.

Captaine Egerton, 100. Captaine Bingley, 150.

CaptaineBasset,100.
Foote at Atherde.

Sir Garret Moore, 100. CaptaineRoe, 100.

Horse

at Kells

and Navan.

Lord of Dunsany, 50. Sir Garret Moore, 25.

Foote

at Kells

and Navan.

Lord Audley, 200. Lord Dunsany, 150. Sir Fulk

Conway, 150. Sir ChristopherSaint Laurence,200. Sir

Henry Dockwra, 200. Sir John Chamberlaine,150.

CaptaineJohnSidney,100. Captaine
RalphSydley,100.
CaptaineRoger Atkinson, 100. CaptaineHeath, 150.
CaptaineNelson,100. CaptaineHugh Rely, 100.
Horse at Trym.

Sir Griffin Markham, 50.

255

[II. i. 43-]

A.D.

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ITINERARY

1599.

Thedisposall

Foote at Trym.

/'theforce*.
slr Charles
p{ercyj
2oo<Captaine
Roger
Orme,100.
CaptaineAlford, 100.
Foote

at Leax and the Barow side.

Sir WarhamSaintLeger, 150. Sir FrancisRush,150.

CaptaineJohn Fitz-Piers, 150. MasterHartpoole,10.
Foote at Eniscorthy.
Sir Oliver Lambert, 200. Sir Richard Masterson, 150.
Horse

in and about

the Nasse.

The Earle of Kildare, 50. CaptaineRichardGreame,

50. CaptaineThomas Gifford, 25. CaptaineGeorge
Greame,12. CaptaineThomasLee, 12.
Foote

in and about

the Nasse.

Earle of Kildare, 150. The Earle of Southampton,

200. Sir Matthew Morgan, 150. Sir Thomas Loftus,
100. Captaine Walter Mac Edmond, 100. Captaine
Edward Loftus, 100. CaptaineThomas Williams, 150.
CaptaineThomasLee, 100. CaptaineWilliam Eustace,
100. CaptaineEsmond, 150. CaptaineJohn Masterson,
100. CaptaineEllys Flood, 100. CaptaineR. Trevor,
TOO.

Foote at Mullingar.
The Lord of Delvin, 150. CaptaineThomasMynne,
100. CaptaineWilliam Stafford, 100. CaptaineLionel
Ghest, 100. CaptaineWilliam Winsor, 100. Captaine
Thomas Cooche,100. CaptaineGarret Dillon, 100.
Foote in Ophaly.
Sir Henrie Cooly, 20. Sir Henry Warren, 100. Sir
Edward Fitz-gerald, 100. Sir GeorgeCooly, 20.
Horse at Kilkenny.
The Earle of Ormond, 50. Sir Oliver Lambert, 25.
Sir Walter Butler, 50. Sir Cristopher Saint Laurence,

30. CaptaineGarret Fleming, 25. CaptaineWilliam

Taffe, 50.

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REBELLION

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A.D.

Foote at Kilkenny.
Thedlsposall
ftheforcesThe Earle of Ormond, 200. Sir Carew Reynel, 150.

Sir Henrie Follyot, 150. CaptaineRichardCroft, 100.

Captaine Henry Sheffeild, 100. Captaine Nicholas
Pinner, 100.

Foote at Ballymore,and O Carrols Countrie.

CaptaineFrancisShane,100. CaptaineEdwardLister,
100.

Sir Charles O Carrol, 100.

Horse

and Foote

at Newcastle.

Sir William Warren, 50 horse. Sir William Warren,

100 foote.

Foote at Athboy and Phillipstown.

[11.1.44.]
Sir Richard Moryson, 200. Sir GeorgeBourcher, 100.
Foote

at Dublin.

Sir Henrie Foulkes,commandingthe Lord Lieutenants

Guard, 200.

Horse at Fingall, and at Navan.

Sir William Evers, 100. The Earle of Southamptons
troope,commandedby CaptaineJohn Jephson,100. Sir
Henry Davers, 100.
Horse

in the Countie

of

Dublin.

Sir Henrie Harrington, 25. Sir Edward Herbert, 12.

Sir GeraldAylemer, 13. Murrogh Mac TeigTOge, 10.
Foote undisposed.
Sir John Talbot, 22.
Totall of Horse, one thousand two hundred thirtie TheTotallof
one.

MeHorseand

Totall of Foote, fourteene thousand foure hundred

twenty

two.

The foresaidLords Justicesbeing left to governe

Ireland, upon the Lord Lieutenantssuddendeparture,
did easilyrule the unweldyHelme of this Kingdome
M.JH

257

e'

A.D.

FYNES

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ITINERARY

J599-

solong,astheSeawascalme,
by thecontinuance
of that
truceformerlymentionedto beemade,betweene
the Lord

Lieutenantand Tyrone,whichwasthen concluded

for
sixe weekes,and so from sixe to sixe weekes,till the

Calends
of May,excepteitherof themshouldgivefour-

teenedaieswarningof their purposeto breakethe same.

But about the beginningof December,Tyronesparty
Tyrone's entring into acts of hostility, the Lords Justicessent Sir

hostile
acts. William Warren, to expostulatewith him the causeof

this breach. He answered,that he had not broken the

Truce,having(accordingto the conditionthereof)given

them fourteenedayeswarning. And that he had so done,
becausethe Earle of Essexbeing imprisonedin England,
in whom he had placedall the confidenceof his lire and
estate,he was resolvednot to relye on the Councellof
that Kingdome, who had formerly delt deceitfully with
him therein. Finally, that he could not now renewthe
truce, though hee never so much desired it, since
hee had already sent Odonnel into Connaght, and
divers of his confederatesinto other parts to renew the
warre.

Thus much their Lordships advertisedinto England,

by lettersfull of diffidence,professingthat they feared

the rebelswould presentlyassaultthe English Pale. Like-

wise some ill affected to the Earle of Essex, advertised,

that among the Rebels a common rumor was spread,

and that no doubt from Tyrone, that Englandwould

England
tobe shortly be in combustionwithin it selfe,which increased

in combustion,
^g SUSpitions
already
conceived
of theforesaid
conference
had betweene the Earle and Tyrone, to the great
prejudiceof the Earle being in durance.
Now her Majestie receiving theseadvertisements,
and
further understanding,that the rebelsdaily increasedin
number and courage, that the meere Irish aspired to
liberty, and that the English Irish, if perhapswell affected,
yet were daunted by the ill successeof the Queenes

affaires,(whosegreat expences,
and Royall Army they
hadscenevanishinto smoke),andwerebesidesexasper258

THE

REBELLION

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IRELAND

A.D.
1599.

atedwith an old griefe,to be excludedthemselves

from
the Governement,while English Deputieswere daily
sent to commandthem. And having intelligence,that
Tyrone full of pride, did every wherebost himselfeas
Championof the Irish Liberty and Romish Religion Tyrone
(everywherereceivingto his protection,and cherishingChampion

all seditious
persons,
helpingtheweake
with succours,
^. "JSI
confirming the diffident with strong hopes),and that he
wasgrowne confidentto roote out the English Governement, aswell by former successes,
as by the succourof
the King of Spaine,(who already had sent him some
munition and a little mony, with bragging promisesof
greater supplies), and by the faire promisesand large
indulgencessentfrom the Pope,with a Crowneof Phoenix
fethers (perhapsin imitation of Pope Urban the third,
who sent John, the sonne to King Henry the second,
then made Lord of Ireland, a little Crowne woven of

Peacocksfeathers.)
Her Majestic (I say) having theseadvertisements,& [II. i. 4.5.]
finding thereby, that it was high time, to make strong Charles

oppositionto this rebelliousmonster,madechoiceof B/ount,

Charles
Blount,
LordMountjoy
tobeDeputy
of Ireland,
LL%fttafy'
whom her Highnesse had the last yeere purposed to
imploy in that place: At which time, the Earle of Essex,
though linked in neerefriendship with him, yet secretly
opposedthis her Majestiesdetermination,alleaging that
the Lord Mountjoy had small experiencein martiall
affaires, save that he had gained in the small time he
served in the Low-Countries, adding that he was too
bookish, and had too few followers, and too small an

estate,to imbraceso great a businesse. So as the Earle

not obscurelyaffectingthis imploymenthimselfe,(to the
end he might more strongly confirme that dependancy
which all military men already had on him) and his
enemieswillingly giving secondto this his ambition, (that
by his absencethey might have better advantagesto hurt
him, and to benefit themselves),at that time the said

Earle easilydrew this fatall governementon his owne

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shoulders,which was one of the first steps,and not the

least cause of his ruine.

Beingnow to write of this HonourableLord Mountjoy, my deceased

Lord and Master,I doe faithfully professe,and pray the Readerconfidentlyto beleeve,(which
I hope most easily to obtaine of those, who best know
me), that as in the duty of a servant I will not omit
any thing I remember,which may turne to his Lordships

Honor, so in my love to truth, I will be so farrefrom

lying and flattering,as I will rather be bold modestly

to mention some of his defects,whereof the greatest

Worthies of the World cannot be altogetherfree. To
which I will onelyadde,that asI esteemelying andflattery
by word of mouth, among the living, to be unfallible
notesof basenesse
and ignorance,so I judge thesevices
infamousandsinfull, whenthey areleft in print to deceive
posterity. Sincethe first may detect falshoodby inquiring the truth, but the latter have no meanesto rectifie
their misinformedjudgements.
Thus I returne to proceedin my former narration; and
first I will delineate(after my best skill) the true portraiture of this worthy Lords body and mind, then I will
collect the Councels,by which he tamed this Monster of
Rebellion; and lastly, I will discendby order of time
to his Lordships particular actions. But ere I take my
TheLordpensill in hand to figure this Noble Lords person,I must
Deputy'sacknowledgemy weakenessesuch, as I cannot fully
person. apprehendhis compleatworthinesse,and thereforedesire,
that those of greater judgement to discernethe same,
will impute all defectsto the unskilfulnes of the workeman, and that with others, to whom his Lordship was

lesseknowne,my rude Pen may not derogateany thing

from his due praise. Againe,give meleaveto remember,
that which I received from his mouth, that in his child-

hood when his Parentswould have his picture, he chose

to be drawne with a Trowell in his hand, and this Mot ;

Ad reaedificandam
antiquam Domum, To rebuild the

ancientHouse: For this nobleand ancientBarronywas

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decaied,not so muchby his Progenitorsprodigality,as

his Fathersobstinateaddiction to the study and practise

of Alchumy,by which he so long labouredto increase

his revenues,til he had almost fully consumedthem.

Now to the purpose,let us observehow he fulfilled this

ominouspresage,
in rebuildingthat Noble House,till

by his untimelydeath,the samewasfatallyeclipsed

againe.

He wasof staturetall, and of very comelyproportion, Hisbodily

his skin faire, with little haire on his body, which haire presence.
wasof colour blackish(or inclining to blacke),and thinne
on his head,wherehe wore it short, excepta locke under
his left eare, which he nourished the time of this warre,

and being woven up, hid it in his neckeunder his ruffe.

The crown of his head was in his latter dayessomthing
bald, as the forepartnaturally curled; he onely used the
Barber for his head, for the haire on his chin (growing
slowly)and that on his cheekesand throat, he usedalmost
daily to cut it with his sizers,keeping it so low with his
owne hand, that it could scarce bee discerned, as likewise

himselfekept the haire of his upper lippe something

short,onely suffering that under his netherlip to grow at
length and full; yet sometwo or three yeeresbeforehis
death,he nourisheda sharpeand short pikedevanton his
chin. His foreheadwasbroad and high ; his eyesgreat,
blacke, and lovely; his nose somethinglow and short,
and a little blunt in the end ; his chin round ; his cheekes

full, round, and ruddy; his countenancecheerefull,and [II. i. 46.]

as amiableas ever I beheldof any man, onely sometwo
yeeresbefore his death, upon discontentment,his face

grew thinne,his ruddy colourfailed,growingsomewhat

swarthy,and his countenance
wassadand dejected. His
armeswere long, and of proportionablebignes,his hands
long and white, his fingers great in the ende, and his
leggs somewhatlittle, which hee garteredever abovethe

knee,wearingthe Garter of Saint Georgesorder under

the left knee, exceptwhen he was booted, and so wore
not that Garter, but a blew ribben in stead thereof above

his knee,and hangingover his boote.

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The
The descriptionof his apparrellmay be thoughta
description
of needelesse
curiositie,yet must I addesomefew words

isapparrell.
t^er&of^
because
havingpromised
thelivelyportraiture
of his body,aswellas his minde,the samecannototherwisebeeso lively represented
to the imagination,besides
that by his clothes,somedisabilitiesof his bodyto undertake this hardwar maybe conjectured,
andespecially
the
temperof his mind may be lively shadowed,
sincethe

Wise man hath taught us, that the apparrellin somesort

shewesthe man. His apparrellin Court and Cities was
commonly of white or black Tafetaesor Sattens,and he
wore two (yea sometimesthree) pairesof silke stockins,
with blackesilke Grogran cloakesguarded,and ruffes of
comely depth and thicknesse(never wearing any falling
band) blacke beaver hats, with plaine blacke bands,a
taffaty quilted wastcoatein summer,a scarletwastcoate,
and sometimesboth in winter.

But in the Country, and

speciallykeeping the Field in Ireland (yea, sometimesin

the Cities), he ware Jerkinsand round hose(for heenever
ware other fashionthen round) with lacedpanesof russet
Cloath, and clokes of the same cloth lined with Velvet,
and white Bever hats with plaine bands, and besideshis

ordinariestockingsof silke, he wore under bootesanother

paireof Wollen or Wosted,with a paireof high linnen

bootehose,yea three wastcotesin cold wether, and a thick
ruffe, besidesa russet scarfeabout his necke thrice folded

under it. So as I never observedany of his age and

strength to keepe his body so warme. He was very

comelyin all his apparrell,but theRobesof SaintGeorges

order, becamehim extraordinarilie well.

Hisdiet.

For his diet, he used to fare plentifully, and of the

best, and as his meanesincreased,so his Table was better

served, so that in his latter time, no Lord in England

might comparewith him in that kinde of bountie. Before
thesewarres,he used to have nourishing brackefasts,
as
panadoes,and broths ; but in the time of the warre, he

used commonly to breakehis fast with a drie crust of

bread,andin the Springtime with butter andsage,with

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a cup of stalebeere,wherewithsometimes
in Winter he

wouldhavesugerand Nutmegmixed. He fed plentifully bothat dinner,andsupper,havingthechoisest

and
mostnourishingmeates,
with the bestwines,whichhe
drunkplentifully,but neverin greatexcesse;
andin his
latteryeeres(especially
in the time of the warre,aswell
when his night sleepes
were broken, as at other times

uponfull diet) he usedto sleepein theafternoones,

and

that long, and upon his bed. He tooke Tobacco

abundantly,
andof the best,whichI thinkepreserved
him
from sicknes,(especially
in Ireland,wherethe Foggyaire
of the bogs, and waterishfoule, plentie of fish, and
generallyall meateswith thecommonsortalwaiesunsalted
and greenerested,doe most prejudicethe health),for
heewas very seldomesicke, onely he was troubled with

the head-ach,
whichduly andconstantlylike an ague,for
many yeeres,till his death tooke him once every three
moneths,and vehementlyheld him somethree daies,and

himselfein good part attributed,aswellthe reducingof

this paine to thesecertaineand distant times, as the ease

he therein found, to the vertue of this hearbe. He was

very neat, loving clenlinesseboth in apparrell and diet,

andwassomodestin the necessities
of nature,as my selfe
beingat all howers(but time of sleepe)admitted into his
chamber,and (I thinke) his most familiar friends, never
heard or saw him use any liberty therein, out of the

priveledgeof his privatechamber,exceptperhapsin Irish

journeys,wherehe had no with-drawingroome.
The tenderusing of his body, and his daintie faire

beforethe warres,gaveTyroneoccasion,
uponhearing

of his commingover,to jeastat him, asif all occasions

of
doing servicewouldbe past,ere he couldbe madeready [II. i. 47.]
and havehis breakfast,but by wofull experiencehe found
this jeastingto beethe laughter of SalomonsFoole. His His

behaviourwas courtly,grave, and exceedingcomely,behaviour.

especially
in actionsof solemnepompes. In his nature
he loved privateretirednesse,
with good fare,and some

few choicefriends. He delightedin study,in gardens,

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an houserichly furnished,
anddelectable
for roomesof
retrait,in riding on a pad to take the aire,in playing
at shovelboard,
or at cardes,in readingplay-bookes
for
recreation,
andespecially
in fishingandfishponds,
seldome

using any other exercises,and using theserightly as

pastimes,
only for a shortandconvenienttime, andwith
greatvarietieof changefrom oneto the other. He was
undoubtedlyvaliantandwise. Hee muchaffectedglory
and honour,and had a great desireto raisehis house,
being alsofrugall in gatheringand saving,which in his
latter daiesdeclinedto vice, ratherin greedygathering,
then in restraining his former bounties of expence. So
that howsoever his retirednes did alienate his minde from

all action, yet his desireof Honour and hope of reward

and advancementby the warres,yea of returning to this
retirednesseafter the warres ended, made him hotly
imbrace the forced course of the warre;

to which hee

wasso fitted by his wisedome,valour, and frugalitie, that

in short time heebecamea Captaineno lessewise, wary,
and deliberate in counsell, then chearefull and bold in

execution, and more covetous in issuing the publick

treasure,then frugall in spendinghis owne revenewes.

And his careto preservehis Honour, and maintainethis
estate,madehim (though coldly) intertainethe like forced
course of a State Counseller

at home after the warres.

To the mannagingof which affaires, he was no lesse

inabledby the samevalour, wisedome,and manyother

vertues, had not the streameof his nature, prevailedto

withdrawhim from attendingthem,further then to the

onely obtaining of these his owne private endes. But
surely thesedispositionsof nature (besidesothers here-

after to be mentioned),andthesehis privateendes,made

him of all men most fit for this Irish imployment,wherein

the Queeneand Statelongedfor an endeof the warre,

and groned under the burthen of an unsupportable
expence.

Hisaffecting Touchinghis affectinghonourand glorie, I may not

honour
and omjt that his mostfamiliarfriendsmustneedes
observe,

glorie.

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the discourses of his Irish

actions to have been extra-

ordinarilypleasingto him: so that, howsoever

heewas
not prone to hold discourses
with Ladies,yet I have

observed
him morewillingly drawneto thoseof this
nature, which the Irish Ladies entertaining him, then

into any other. And as hee had it that commendable,

yea necessary
ability of a good Captaine,not only to
fight & mannagethe war well abroad,but to write and
set forth his actions to the full at home, so I have seldome

observedanyomissionof like narrationsin him, whereof

hee used to delate the more weightie seriously,and to
mention the smallest,at least by way of a jeast.
Touching his studies or Bookishnesse,(by some Hisstudies.
imputed to him in detraction of his fitnes to imbrace
an active imployment), he came young and not well
groundedfrom Oxford University; but in his youth at
London, he so spenthis vacanthoureswith schollersbest
able to direct him, as besideshis reading in Histories,
skill in tongues,(so farreashe could readand understand
the Italian and French, though he durst not adventure
to speak them), and so much knowledge (at least in
Cosmographyand the Mathematikes)as might servehis
owne ends; he had taken such painesin the searchof
naturallPhylosophy,asin divers argumentsof that nature

heldby him with schollers,I haveoftenheardhim, (not

without marvellingat his memoryand judgement)to
rememberof himselfethe most materiall points, the
subtilest objections,and the soundestanswers. But his

chiefedelightwasin the studyof Divinity,andmoreHisckiefe

especiallyin reading of the Fathers and Schoolemen: delight

in the

for I haveheardhimselfeprofesse,
that being in itufyf

his youthaddicted
to Popery,so muchas throughDwtmtyprejudicate opinion no Writer

of our time could

have convertedhim from it, yet by observing

the Fathers consent, and the Schoolemens idle and

absurddistinctions,
he beganfirst to distastemanyof
theiropinions,andthenby readingour Authours,to be

confirmedin the reformeddoctrine,whichI am confident

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[II. i. 48.] he professed

and beleevedfrom the heart,thoughin his
innatedtemperhe wasnot factiousagainstthe Papists,
but wasgentletowardsthem, both in conversation
and
in all occasions
of disputation. And I will be bold to
say, that of a Lay-man,he was (in my judgement)the
bestDivine I ever heardargue,especiallyfor disputing
againstthe Papists,out of the Fathers,Schoolemen,
and
above all, out of the written Word, (whereof some

Chapterswereeachnight readto him, besideshis never

intermitted prayers at morning and night). Insomuch

asI haveoftenheardhim, with strangefelicity of memory

and judgement,discoverthe Papistsfalsealleagingsof
the Fathers, and Texts, or additions, & omissions in them,

and to urge argumentsstrongly,and(asmuchasbeseemed

him) schollerlike,as well in discourseswith Jesuitesand
Priests in Ireland, (more specially at Waterford, where
he made the very seducedIrish ashamedof them), as
upon divers occasionswith other Papistshis friends.
Hisnature. Further, in his nature he was a close concealerof his

secrets,for which cause,least they should be revealed,

and becausehe loved not to be importunedwith suites,

a freespeaker,
or a popularman,couldnot long continue
his favorite: He was sparingin speech;but whenhe

wasdrawneto it, most judicious therein,if not eloquent.

He never usedswearing,but rather hatedit, which I have
seenehim often controle at his Table with a frowning
brow, and an angry castof his blackeeye: He wasslow
to anger, but once provoked, spakehome. His great
temperwasmost seenein his wise carriagebetweenethe
Court factions of his time: He was a gentle enemy,
easily pardoning,and calmely pursuing revenge; and a
friend, if not cold, yet not to be used much out of the
high way, and somethingtoo much reservedtowardshis
dearestMinions; besidesthat, the strengthof his judgement made him so confident,as they had more power in

seconding
his Counsels,
thenin divertingor alteringthem.
To his servantshe wasmilde, seldomereprovingthem,
and neverwith ill words: for his looke of displeasure
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was sufficient to checke them, and the best sort nearest

him, did so well know him, asthey servedandobserved

him, as much almost by his lookes as his words. He

madeno servantpartnerof his secrets,further then his

placenecessarily
gave him knowledgethereof, neither
could any of them leadehim, or if any did, it wasmore
by art to know his humours, then power to sway them.

I cannotsay that he was bountifull to them, someof

their placesdrew profit, which could no more be stopped,
then the Miller canstay the draining of his waterthrough

his dammegates; otherwisehis gifts to themwererare

and sparing, so as if it were above an hundred pound,
it was no morsell for a servant, yet still he kept their
hopesso greene,as might continue their diligence, and
at his death he gave a thousandpound by will, to be
divided by his executorsdiscretionamong them. They
who had his eare,might easily seasonhim with good or
ill opinion of his servantsand strangers,by reasonhe
dranke in their speeches,without uttering them, onely
his judgementwasexcellent,to discernethe truth of the
relation, aswellout of the informers passions,as observing the others actions. He kept his word in publike
affairesinviolably, without which he could never have
beenetrustedof the Irish: but otherwisein his promises,
he was delatory and doubtfull, so as in all events, he
was not without an evasion. Lastly, in his love to Hisloveto

Weomen,(for as wantonpeacesucceeds
bloody warre,
so in the last period of his life, after the Irish warres,

griefeof unsuccessefull
love broughthim to his lastend):
He was faithfull and constant,if not transportedwith
selfe-lovemorethen the object,and thereinobstinate.
This worthy Lord Mountjoy was he, whose knowne

valour, soundwisdome,grave constancy,and singular

temper,two old Counsellers

of Irelandwell observing,
did on their deathbed, (as it wereby divining faculty)
pronounce to be the man, by whom Tyrones fatall

rebellion(in whichtheirthoughtsandendevours
hadlong
beene
wearied)
wasto be suppressed,
if evertheEnglish
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wereto recoverthehelmeof thatgovernement.

Neither
did their presagedeceiveus herein: for like another

Fabius,hedid by the ensuingdeliberate

andslowcounsels,
restorehis Countries declining power.

i. He entertained& cherished(especiallyat his first

[II.i.49-] enteringthe government,whenhe was yet unskilfull in
Hecherished
the affaires of that State and warre) all active spirits,

active
spmts.wnoseendevourshe sawlike to be of gooduse in that
great action; and this he did, rather with a pleasing
familiarity, then with any large bounty.

Hiscare
for

2. The heartsof the Englishcommonsouldiersbroken

hissould'un.
with a currantof disasterous
successes,
he heartned
and
incouraged,by leading them warily, especiallyin his first
actions,being more carefull, that our men shouldnot bee
foiled, then that the rebels should be attempted with
boldnesse. To this end also, and that he might bee
ever at hand,aswell to incourageand direct themfighting,
as to secondthem by any accidentdismaied,he bravely
adventured his person, more then in the opinion of
Militarie wise men, a Generallshould ordinarily hazard
himself (howsoeverI must confesse,the nature of the
Irish fights, maintainedupon passages,
by suddeneruptions of hidden rogues, doth more exposethe Generall
to thesedangers,then any other warre.) And suchwas
his forwardnesse,
as his Lordships servantsmay without
offenceboldly say, they were a small part of this great
action. For howsoeverwe had neither stipend in the
warres with the souldier, nor pensionswith them after
the warre ended,yet by reasonof this our Lords extra-

ordinarieforwardnesse
to put himselfeinto danger,and
for that the Rebelsuse most commonly to assaultupon
Woody paces,and difficult passages,
where every man
must needesbe in danger,and they most who ride in the
best troope, it could not be but that we should have
our sharein the adventureof our persons. And lest I

shouldseeme
to arrogatethat to my selfeandmy fellowes,
which is not due to us, the event may clearethis point.

Sincein this short warre (not to speakeof manylesse

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dangers),
my Lord himselfehadhis horseshotunderhim, Hisdangers.
his Galloglasse
carryinghis helmet,hadthe samebrused
with the grasingof a bullet upon it, yea,his Lordships
very Grayhound,likewiseusing to waite at his stirrop,
was shot through the body. Among his Lordships
Chaplaines,
Doctor Lattwarewaskilled, and Mast. Ram
had his horseshot under him. Among his Lordships
Secretaries,
MasterCranmerwaskilled, andmy selfehad
my thigh brusedwith a shot I receivedin my saddle.
AmongtheGentlemen
of his LordshipsChamber,Master
Chidley hadhis horsekilled under him, Master Done was

shot in the legge,and MasterSaint John, a Gentleman

attendingneerehis Lordship,was killed. I haveheard
a pleasantreport of a Generall in our age, who on the

contrarywassosparingto hazardhimself: asa Gentleman

his follower, hearingsomemarvel at a cold peeceof
serviceperformedby his Mast merily replied for his
own excuse, that he went to follow his General, and not

to go beforehim. But I wil boldly say, that if our

noble Lords followers did well attend his person, they

found danger enough without seeking it. But enough
(and I fearetoo much) of this point, I will now returne
to this worthy Lords Counsels,by which he effectedthis
great worke.

3. The Rebelsbeing swolneto the height of pride His

by their full numbers, and much more by continuall warinesse.
successe
in their actions,hee proceededin like sort with
them, as formerly with his owne men, at the first warily
tasting them with light skirmishes,yet he so prudently
and bravely pursuedhis attempts,as he stil cariedwhat
he atempted.
4. The wise distribution of the forces availed him Wise

much: for first he planted Garrisonsupon the chiefedistribution

of

rebelsCountries,as likewisehe compassed

Tyroneon hlsforcesevery side with them, which kept the rebelsat home, so

asthey couldnot secondoneanother,for feareof loosing

their ownegoods.
5. And whereasother Deputiesusedto makesometwo
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or three journies in a Summeragainstthe rebels,and

then did leadea great Army with them. And whereas
this kind of servicenevertookeany goodeffect,aswell
because
the bruit thereofcamelong beforeto the rebels,
as becausethese great forces could not long be kept

together. Soasthe rebelshearingthe bruit of any such

journy, took victuals with them for certaine daies, and
assemblingthemselvestogether, did lie upon the bogs
and hard passages,
wherewithout dangerto themselves,
they were able to annoy the greatestArmy could be led
against them. This noble Lord Mount-joy on the
contrary (as I said) by Garrisonskeeping them at home,

Hiskeepinghimselfekept the field with somethousandfoot and two

thefield.

hundred horse (whereof my selfe have many times

[II. i. 5o.] observedthe greaterpart to be English Irish), and not

onely wasable to affront Tyrone himselfe(speciallysince

the Garrisonslying upon his Country drew towardshim
at the same time, on all sides together), but also (by
reasonof his singular secrecy,in keeping his purposes
unknowne,and castingout falsereportsof them to deceive
the rebels)had the opportunitie to assaileand spoyleany
one of the rebels on the sudden,while he kept all the

rest like dared larkes in continuall feare, aswell of him-

selfe,as of the Garrisonsadjoyning.

6 Againe, where other Deputies used to assailethe
rebelsonely in Summertime, this Lord prosecutedthem
TheLord most in the Winter, being commonlyfive daiesat leastin
Deputy
foughtthe weeke on horsebacke,all the Winter long. This

inwinter. braketheir hearts; for the aire being sharpe,and they

naked,and they being driven from their lodgings,into
the Woods bare of leaves,they had no shelterfor themselves. Besidesthat, their cattle (giving them no milke

in the Winter) werealsowastedby driving to andfro.

Ad that they being thus troubled in the Seedetime, could

not sowetheir ground. And as in Harvest time, both

the Deputies forces, and the Garrisons, cut downe

their Corne, before it was ripe, so now in Winter
time they carriedaway,or burnt, all the storesof victuals
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in secret places,whether the Rebels had conveied

them.

7 Againe, lie had a speciallcare to cut downeand Hisspecial!

clearethe difficult passages,
that soour forcesmight with care
tocut

moresafetie
meete
together,
anduponall occasions
second
J^"fujf
e

one another.

passages.

8 For protections and pardons (the easie obtaining

whereof
hadformerly
incouraged
therebels,
aswell
to pt"tectiont
an<j

enter into rebellion,as to breaketheir faith after sub- pardons.

missions,in hopeto be againereceivedto mercy),although
it was necessaryfor the State in this general! rebellion,
like a mother, to open her bosometo her children, lest
being driven to dispaire,they should plunge themselves
into all mischiefes,yet he never receivedany to mercy,
but such as had so drawne bloud on their fellow rebels,

and were themselvesmade so poore, as there was small

danger of their relaps. To which ende he forbad al
conferencesand parleys with the rebels, by pretence
whereof many treacherousplots had formerly beene
drawne,by the false-heartedsubjects,and many corruptions had been practised by some covetous commanders.

But to such as were receivedto mercy, (that he might

take away the diffidencethey had long conceivedof the
State),he kept his word inviolable.
9 And whereastheserebellious people,are by nature Hispatience
clamorous(which made them tedious in complaints),and "'^theIrish
also use great oppressionunder the shadowof Justice,
(which madethem continually importune the Governors
with petitions, which being signed by them, gave those
Irish Lords a shadowof authoritie to oppressethe people,
by shewing the Governours hand, and concealingthe
matter to which he subscribed. This worthy Lord

Deputie,for theirincouragement
in the first, usedsingular
patiencein hearing their tedious complaints,and for the
second,gave them such delatory answers,as might well

heartenthem in obedience,
but could no way strengthen
their tyranny over the poore people.
10 To conclude, nothing furthered this noble Lord
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Hissingular
more in his designes,then his singular temper, not so

temper. muchin secrecy,and in sparingnesse

of speech(though
manygreatCaptaines
havehinderedtheir proceedings
by
letting fall rash speeches),as more specially in Court
factions:

for he used in such sort the familiar

love of

the Earle of Essex, in his doubtfull courses, as he not

onely kept him from intertainingdangerous

counsels,
so
long as hee lived with him in England, but demeaned
himselfe towards his enemies with such moderation, as

he little provoked their envy, yea, rather gained an

inclination of their good affection towards him. So as
they at this time governing all the affaires in England,
werereadieto give all possiblesecondsto his ends,which
(asI formerly shewed)did aime at nothing but the speedy
endeof this warre. By thesecounselsthis worthy Lord
restoredthe decliningStateof Ireland,from the desperate
termes

wherein

he now found

it.

I have before set downe, in the Earle of Essex his

Governement,the power of the rebels, through al the

Provinces of Ireland, and have shewed, that at his Lord-

[II. i. 51.] shipsleaving that Kingdom, the samewasnothing abated,

and from that time, the rebelswere in all parts increased.
TheRebels
The Mountaine rebels in the County of Dublin, then

strength.^go foote20 horse,nowby the goingout of the Walshes

and Harrols were increased 100. In the County of
Kildare, the rebelsthen in number220 foot, and 30 horse,
were now more then doubled, by the going out of the
Briminghams,all the Leynaghs,& many of other Septs.
In the two Counties of Catherloughand Wexford, the
rebelsthen 750 foote and 50 horse,were now increased
an hundred. In the County of Ophaly, five strong
Castlesthen held by the English, were now betraied,
& above 468 foot, & 12 horse then were in rebellion,

but now Mac Coughlan was gone out with 200 more,
and the Odoines with 100 more, were now in rebellion.

In the County of Meath the rebels were increasedin

number 150; by the Delahides,the Rochfords,Hussies,
and Darcies. And beyondthe River, Capt. JohnO Rely,
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havingthen 100footein her Majestiespay,well armed,

wasnow revolted. In the Countyof West-Meath,the
rebelsthen 140 foote and 20 horse,were now increased

100at least,by the revolt of the eldestsonneof William

Nugent,secondbrotherto the Lord of Delvin, with

divers of the Pettyesand Daltons. In the County of

Longford,therebelsthen 120foote,werenowincreased
180: so the rebelsin Lemsterbeing then in the whole

number 3048 foote, and 182 horse,were now increased

1280,and madein all 4510.
For the Province of Mounster, Tyrone in his present TheProvince

journy thither, taking pledgesof almostall the Irish ofMounster.

Lords and Gentlemen, the number of the rebels were
now there increasedbeyond estimation.

For the Provinceof Connaght,the rebelswereincreasedTheProvince

three hundred, by the revolt of O Connor Sligo, besidesofConnaght.
the uncertaintyof Tybot ne Long, who had one hundred
Irish men in her Majesties pay.
So as at this time, I may boldly say, the rebellion was Therebellion
at the greateststrength. The meereIrish puffed up with <"thegreatest

goodsuccesse,
and bloudedwith happyincounters,
did itrens.thboldly keepethe field, and proudly disdainethe English

forces. Great part of the English-Irishwere in open

actionof rebellion, and most part of the rest temporised

with the State,openly professingobedience,that they

might live under the protection thereof, but secretly
relieving the rebels, and practising with them for their

presentand future safeties. Among the English, the

worthy Generalsof this age,partly by this fatall warre,
partly by the factionsat home, were so wasted,as the
best judgementscould hardly finde out any man fit to

commandthis Army in chiefe. The English common

souldiers,by loosenesse
of body, the natural sicknesseof
the Country, by the poverty of the warre, in which

nothing was to beegainedbut blowes,and by the late

defeates,whereingreat numbersof them had perished,
were altogether out of heart. The Colonelsand Com-

manders,
thoughmanyin number,andgreatin courage
M. ii

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r599-

andexperience,
yet by theseconsiderations
of theArmies
weakenesse,
weresomewhat
dejected
in mind. Yea,the
very Counsellors
of Statewereso diffident,as someof
themin late conferences
with Tyrone, had descended
(I

knownot uponwhatwarrant)to an abjectIntreatyfor

a shortcessation.Not to speakeof the Generalldistraction of the heartsof all menin England,andmuchmore

of the souldiers,by the factionsof this age,betweenthe
worthy Earle of Essexnow imprisonedand his enemies,
able to ruine a great Kingdome,much more to divert
the successe
of anygreataction. And the generallvoyce
was of Tyrone amongthe English, after the defeatof
Blackwater,as of Hanibal among the Romans,after the
defeat of Cannas ; Thou knowest how to overcome : but
Thecontagion
thou knowest not how to use victorie. To conclude, not
of the

onelythe remoteparts,but the very heart of the Kingdom

now languished under the contagion of this rebellion.
Leax and Ophalia being possessed
by the O Mores, and
the O Conners; and the Glynnes or Mountainous,

Country on the South-Westside of Dublin, being in the

handsof the Obyrnesand O Tooles (and more remotely
of the Cavanaghs),who nightly made excursionsto the

veryGatesof theCity, giving alarumof warreto thelong

gound Senate,and (as it were) to the chaire of Estate.
In this miserable estate was Ireland, when the Lord

Mountjoy, like a good Planet, with a fortunate aspect

beganto shine thereon,whosehappy actionsI will now
set down particularly,yet as briefly as I can.

[II. i. 52.]

The tenthof January,towardsthe end of the yeere

1599, the Lords of England signifiedby their letters, to

the Lord Archbishopof Dublin, and Sir GeorgeCarey

Treasurerat warres,which were then Lords Justicesof
that Kingdome, that from that day forward, the entertainement due to them as Lords Justices, should cease,

and bee conferredon CharlesBlount Lord Mountjoy,

whom her Majestichad madeLord Deputie.

And now Tyrone (who hitherto had containedhimselfe

jn the North, onelymakingshortexcursions

from thence
274

THE

REBELLION

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IRELAND

A.D.
1599.

into the Pale),being proud of victories,and desirous

to shewhis greatnesse
abroad,resolvedwith his forces
to measurethe length of Ireland, and to the end hee
might, by his presencestrengthen,and increasethe
rebellionin Mounster(whichin absence
by practises
he Tyrone's

had raised),underthe religiouspretenceof visiting a J"rny

to
pieceof Christs Crosse,kept for a holy relike in the
Monasteryof the holy Crossein the County of Tipperary,

he entred this journy about the twentiethof Januarie.

On the three and twenty the rebelsof the Brenny met
him in the Cavan, from whence he marched forward,

taking the rebelsof Lemster in his company,and leading

with him some two thousand five hundred foot, and two

hundredhorse,leavingthe restof his forces,& theGentlemen of the North to guard thoseparts. The intent of
his journey, was to set as great combustionas he could
in Mounster,and so taking pledgesof the rebels,to leave
them under the command of one chiefe head.

This Moneth of January,her Majestie signed that Thegreat

warrant, which is vulgarly called the great Warrant for Warrant
for

Ireland,
whereby
authority
isgivento theLordTreasurer
1"and

and Chamberlaineof the Exchequer in England, that

accordingto an Establishment,after signedby her Majesty
the first of February, and to begin that day, (wherein

n"

the Army is reduced to twelve thousand foote, and one

thousandtwo hundred horse), they should pay to the

Treasurer at warres for Ireland such summes, as should

bee signedby sixeof the privy Counsellof England, the

Lord Treasurer,the Principal! Secretary,and the under-

Treasureralwaiesbeingthreeof them. Secondly,

above
the foure thousandpound for extraordinariestherein
mentioned,to pay him suchsumsas shouldby the same

be signed. Thirdly, to pay in like sort accordingto an

Establishment

or list of Officers and others not contained

in the former Establishment,it not exceedingyeerely

fifteene thousand pound, which List was then to bee

signedby theLordsof her MajestiesCounsell. Fourthly,

to pay in like sort divers Officerspayableout of the
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revenues,in casethe revenuesextendednot to pay them.

Fifthly, to pay in like sort all summes

for reinforcing
the Army, for leavyesof men,for conducting,transporting, and victualling them at Sea,accordingto the rates

of the first Establishment.

The Establishmentsigned by her Majestic, the

first of February, 1599.
The
The Lord Deputiesentertainement
to bepaidaccording
Establishment
to the L{st after following,whichList wasto be signed
Majestic.

her,J

h Lords>. .officersofi " the

:* "Lieutenant
o Army
"
"
j " of

the Army per diem three h.

Serjeant Major per diem

twenty s. ComptrolerGenerallof the victuals per diem

ten s. Foure Commissariesof victuals, whereof three at

sixes. per diem, and the fourth at eight s. per diem.

Twelve Colonels, each at ten s. per diem. A Provost
Marshall for Loughfoyle, another for Ballishannon,each
at foure shillings per diem.
Summaper annum,foure thousandfoure hundredfiftie
three pound.

The pay of three hundred horse, divided into sixe

Bands,each Band consistingof fiftie, viz, the Captaine

foure shillingsper diem; Lieutenanttwo shillingssixe

penceper diem; Cornet two shillings per diem ; and

fiftie Horsemenat eighteenepenceper diem a piece.

The pay of two hundredHorse, divided into foure Bands,

eachBand consistingof fiftie, viz. Captainefoures. per

diem ; Lieutenant two s six d. per diem. Cornet two s.

per diem, and fiftie Horsemenat fifteened. a pieceper

diem. The pay of sevenhundred Horse, divided into
fourteene Bands, each Band consisting of fiftie viz.

[II. i. 53.] Captaine,foure shillings per diem. Lieutenant,two

shillings sixe penceper diem, Cornet two shillings per
diem. Fiftie horsemenat twelve pencea peeceper diem.
Summaper annumtwenty nine thousandtwo hundred
threescorethirteenepound.
The pay of twelve thousandfootmen,divided into 120
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Bands,eachBandconsisting
of a hundredheads,viz.

Captainefoure s. per diem. Lieutenant two shillings per

diem, Ensigneeighteene
d. per diem, two Serjeants,a
Drum, anda Surgion,at twelved. a peeceper diem,and
fourescorefourteeneSouldiers,and sixe dead payes,at
eight d. a peeceper diem.

Summaper annum one hundred threescoreeleven

thousandone hundred fourescoreand five pound.

Extraordinaries,
viz. for sendingof letters,hyring of

Barkes,
for passage
of packquets,
for giftsandrewards,
for

espyesfrom abroador at home, carriageof treasure,

victuall, or munition, and the like, &c. for a whole yeere,
foure thousandpound.
Summatotale per annum,two hundred eight thousand
nine hundredand elevenpound.

The Lord Mountjoy hastenedawayfrom Court, did TheLord^

not stay for the Lords signingof the abovementioned
secondestablishment,as a thing of ordinary coursecontinued for manyyeeres,with little or no alteration. And

beingnow in this journey towardsIreland,the tenth of

Februarie he wrote to Master Secretarie from Daintrie,

intreating him, that whereasher Majestic, notwithstanding the contraryopinion of all admitted to that consultation, had reduced the Army to twelve thousandfoote,
and that heefound by lettersfrom the Counselland other
Commandersin Ireland, a generalconcurringin opinion,
that theseforceswere not sufficient (especiallysincethe
Plantationof Loughfoyle and BallyshanonGarisonswere
presentlyto be made,and that Tyrone was now Master

of the field, having led his forcesin personas farre as

Mounster),he would move her Majestic to give him
power, to retaineone or two thousandin Lyst, of those
English, which otherwisehe wasto cast.

[The above
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The above mentioned

ITINERARY

second Establishment,

or

Lyst of divers Officersand Servitors,not con-

tained in the former Establishment, which list

was signed by the Lords the eleventhof

Februarie,the end of the yeere1599-

Officers
npHe Lord Deputiesordinarieentertainement
per
General!.
J^ mensem
onehundred
pound,per annumthirteene
hundredpound. To him for a Band of horsemenin his

family foure pound foure shillingsper diem. To him

for fiftie footemenin his family, eight pencea man per
diem. The Treasurer at Warres per diem thirtie five
shillings. The Marshall at five shillings nine penceper
diem. The Master of the Ordinanceper diem threeand
twentie shillingseight pence. Note that the abovenamed,
as also the chiefe Governours of Provinces undernamed,

had besidesin the Army the commandof a Bandof foote,

or horse, or both.

Divers Ministers of the Ordinance

per diem twentie five shillings two pence. Mustermaster

two shillings eight penceper diem.
Summaper annumfive thousandthreehundredsevend.
sevenshillings elevend.
Mounter. The Lord President per annum one hundred thirtie
threed. ; his diet at ten pounda weeke,andso per annum
five hundred twenty pound. His guard of horse and

footeat thirtie shillingssevenpencehalfe-penny

perdiem.
ChiefeJusticeper annumone hundredpound. Second
Justice sixty sixe pound, thirteene shillings foure pence.
QueenesAtturney thirteene pound sixe shillings eight
pence. Clerke of the Counselltwentie pound. Provost

Marshalltwo hundredfiftie five poundten shillings.

Summa per annum one thousand sixe hundred three-

scoresevenpound eight shillings two pencehalfe penny.

Connaght.Governourof Connaghtper diem tens., for increase

perannumonehundredd. ChiefeJusticeper annumone
hundredpound: for his diet fortie pound. Clerkeof the

Counsell twenty pound, for his diet twenty pound.

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A.D.
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Provost Marshall one hundred two pound thirteene

shillingsone peny half-peny,besidestwelve Horse out

of the Armie.

Summaper annum five hundred sixtie five pound

threes. two pencehalfe-penny.

Governor at Loughfoyle per diem foure shillings [II. i. 54-1

foure pence,besideshis entertainement
as a Colonel.Ulster.
Governourof Carickfergusand Dundalkeno entertainement, but as Colonels of the Army.

Summaper annumthreescore
poundsixteeneshillings Lemstor.
eight pence.
Governour of the QueenesCountie at sixe shillings

eight penceper diem. Provost Marshallof the Army

per diem foure shillingsthreepence. ProvostMarshall
of Lemster five shillings sevenpenceper diem. And to
both Provosts,Horses to beeassignedout of the Army,
at the Lord Deputies discretion.
Summa per annum three hundred one pound two
shillings sevenpence.
Warders in divers Provinces three thousand thirtie

one Wardersand

poundsevenpencehalfe-penny. Pensioners,fortie foure, Pensioners.

at foure pound nineteeneshillings two penceper diem.
Almesmenfoureteene,at sixepenceIrish a peeceper diem.

Commissaries
of Musters,twenty,at sixe shillingseight
pencea peeceper diem.

Summaper annum three thousandone hundredtwenty

two pound five s. sixe d.

Summa totalis per annum fourteene thousand fiftie

five poundfoure shillingseight pencehalfe-penny.

The sameday this List wassigned,being the eleventh
of Februarie, the Lords by their letters to the Lord
Deputie (being yet in England, but newly gone from
London, and in his way towardsIreland), appointedthat
the ships of Bristol, which had transportedone thousand
two hundred foote from thence to Dublin, should there

be staied, to the end they might transport a thousand

men, which were to be sent from Dublin, to meete with

three thousandmore sent out of England, out of which

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the Garrisonof Carickfergus

wasto be strengthened,
and
a new Garrison planted at Loughfoyle.

The Lord Mountjoy lying at Westchester

for a passage
into Ireland, and there receiving notice, that the
imprisonedEarle of Essexhad signeda submissionto
the Queene,whereupon
her Majesticbeganto be inclined
TheLord to shew him mercy, directed his letters thence the
^ eighteenthof Februarieto Sir Robert Sicill Secretarieof

letters
toSir statC)
thereinavowing,
thatashislovemadehiminteressedin that noble Earles fortunes, so hee would thanke-

fully acknowledge
from him suchfavour,ashe shouldbe
pleasedto shew that distressedEarle, withall protesting,
that he would alwaies be a free man, and slave to no

mans humour; but as he in this Irish imployment

expectedall favourablesecondsfrom him (accordingto
his noble promise, whereuponhis hopeschiefelyrelied),

so he would ever be honest and thankefull

towards him

in all occasions.And upon thesetermesall exchange

of
good offices passedbetweenethis Lord Deputie and
Master Secretarie,till the fatall death of that noble Earle
of Essex hereafter to bee mentioned, and the Lord

Deputies participation of that ruine, made him change

his stile, and never to cease,till hee had confirmed a neere

friendship betweenehimselfeand the Secretary,at least

as intire, as greatnesseadmits, as hereafter shall bee
shewed.

A newLord The twentie sixe of Februarie, the Lord Deputie

President
of landed in Ireland, and there received the sword, and

Mounster.
wjthinfewdayes,
bywarrant
outof England,
hegranted
her MajestieslettersPattentsto Sir GeorgeCarew,to bee
Lord Presidentof Mounster, which placehad layenvoid
somefew moneths,from the deathof Sir ThomasNorreys.
The 27 he received advertisement from the Earle of

Ormond,Generallof the Englishforcestill his comming

over, that Tyrone was in the West part of Mounster,
having about him not only his owne forces,but those

of the Rebelsof that Province,whichwereso great,as

he had not hitherto power to opposethem: but now
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THE

REBELLION

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A.D.
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having gatheredall the Queenesforceshe could make,

purposedthe next morningto setforwardstowardshim.
The fifth of March his LordshipreceivedadvertisementAdvertise-

from otherparts,that Tyronecouldnot escape

in his me"fl
fthe
returne to the North, but either over the River Shanon,

which passage
the Earlesof Thomondand Clanrickard
might easilystop, or by the Westwardbordersof the
Pale, where if his Lordship would draw his forces to
Athboye, Mullingar, Ballymore,and Athlone, it was not
possiblefor him to escapethem. That Tyrone had thus

engagedhimselfe,presumingon the corruptionof the

State, and little expecting his Lordships so sudden
comming over, so as if his Lordship forgave him this [II. i. 55.]
fault, he was not like to catch him againe in the like,
neither could any thing but want of intelligence, make
his Lordship faile in stoppingthe returne of Tyrone, and

his forcesinto the North. Advising his Lordship to be

wary in crediting intelligences,which were commonly
false,and made of purpose,and to expect, that besides
the knowneenemy,and a confusedwarre,he shouldfinde
a broken State, a dangerousCounsell, and false hearted
subjects. The eight of March the Earle of Ormond sent TheEarleof
advertisement,that Tyrone purposedto passethe River Ormon<fs
Shanon.

That

he had written

to the Earle

of Thomond

to draw towardshim, that they might opposehis passage,

but that his Lordship could not performehis order, by
reasonthat the Mayor of Leymricke would not afford
him carriagefor his victuals. That Tyrone in scattered
Troopes and a cowardly manner, hastenedhis returne,

andthat presentdayhadmarchedfoureandtwentymiles,
without anystay. That Sir WarhamSentLeger,andSir
Henry Power, joint Commissioners
for governing of
Mounster, with the forcesunder their charge,had met
neere Corke with Hugh Mac Gwier, chiefe Lord of
Fermanagh(in the North) and that in the incounter Sir
WarhamSentLeger, and the said Mac Guire were killed.
That his Lordship had burned all the Townes where the

Traytorsmight find reliefe,and that they usedthe same

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coursetowardsher MajestiesSubjects. The sameday

the Lord Deputy receivedfurther advertisement
from
AdvertiseMounster,that Tyronewascompassed
in by the Earle of
mentfrom
Ormond,
on
the
one
side,
and
the
Earle
of Thomond
Mounster.
on the other, and by the Commissionersforceson the
third side, (who ruled the Province after the deathof Sir
Thomas Norreys, untill a Lord President should be

chosen,for he that was newly sent over, was yet at

Dublyn); that the Mayor of Lymbricke had commandement to lay ships and boates,to hinder his passageby
that Haven, aslikewisethe Mayor of Galwayto interrupt
his passage
by sea,and the Earle of Clanrickard,to stop
his passage
by land through Connaght. So ashowsoever
he were five thousandstrong in able men, besidesmany
of basersort, yet he being far from any secondof Ulster
men, in whom the chiefestrength of the Rebellionconsisted, and no way able to returne thither, his utter

confusionwas confidentlyhoped. But thesewere onely

Irish ostentations of service, which seldome use to take

effect, and many times are not truly intended, as the

sequellwill shew.
And lest the Lord Deputy should expect faithfull
dealingof the English Irish Subjectin the other kind of

service,by supplying the Army of necessaries,

the
nobilitie & Gentrieof the very English Pale,the sameday
exhibited a petition to his Lordship, to prevent the
opinion of disloialtie, upon refusal of such supplies,by
pretendingof disabillitie upon the great spoyles,which

aswelltherebels,asthe Englishsouldiershadmadeupon

all the inhabitants.

The Lord Deputie hadwritten a formerletter to Master

Secretarie,in excuseof not reducing the Armie from

foureteene
thousandfooteto twelve thousand,according
to the new Establishment, aswell becausethe same was

to begin the first of Februarie,which his Lordship could

not effect, since he arrived not in Ireland untill

the

twentie sixe of the same moneth, as also becausethe

Army waspresentlyfarredivided,the greaterpartthereof

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A.O.
1599.

being with the Earle of Ormond, and for that, when-

soeverthey returned,the dischargedCompaniesmust

presentlybee reducedinto someother, or else so many

men and Armes shouldbee meerelylost, as the Lords

Justiceshadlatelyfoundby experience,
whendetermining
to cast a Companyof one hundred and fiftie, being by
Pole a hundred, of the oldest and best souldiers, with

purpose next day to deliver them to other Captaines,

upon the divulging thereof, onely three of the whole

Company with their Armes could be found, to be so
transmitted.

To this letter formerly written, and perswadingthat

the two thousandmight still be continued in pay, his

Lordship received the following answerefrom her

Majestic; dated the fifteenth of March.

Elizabeth Regina.

[H-i- 56.]

ALthough
wehave
earnest
request
(inLetter
from
whoseaffection
andupon
dutyyour
we doe
repose
trust and
tierMajestic.
confidence)yeelded to the continuanceof fourteene
thousand foot

for

some small

time,

both

because

we conceive, that according to your reasons,it will

give good assurance

to the Plantationof LoughToyle, and the reduction of Lemster, and prevent
the present terror, which this proud attempt of
Tyrones, to passe over all the Kingdome, hath
stricken into the heartsof all our Subjects,and would
increase,if we shouldpresentlyhaveabatedour numbers:
yet must we let you know, that we doe expectat your
hands, and doe determine,that assooneas the present
bruites are passed,you shall diminish the sameby little
and little hereafter,accordingto our first determination:

for we havehad too good proofeof that governement,

as not to know and discerne, that all the mischiefes of

our service,havegrownemostby lackeof discretionand

order, by vaine journies, whilst better opportunitieshave

beenelost, by undiscreetcarriages
of all secretpurposes,
by placing Captainesof small merit or experience,and
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which is aboveall, by nourishingthe Irish, who are

snakesin our bosomes,whilst we hold them, and when

they areout, doeconvertuponour selves,the experience

andstrengththey havegottenby our makingthemto be
Souldiers. And thereforeyou shallunderstand
now,that
althoughwe havebeenecontentto gracesomesuchas

are of noble houses,and such others ashave drawne blood

on the Rebels,with chargeof Companies,yet we find

it now growne to a commonopinion, that it is as good

to be a Rebellasa Subject: for Rebelsfind andfeeleit,

that they shall be hired (even with whole companiesin

our pay) onely to forbearedoing harme,and not for

having done any suchservice,asmay make them irreconciliable. And further we see, that others that are in

pay in their owne Countrey, are so farre from doing

serviceon their neighbours,that are out, as when they
tarry in for a shew, they are the chiefestmeanesunder
hand, to helpethe rebelswith suchpowderand munition,
as (to our no small charge)we put into their hands,to
be used against them. In this point therefore, we
command you henceforth to bee considerate,and not to

be induced to put such in pay, as spend our treasure

onely to their owne advantage,upon this suppositionor
braggeof theirs, that they must runne to the enemiesif
they be not entertained: for whenwe considerthe effects
that are derived from our charges,to have so many

foote and horseof the Irish entertained,onely to save

their owne Cowesand Countries,we are of opinion, so
they went not with our Armes to the Rebels, that it
were better service for us, to save our treasure, then

to pay for their bodies,seeingthey that live by the warre

better then they should doe in peace,intend nothing
lessethen our service. And thereforewe commandyou,
not onely to raise no more, when theseshall be decaied,

but to keepethem unsuppliedthat are already,and as

they wasteto Cassetheir bands: for we can neverallow

of this entertainement
of them. Whilst you are forced
to keepthe 2000. men for our service,you may keepe
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the Captaines
uncassed,
but not give anywarrantto them
to supply their Companieswith any more Irish. We
doe alsorequireyou, that you doe seekeby all meanes
possible,where the Irish are entertained,to use their
serviceas farre from their owne Countries as may be;

whereinwe prayyou especially

to takecarein theProvince
of Connaght,wherethere are so many Irish bandstogether,and rather to draw someof them to serveelse
where,and sendEnglish in their stead. This shal serve
for the present, to answereyour dispatch,wherein we
doewrite to you, (whomwe know to love our Commandements)more directly in this point of our desire to have

our chargeabated,then we doe to you and the Counsell

together,becausewe would have them apprehend,(seeing
you thinke such an opinion would be good), that our
Army shall not be so sooneabated,as we hopeyou will;
wherein notwithstandingwe doe referre things to your
discretion,whom we will trust with the chargeof 2000.
men, seeing we have committed to you our whole
Kingdome,&c.
His Lordship in a seconddispatchto Master Secretary,[II. i. 57.]
hadwritten, that Tyrone having passedthrough the Pale TheLord
into

Mounster

with

some one thousand

five

hundred

Deputy's

horseandfoote,of , such
sortasso many
of theQueenes
""f&P*
,
,}
.to
Master

worst men were able to encounterthem, was now in Secretary.

Mounster with an Army of 4 thousandin reputation,
and was there attendedby the QueenesArmy of three

thousandfoote,andthreehundredhorse,commaunded
by
the Earle of Ormond; so as onely the dreggesof the

QueenesArmy were now neerehim; out of which notwithstanding,he hopedto beeable to draw one thousand
five hundred foote, and three hundred horse, and there-

with to make headagainst Tyrone at his returne: but

in regard the Plantationof Loughfoyle and Ballyshannon
were presently commandedhim, whether Sir Henrie

Dockwrawas to ship three thousandout of England,

and another thousandwere to be shippedfrom Dublin:

theseone thousandbeing part of the men he was to

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'599-

drawagainstTyrone,hedurstnot leadethemfarrefrom
the Sea,and so might perhapsbe forcedto loosegood
occasionof service, whereasif these things had been
left to his discretion, hee would have deferred the
Plantation of Ballishannonto a time of more safety,and
with these one thousand men and their munition

to bee

sent thither, would now attend Tyrone in his passage

with so great advantage,

as he was not likely to finde
hereafter,and if he escaped,would presently have put
himselfein the head of the Earle of OrmondsTroopes,
to prosecutehim into the North, and would further have

advisedSir Henrie Dockwrain his passage

from Chester
to Loughfoyle, to descendat Carickfergus,and thence
to take five hundred old souldiers,leaving so many new

in their

roome.

TheQueenes To this dispatch his Lordship received the Queenes

gratlous gratiousanswere,by a letter datedthe sixteenthof this

anszvere.moneth,whereinallowinghis beginnings,
andapproving
his reasons: the forbearing presently to plant Ballishannon,and the ordering of Lochfoyle Plantation,and
the disposingof Garrisonsaptly (for the defenceof such
as in that caseofferedto returne to due obedience),were
all freely left to his Lordships discretion, with promise
to makegood constructionof his actions,being confident
that they had no other object, but loyall service.
The Lord Deputie having drawne as many together
as hee could about Mullingar, to lye for Tyrone in his
returne out of Mounster, received advertisement the

Tyrone
stohefifteenth of this present,that Tyrone hearing of his

out of

Mounster.
preparations
to meete
him,hadleft a thousand
Connaght
rogues to assistDesmond,and someeight hundredmen
with Richard Butler, and having made CaptaineTirrell
chiefe commander of all the Lemster Rebels, was stolne

out of Mounster with sixe hundredin his company,and

had passedthe Enney, and so escapedinto the North.

Whereuponthe Lord Deputie the sameday writ to the

Earle of Ormond, to send backe from Mounster, the
forces hee had drawne thither out of Lemster, and with
286

THE

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IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1599.

all senthim her Majestiesletters,importingthankesfor

the service hee had done, and her desire that hee would

still hold the placeof Lieutenant of the Armie. In the

acceptance
whereof, the Lord Deputie professed,that hee
should esteemehimselfe much honoured, and would be

ready,after putting off the personwhich now wasimposed

on him, with much contentment to be commaunded by

his Lordship.
The sametime the Lord Deputie Advertised Master
Secretarie,
that his intelligencehadbeenso bad (not onely
in false reports of Tyrones purposes,but also in the Fa?se
reports.
relationof the Forceshe hadwith him to beefarregreater
then indeede they were, by which intelligence of false
heartedsubjectsto discouragethe QueenesForces, the
Rebelsused to prevaile more then by fighting, and now
hopedto discouragehim at his first comming,from any
presentattempt againstTyrones returne), as in one and
the sameday heefirst heardtogetherof Tyrones looking
back out of Mounster, comming into Leymster, and
passingover the Enney, and the next day being assured
of his escape,heethen receivedthe first intelligence(the
former letters of the eight of March being not till then
delivered)that ever cameto his handsfrom the Earle of
Ormond concerningTyrone, who in this returne had
gone further in three dayes,then at his setting forth in [II. i. 58.]
thirteene,having in one day marchedtwenty sevenmiles,
so speedily,as he,could not overtakeany of his troopes
with the Queenesforces,though he marchedafter him
twentie miles in foure houres; adding his purpose to
make present head towards the North, without which

diversion of the rebels, the Garrison to be planted at

Loughfoyle waslike to runne a dangerousfortune. And
withall sendingsomeof Tyrones Mandates,by which hee

summonedthe subjectsof Mounsterto appearebefore

him, and to joyne with him, of which I havethought
good,for the strangenesse
of the forme,to insertthis one
following.
[Oneale

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1599.

Tyrone's /^VNeale commendethhim unto you Morish Fitz

Mandate.
\J Thomas,
O Neale
requesteth
youin Godsnameto
take part with him, and fight for your conscience
and
right; and in so doing, Onealewill spend to see you
righted in all your affaires,and will helpe you: And if
you come not at Oneale betwixt this and to morrow at

twelve of the clocke, and take his part, Oneale is not

beholding to you, and will doe to the uttermost of his
power to overthrow you, if you come not to him at
furthest by Satturdaynoone. From KnockeDumaynein
Calrie, the fourth of February 1599.
Onealerequestethyou to come speakewith him, and
doth give you his word that you shall receiveno harme,
neither in comming nor going from him, whether you
be friend or not, and bring with you to OnealeGerat
Fitz-gerald.
Subscribed

O Neale.

The seventhof March the Lord Deputy wasadvertised,

that Tyrone returned to Dungannon his House the
fifteenth day, and brought with him out of Mounster
foure pledgesof Desmondsfaith unto him. That the
TheEarkof Earle of Clanrickard had sworne, so soon as the Lord

Clannckard.
of Dunkellyn
hiseldest
sonne
returned
outof England,
to
take no longerday then May next, to joyne with Tyrone,
and enter into action, (so the Irish terme rebellion): and
that Tyrone had calledthe Lords of the North together,
to consult about the opposition to be made againstthe
intended plantation of the English Garrisons at

Loughfoyle.
The twentieth of March Master Secretarywrote to the
TheEarkof Lord Deputy, that the Earle of Essex,hitherto restrained

Essex.

-mj.^ Lord Keepers

House,hadfoundthe Gracewith

her Majesty, to be sent to his owne house in London,

yet with a keeper; for Sir Richard Barkley, had the
guard of him, with the keyesof the water-gateand street
doore, and the Earle had the freedome of the whole

House, with a dozenservantsto attend him, who might

freely go in and out at pleasure,and the Countesseof
288

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1599.

Essexhad liberty to comethither to him. And the Lord

Deputystill continuedfrequentlyto solicitethe Secretaries

favourto this nobleEarle,manytimesinlarginghimselfe
so farre,as to justifie the Earlesfaithfull endeavours
in
the maine point of the late Irish service,about which
he was most questioned. Insomuchas seeingthe Earles
actions in Ireland to be narrowly sifted, he wrote not

long after to the Secretary,expressely

avowing; That TheLord
if the Earle of Essexhad brought with him a farre greater Deputy

Army, theestateof theyeere

beingasthenit was,
andJ"tlfi"
the
J
f .
,. .'
Earle of
}'

he commmg at that time of the yeere when he did, yet

during his aboade there, (which was from March to

September),
there could no other consequence
havejustly
beene expectedin that so short time; but that the
Rebels moved with

the countenance and terrour

of the

Army, shouldgenerally(or for the most part) havesought

her Majestiesmercy, and making their submission,have
beenereceivedupon pledgesto continuesubjects,or else
to have sought to have ruined them by planting strong
garrisons,which in most placesmust have beenedone
by an Army, and they being in severallplaces,and many
circumstancesbesidesrequired thereunto, the effecting
thereof would have taken up as much time as he spent
here. And though the terrour of the Army did not
worke the first effect,being in the choyceof the enemy,
untill by the secondcoursethey might be constrained,
that the fault was in their disposition, and not in the
Earles endeavoursor power. And though the garrisons
were not accordinglyplanted, that as well the shortnes
of the time, as the Counsels to which the Earle was tied

at that time, might justly cleerehim of that default.

[Chap.II.
M. II

289

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ITINERARY

I600.

[II. i. 59-]

Chap. II.

Of the Lord Deputies particular proceedingsin

the prosecution of the Rebels in the yeere
1600.

TheListof
theArmy.

He twenty foure of March, being the last

day of the formeryeere,the Lord Deputy

signedthe followingList of the Army,

to bee a direction

to the Treasurer

at

warres,for the paymentthereof,from the

first of Aprill in the yeere 1600, so
forward.

Generall Officersfor the Army.

Generall
The Earle of Ormond Lord Lieutenant of the Army
Officers.
per diem threepound.
Sir Oliver Lambert SergeantMajor per diem twentie
shillings.

GeorgeBeverleyControllerof the victualsper diem

ten shillings.
Five Commissariesof the victuals, whereof one per
diem eight shillings, the rest sixe shillings a peece.
Twelve Colonelsat ten shillings a peeceper diem.
Earle of Thomond.
Sir Matthew Morgan.
Lord Audley.

Sir Christop. Sl. Laurence.

Lord

Sir Charles Willmot.

Dunkellin.

Sir Henry Dockwra.

Sir John Bolles.

Sir Henry Poore.

Sir CharlesPercy.

Sir Arthur Savage.

Sir RichardMoryson.

A Provost Marshal of Ballishannon, and another of

Loughfoyle,eachat foure shillings per diem.

Companiesof Horse.

Companies
of The Lord Deputie,onehundred,at eighteene
pencea
Horse.

peeceper diem. The Earle of Ormond fiftie, at twelve

pence. The Earle of Southamptonone hundred,halfeat
eighteenepence,and halfe at fifteene pence. The Earle
290

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1600.

of Kildare fiftie at twelve pence. The Earle of Clanrikard

fiftie, at twelve pence. The Lord of Dunsany fiftie, at

twelvepence. The Lord Presidentof Mounsterfiftie, at

eighteenepence. Sir Garret Moore twentie five, at twelve
pence. Sir Christopher Sant Laurence twentie five, at
twelve pence.
The Lord Dunkellin
25 CaptaineWayman
ProSir Henrie Harington 26 vost Martiall of ConSir William Warren

25

naght

12

Sir SamuelBagnal
Sir Edward Herbert
Sir Oliver Lambert

50 CaptaineRichardGreame50
12 CaptaineThomasGifFord25
25 CaptaineFleming
25
CaptaineTafFe

25

all 12 penceper diem.

Sir Richard Wingfield Marshall 50, whereof20 at

eighteenepence,and thirtie at twelve penceper diem.

Captaine
ThomasWhite

50 at fifteenepenceper

Sir Anthony Cooke

50 diem.
Sir Henrie Davers 100 at eighteenepence. Sir Henrie

Dockwra50, halfeat eighteenepence,halfe at twelve

pence. Sir Grif. Markam 100, halfe at fifteene pence,
halfetwelve pence.
Totall

of Horse

1200.

Companiesof Foot.
To be sent from Dublin to Loughfoyle in Ulster.
Sir Henry

Dockwra

Sir John Chamberlaine 150

Governorof Loughfoyle, and Colonel

of the Army
200
Sir Matthew Morgan
Colonel

CaptaineErrington
CaptaineHeath
CaptaineBadbye
CaptaineLister

Companies
of
Foot-

100
150
150
100

150

To be sent out of England to the sameplace.

[II. i 60.]
Sir John Bollesone of
CaptaineVaughan
150
the Colonelsof the
CaptaineThomasCoche100
Army
150 CaptaineDutton
100
291

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FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

I60O.

Companies
of CaptaineEllis Flud

Foot-

150 CaptaineHales

100

Captaine
RalphBingley150 Captaine
Alford

IOO

CaptaineBasset
100
CaptaineOram
TOO
CaptaineLionel Guest 150
CaptaineLeigh
100
CaptaineH. Clare
150
Sir John Pooley
150

CaptainePinner
CaptaineOrrel
CaptaineSidney
CaptaineWindsor
CaptaineSidley
CaptaineDigges

IOO
150
IOO
IOO
IOO
IOO

Captaine Masterson

CaptaineBrooke

IOO

100

CaptaineStafford
100 CaptaineRand
IOO
CaptaineAtkinson
100 CaptainePluncket
IOO
Totall of Loughfoyle Garrison devided into three
Regiments under the Governour Sir Henrie
Dockwra, and the two Colonels above named,

Sir Matthew Morgan, and Sir John Bolles,4000.

CarickfergusGarrison.Foote.
Sir Arthur Chichester
CaptaineEgerton
Governour
200
Sir Fulk Conway
150
Captaine LaurenceEsmond
150
Foote

Sir SamuelBagnol
CaptaineBlanye

Captaine Norton

100

100
Foote 700

at the Newrie.

200 At Carlingford Capt.

150 FerdinandoFreckelton100
Foote 450.

Foote in the Provinceof Connaght.

SirArthur Savage
GovSir RobertLovel
ernour

200

Sir Tibet

The Earle of Thomond 200

TheEarleof Clanrickard100
The Lord Dunkellin,
the Earles eldest
sonne

Captaine

Bourgh

150
100

Thomas

100

CaptaineTibet Nelong Ioo

Captaine Hugh Mos200

tian

Sir Thomas Burgh his

younger sonne

Dillon

100

Foote 1400.
150
292

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1600.

Foote in the Province of Mounster.

SirGeorgeCarewLord
CaptaineRogerHarvy 150 Companies
of
President
200 Captaine Thomas
FootThe Lord Audley
200
Spencer
150
Sir Henrie Poore

200 CaptaineFlower

100

Sir CharlesWillmot

150 Captaine
Sheffeld

100

Sir GeorgeGary Treasurer at warres

100
Sir RichardPercy
150
Sir FrancisBarkely
100
Sir Edward Fitzgarret 100
Sir John Barkley
200
Sir GeraldHarvy
150
Sir John Dowdal
100
Sir RichardMasterson 100

Captaine
George
Kingsmell
100
CaptaineGarret Dillon 100
CaptaineHugh Oreilly 100
CaptaineWilliam Poore 100
CaptaineSaxy
100
CaptaineBostock
100
CaptaineGeorgeBlount 100
Foote 2950.

Foote in the Provinceof Leymster.

The Lord Deputies
Sir Garret More

IOO

Guard
200
The Earle of South-

150
150

ampton
The Earle of Ormond

Sir Francis Rushe

Sir Henrie Follyot

2OO Sir William Warren

IOO

2OO Sir Thomas Loftus

IOO [II. i. 6l.]

The Earle of Kildare I50 Sir Oliver SaintJohns 150

The Lord of Dunsany 150 Sir CharlesOcarrol
IOO
The Lord Delvin

150

Sir GeorgeBourcher IOO

Sir RichardWingfeild 150
Sir Christoper Sant
Laurence
2OO
Sir CharlesPercy
2OO
Sir Oliver Lambert
2OO
Sir RichardMoryson 2OO
Sir ThomasWingfeild 150

Sir Henrie Davers

2OO

Sir JamesFitzpeirse 150

Sir FrancisStafford 2OO
Sir Henrie Harington IOO
Capt.ThomasWilliams 150
Capt. Roe
100
Capt.Toby Cafeild
150
Capt.JosiasBodley
150
Capt. FrancisShane 100

Sir Henrie Warren

IOO
Foote 4500.
The totall of the Foote 14000.

[A List
293

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ITINERARY

1600.

TheArmy
to A list of such as the Lord Deputy could draw
into ^e field to prosecuteTyrone, all consist-

ing of the companies

lying in Lemster,and
thoseof the Newrie and Carlingford.
Horse.

The Lord Deputy 100. Sir Henry Davers 100. Sir

SamuelBagnol50. The Lord Dunsany50. Sir Garret

More 25.

Horse 325.
Foote.

The Lord Deputy 200. The Earle of Southampton

200. Sir Francis Stafford 200. Sir Samuel Bagnol
200. Sir RichardMoryson 200. Sir Henry Davers200.
Sir CharlesPercy 200. Sir Oliver Lambert 200. Sir
William Warren 100. Sir Oliver Saint Johns 150. Sir

Henrie Follyot 150. The Lord of Dunsany 150.

Sir Garret More 100. Sir Thomas Wingfeild 150.
CaptaineEdward Blanye 150. CaptaineJosiasBodley
150. Captaine Ferdinand Freckelton 100. Captaine
Toby Cafeild150. CaptaineFrancisRoe 100. Captaine
Thomas Williams 150.

Foote 3200.

Out of these taken to guard places! Foote. Horse.

til the returne of the Army
J 810
20

Deadpayesallowedin eachhundred) SR

of foote 9, and in eachfiftie horse4

Totall 1098
Deduct this 1098 out of the Foote,and 46 out of the Horse, and so Foot.

Horse.

remainesfor the Lord DeputiesArmie 2IO2

279

in field

46

Out of this a further allowance(though uncertaine)

must be deducted for sick and deficient men not mentioned

formerly.
Observethat manyGunners,Canoniers,Armorers,and
Clerks of the Ordinance, some at foure s. some at two s.
294

THE

REBELLION

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IRELAND

A.D.
1600.

per diem, and an Inginere at ten s. per diem. That some

sixteeneSurgians,the chiefeat five 1.the other dispersed

in Provincesand Garrisonsat thirty or forty s. a peece

the weeke, and that the Lord Deputies Doctor of

Physicke at five 1. the weeke, and his chiefe Chaplaine

at the samerate, and someten other Preachersdispersed,

at thirty or forty s. the weeke: eachare all paid

by the defalcation of one pay in each company

of foot, and likewise of certaine sutes of apparell

due to the samecompanies. And that the Commissaries
of the Musters (raisedfrom five to twenty) at threes. 4 d.
a piece per diem, are paied out of the Checqueswhich
themselvesraise, and one of them following the Army
in field in each Province, the rest are distributed to be

resident in particular garrisons.

Having made distribution of the Forces for the
present: It remaines I should discend to the briefe
narration of the Lord Deputies particularCounsels,and

actionsagainstthe Rebels. About the beginning of

Aprill, it wasdeterminedin counsellby the Lord Deputy
andthe generallassentof the Counsellers,that the Dander Thellander
Scotsshouldbe hired to serveagainstJamesMac Sorley. Sco*sThat Agnus pretendingright to his Countrey, was the
fittest for that purpose,and upon his refusall, Mac Alaine
was thought fittest to be entertained for this service.
That the number of Scotsshould be 1500. or 2000. at

most. That theyshouldnot land till the endof August,

and remainein pay as occasionshould serve, their pay
being to eachman a Cow for a moneth,or for the default
of .Cattell,sixed. by the day. And that they shouldland
betweenethe Band and Oldenfleet, exceptthey thought
someother placefitter. Two Inhabitantsof Caricfergus
were appointedto treat with theseScots,and they were

to havethe L. DeputiesLetters to the Earle of Argile,

and to the QueenesAgent in Scotland,for the furtherance[II. i. 62.]

of this businesse. But this Councelltooke no effect,by
reasonthe coursewasdisliked in England. In the same
Councell it was propounded,how the Army should be
295

A.D.

FYNES

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ITINERARY

1600.

The

imployedtill the Lord Deputiesgoing into the field,

employment
of whichin all probabilitycouldnotbefor sometwomoneths

theArmy. ^^

^n(^^ wagresoivej
toprosecute
theRebels
atone

instant, both on the borders in the North, and in Lemster.

For the North borders650. foot, and 100. horse,were to

lie in garrisonin Dundalke,700. foot, and 50. horseat

Ardee,400. foot and 50. horseat Kelles,1000.foot and
50. horseat the Newry,and a hundredfoot at Carling-

ford. If Tyrone drew not to a head; it was concluded

thesegarrisonswere to infest the Fewes,Ferny, Ohanlons
Countrey, Mac Gennis his Countrey, and other parts of
Monaghan,and the Cavan. If Tyrone drew to a head,
then it was concluded,his owne troopes were like to
spoile theseCountries,and our men sent to Loughfoyle
shouldplant themselveswith more ease,& shortly be able
to spoile both Tyrone and Odonnels Country. For
Lemster a thousand foot, and a hundred horse, were to

draw into Ophalia, to build up the Togher, to victuall

the Fort of Phillipstone, and to spoile the Connors,
Macgoghegans,
Omoloyes,andMac Coghlins. This done,
it was concluded,these forces should passeinto Leex,
there to attend direction,or if that passagewere difficult,
then to returne the way they went, and by the way to
send for

further

direction.

And

to

further

the last

prosecution, the O Carrols were commandedat the same

time to invade the Omoloyes,and the Lord of Delvin,

and Sir FrancisShanewere to meet, and joyne with the
Lord Dunkellin in Mac Coghlins Countrey, and there
to invadethe neighbourRebels.
Fewloyall.
The third of Aprill the Lord Deputy advertisedMaster
subjects
in
Secretary,that the Queenehad few Subjectsin Ireland

Ireland. Qfanysort^Wk0hacjnoteitnersome
kindeof intelligence
with Tyrone, or had not framed their hearts that way,
whereof the whole Pale made sufficient overture, by a
petition lately delivered,and by their contestationat the
Counsell Table.

That the old Earle of Clanrickard, at

Tyrones going into Mounster, had taken day with him

till May next, to declarehimselfeon that party: But
296

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1600.

that the Lord of Dunkellin his eldestsonne,hatedby his TheLordof

youngerbrother, whom the father esteemedmuch above Dunkellin.

him, gavehim great confidence

of his firme alleagiance,
whosuspecting
his fathersdispositionthat way,hadtaken
occasionby repairing to Dublin, and after going for
England,to put himselfeas a gageand bridle to his
fathers proceedings. Concluding, that he the Lord

Deputy had taken order for securing the Castle of

Athlone, but that all his hope of keeping the Province
of Connaghtin obedience,wasin the Lord of Dunkellins
honesty. Neither was the Lord Deputy deceivedin this

worthy Lord, who as during his fatherslife, so from

his death,(happening
within few moneths),to the endof
the warre, served the Queene as nobly, valiantly, and
faithfully as any noblemanor gentleman in the army.
The Lord Deputy explaned the danger of the Irish Thedanger

Commanders
andCompanies,
yet for the time shewedthe ofIrish
remedyto be more dangerousthen the disease,protesting
that her Majesty could not take a more unprofitableway
to satisfiethe Irish sutors,thenby giving themCompanies.
His Lordship further advertisedMaster Secretary,that
upon Tyrones retiring out of Mounster into the North,
in mannerof a fearerull flight, he the Lord Deputy had

drawnefrom the Earle of OrmondsuchCompanies

as
were not appointedfor Mounster, and upon their arrivall
to Athye hadsentSir RichardMoryson,to take possession
of the governementof Leax, and Sir Oliver Lambert,
to leadeand bring backethe forcessent with victuals to
relieve the Fort, called Mariabourg (of Queene Mary)
scituatein Leax, (otherwisecalled the QueenesCounty)
which Fort being before in extreamedistresse,now he

hadsuppliedfor threemoneths. That he hadimployed

Brimingham, (who had about that time submitted himselfeto the Queenesmercy), to put in someCowesinto

the Fort of Ophaly. That he purposedto prosecute

the
Rebels in Lemster with one thousand foote and a hundred

horse,and to lodge the rest in garrisonsupon the North,

soasonthesudden
hemightdivertTyronefromresisting
29?

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ITINERARY

l6oO.

our presentplantationat Loughfoyle. That heewould

presentlysend a thousandold souldiersfrom Dublyn to
Loughfoyle, and likewise with them such as were to lie

in garrisonat Ballishannon,
under the commandof Sir

[II. i. 63.]MatthewMorgan,but that, for somedifficulties,they

couldnot yet be setledthere,yet lying at Loughfoylein
the meanetime, might doe service,and alwaiesbe ready
Tyrone's to be sent thither. That Tyrones confederateswere
Confederates
discouragedat his fearefullretreat into the North, which

discouraged.
couldnot havebeene
greater,
if he hadbeene
broken
with an Army. For after an unreasonabledayesmarch,
hearing of the Lord Deputies drawing towards him,
within one houre of his sitting downe, he did presently
rise againe at seven a clocke in the night, and being
assaulted by some of our scatteredbands, still marched,

leaving to the swordasmanyof his men aswere ingaged,

and leaving or leesingall his carriages,so as now almost
every day the heads of some rebels or others were sent

him, and many serviceswereof late done,as the recovery

of a prey by the garrisonat the Naas,with the killing

of many Rebels, and the defeat of one hundred and

forty Rebelsby Sir FrancisShane,whereofforty five

were killed, and of them some foureteene with his owne

hand. And the Rebelsof Lemsterdaily mademeanesto

TheTownesbe receivedto mercy. Onely the Towneswere the stores

the
stores of the Rebels,andstoodsosaucilyupontheir priviledges,
of the Rebels.
as a sharperod and strong hand were requisiteto amend
them. For which causehis Lordship advised,that the

Castleof Lymerikmight berepaired,to bridlethatTown,

which seemedof more importance,then any other City of
that Kingdome whatsoever. That the dispairing rebels
were by Tirones cunning raisedto somehopes,by two
ships lately come into the North out of Spaine,which
brought the rebels somemunition, and either assurance
of great and presentsuccours,or Tyrone at leastso used
their commingto his purpose,asthe rebelsbeleevedsuch
assurance
wasgiven. Besides,manyPriestscamein those

ships,of which one termedhimselfethe PopesLegat,

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and Leger Ambassadourfor the King of Spaine,and ThePopes

Archbishopof Dublin, giving out that he was content Legatfor

the

to sufferdeath,if he preached
not in Dublyn beforeKing
of

Michaelmas
day. Whereupon
theRebels
beganne
to Spaine.
avowthemselves
the King of Spainessubjects,
andonely
theexpectation
of Loughfoylegarrison,togetherwith the
doubt of thesesuccours,kept the very Pale from the
boldnes to professethe same. Lastly, his Lordship
vehementlycomplained,that her Majesty by absolute
commanddisposed of charges in that Kingdome, so

ashecouldneitherpleasure
his ownefriends,nor reward
her Majesties best servants; yea, that having already
given the governementof Leax to Sir Richard Moryson,
(a friend whom he confessedespeciallyto love, and whom
he would undertaketo be as worthy in his profession,as
anyof his time, or any the Queenehadin that Kingdome),
now by the Lords Letters signifying her Majesties
pleasure,he was forced to his friends and his owne
disgrace,to conferrethe placeon another: and in conclusion,besoughther Majesty, in suchrecommendations
to leave them somewhatto his choice, promising to
executethem, or elseto yeeldgreatreasonto the contrary.
The sixth of Aprill the Lord Deputy advertisedMaster TheEarlof
Secretary,that the Earle of Ormond was gone from Ormond.
Dublyn to his Country, having made great complements
of affectionto her Majestiesservice,yet it wasapparant
that either he wasgrowneweakerin judgement,or worse
affected to the Queenesservice, then was imagined in

England,affirmingof certaintythat in the last cessation

he had thrice at leastspokenvery long with Tyrone, and
at his last being in Mounster, had once heardfrom him.
And in generall,that the subjectswere no better servants
to her Majesty then the rebels, with whom they daily
practised,and would give no assistancewith bodies or

goodsto her Majestiesservice,yea, would (no doubt)

quit their allegiance
whensoever
they might doe it with
safety. That everyrogue askeda Company,and if he
hadone,thensoughta Regiment,but that (Godblessing
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her MajestiesArmy) he hopedshortly to give law to

their irregularhumours.
Affaires
of
The Provinceof Mounster(as I formerlysaid) was

Mounster.
muchconfirmed
in rebellion
by theEarleof Tyronehis

last journey into thoseparts,wherehe strengthenedJames

Fitz-thomas, (who by the Northerne rebelssent thither
from Tyrone, wasexaltedto be Earle of Desmondin the
yeere 1598. and wasby a nicke-namecalled the Suggon
Earle), he combinedwith Florencemac Carty, (calledby
the Irish, Mac Carty more, a namegreatly followedthere)

and in like sort with most of the great men of those

parts,incouragingthosewhom he found willing to persist,

[II. i. 64.] takingpledgesof thosehe suspected

to be wavering,and
burning and spoyling those few, who did absolutely
refuseto joyne with him, as the Lord Barry with some
others. And at this time another accidentseemingof
great consequence,did much erect the hearts of the
Rebels,and dismay the subjectsof thoseparts, which I
SirGeorgewill briefely set downe. Sir GeorgeCarewhaving newly
Carew
Lord

received

letters

Pattents

to

bee Lord

President

of

President
of Mounster,
andresolving
presently
torepaire
tohischarge,
Mounster.departedfrom Dublin on his journy thitherwardthe
seventhof Aprill, and upon the ninth cameto Kilkenny
with the Earle of Thomond in his company,and one
hundred horse to attend him, where the Earle of Ormond

told them he had appointedto parley with someRebels

of thoseparts, wherof Owny Mac Rory was the chiefe,
anddesiredthem to accompany
him. The tenth of Aprill

they rode out of Kilkenny with sometwentieHorseof

the Earle of Ormonds followers, and some few others

mountedupon hacknies,his Lordshiprefusingto have

the Lord PresidentsHorseto guardhim. So theyrode

eight long miles to the placeof meeting: and the Earle

of Ormond left his Companyof two hundred Foot two
mile short of that place. The Rebell Owny cameout of
the Woods with five hundred men well Armed, and

leaving his shot, and the grosse of his troope some

Calieversshot distant from the Earle, cameup to him
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with somechoisepikes. After an howerspent,& nothing

concluded,the Lord President moved the Earle to returne,

but he would first speakewith the Jesuit Archer, and the

Rebelscalling him, his Lordship reproved Archer, and

calledhim traytor. In the meanetime the grosseof the

Rebelshad crept over the shrubs,and compassed
round
the Earle and his companie,which the Lord President
disliking, prayedthe Earle to returne: but as he turned
about his hackney,the Rebels tooke him prisoner, and
Owny Mac Rory laid handson the Lord President,but TheLord

theEarleof Thomond
rushinguponhimwithhishorse,f^'t"/

madehim leave his hold, and they both escapedby the

swiftnesseand strength of their horsesfrom the pushes
of many pikes, wherewith the Earle of Thomond was
slightly hurt in the backe. This treacheriewas said to
be plotted by Owny and Archer, and very few others,for
if more had knowneit, many thought that the Earle had
suchspies,and was so fearedamong the Rebels,as his
Lordship would have had notice thereof either for feare
or love. But there wanted not others,who thought the
Earle was willingly surprised. Howsoever it were, the
Rebelsdid him no hurt in his person,onely one of the
Earles men was slaine, five were hurt, and fourteene taken

prisoners. The Lord President with the one hundred

horse attending him, and sixe hundred foote, which he
sent for out of Mounster, kept the unsetledhumours of
thoseparts from presenttumult, where the Earles true
followers wanting their head, and the ill affected now
standingin no aweof his power,were all at liberty. The
Countesse

of

Ormond

was much

afflicted

with

her

husbandsmisfortune, and with feare of her own and her

daughtersestate. For divers pretendedto be heires to

the Earle;

as Sir Edward Butler his brother, and in

respecthis bloud was attainted, Sir Walter Butler the

Earles Nephew, and for other reasons the Vicount

Mount-Garret. And eachof thesewaslikely to seeketo

have the Earles sole daughter in their hands, besides

that thesecontroversies
bred distractedhumoursamong
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the Gentlemen and others of those parts. The Lord

SirGeorge
Deputiehearinghereof,presentlydispatched
Sir George

Bourcher.
Bourcherto command
in chiefe,andSir Christop.Saint
Laurenceto assisthim, in guarding the Countesse,her
daughter,and the Earleshouses,with the forcesappointed
by the Lord Deputie for that service,namely,
The Earles Companyof foote 200. The foote Company of Sir ChristopherSaintLaurence200. The Earles
troope of horse 50. Horse of Saint Laurence25. Sir
George Bourchers horse 10.

Yet the Lord Deputie conceivedthe Earles surpriseto

beean evill morespetiousthen materiall,seeingno reason,
why the Counselsof the warre should staggerupon his
wel or ill doing For wherassomewere of opinion, that
he was willingly taken, and would declarehimselfefor
Tyrone, his Lordship resolved,that if he continuedfaithfull, his Countriesmight easilybe defended,if otherwise,
as easilywasted,sinceafter the Garrisonsshould be once
planted at Loughfoyle, and, thoseparts on the backeof
[II. i. 65.] Tyrone, hee should bee able to spareforcesfor any such
service. And whereasmany thought the neweswould
much amazethe Court of England, his Lordship on the
contrary (sinceneither the Lord President nor himselfe
deservedany imputation for this event, the parleybeing
contrived without the Lord Presidentsprivity, and both

contrived and executed, without making himselfe

acquaintedtherewith)conceived,it would makethe Army

both better,andmorecarefullyseconded
out of England.
And whereasit was thought, that this accidentwould
erect the rogues spirits, which before began to bee
dejected,and so hinder the submissionof many, his
Lordship knowing that they would never be faithfull to
the State, till they could not subsistagainst it, was of
opinion, that till they were brought into greater
extremities,it would prove better, that they should stand
out, then come in.

His Lordship the fifteenth of Aprill advertisedMaster

Secretarieof this accident,and how he had sent forces to
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strengthenthoseparts, and had taken speciallcare for Forces

to
the safetieof the Earlesdaughterand heire,and being strengthen

lothsuddenly
to givehisopinion
herein,
onelyprofessed
Moumterto thinke it strange,that one so full of regardto him-

selfein all his proceedings,should be so easilyovertaken.

Then his Lordshipgave confidence,

that if the Butlers
declaredthemselves
ForTyrone, as sooneasLoughfoyle
Garrisonwas plantedat his backe,his Lordship doubted
not to be able to meete the Lord President in Kilkenny,

and with their joynt forces,to subdue the Rebels,and

set those parts in obedience.

At this time the Fort of Phillipstownin OphaleyTheFortof

(otherwise
calledtheKingsCounty)wasto bevictualed,
PMf'Pj"*
victualled.
i

TV >r

T-,

" 1

*-x

"

and Ony Mac Rory with the O Mores m Leax, together

with the O Connorsin Ophaly,braggedthat the Queenes

forces should not be able to victuall it.

Now by the

emulation of one of our chiefe Commanders,against

anotherpreferred before him, and strengthenedby the
Court factionsof England, the said Commanderhad set
out someweake Companiesfor this service,to be led
by the other, as in preheminence
of his place,but a neere
friend to the Lord Deputie, conceivinghow much this
first actions successemight adde reputation, or give a
blemish,both to his Lordship and the Army, gave notice
thereof,so ashis Lordship offering the sameCommander
the leading of thoseCompanies,he refusing to goe with
them, manifestedthe suspectedemulation. Whereupon
his Lordship causedfoureteenestrong Companiesto be
allotted, and gave the commandof them in chiefe to
Sir Oliver Lambert, who conducted the victuals, and led

the men with such judgement and valour, as being

strongly fought with at the comming off, and especially
at the going on, yet they performedthe servicewith great
losseand discouragement
to thoseproud Rebels,and the
fifteenth of Aprill his Lordship advertised Master
Secretaryof this good service.
The thirtieth of Aprill the Earle of Ormond sentto the

Lord Deputie from the Woodsthe conditionsOny Mac

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Rory demaunded
under his owne hand for his liberty,
whichtill then he could not get, because
Ony staiedfor
Tyrones and his confederatsadvice, adding a postscript

of his Lordshipsownehand; that the letterwasbrought

to him ready written, neither was he allowed any man
OwnyMac

of his owne to write for him.

Rory'sinsolent werethese:

The insolent demaunds

First, that her Majestiesforcesshouldbee

removedfrom Leax, and the Garrisonsdeliveredto Oney

Mac Roryeshands. Secondly,that pledgesshouldbe

delivered him for caution, that no garisonsshuld ever

beplantedthere,whichdone,Ony andhis followerswould

submit themselves. Thirdly, if pledgeswere not given,
then the Garrisonsalso in Ophaly should be removed,
and every man left to shift for himselfe. The postscript

required,that upon suchpledgesdelivered,a generall

protection for sixe weeks should be sent to Onye Mac

Rorye, and all his friends in Lemster,whereuponanswere
should be returned, who desired the benefit thereof, but

during the said time of the protection, no forcesof her

Majestiesshouldbee sent againsttheir confederates

in

De'putieUlsterandtheNorth'The5 of Ma7theL" Deputie

draws
intothedrew into the North parts, to makeTyrone look towards
North
parts, him, & so to give better facility to our men to settle
themselvesin garrison at Loughfoyle. But before his

departurefrom Dublin,for the bettergoverning& defend[II. i. 66.]

ing the Pale,his Lp. did by commissionleaveSir H. Poore

to commaund in all martiall affaires, and some of the

Counsellto governeCivill mattersduring his absence.

And stayingsomefewdaiesat Tredagh,for theCompanies
which had victualed Phillipston, and for the Garrisons
of Kels and Ardee, as also for victuals, he marched to

Dundalke, whencetaking that Garrisonalso with him, he

passedthe paceof the Moyry on Whitsundaymorning,

and so cameto the Newry, where hee understood,that
accordingto his opinion, Tyrone turning his forcesfrom

Loughfoyle,wascomein greathasteto Dungannon,had

razedthe old Fort of Blackwater,burnedArmagh,and
had drawnehis men into the strong fastnesof Lough34

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lurken, wherewith great Industriethe rebelshad made

trenches,
andfortifiedthe placesomethreemilesin length.
His Lordshipto the formerendadvancingtowardshim,
on the 16 of May, drewout of the Newrie,andincamped
in the way towardsArmaghwith 1500foote,and some
200 horse. And there having notice, that the rebelsThe
fightat

inquiredafterthe time whentheEarleof Southampton

theMyryand Sir Oliver Lambert SergeantMajor were to cometo
the Army, and with all hearing, that the said Earle and
SergeantMajor were that day arrived at Dundalke. His
Lordship earelyin the morning on the 17 of May, sent
CaptaineEdward Blany with 500 foot and 50 horse,to
securetheir passagethrough the pace of the Moyrye,
who marchedfrom the Campe,and so through the Moyrye
to the Faghard,from which hill to Dundalke, there was
no danger. There he madea stand,and leaving his foot
in two squadronsof 250 each,himselfewith the horse
passedto Dundalke, and told the Earle of the forcesthe
Lord Deputy had sent to conduct him, assuring him
further, that his Lordship with the rest of the Army
would meetehim by two of the clock in the afternoone,
at the causeybeyond the pace, from which the whole
pacehath the nameof the Moyrye. Hereuponthe Earle
havingwith him, besidesthis convoy,the foot Companies
of Sir Oliver Lambert and Sir Henry Follyot, and some

50horseof voluntaryGentlemen,
marched
to the Faghard
where hee commandedone of the two squadronsabove

mentionedto marchon, and after that the carriages;

then his Lordship with the horse followed, after whom
the secondsquadronmarched,and last of all the two foot
Companiesof Sir Oliver Lambert, and Sir Henry Follyot,

CaptaineBlany commandingthe vanguard,advanced

towardsthe Foure-mile-water,being a Forde all invironed

with Woods,in the middestof this dangerous

pacecalled
the Moyrye. And comming within halfe a mile of the
same,they discoveredthe rebels on both sides in the

Wood, whereuponthe Earle directedthe Vanguardto

passeover the water,and to makegood the rising of
M. II

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the hill beyondit. Whenthesecamewithin a Musket

shot,they perceived
two hundredfooteof the enemie
lodgedbeyondthewater,in themostadvantagious
places.
ThenCaptaine
Blanydividedhismeninto threeManiples,

sending60 on the right hand under CaptaineHenrie

Atherton,and as manyon the left handunder Captaine
Williams his Lieutenant,and keepingthe rest in the
middest with himselfe. And so by the SergeantMajors
directions,they gave the charge. In the meanetime the
Lord Deputy being on the hill beyondthe pace,had sent
his Vanguardconsistingof two Regements,the oneunder
Sir CharlesPercy,and the other under Sir Richard Moryson (two Colonelsof the Army), to advancetowardsthe
pace. And at this instant, when CaptaineBlany gaveon
upon the Rebels, the said Lord Deputies vanguard
appearedon the left side,within two musketshot. After
somevollyes on either side,the Rebelson the right hand,
and thoseright beforeCaptaineBlany quitted thoseplaces,
and retired through the woods to the Earle of SouthamptonsReare, so as CaptaineBlany passingthe water,
made a stand there, as he was appointedto doe, till the
carriageand horseshouldbe passed. And now the Lord
Deputies Vanguard being come to the passageof the
said water, maintained a resolute skermish with the Rebels

Therebelson the left hand,and altogethersecuredthe Earlestroopes

beaten. On that side. The rebels thus beaten on both sides, left
some

one

hundred

shot

to

skirmish

with

the

Lord

Deputiesvanguard,and all retired to the Earle of Southamptons reare, and came desperatlyon our men, both
with horse and foot. But Sir Henry Follyot made a
very good stand,and Sir Oliver Lambert, fearinglest our
men should be distressed,the more to incouragethem,
tooke his colours in his owne hand and together with

some30 of the Earle of Southamptons

Vangardsbest
[II. i. 67.] men, sent back to the Rere, hastened towards the
Assailants, to second the Earle, who at that time with

some6 horse did chargethe assailingRebels,and beate

them a musketshot back, still pursuingthem, til they

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having spent their powder,and throwne their staves,

darts, and innumerablestones,recoveredthe place,where
Tyrone stood himselfe with some 220 horse and 200

foote in sight (besidesa far greaternumberhid in the

woods),which nevercameunto this fight. When our

menhadthusgainedmuchground,theEarlecommaunded
them to march towards the Army, and presentlySir
RichardWingfeild the Marshalof the army of Ireland

cameto them, with order from the L. Dep. that since

the repulsedrebelswere not like to give any second

charge,they shouldcontinuetheir march,following his
Lps.troopesdirectlyto the Newry. In this conflict2 of
our men were slaine, Capt. Atherton and Mast. Cheut
were shot, and some few hurt with swords and such

weapons. On the rebelsside there were in all 1200 foot

thus advantagiouslylodged, and 220 horse,and Tirone
himself confessed,that ten of his men died with over-

travelling in this hastymarch,besidessuchaswere killed,

whosenumber could not certainelybe learned. The 21
of May, his LP. was advertised from Sir Arthur
Chichester,Governour of Carickfergus,that the English
sent to plant at Loughfoyle were safelylandedwith small
resistance,
and had taken Newcastlebelongingto Sir John Newcastle

Odogherty,whosecountry they had spoiled& wasted,takenand that someof them sentforth upon a draught,had
taken good store of cowes,and killed someof Odonnels
people,and that they were now busie in fortifying about
the Derrie, so as many of that country Southwarddid

passetheir cowesandmoveables
into Scotland,depending
speciallyupon the hopesof Spanishsuccours. That Brian

Mac Art a rebelborderingon Carickfergus,

had left his
fastnesof Kilultagh,andnowlay on thebordersof Lecale,
where he purposedto assailehim, the rather becausehe
had sent 200 men to assistTyrone: that divers Gentlemen and othersdid daily flie from the rebels,and resort
unto him with their goods,to the numberof 1200cowes,
and more would come, but that he doubted their faith-

fulnes. That to freehimselfof the imputationto keepe

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I6OO.

JamesMac Surley an enemy,till he had revengedon

him his brothersdeath,he hadimployedColonellEgerton
to invite that rebell to submission,but receivedonely

temporising
answeres;whereupon
according
to his Lps.

directions, hee had written and sent a messengerof

purpose,to the Lord of ClantyeranIlanderScot,to stirre

him up againstJamesMac Surley,wrongfullypossessing
his rightfull inheritance
in thosepartsof Ireland,offering
to joyne the Queenesforcesunder his commaund,to
thosepowershe shouldbring, for recoverieof this his
right, soashewouldafteryeeldduetribute andobedience
to her Majesty: but that upon the King of Scotslate

TheKingof Proclamation,that al bearingArmes should be ready to

Scots'
Pro- attendthe King on the 17 of July next following,in

clamation.

prosecution of the Ilander Scots (as was given out),

refusing to pay tribute, he feared that this Lord would
bee diverted from imbracing this busines, howsoever
advantageousto him. That he had receivedCon Mac
Neale, the son of Neale Mac Brian, and his horsemen,

into her Majesties pay, and would shortly waste his

fathers Country, whenceBrian Mac Art and some400
Bonnaghtes(or hired souldiers)were maintainedand fed.
Finally, that he thought fit to rebuild Olderfleete,and
leave some in Ward there, because the Haven was com-

modiousto succourweather-beaten
ships,going to supplie
the Garrison of Loughfoyle with necessaries.
Letter
from The 26 of May, the Lord Deputie receiveda letter

theLords
in from the Lords in England,with full answereto his late

England.
dispatches.
For theEarleof Ormonds
detension,
they
signifiedher Majestiesgriefe to be the greater,because
any attempt madefor his recoveriewaslike to prove his
ruine, and that her Majestic had written to the Countesse,

to sendtheEarlesyoungdaughterandheireinto England.
For Sir Arthur Onealesdemaunds,
upon his comming
in to serveher Majesty, in the first point concerning
religion, her Majesty bare with it, becauseshe took it

to proceedeof his ignorance,not of presumption,only

wishing the L. Dep. to let him see,that her Majesty
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pursuednonein thosepartsfor religion,andso to satisfie

him, but in no wiseby any contractor condition. Next
for his and others suits for land, and for entertainements,

becausesuchovertureswere like daily to be made,by

suchas submittedthemselves,
and protractionof sending
to andfro, might losemanyopportunities. First, touch- [II. i. 68.]
ing the sutesforland,herMajestiesdirectionsin particular
casesfollowing,shouldbe a rule to the Lord Deputiefor
hisgrauntsof thatkind. And first for SirArthur OnealesSirArthur
demaundingTyronesestate,that could not be grantedOneafa

him, by reasonTyrone,upon pretenceof an old demaun

5inquisition,had extendedthe limits of his Countrie,and
incrochedfar into the South and East. But her Majesty
waspleasedto give him Tyrones principall seates,reserving placesfor forts, and lands to maintaine them, and
reservingall dependancyof the Vriaghtes (or neighbour
Lords), also reserving lands in Tyrone to reward the
services of such Gentlemen

as should

serve under

Sir

Arthur in these warres, which they should onely hold

of her Majestic by letters Patents. For the rest Sir
Arthur Onealeto be chiefein Tyrone, as well in superioritie, as in revenue. Touching Neale Garvesdemaunds
for O Donnelsestate,her Majestiespleasurewasto reserve
some Fortes and Castles, and some lands to reward the

servicesof that CountriesGentlemen,intending that

these,and more speciallythe Mac Swynes,should depend
onely upon her Majestic, and have right to thoselands
by her letters Patents. Touching Mac Guires Country,
her Majestic directedlike reservationsof land, for Fortes

and rewardsof services,and generallyin all grantes

chargedto reserveher Majestiesancientrights. Secondly,Suitors
foren-

touching suitorsfor entertainements

in pay, her Majesties tertalnements
pleasurewas signified to allow one thousandpound a tttPaymoneth, so long as the Lord Deputy and the Counsel

thereshouldthinkefit, to beimployedthatway,according
to the Lord Deputiesdiscretion. But their Lordships
advised warily to observe, and know, such as offered
submission,becauseit had alwaiesbeen the Arch-traitors
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practise,
to let slipsuchashecouldnot defend,that they
might savetheir goods,and live upon her Majestie,
withoutany intent to doeher service.Lastly,whereas
the Lord of Dunkellin by his letters,in regardof some
restrictions,whereby hee was disabledto serve her
Majestieas he desired,had madeoffer to resignethe

governementhe had in the Provinceof Connaght. And

forasmuchas the Queenewasalwaiesunwilling to imploy

any great Lord in his owneCountrie,yet finding him

placedin that governementby the Earle of Essex,had
still continuedhim there, only out of her speciallfavor
to him.

And for that of late some insolencies had bin

offeredto Companies
of the English,by the old Earle
of Clanricards soldiers in her Majesties pay. Their
Lordships signified, that the Queenespleasurewas, to
acceptthe Lord of Dunkellins resignation,in the fairest
maner, and with all carefull tendering of his honour,
advising the Lord Deputie to invite him to accompany
his Lordship, and servein the Army under him. And
SirArthur Sir Arthur Savagethen a Colonelof the Army, and lying

Savage with his Companyat Athlone,wasappointedprovisionall

Governourof the Provinceof Connaght,exceptthe Lord

appointed
governourof

theProvinceDeputie knew somesufficientcauseto the contrary. The

of Connaght.
Lord Deputy having attainedhis end of drawing the
Army into the North, by the safelandingand setlingof
Loughfoyle Garrison, in the farthest North of Ireland,

on Tyronesbacke. His Lordship the twentieeight of

May hearingthat Tyrone had drawnebackehis men two

miles further into the fastnesse,

and beinginformedthat
the Paceof the Moyrye, by reasonof muchwet lately
fallen,andthe Rebelsbreakingof the causey,
washardto
passe,returnedby Carlingford paceto Dundalke, and so
to Dublin, where he understood that the Rebels had in

ThePale his absence

burnedthe Pale, thoughhe left for defence

burnt.

of it 2000footand175horsein Lemster,but thedamage

wasnot answerable
to the clamour; for manyprivatemen
havein Englandsustained
greaterlosseby casuallfire in

time of peace,then the wholePale had doneby the

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enemiesburning in warre, and many private men in

Englandhavein oneyeerelost morecattelby a rot, then
the Palelost by this spoylingof the rebels,of whichthey
lamentably
complained.Besides
thatindeedethisburning
and spoylingof the very Pale, did further the greatest
endof finishingthe warres,no waysolikely to bebrought
to an end, asby a generallfamine.

Give me leaveto digressea little, to oneof the fatall Thehearing

periods
of RobertthenobleEarleof Essexhis tragedy,ofthe^Earle

(andthelastbut one,whichwashisdeath)
whereof
the Essex
his
cause.

following relation was sent into Ireland. The fifth of

June there assembledat Yorkehouse in London, about

the hearing of my Lord of Essex his cause,eighteene

Commissioners,viz. my Lord of Canterburie, Lord
Keeper,Lord Treasurer,Lord Admirall, Lords of Wor- [H. i. 69.]
cester,Shrewsbury,Cumberland,Huntington, Darby, &
Zouch, Mast. Comptroller, Master Secretarie,Sir Jhon
Fortescu,Lord Popham Chiefe Justice, Lord Anderson
Chiefe Justice of the common Pleas, Lord Perian Chiefe

Baronof the Exchequer: Justices,GaudyandWalmesley.

They sate from eight of the clock in the morning, till
very neerenine at night, all at a long table in chaires. At
the Earles comming in, none of the Commissioners
stirred cap, or gave any signe of curtesie. He kneeled
at the upper end of the Table, and a good while without
a cushion. At length my Lord of Canterbury moved
my Lord Treasurer,and they joyntly my Lord Keeper
and Lord Admirall, that sat over against them, then was
he permitted a cushion,yet still was sufferedto kneele,

till the QueenesSergeantsspeechwas ended,when by

the consentof the Lords, he waspermittedto standup,
andafteruponmy Lord of Canterburies
motion,to have
a stoole.

The mannerof proceedingwasthis. My Lord Keeper

first deliveredthe causeof the assembly,and then willed

the QueenesCounsaileat Law, viz. Sergeant,

Attorney,
Solicitor,and MasterBaconto informeagainsthim. The

Sergeantbegan,and his speechwas not long, onely a

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The
Sergeant's
preface
asit wereto theaccusations.
The summeof it

speech. waS)to declarethe QueenesPrincelycareand provision

for the warresof Ireland,and alsoher gratiousdealing
with theEarlebeforehewent,in discharging
ten thousand
poundof his debts,andgiving him almostsomuchmore,

to buy him horses,and providehimself,and especially

in her proceedings
in this cause,whenas after so great
occasionof offence,as, the consumptionof a royall
Army, fruitlesse wasting thirty hundred thousandd.

treasure,contempt,and disobedience
to her expressecommandement,she notwithstanding was content to be so
mercifull towards him, as not to proceedeagainst him
in any of her Courts of Justice,but only in this private
sort, by way of mercy and favour.
Master
After him the Attorney began,whosespeechcontained
Attorneys the body and substanceof the accusation,it was very

speech. sharp,
& stinging,
forbesides
themanyfaultsof contempt
and disobedience,
wherewithheechargedhim, he did also
shrewdly inferre a dangerousdisposition and purpose,
which was by many rhetoricall amplifications,agravated
to the full; he divided his speechinto three parts,
Quomodo ingressus, Quomodo progressus,Quomodo
regressus; In the ingresse,hee observedhow large a
Commissionhe stoodupon, sucha one as never any man

hadthe like before,namely,that he might haveauthoritie

to pardonall Traytors of himselfe,yea, to pardontreason
committed against her Majesties owne person,and that
he might mannagethe warresby himself, without being
tied to the advice of the Counsell of Ireland, which clause

hee said was granted, that he might at first proceedein

the Northerne journy, which the Counsell of Ireland

(whoselandsandlivings lay in the South),might perhaps

hinder, and labor to divert him, to the safeguardof
themselves.In the other two partsof his speechwere

containedfive speciallcrimes, wherwith the Earle was

Thechargecharged,viz His makingthe Earle of Southampton

againstthe
Earle.

Generallof the Horse. 2. His going to Lemsterand

Mounster,whenhe shouldhavegoneto Ulster. 3. His
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making so many Knights. 4. His conference

with

Tyrone. 5. His returneout of Ireland,contraryto her

Majestiescommand. Theseall savingthe fourth, were

recitedby theLordsin their censures,

asthe crimesfor
whichhewascensured
by them. The firstwasamplified,ifor that hedid it contraryto herMajesties
mind,plainely
signifiedunto him in England, that hee increased
that
offence,by continuinghim in that officestil, when her
Majesty by letters had expresselycommandedhim to

displacehim; andthirdly, for that he wrote a very bold

presumptuous
letter to her Majesty, in excuseof that
offence,which letter was afterwardsread. The second2.

point of his Southernejourny was agravated,in that it

was made contrary to her Majesties advisedresolution,

agreeduponby her Counsel,andapprovedby her martial

men,asthe only meansto reduceIreland, and contrary to

the Earlesown project,yea, & that without the advice

of the Counselof Ireland also,asappearedby a letter of
theirsunder their hands,though now the Earle pretended
their advice for his own excuse,wheruponfollowed the
harrowingout, and the weakning of the royallest Army
that ever went out of England, the wastingof that huge
expence,and the overthrow of the whole action. The [II. i. 70.]
third point, viz. the making of Knights, was urged to 3.
havebeenecontraryto her Majestiesexpressecommandement, a question being once made, whether he should
have that authoritie or no, because he had abused it

before,yet the samebeingat the last granted,with this

limitation given him in charge,that he should make but

few, and thosemen of good ability, whereashe made

to the number of threescore,and those some of his meniall
servants, yea & that in a most unseasonabletime, when

things were at the worst, which should have been done

upon victorie and triumph onely. The fourth point, 4.

namely,his conference
with the Rebell,was agravated,
in that it wasan equalland secretconference,
dishonourable to her Majestic,for him that sustainedher royall
person,to conferrein equallsort with the basestand vilest
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traytor that ever lived, a bush Kerne, and base sonne

of a Blacksmith; suspicious
also,in that it wasprivate
and secret,no man sufferedto approch,but especially
no Englishman; the endof the conference
mostshamefull, that the wretchedtraytor shouldprescribeconditions
to his Soveraigne;abominable
and odiousconditions,a
publike tolleration of Idolatrous religion, pardon for
himselfeandall the traytorsin Ireland,and full restitution
of landsand possessions
to all the sort of them. It was

added,that beforethis parley,a messenger

went secretly
from the Earles Campe to the traytor, viz. Captaine

ThomasLeigh, if not sentby the Earle,at leastby his

connivency,at leastby the connivencie
of the Marshall,

5- whom the Earle did not punish. Lastly, the fifth point
was urged to be intollerably presumptuous,contrary to
her Majestiesexpressecommandement
in writing, under

the scaleof her privy signet,charginghim upon his

dutie not to return

until

he heard further

from her;

that this his returne was also exceedingdangerous,in

that he left the Army divided unto two divers men, the
Earle of Ormond, and the Lord Chauncellor, men whom

himselfehad exceptedagainst,as unfit for sucha trust,

andthat he soleft this Army, asthat if God his providence

had not beenthe greater,the ruine and losseof the

whole Kingdome had ensuedthereupon. This was the
summeof the accusation,every part interlacedwith most
sharpeand bitter rhetoricallamplifications,which I touch

Thecon-not>nor am ^f to wr^tebut tne conclusion

was(whereby
elusion.a taste of the samemay be had) that the ingressewas
proud and ambitious,the progressedisobedient,and contemptuous,theregressenotoriousanddangerous. Among
other things the Lady Rich her letter to the Queenewas
pressedwith very bitter and hard termes: my Lady Rich

her letter he termedan insolent,saucy,malipertaction.

He proposedalso in the end a presidentfor the Earles
punishment(saying, he was faine to seekefarre for one

gentleenough): oneWilliam of Britten Earle of Richmond,who refusingto comehomeout of Franceupon

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l6oO.

the Kings letter, was adjudgedto looseall his goods,

lands,andchattels,andto indureperpetuallimprisonment.
Master Attorney particularlysaid the following words,
whereasthe Earle in his letter exclameth,O tempera,O

Mores (for so I thinke he construedthesewordsof his,

O hard destinyof mine, that I cannotservethe Queene
and pleaseher too)! let me also say with the Orator

concerninghim; Haec Regina intelligit, haecSenatus

videt, hie tamen vivit.

In the end of his speech,Now

(saithhe) nothing remainethbut that wee inquire quo

ammo, all this was done. Before my Lord went into

Ireland, he vaunted and boasted, that hee would fight
with none but the Traytor himselfe,he would pull him
by the earesout of his den, hee would make the Earle
tremble under him, &c.

But when he came thither, then

nosuchmatter,heegoesanotherway,it appeareth
plainely
he meantnothing lessethen to fight with Tyrone. This
wasthe effect of Master Attorneys part.
Master Solliciter his speechfollowed, which containedMaster

theunhappysuccesse,
whichensuedin Irelandafterthe Solliciter
s
Earlesdeparture,
wherebyappeared
howlittle goodthe ^
Earle had done, in that the Traitor was growne much
more confident,more insolent,and strongerthen ever he
was before, as appearedprincipally by his declaration,
which he hath given out since the Earles departure,
vaunting that he is the upholder of the Catholike faith
and Religion, that whereasit wasgiven out by somethat
hee would follow the Earle of Essex into England, hee
would perhaps shortly appeare in England little to

Englandsgood: manythingshe addedto that purpose.

After him Sir Francis Bacon concluded the accusation [II. i. 71.]

with a very eloquent speech. First by way of Preface,SirFrancis

signifying, that he hoped both the Earle himselfe, and Bacon.
all that heard him, would consider,that the particular
bond of duty, which he then did and ever would acknowledge to owe unto the Earle, was now to be sequestred,

andlaiedaside. Then did henotablyextollher Majesties

singular graceand mercy, whereof he said the Earle was
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a singularwork, in that uponhis humblesute,sheewas

contentnot to prosecute
him in herCourtof Justicethe

Starre-chamber,
but accordingto his owneearnestdesire,
to removethat cup from him, (thosehe said werethe
Earlesown wordsin his Letter), and now to suffer his
causeto be heard. Inter privatesparietes,by way of
mercyand favour onely,whereno mannerof disloyalty
washide to his charge,for (quoth he) if that hadbeene
the question,this had not beenethe place. Afterwards
passingalongmosteloquentlythroughthe Earlesjourney
A Letter

into Ireland, heecameto chargehim with two points not

spokenof before. The first wasa Letter written by the

written
bytheEarle unto my Lord Keeper, very boldly and presumptuously,
in derogation
to her Majesty,
which
letter
J
/'
.</
& . , ,
r.
he also said was published by the Earles own friends.

Lord Keeper. .

The points of the letter which he stoodupon, werethese;

No tempestto the passionate

indignationof a Prince;

as if her Majesty were devoid of reason,carried away

with passion(the onely thing that joineth man and beast
together): Her Majesties heart is obdurate, he would
not say that the Earle meant to compareher absolutely
to Pharaoh,but in this particularonely, which must needs
be very odious. Cannot Princeserre: Cannot Subjects

sufferwrong? as if her Majestyhadlost her vertuesof

judgement,Justice,&c. Farre be it from me (quoth he)
to attribute divine propertiesto mortal Princes,yet this

I must truly say,that by the CommonLaw of England,

a Princecandoeno wrong. The last point of that Letter,
was a distinction of the duty a subject oweth to his
Prince, that the duty of Allegiance,is the onely indissoluebleduty, what then (quoth he) is the duty of gratitude?

what the duty of obedience

? &c. The secondpoint of
A dangerous
Master Baconsaccusationwas, that a certainedangerous

Pamphlet.seditiousPamphlet,was of late put forth into print.

concerningthe first yeeresof the raigne of Henry the
fourth, but indeed the end of Richard the second,and
who thought fit to be Patron of that booke,but my Lord
of Essex, who after the booke had beene out a weeke,
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wrote a cold formall letter to my Lord of Canterbury,

to call it in againe,knowingbelikethat forbiddenthings
aremostsoughtafter: This wasthe effectof his speech.
Thespetiallpointsof thewholeaccusation
wereafterwards
proved by the Earles owne Letters, by someof her
MajestiesLetters, and the Counsels,and by the letter
of the Earle of Ormond

and others of the Counsell

of

Ireland, openly red by the Clerke of the Counsell.

The accusation
ended,the Earle kneeling,beganneto TheEarlis

speake
for himselfe,
in effectthusmuch. That eversince*feec"'
it pleased
her graciousMajesticto removethat cupfrom

him (which he acknowledgedto havebeeneat his humble

sute)and to changethe courseof proceedingagainsthim,
which was intended in the Starre-chamber; he laied aside

all thoughtof justifying himselfein any of his actions,

and that therefore, he had now resolved with himselfe

never to make any contestationwith his Soveraigne:

that he had made a divorce

betwixt

himselfe

and the

World, if God and his Soveraignewould give him leave

to hold it;

that the inward sorrow and afflictions which

he had laied upon his souleprivately, betwixt God and

his conscience,
for the great offenceagainsther Majesty,
wasmore then any outward crosseor affliction that could
possiblybefall him. That he would never excusehimselfe neither a toto nor a tanto, from whatsoever crimes

of errour, negligence,or inconsideraterashnes,which his

youth,folly, or manifoldinfirmitiesmight leadehim into,

onely he must ever professea loyall faithfull unspotted
heart, unfained affection and desire, ever to doe her

Majesty the best servicehe could, which rather then he

would lose, he would, if Christianity and Charity did
permit, first teare his heart out of his breast, with his
owne hands. But this alwaiespreserveduntouched,he

wasmostwilling to confesse
andacknowledge
whatsoever
erroursand faults it pleasedher Majesty to impute unto
him. The first part of his speechdrew plenty of teares
from the eyesof many of the hearers; for it wasuttered [II. i. 72.]

with great passion,and the words excellentlyordered,

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andit might plainelyappeare,

that he hadintendedto

speakeno more for himselfe. But being touched(asit

seemed)
with the oversharpe
speeches
of his accusers,
he
humblycravedof their Lordships,that whereashe had
perceivedmany rhetoricall inferencesand insinuations
given out by his accusers,
whichmight arguea disloyall,
malicious, wicked, and corrupt affection in him, they

would give him leave,not in any sort to excusehimself,

but only by way of explanation,to lay downe unto them

thosefalseguides,whichhaddeceivedhim, and led him

into all his errours, and so he entered into a kind of

answeringMasterAtturnies speech,
from point to point
in order, alleaging,for the point of his large Commission
for pardoningtreasonagainsther Majesties person,that
it was a thing he had learnedof Master Attourney himselfe,onely to meetewith the rebelscuriosity, which had
an opinion, that all treasonin Ireland,might be interpreted
treasonagainsther Majestiesperson,and thereforewould
trust no pardonwithout that clause. That in makingthe
Earle of SouthamptonGenerallof the Horse, the deceiveable guide which misled him, was an opinion that her
Majesty might have beenesatisfiedwith those reasons
which moved him, as also with those reasons which he had

alleagedin his letters,for continuanceof him in the place,

but that after he perceivedher Majestiesmind plainelyin
her secondletter, he displacedhim the next day: For
his journey into Mounster, hee alleageddivers things,
principally that the time of the yeere would not serve
for an Ulster journey, and then the adviceof the Counsel
there,which he protestedto alleage,not to excusehimselfe,
but rather to accuse his owne errours, and the errours of
the Counsellors

in Ireland:

and whereas

some of them

to excusethemselves,
andchargehim thedeeper,hadnow
written the contraryto the Counsell: he protesteddeepely
that therein they had dealt most falsely, and it seemeth
(saith he) that God his just revengehath overtakentwo

of themalready,the Earle of Ormondby blindnesse,

and
Sir WarhamSt. Leger, by violent death. For his making
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of Knights,he alleagedthe necessity

andstraightshe was
driven unto, that being the onely way he had to retaine

the voluntaries,the strengthandprideof the Army; that

he madebut two of his servants,and thosemenof speciall

desertandgoodability: thathethoughthis serviceought

not to be any barreagainstthem, for the receivingthe
reward

of their

deserts.

But beforehe had thus wadedthrough halfehis answer,

my Lord Keeperinterrupted him, and told him, that this
wasnot the coursethat was like to doe him good, that
he begannevery well in submitting himselfe, unto her

Majestiesmercyand pardon,which he, with the rest of

the Lords, were glad to heare; and no doubt but her
Princely and Graciousnature wasby that way most like
to be inclinedto him : that all extenuatingof his offence,
wasbut the extenuatingof her Majestiesmercyin pardoning: that he with all the rest of the Lords would cleere
him of all suspitionof disloyalty: and thereforehe might
doe well to sparethe rest of his speech,and savetime,
andcommit himselfeto her Majestiesmercy. And when
the Earle replied, that it might appeareby that hedge
which he diligently put to all his answers,that he spake
nothing but only to cleere himselfe from a malicious
corruptaffection. My Lord Keepertold him againe,that
if thereby he meant the crime of disloyalty, it was that

whichhe needednot to feare,hewasnot chargedwith it,

as the place& coursetaken againsthim might warrant;
all that was now laied unto him, was contempt and
disobedience.And if he intendedto perswadethem, that
he had disobeyedindeed, but not with a purpose of
disobeying,that were frivilous and absurd.
Then my Lord Treasurerbeganneto speake,and cleer- TheLord

ing the Earle from suspition of disloyalty,did very Treasurer.

soundly controll divers of his other excuses.

After him MasterSecretary,

makinga Prefacewhy he Master
Secrespakebefore his turne, by reasonof his place,tooke the tarymatter in hand, and first notably cleering the Earle from

all suspitionof disloyalty,whichheprotestedhedid from

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his conscience,
and afterwardsoften iteratedthe sameand

preserved
it unto him entire,he spakesingularlyfor the

justifyingof herMajesties
special!
careandwisdome
for

the warresin Ireland,in providingwhatsoevercouldbe

[II. i. 73.]demanded
by the Earle for that servicebeforehis going
out; with supplyinghim afterwards
with whatsoever
hee
could aske,so it were possibleto bee given him: in
prescribingthat course,whichhadit beenefollowed,was
the onely way to have reducedthat Realme,and which

being forsaken,was the onely ruine and losseof that

royall army.
And as for all thoseexcuseswhich the Earle alleaged
for himselfe,hee cleerelycut them off, shewingthat his
excuseof following the Counsellof Irelandsadvice,was
nothing, his commissionbeing so large, that he was not
bound to follow them; and if he had beene,yet were
they a Counsellat his command,he might force them to
say what he list: his own letters which he alleaged,
might be provisionary,written of purposethen to excuse
him now. To be short, he greatly justified her Majesties
wisdome,in managingthat whole action, as much as lay
in her, and laid the whole fault of the bad successein

Ireland, upon the Earles ominousjourney (so he calledit)

into Mounster. And thus in the behalfeof her Majesty,

hefully satisfiedtheAuditors. MasterSecretary

gavethe
Earle his right alwaies,and shewedmore curtesie then
any, yet saiedhe, the Earle in all his journey did nothing
else but make (as it were) circlesof errours,which were
all bound up in the unhappy knot of his disobedient
returne. Also he gave the Earle free liberty to interrupt
him at any time in his speech.

TheEarle

But the Earle being contentedwith the opinion of

contented.
loyaltysocleerely
reserved
untohim,wasmostwilling
to bearethe whole burthen of all the rest of the accusation,

and therefore never used any further reply; onely by

reasonof a question or two, that were moved by my
Lord of Canterburyand my Lord Admirall, somelittle
speechthere was to and fro: My Lord of Canterburies
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questionwasconcerningthe conditionsof yeeldingunto

Tyrone in tolleration of religion; the Earle heartily
thankedhim for moving that doubt, & then protested,
that it wasa thing mentionedin deed,but neveryeelded
unto by him, nor yet stoodupon by the Traitor, to whom

the Earlehadsaidplainely,Hang theeup, thou carestfor

religion as much as my horse. Master Secretaryalso
cleeredthe Earle in that respect,that he never yeelded

to Tyrone in that foule condition,thoughby reasonof

Tyronesvauntingafterwards,
it might havesomeshewof
probability. By reasonof my Lord Admirals question,
the Earle spakesomewhatof his returne, that he did it
upon a false ground of hope, that her Majesty might
pardonhim, assheedid the Earle of Leicesterin the like
case, who returned out of the Low-Countries contrary

to her Majesties expresseLetter. This I thought with

my selfe, (quoth the Earle) if Leicesterwere pardoned,
whoseend was onely to save himselfe,why might not
Essexbe .pardoned,whoseend was to savea Kingdome.
But Master Secretaryreplied, that upon his knowledge
therenever passedany letter from her Majesty, to forbid
the Earle of Leicesters returne.

JudgeWalmesleyhis speechwasmoreblunt then bitter, Judge

Prisoners
at our barres(saithhe)aremoregracelesse,
they hu
Walmesky
will not confesse
their faults. Again, he comparedmy s^eeckl
Lord his comminghome,and leaving the army there, to
a shepheardthat left his flocke to the keeping of his
dogge.
In conclusionthe Earle protested,that all he soughtfor, TheEar/is

wastheopinionof a trueanda loyallsubject,whichmight conclusion.

appeareby the speech,wherewith he hedged in all his
answeres,namely, that he intended onely to shew those

falseguides,which misledhim, whetherthey were his

owne errours, or the errours of his Counsellors, whom

he followed, that he yeelded himselfe wholly to her

Majestiesmercy and favour, and was ready to offer up
his poore carkasseunto her, he would not say to doe

(for alassehe had no faculties),but to sufferwhatsoever

M. ii

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her Majesty shouldinflict upon him, and so requested

themall, to makea just, honourable
andfavourablereport
of his disorderedspeeches,
whichhadfallenfrom him in
such sort, as his aking head and body weakenedwith
sickenesse,would give him leave. This done, they
proceeded
to the censure. My Lord Keeperbegannewith
a good, powerfull, and eloquentspeech.

MyLord

That by JusticeandClemency
theThroneisestablished,

eepet
s
f .. mercy, her Maiesty
had
reserved
it .. to her selfe;
">
eloquent ,
r f
_
.
speech. but for the satisfying or her Justice,sheehad appointed
them to enquire into the cause. That they were to
enquire onely of thosefaults of contemptsand disobediencelaid unto the Earle, and to censurehim accordingly,
[II. i. 74.] and for her mercy, they had nothing to doe with it,
onely God was to worke it in her Princely breast. In
/J

examiningthe Earlesfaults,helaid thesefor his grounds,

that the two grounds and foundations of the Princes
Scepterand Estate, are the reputation of a diligent and
carefull providencefor the preservationof her estateand
Countries,and the obedienceof her Subjects; and he that
should take either of these from her, should take from

her the Crowne and Scepter. For the first, he notably

shewedat large, how her Majesty had deservedit in
the whole course of the Irish warres;

for obedience he

shewedthe nature of it, consistingin preciselyfollowing

the streight line of the Princescommandement,
and upon
that straine he amplified to the uttermost all the Earles

contempts and disobediences,that her Majesties great

mercymight appearethe morecleerely. Among the rest,
(for he went through them all in order) he answeredthus
to the pretenceof Leicesterspresidentfor excuseof the
Earles returne. In good things, the exampleis better
then the imitation

of another, he that doth wel of his

ownehead,doth best, and he that doth well by imitation,

doth commendablyin a lessedegree; but in bad things,
the proportion is otherwise,the examplebeing naught,
the imitation is worse: Thereforeif my Lord of Leicester
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mandement,my Lord of Essexdid worsein imitating

my Lord of Leicester,and is so much the more to be
punishedfor it. In the end, he cameto the censure,
whichwasthis. If quoth he this causehad beeneheard
in the Starre-chamber,my sentencemust have beeneso

greata fine, aseverwas set uponany mansheadin that

Court, and perpetuallimprisonmentin that placewhich
belongethto a man of his quality, that is the Tower;
but now that we are in another place,and in a course
of favour, my censureis, that he is not to executethe
office of a Counsellor, nor to hold himselfe for a Counsellor
of Estate, nor to execute the office of Earle Marshall of

England, nor of the Master of the Ordinance,and to

returne to his owne house,there to continue a prisoner
as before,till it shall pleaseher Majesty to releaseboth
this and all the rest.

After my Lord Keeperall the rest in order gave their Thecensures

censures,
(amplifyingher Majesties
clemency
and the f erestEarles offences),accordingto the mannerin the Starrechamber; but all accordedto this censure,(for so they
calledit, and not a sentence),Master Secretarysaid, my
censureis, that the Earle deserveth,&c. The greater
part of the day was spent in the Lords censures,who
were many of them very long, onely the noble men (not
Counsellors) were short.
The Earle of Worcester cited these two verses;

TheEarleof
Worcester.

Silicet a Superisetiam fortuna luenda est,

Nee veniam, laesonumine, casus habet.

Even for our fortune Godsmay cast us downe,

Neither can chanceexcuse, if a God frowne.

The Earle of Cumberlandsaid, if he thought that TheEarle

f

censure
shouldstand,hewouldcravelongertime,for it Cumberland
seemedunto him somewhathard and heavy,intimating
how easilya GenerallCommandermight incurre the like;

but (quoth hee)in confidence

of her Majestiesmercy,I
agree with the rest.

The Lord Zouch would give no other censure,but that

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whichhe thoughtthe Earlewould lay upon himselfe,

that was,that he would restrainehimselfefrom executing

his Offices,&c. and keepehimselfein his house,till her

Majesty shall releaseall.

They all seemedby their speeches

to conceivea sure
hopeof her Majestiesreleasingthis censure,
andthe Earle
TheEarle wasreasonably
chearefull,onelyhis body seemedweake

chearefull.
ancjdistempered
with sickenesse,
andnowandthenhe
shewed most manifest

tokens of sorrow

for his offence

to her Majesty, by tearesin his eyes, (speciallyin the

first part or his owne speech,and when my Lord Keeper
spake).
Tyrone's
letter Now I returne to the Irish affaires. Tyrone on the

tothe
Qrmond

fifth Of Junewrote to the Countesse

of Ormond,that he
^ad written to Owny macRory, requestinghim to take
pledgesfor the Earle her husband,andso to inlargehim,

conditionally,that he should sweareto doe henceforward

no hurt or hinderanceto any in action with him. And
further, that the young Lady his mistresse,(meaningthe

[II. i. 75.] Earlesdaughterand heire)shouldin no sort be taken

for a pledge, especiallybecauseit was given out, that
under that colour, he sought to marry her to his eldest
sonne. Avowing lastly, that where it was said, that the
Earle was treacherouslysurprised, (which could hardly
have beene so proved, that Tyrone and his rebellious
confederatesshould have beleevedit), he would in that
casenot onely take his favour from Owny, but procure
the Earles inlargementwithout any condition, though by
his release all Ireland

should

be destroied.

To

the same

effectTyrone writ to the Earle of Ormond, whoseLetter

he saucedwith generallcomplaintsagainstthe Earle, for

the rigorousprosecutions
he had formerlymadeagainst
him and his associates,
but this letter being permitted
to be sent to Dublyn, the saidpoint could not be thought
void of that cunning, wherein the writer excelled. A
third Letter he wrote at the sametime to Owny mac
Rory, making Owny himselfe Judge, whether hee had

treacherously
takenthe Earle or no, advisinghim to take

THE

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IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1600.

the best pledgeshe could, (the abovenamedyoung Lady

excepted); and for more security, to send them to be
kept in Tyrone, if he concurredwith him in opinion,

that his so doing would be more safe,then if Owny

himselfeshouldkeepethem in thoseparts. TheseLetters
he dated (forsooth)from his Campeneerethe Newry, so
gallant was the Gentleman,now the Lord Deputy was
returned with his forces into the Pale, who otherwise

never appearedin Campe, but hid himselfe and his in

boggy woods,and like fortified passages.
The eight of June the Lord Deputy wrote to Master Thestate
of

Secretaryconcerningthe state of Connaght,whereinConnaght.

nothing was surely the Queenes, but Athlone by a
provident guard, and Galloway by their owne good

disposition, wishing that the governementof that

Provincemight be conferredon the Earle of Southampton,
(to whom the Lord of Dunkellin would more willingly
resigne,and might doe it with greaterreputationto him-

selfe,in respectof the Earlesgreatnes),

ratherthen upon
Sir Arthur Savage, (who notwithstanding upon the

Queenes
pleasureagainesignified,wasshortlyafter made
Governour of that Province). His Lordship protested
that it wassucha place,as he knew the Earle would not
seeke,but onely himselfedesiredthis, becausehe knew
the Earles aptnes and willingnes to doe the Queene
service,if he might receivesuch a token of her favour,
justly commendinghis valour and wisdome, as well in
generall, as in the late particular servicein the Moyry,
when the Rere being left naked,he by a resolutecharge
with sixe horse,upon Tyrone in the headof 220. Horse,
drove him backa musket shot, and so assuringthe Rere,
saved the honour of the QueenesArmy. To which
purpose,though not so amply, his Lordship also wrote
to the Queene.

At this time the County of Dublyn, on the South of Counties

over

theRiverLiffy, wasin effectwhollyoverrunne

by the r^n,y,
the

Rebels, the County of Kildare was likewise possessed

or wastedby them. The County of Meath waswasted,
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asalsotheCountyof WestMeath,(exceptingtheBarrony
of Delvin,) and the County of Louth : So that in the
English Pale, the Towneshaving Garrisons,and the
Landsfrom Drogheda(or Tredagh)to the Navan,and
thencebacke to Trym, and so to Dublyn, were onely

inhabited,which were also like to grow waste,if they

were further chargedwith the souldiers.
TheLord
The fifteenth of June the Lord Deputy wrote to Sir
Deputy's Arthur Chichester,Governour of Carickfergus,that he

orfer*
toSir should not
sparethe subjects
lately
submitting,
who
Arthur
.
.
\
J.
ij
"
Protected the rebels goods ; that he should receive

no more, but such as would simply submit, and

give good pledges, neither should give pay to any,
excepthe knew their servicewould be very beneficiallto
the Queene, that he should continue to treat with the

Ilander Scots,till advicecameout of England whatcourse

should

be taken

with

them.

That

he should

take

in

ShaneOneale,with promiseof landsand entertainement,

and promise,that for preyesheeshouldtake of the Rebels,
if the English assistedhim, he should have a third part,
andif he tookethemwithout the assistance
of the English,
he should have three parts of foure.
TheLord
The nineteenthof June the Lord Deputy advertised

DeputesMaster
Secretary,
that he was moretroubledto governe
,
c "
,
.-,

letter to

Master

"

T-I

J-

e rnends, then to suppressethe enemies, lhat finding

Secretary,
the Army a meereChaos,he had given it forme. That
finding it without spirit, he had given it life. That in all
attempts,hee had preservedthe whole body of it, and

[II. i. 76.]everypart from any blow, restoredthe reputationof it,

and possessed
it with a disposition to undertake,& a
likelihood to effect great services. That he had omitted
nothing, which might be performedby this Army, in this
estate,during this time. That the assurancethe Irish
had received of succoursfrom Spaine,was the onely
fewell

of the last blaze of this Rebellion :

Therefore

praying that, exceptMaster Secretaryhad somecertainety

that Spainewould not at that time assistthe Rebels,the

Army might by all meanes

be strengthened,
whichwould
326

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1600.

be necessary
if suchassistance
weresent, and would make
an end of the warres if none were sent.

And howsoever

that befell, yet for prevention of Munition and such

supplies to be furnished to the Rebels from Spaine,
advisingthat somefew of the Queenesshipsmight lie on
the West, and somewhat towards the North of Ireland:

Adding that somelittle boats made both to row and to

saile, would barre the Ilander Scotsfrom supplying the
Rebelswith any munition: And that his Lordship to
meet with the Earle of Ormond, (lately set free by Ony TheEarleof
macRory, who had taken him Prisoner), that day tooke Ormond
set

hisjourneytowards
Carlogh,
where
hehoped
to sound
thefree'

bottome of the conditionsof his delivery, with the best

coursehow to disintanglehim, and by his conference,to
makea shrewdguesse,how the Earle stood affectedin
thesedoubtfull times. His Lordship in his next Letters
advertisedinto England, that he was not privy nor consentingto the giving of pledgesat the Earle of Ormonds

delivery; but sincethey were given, in regardof her

Majesties extraordinary care for the Earles liberty, he
did not shew any manifest dislike thereof; and now
conceivedthe Earle did apprehendthe indignity done to
him by those base traitors, and therefore had such a
spleeneagainstthem, asheehadjoyned with him in divers

plots,as well to recoverthe pledges(whereinthe Earle

protested to spare no money, if they were so to be

redeemed; besidesthat he and their Fathers protested,

that their dangershouldnot hinderthemfrom doingtheir

uttermost serviceto the Queene),as also to worke his
revengeupon the Rebels.

At this time Tyroneattendingthe garrisonat Loughfoyle, & Odonnel starting through Connaght into
Thomond, and spoyling both Countries, Sir SamuelSirSamuel
Bagnoll drew out of the Newry into Monaghan,where Bagnoll.
he tooke a prey, and killed sixe Commanders,and some

sixty of the commonrebels,onely three of his being

slaine,and twenty hurt.

The subjectsof the Pale, (fearingbelike to be com327

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plained on, for the small assistancethey gave to the

Queenesservice),sentover the Lord of Howth, andSir

Patricke Barnewell,to make first complaint,(after the
Irish manner)of the wrongsdonethem by the Army,
neveracquaintingthe Lord Deputy and Counselltherewith. And notwithstanding
their formerunwillingnes,to
beareany chargefor the Queenes
service,now they were
content,for thesetheir Deputiesexpencein England,to
cesseeveryplow land at three shillings.
Sir Oliver From the seventh of July to the twelfth, Sir Oliver

Lambert.
Lambertwith sometroopes
lay encamped
at theTougher
in Ophalia, where he made a Causey,and built a Fort,
and thereleft a Guard to keepethe passage
alwaiesopen,
for the victualling of PhillipstowneFort, in which service
the Earle of Southamptonasa voluntary, by his presence
and valour much encouragedour men. At this time
many of the Rebels in Lemster, and the Northerne
borders, made sute to the Lord Deputy to be received
to mercy, with offer of large summesof money to the
Lord Deputy for their pardons,but his Lordship refused
their offer, till they had first done someservice,and had
drawneblood againstsomeof their confederates.Thus
muchhis Lordship advertisedinto England, the sixteenth
of July, as likewise a good servicepresentlydone, and a
great prey takenin the Fuseby Sir RichardMoryson the
Governour

TheLord

of Dundalke.

The same twelfth of July, his Lordship tooke his

Deputy'sjourney towardsthe bordersof the North, uponhearing

journey.thatTyronewasdrawne
into thoseparts.Therehis
Lordship intended to spoyle the corne,as likewise in all
other parts, when it should be a little riper. Mac
Mahowne, and Patricke mac Art Moyle, offered now to
submit, but neither could be received, without the others

head. But OconnorRoe macGuire, for good respects

of service,wasat the sametime receivedto mercy. His

Lordship hearingthat Tyrone containedhimselfein his

fastnes,and being requiredout of Englandto attempt
[II. i. 77.] somethingupon the Lemster Rebels,left the Northerne
328

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REBELLION

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IRELAND

A.D.
1600.

bordersstronglyguardedagainstany invasion,and left

order with the Counsellto hastenthe generallhoasting,

and make ready all provisionsfor a journey into the

North,and leavingDublynthe twelfthof Augustrode

to the Nasse,and so marchedto the Fort of Phillipstowne

in Ophaly,with five hundredsixty footeandsixty horse,

besidesvoluntaries in his company.

In the way into Leax his Lordship tooke a prey of

two hundred Cowes, seven hundred garrons, and five

hundredsheepe,
besides
greatstoreof smallcattell. The
sixeteenthof August, his Lordship burning the Countrey
andspoylingthe corne,marchedtowardsthe passage,
(one
of the most dangerousin Ireland), where Sir Oliver
Lambert

with

the forces he had was to meet him.

Both

of them fought all the way, and killed divers rebels,

whereofthe Lord Deputy left fifteenedeadin the place,
besidesmany hurt, they met together at noone. The
seventeenthday the army marched towards a fastnes,
wherethe rebelshad storedgreatplenty of corne. At the
entry there was a Foard, compassed in with woods,

and a bogge betweenethem, where the rebels let the

vanguard of the horse passe; but his Lordship
passingwith a few gentlemen,and his owne servants
before the vanguard of the foote, the rebels began

the skirmish with him, and the foote wings being

slowly sent out, they camecloseup to him, the traytor
Tyrrell having appointed an hundred shot to wait on
his Lordships person, with markes to know him. In
this skirmishwe killed thirty five rebels,and hurt seventy

fiveon our part,two onelybeingkilled, anda fewslightly

hurt, CaptaineMastersondangerouslyhurt in the knee,

andhis Lordshiphavinga very goodhorsekilled under

him, and another killed under Master John Chidley a
gentlemanof his Lordshipschamber: But the bestservice

at that time done,was the killing of Owny macRory, Owny

mac

a bloodyandboldyongman,wholatelyhad takenthe Rory

Earle of Ormondprisoner,and had madegreat stirres

in Mounster. He wasthe chiefeof the O MoresSept

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in Leaxand by his deaththey wereso discouraged,

that
they never after held up their heads. Also a bold bloody

rebell CalloghmacWalter, wasat the sametime killed.

Besidesthat his Lordshipsstayingin Leaxtill the twenty
three of August, did many other waies weakenthem;

for during that time, he fought almostevery day with

them, and as often did beatethem. Our Captaines,and

Therebeh by their example(for it was otherwisepainefull) the

"oafCUt

common souldiers, did cut downe with their swords all

the Rebelscorne, to the value of ten thousandpound

and upward,the onely meanesby which they wereto live,
and to keepe their Bonaghts (or hired souldiers). It
seemedincredible, that by so barbarousinhabitants,the
ground should be so manured, the fields so orderly

fenced,the Townesso frequentlyinhabited,andthe high

waiesand pathsso well beaten,as the Lord Deputy here
found them. The reason whereof was, that the Queenes

forces,during thesewarres,never till then cameamong

them. The Lord Deputy in his returne the first day
passedinto another part of the Country with the foot
alone; for the horse not able to passewere sent about,
so as the rebels had the advantagethey most desire,to
fight with our foot, without assistanceof horse: yet

all the rebelsof Lemsterhere gatheredtogether,and

fighting upon their naturall ground, had beeneso beaten,
as that they suffred our men to passewithout a blow.
That night eight headswerebrought to the Lord Deputy,

LenagA,
a ancjwith them oneLenagha famousrebell,takenalive,
W^ was Presenttyhangedon the sametree, wherehe
plotted all his villanies. Sir Oliver Lambert, with some
troopesmarchedinto Donnell SpagniahsCountrey,where
he tooke 1000.Cowes,500. Garons,greatstore of sheepe,
and killed twenty rebelsat the first entry, besidesmany

killed in a fight, which the rebelsafter maintainedall

the day and part of the night. Sir Arthur Savage
comming out of Connaght to meet the Lord Deputy,

fought long with the Rebels,spoiledthe Countrey,and

tooke a great prey, but could not passeto his Lordship.
33

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A.D.
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In the Lord Deputiesreturne out of Leax, Redmond,

Keating,and the chiefeof the Septsof the Kelliesand
Lalorswerereceivedinto her Majestiesprotection,upon
condition to set at liberty the Earle of Ormondspledges
in their hands.

By this time his Lordship had receivedout of England

graciousallowance
of his formerNorthernejourney,with [H.l- 78-]
her Majesties promise to reinforce the Army with two Remforce-

thousandfoote,and two hundredhorse,againstthe next mentsfir

the
journey into thoseparts, requiring him not to give any
one man the commaund of both horse and foote;

and

whereasall Companieswere of two hundred, or one

hundredfiftie, advising to distribute somepart into lesse
numbers,that more Gentlemenmight be satisfiedwith
commaunds,with the onely increaseof some chiefe
officerspay, and that his Lordship would be sparing to
give pasportsfor any to come into England, to trouble
her Majestic with sutes,and most of all not to suffer
ablemen to returne out of Ireland, asthey daily did, with
their Captainespasportes. And to the end the Commaundersmight not be idle, her Majestic required, that
all servicesdone by them, might be certified monethly
into England. About this time the Earle of Southampton, leaving the warres of Ireland, sayled into
England. This Summersservicemade it appeare,that
journeyswith a great Army did not so much good, as
Garrisonslying upon the Rebels,which upon any sudden
service,might easily bee drawne together in competent
numbers,and in the meanetime kept the Rebelsat home,

from secondingone another.

The Lord Deputy by his letters, during the foresaid 7^ Lord
journy, explainedto the Lords in England, that he had Deputy's

beenmost carefullnot to increaseher Majestieschargeletters

'into
in any thing, the want whereof would not have made
the rest of her great expenceto be unprofitable: and

to the end the Commaunders

might not be thought to
lye idle, besidesthe goodfortunethat noneof themhad
received any blow, hee particularly remembred many

A.D.

FYNES

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1600.

preyestaken, and servicesdone, and for the chiefe

Garrisons on the North borders, advertised, that Sir

Arthur Chichester
hadlayedall the Countriewastewithin
twenty miles of Carickfergus;that Sir SamuelBagnol
at the Newry had donethe like ; that Sir RichardMoryson

at DundalkehadbanishedTurlough Mac Henry out of

the Fuze into Monaghan,and yet the two last, with
mostpart of their Garisons,had bin part of the Army
in all former journies.

TheLord
Dublin

The

The twentiesixeof Augusthis Lordshipreturnedfrom

this journey of Leax to Dublin, and there received
advertisement,that her Majestic could not refuseto heare
the complaintsof the Pale, by the Deputies formerly
mentioned to bee sent over, though she had sharpely
rebuked them, that they did not first complaineto the
Lord Deputie, which they excusedby experience,that
like complaints in Ireland had ever been vaine. The
chiefecomplaintswere these; that the forcesthat should

complaints
of \y&UpOnthe borders,nearetheRebels,werelodgedupon
them. That the fetching of one barrell of powder,was
often made a sufficient reason to spoyle them, by a
companyof horse and foote sent to convoy it. That
the Clarkeshipof the Counsellwassold,and thenexecuted
by a Deputie, who for every small petition tooke great

fees. That the spiritualllivings weregiven to ignorant

and idle persons,being the chiefecauseof this rebellion;
scarceany Church standing for sixtie miles betweene
Dublin and Athlone. That they were spoyledas much
by the Army as Rebels,no souldier nor Captainebeing

punished,nor any ordergiven for remedietaking effect.

That private Captainesgave pasportesto run awaies,
and her Majestic wasdeceivedby falseMusters, soas the
forceswereweaketo end the warre,and they werespoyled

asmuchas if the numberwerefull, requiringthat some

Gentlemenof the Palemight be joynedwith the Commissaries,in taking the musters of adjacentGarrisons.

In the sameletter her Majesticcommaunded

the Lord

Deputy to signifie to Sir Arthur O Neale, that she

332

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REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1600.

purposedto createhim Earle of Tyrone, and give him a

portion of landsfit for an Earledome. And for Tyrone,

thattheLord Deputyshouldproclaime
himTraytor,with Tyronf
promiseof two thousandpoundto any shouldbring him
alive, and one thousandpound to him that should bring

his headto any of hir MajestiesFortes or Garrisons.

Lastly, her Majesty gaveletters of favour to the Deputies
of the Pale, directed to the Lord Deputy, to whom the
complaintswere wholly referred, it being her Majesties
pleasure,that only before him, and by him, they should
be heard and redressed.

Yet becausethe Lord Deputie was many waies taxed

in thesecomplaints,heedid expostulatein his next letters
to Master Secretarie,that hee should be taxed for those

things, for which he expectedapprobationand thankes.

The wisest Counsels(said he) are uncertaine,and the [II. i. 79.]
wisestmen unperfect,and what shall I looke for, when TheLord

out of my weakenesse
(though free from wilfulnesse)I Deputy

shallhappen
to commitanyerrourof consequence,
seeinge^Pstl"a^s
to
I am
with so
and those
o/J/fr
i " now
11 charged
"
T T"many
T
1matters,
i "
1111
"
aecretane.
nothing belonging to me. His Lordship added, that in

hisopinion, nothing hadmadethe affairesof Ireland more

unprosperous,then that the State used to heare every
managainstand before the chiefe Governour, so as hee
wasdriven to let matters goe as they would, so as hee
might save himselfe. Another discontentedletter he
wrote to the sameeffect, and to the sameperson,but
therein explained other grievances,besidesthe former
complaints. And whereasthe Lords of the Counsellhad
taxed him, for being ruled by young counsell (wherby
he understood his three most familiar friends to be meant,

namely, Sir Henry Davers, Sir Richard Moryson, and

Sir William Godolphin) he boldly answered,that besides
the Counsellorsof State,heeused the familiarity of none,
which were not older then Alexander the great, when he
conqueredthe World. Lastly, he protestedto Master
Secretarie,that he tooke him for his chiefestfriend, and
knew that he had more power to do him good or hurt,
333

A.D.

FYNES

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ITINERARY

1600.

thenanyother,yet ashewouldnot dishonestly

losehim,
so he would not baselykeepehim, beseeching
him to use

his power,in mediatinglicenceunto him, that he might

come over for a short time, to kisse the Queenes hand,

for touching other favoursconcerningthe publike, he

would never acknowledgeany particular obligation to
him, or to any other, sincehee made his demaundsas

he thought best for the service,but the grantingor

denying thereof, concernednot him.

The Muster of the Army at Dundalke,before the

sitting downe at the Faghard Hill.
The Muster of Colonels
ofRegiments.

In Lyst

wnere-

By Muster.

swords

Sick&
hurt
, .

of Irish- want- lying

theArmy at

men. ing. DunJ1

Dundalke.

dalk.

TheLordDe-

Captaine puties
Guard.200

Berey. TheMarshall
472.

Under the
Lord
Deputie.
400.

Pikes

32

Shot

60

Targets4

SirRich.
Wing-150 Pikes 39

field.
The Sergeant

Major Sir Oliver Lambert.

Capt. Hand-

200

serd.

IOO

Capt. Fisher.

100

Sir Christopher 2OO

SaintLaurence.
Sir Chris-

Targets 28

Sir Henry Fol-

Shot
Targets

53
10

Pikes
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46
52

Targets
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Targets

i
28
50
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45

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48

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Earleof KilTargets 6
367- dare.
'5 Pikes 35
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334

18
37

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96 10 30 06
I 08

08

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69

141 113

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14 12

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55

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04

08

THE

REBELLION

Colonels.

IN

In Lyst.
*"

SirCharles

Percy.

Sir Charles CaptaineWil-

Percy.

liams.

336.

IRELAND

By Muster.

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Targets06
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25
85 82 26 H
Shot
54

Lord Delvin.

SirThorn.
276.

149 28 30 04 of
Army
atthe
Dundalke
06

Targets

Targets
Bourk.

hurt.

The Muster

Targets26

2OO Pikes

Swords
Sick& [II. 1. 8o.l

wanting.

90

Sir Richard/
Targets 07
Moryson. v Capt.Caufeild. 150 Pikes
32
473Shot
55
Capt. Con-

Irish.

C3

^SirRich.Mory6
2OO Targets
Pikes
44
son.

A.D.

l600.

150 Pikes

24
30

03

30

Shot
Targets

43
03

Harrington.IOO

Pikes

20

Shot

17

SirGarret

Targets07

<

Sir Henrie

More.

IOO Pikes
Shot
335

57 01 23 06

23
45

76

74

30

IO

40 37 08 12
75

i3

O2

08

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

I60O.
Colonels.

The Muster

of
the
Army
at Dundalke.

In Lyst.

'SirOliver

Targets10

Sir.Thorn.

Targets05

Irish
lsn>wanting,hurt.

Saint
Johns. ,50 Pikes
33
95 24 15 5
Shot
52

Wingfeild. 150Pikes
29
Shot
68
Sir Oliver
Targets 03
Saint Johns. Capt. Billings. IOO Pikes
24
37-

Shot
Targets

Capt.Treavor. IOO Pikes

Themenof
Dublin.
companies
and
i "
his

owne.

Targets18

200 Pikes
Shot

24
158
J

SirS.Bagnol.,
Targets 02
346. HCapt.Esmond. 150 Pikes
28
Shot
Targets

52
03

Shot

46

Capt. Freckle- IOO Pikes

ton.

Totall 4150!

25 20

59

01

04

'5

70

01

15 H

41

Targets03
5 Pikes
15
Shot
26

Sr.
S. Bagnol
with
broken

IO2

32
06

23

Shot

[II. i. 81.]

Swords Sick &

By Muster.

15

44 40

00 01

200

20

30 00

82

IS

10 14

64

03

06 02

Totall 2640)702 388 315

The greatestpart of the Army have neither Armours

nor Murrions,

neither are here mentioned the sicke and

hurt in other placesbesidesDundalke, nor yet the warders

allowedout of someof theseCompanies.

The
Lord
Deputyat
the hill of
Faghard.

The fourteenth of Septemberhis Lordship began

anotherjourny into the North, and the fifteenth incamped
at the hill of Faghard, three miles beyond Dundalke,
and there his Lordship lay till the ninth of October,in
such extremitie of weather, as would have hindred his

passage,if the enemiehad not withstood him, his Lordshipstent being continuallywet, and often blownedowne.
Before his Lordship came, Tyrone with his uttermost

strengthhad possessed
the Moyry, being a strongfastnesse,as any the Rebelshad,but his Lordshipresolved
to marchoverhim, if heestoppedhis way,andmakehim
336

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IRELAND

A.D.
1600.

know, that his Kerne could not keepe the fortification

againstthe Queenesforces. Many skirmishesfell out

happilyto us, and two severalldayesthe Rebelswere
beatenout of their trencheswith great losse,till at last,
uponthe eight of October,they left the passage
cleere.
Then after the army was a few daiesrefreshedat Dun-

dalke,his Lordshipmarched
the twentyoneof OctoberTheArmy
to the Newry, passing through the Moyry, where he marches
tothe

caused
all the rebelstrenches
to be laid flat to the ground, Wewry.
and the woods

to be cut downe on both sides of the Pace.

At the Newry for want of victuals, his Lordship staied

till the secondof November, when he set forward eight
milestowardsArmagh, and there incamped. The Rebels
horse-menshewedthemselvesupon a hil; whereuponSir

SamuelBagnolsRegimenthaving the Reare,and being

not yet come into the Campe, was directed to march
towardesthem, there being a bog betweenus and them,
but the Roguesquickly drew to their fastnes. The next
morning his Lordship rode somequarter of a mile from
the Campe,and viewed a placewhere Sir John Norreys

formerly
intended
to builda Fort,andliking hischoice,. J,
setdownetherewith theArmy to build thesame. The '" *
place is a hill like a Promontory, all invironed with
bogges,a River, and great store of wood. By it on the
right hand over the River and a great bogge, was a
little firme ground, and then anotherbogge,& over that
a faire Countrey, with housesand much corne. His
Lordship could by no meanessend over any horse,but
foure miles about; whereforehe commandeda regiment
of foote to advanceto the first peeceof firme ground,
and from thenceto send over the next bogge somefew

men,to bring in the Corneand Tymber of the houses,

with directions to make their retreit to the grosse,if
the enemieshorsesshould fall downe that way. On the

left handandbeforewasa bogge,overthe boggebeforea

greatwood,that continueththroughall this fastnes,and
overthe boggeon the left handa hill, whereTyroneall
that day and mostof the time that the Army lay there,
M. ii

337

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ITINERARY

1000.

did muster himselfeand his men. This day most of his

horse and foote fell over, but farre about on the right

hand, upon which, our straglersthat went out retired

to the firme ground, over the first bogge,and there
begannebetweeneour foote and theirs, a very good
skirmish, till our men did beate them off, and brought

with them great storeof Corneand wood, and killed

[II. i. 82.] divers of them. In the meanetime, their scoutson the

NealOquln other sidebeing somewhat

busiewith ours,Neal Oquin
taken
prisoner,
was taken prisoner, being the chiefe favourite unto
Tyrone. The next day we beganneto worke, in the
building of the Fort, and to impeachour worke, the
roguesbeganneto skirmish with us on both sides,which
wasexcellentlymaintainedby somefew of our men, that
we sent out: We saw many of them killed, and after
understoodthey lost a great number,whereof manywere
horsemen,of the best sort, that had lighted to incourage
their men to fight. They were then so well beaten,as
they would never after offer to meddlewith us, till our
returne by Carlingford. The ninth of November the
Fort being finished, his Lordship called it Mount
Norreys, in honour of his Master, (so he tearmedhim,
under whom hee had served his apprentiship in the
warres),and he left thereinfoure hundredfoot, under the
commandof CaptaineEdward Blaney, with six weekes
provision of victuals.
The weathergrew so extreame,as it blew downe all
our Tents, and tore them in pieces,and killed many of
our horses,so that the tenth day his Lordship putting
all the Army in armes, with all the Drummes and
Tynnes
headTrumpets, and a great volly of shot, proclaimedTyrones

proclaimed.
head,(with promiseof 2ooo.poundto him that brought
him alive, and 1000. pound to him that brought him
dead),which was done in the faceof his own army, and
sohis Lordship marchedto the Newry. He hadpurposed
to plant a garrison at Armagh 8. miles beyond Mount

Norryes,but therebelsCoweshadeatenup all the grasse

thereabouts, which should have fed our horses, and the
338

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IRELAND

A.D.
1600.

timeof the yeerewith the weather,wasnow unseasonable

for that purpose.
And whereashis Lordshipwasresolvedto returneinto
the Pale by Carlingford,to discernewhetherthat way
or the way of the Moyry were more safe,that the army
might not runne so continuall hazards, this resolution
was now confirmedby necessity,there being victuals at

Carlingford,and noneat the Newry or Dundalke. The

twelfth of Novemberhis Lordshipcamewith the army

to the narrow water, whencehe sent Sir JosiasBodley

with three hundredchoycefoot to possesse

a peeceof
ground,and keepethe enemyfrom hindering our passage
overthe water,the streamewhereofhe found soexceeding

swift, that it was like to be dangerousto venture our

horses over.

The first that tried was Doctor Latware,

his Lordships Chaplaine,who only with his horse led

by the boat side, and with somethirty foot, went over;

but his Lordship perceivedso great difficulty by his

passage,
that he passedthe foot over as fast as might be,
sent Sir Henry Folliot to possessethe pace of the
Faddome, and made all the Horse and our Garrons to

goe about that way. In the meanetime wee might see

the rebels forces draw over the mountaines

towards the

paceof Carlingford,andcomecloseby our menthat were

first landed,yet they never offered any skermish. That
night we encampeddirectly over the narrow water, betweenethe paceof the faddome,and the paceof Carling-

ford,& havingat midnightgottenoverfor our mensome

vittels,that cameby waterfrom Carlingford,his Lordship
causedthe sameto be deliveredbeforeday, for the Army
had fastedtwo dales,and after they had eatenbut a little

bisket, and cheeseor butter, never men went on in a

greater jollity. The thirteenth of November we were

to rise very early, for otherwisewe could not passeour
carriagesby the seaside, as we had determined,and by
breakeof day the Scoutmasterbrought word that Tyrone
with all his army was lodged in the pace, which is

an exceedingthicke wood, at the foote of a great

339

FYNES

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ITINERARY

1600.

mountaine,reachingdowne to the sea side, betweene

whichandthe sea,thereis in mostplacesas muchspace

as sevenmaymarchin ranke,but in someplaceslesse,

Captaine
Thomas

andin somenoneat full water,but onely thereis a narrow

deepehigh way through the wood.

CaptaineThomasRoperwith the brokenCompanies

sentout Qf ^

Pale, went on asa forlorne hope, and that

forlorne
hope
^a7by course
it fell out,thatCaptaine
Benjamin
Berry,
with the Lord Deputies Regiment under his command,
had the vanguard,Sir Christopher S' Laurence,had the
reare of the vanguard, Sir Richard Moryson had the
vanguardof the Rere,and Sir SamuellBagnoll the reare
of the reare,so that we had but two bodies,a vanguard
and a rere, thus subdivided. CaptaineTrevor with as
many as CaptaineRoper had in the point, led a forlorne
[II. i. 83.] rere. Out of all the regimentshis Lordship appointed
three strong wings to goe on the right hand (for on the
left hand wasthe Sea),commandedall by Captaines
; the
first by CaptaineBillings, the secondby CaptaineEsmond,
and the last by CaptaineConstable.

Theground The ground the rebelschiefelychoseto makegood,

chosen
by the was a fafe

plajne ]faG a semi-circle, whereof the Sea

made the Diameter, and a thicke Wood the Circum-

ference. At the next corner to us, there ran into the Sea

a River out of thewood,beinga Foardof goodadvantage

to the enemie. All along the circumferencethey had
made divers trenches,even closeup to both the corners,
and at the furthest corner they had made a
Barricado, reaching a good way into the Wood, and
downe to the Sea. At the first they shewedthemselves
horse and foote upon this Plaine; but when his Lordship commandedours to give on (which they performed
presently and roundly), their horse drew off into the
Woods, and their foote into their trenches, and never

shot, till the Vanguardwasdrawneover the River, when

from all partestheypowreduponusgreatvollyesof shot;

but presentlyCaptaineRoper gave on the farthesttrench

on the right handof the corner,CaptaineBillingson the

340

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1600.

next with the wing heeled, andCaptaineBerrywith the

restof the Vanguardgaveuponthe farthestcorner,where
the Barricado reached from the Wood

into the Sea.

In

someof them they madegood resistance,

and manyof
them lost their lives with the Pike and the Sword.

But

the last trench where they made greatest shew of

opposition,theydid soonestquit, thoughit werestrongest
for them, and to greatestpurposeto arrestus: the reason
his Lordship conceivedto be, that in that placethey were
furthest from their retreat, and fearedthe forlorne Hope
and Wing led by CaptaineBillings might cut betweene
them. When we had gained the trenches,the Vanguard
made a stand, in the Rere of which, to countenancethem

(if there had been occasion),his Lordship stood with a

troope of horse of voluntarie Gentlemen,and next to
his Lordship (betweenethe Van and next bodiesof foote)
Sir Henrie Davers and his Lordships troopes of horse.
At this time they entertainedskermishwith all parts of
our Army, but still falling towardsthe Rere, and at this
time his Lordships SecretarieMaster George Cranmer HisLordship's
waskilled, betweeneSir William Godolphin and Mast. Secretarie

HenrieBarkely,
Master
RamhisLordps.
Chaplaines
horsekllledl
waskilled, and a Gentlemanof his Lordships chamber,
calledMaster Done (that carriedhis cloake)shot through
the leg. And I will not forget one accident,that might
have proved of great consequence:During this stand,
his Lordship roade up to a little hill in the edge of the
Wood, underneath which our men were in skirmish with

the rebels,beyondwhom somewhatmore then a musket

shot off, on the side of a hil, by a few little houses,there
stoodin a troope somesevenor eight horsemenon foote,
with their horsesby them, at whom his Lordship caused

his footemanto shoot(who alwaiescarrieda long piece

with him), who (as within two howers after it was told
his Lordship by one that was at that time one of the
number) killed the next man to Tyrone, on whose
shoulder at that time he leaned.

Sir Henrie Davers came

unto his Lordship, and desiredhe might take twentie of

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

I6OO.

his owne horse to fall into the Rere, becausehe sawall

the enemieshorse fall thitherward, and that the Irish

horseonely that day had the Rere. His Lordshipgave

him leave,andwithall sentyoungJamesBlount with 100
shotout of theVanguard,Captaine
Caufeild,andCaptaine
Constablewith as many more out of Sir Richard Mory-

sonsRegiment,to reinforcethe Rere, with whom the

roguescontinueda good skermish,almostfor halfean
hower, untill their horse and foote comming on a little

plaine,somewhatfarre from the skirt of the Wood, Sir

Hen. Daverschargedhome,& brake them, but in the
beginningof the chargehe wasshotin the thigh. After
this chargethey presentlydrew off their foote by the
Mountaines,and their horse by the strand over against
the narrowwater. In our Rere CaptaineRichardHansard
and CaptaineTrever weresorehurt, andSir Garret Mores
Ensigneand Hugh Hanlon killed, and in all weelost not
twenty, but abovethreescorewere hurt. Of the enemie
Fourescore
of (aswe heardthen of certaine)there werefourescorekilled

theenemie outright, but within two daiesafter his Lordshipunderstood by Maguire, that they lost two hundred. The
Marshall and the Serjeant Major were alwaies in the
Van or Rere,asin either placethe fight grew hottest,and

[II. i. 84.] generally

all theCommaunders
andsouldiers
servedwith

extraordinaryforwardnesand alacrity. To conclude,by

credible reports the Rebels lost in this journey above
800. and Tyrones reputation (who did all things by his
reputation)wascleaneoverthrowne,so that from all places
they began to seekepardons or protections. On our

part in the wholejourneysometwo hundredwerekilled

and dead of hurts, and some 400. were hurt, which

shortly after recovered.

Give me leave to digressea little to continue the
journall of my travels,the writing whereofhath occasioned
the relation

of Irish

affaires.

When

the Earle

of Essex

went Lord Lieftenant into Ireland, the Lord Mountjoy

was first namedto that place,whereuponby my brother
Sir Richard Morysons inwardnes with him, I then
342

THE

REBELLION

IN

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A.D.
1600.

obtainedhis Lordshipspromiseto followhim into Ireland,

in the placeof his chiefeSecretary.But this imployment

failing us both, I retired my selfeinto Lincolnshire,

whereI lived till his Lordship was the last spring sent
over Lord Deputy, and suchwasthen my diffidenceof
vulgar reports,(for I had no other knowledgeof his

Lordshipsimployment), that I did not certainelybeleeve

the changeof the Deputy, till his Lordship wasready to
take his journey, which was besides extraordinarily

hastened
by the Queenescommand,for the necessity
of
her affairesin that Kingdome: yet my letter swifter then
my selfecameto his Lordships hands,beforehis going;
and from him I received this honourable answere, that

not knowing what was becomeof me, he had already

receivedthree Secretaries,
yet wished me to follow him,
for he would find out somefit and good imploymentfor
me. The indisposition of my body by reason of an
ague staied me some few moneths in that Countrey;
but in July taking my journy for Ireland, I came to

Cambridge,whereasyet I was one of the fellowesof Kindness

of
Peter-house. The Master and Fellowes by speciall theMaster

indulgence
hadcontinued
unto
meemy
place,with
leave
andjello"ei
n c
n
., i
T i
" of Peterhouse.
to travell from the yeere 1589. to this present July, in

the yeere 1600. At which time being modest further

to importune so loving friends, and having the foresaid
assuranceof preferment in Ireland, I yeelded up my
Fellowship,which in my former absencehad yeeldedme
sometwenty pound yeerely. And the society (to knit
up their loving coursetowardsme) gave mee aforehand
the profit of my placefor two yeeresto come: For which
curtesieand for my educationthere, I must ever acknow-

ledgea strict bondof love and serviceto eachof them

in particular,andto thewholebodyjointly. Fromthence
I went to London, and so to Westchester; and whilest

I staid there for a passage,

I receivedanotherletter, by
which I did gather that his Lordship purposedto imploy

me in the writing of the History or Journallof Irish

affaires. But it pleasedGod in his graciousprovidence,
343

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1600.

(whichI mayneverleaveunmentioned)
to dispose
better
of me. Forstayingfor a windtill theendof September,
oneof his LordshipsthreeSecretaries,
(eitherto avoide
the troubleanddangerof the warres,or for otherreasons
best knowneto him) cameover, and told me that he
hadleft his Lordshipsservice. Thuswith betterhopeof
preferment, I crossed the seas in very tempestuous

weather,(at our putting to seathe carkasse

of a broken
ship swimmingby us, and at our entring the Port of
Dublyn, anothership being castawayin crossingfrom
one shoareto another,wherein a Bishop and his whole

familyweredrowned). After few daiesspentin Dublyn,

I tooke my journey to Dundalke, on the Northerne
SirRichard
borders,wheremy brother Sir RichardMoryson wasthen

Moryson,Governour,and there I lodgedtill the Lord Deputies

Govemour.

the
Lord"

returnewjth the Army. And the thirteenth of November,

being the day of Carlingford fight above mentioned,
whilest I walked in my brothersgarden,I sensiblyheard
by reverberationof the wall, the soundof the vollies of
shot in that skirmish, though the place were at least
six milesdistant. In this fight the Lord Deputy his chiefe
SecretaryGeorgeCranmer (as is above mentioned)was
killed, and his Lordship having now but onely one
Secretary,did receiveme the next day at Dundalke into
Cranmersplace.

I returnto theIrishaffaires.At DundalkhisLord-

Admlrall.shipreceiveda letterfrom the Lord Admirall, signifying

that heehad earnestlymovedher Majesty to give him
leave to come over for a short time, whose answerewas,

that there lived not any man that sheewould be more

glad to see then his Lordship : but that now he had
[II. i. 85.] begunneso worthily, and all things prosperedunder his
worke, she would not give incouragementto the Rebels
by his absence,whom his presencehad so daunted.

344

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*.D.
1600.

The List of the Army, . and the distribution

ofi the The
Listof
i
r -VT
the Army and
,-

same into Garrisons in the end or .November,

Twelve

Colonels

The Earle of Thomond

Dockwra

: Sir

Arthur

of

the Armie.

: Lord Dunkellin

Chichester

theGarrisons.

Sir

: Sir Henrie

Henrie

Power

SirCharlesPercy: Sir MatthewMorgan: SirChristopher

SaintLaurence: Sir CharlesWilmot: Sir Arthur Savage:
Sir RichardMoryson : Sir John Bolles.
Foote at Carickfergus.
Sir Arthur ChichesterGovernour, 150. Sir Foulk
Conway,150. CaptaineRichard Croftes, 100. Captaine

CharlesEgerton, 100. CaptaineGregorieNorton, 100.

Horse.

Sir Arthur Chichester,25. Captaine John Jephson

100.

Foote at Mount Norreys.

CaptaineEdward BlaneyGovernour,150. Sir Samuel
Bagnol, 150. CaptaineHenrie Athyerton, 150.
Horse at the Newry.
Sir SamuelBagnolGovernour,50.
Foote.

Sir Oliver Saint Johns,150. Sir FrancisStafford,200.

CaptaineJosiasBodley, 150. CaptaineEdward Trever,
100. CaptaineEdward Fisher, 100. CaptaineRavenscroft, 100.

Footeat Carlingford.
CaptaineRichard Hansard, 100.
Foote

at Dundalke.

Sir Richard Moryson Governour, 150. Sir Henrie

Davers,150. CaptaineTobie Cafeild, 150. Captaine

Ferdinand Freckleton, 100. CaptaineRalph Constable,
100.

345

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1600.

TheList of

Horse.

Sir Henry Davers, jo.

Foote

at Arde.

Sir CharlesPercy,150. Sir GarretMore, 100. CaptaineThomasMynne, 100. CaptaineThomasWilliams,

150. Captaine Francis Roe, 100.
Horse.

Sir Henrie Davers, 50. Sir Garret More, 25.

Foote at Ballymore.
Sir FrancisShane,100. CaptaineThomasRoper, 150.
CaptaineRotheram, 100.
At Mullingar.
The Lord of Delvin, 150Foote. Sir ChristopherSaint
Laurence, 25 Horse.
At the Navan.

Sir Thomas Maria Wingfeild, 150 Foote. The Lord

Deputie, 100 Horse.

Foote at Drogheda.
CaptaineBillings, 100. CaptaineLinley, 100. Captaine Jefferey Button, 100. Captaine Morice, 100.
CaptaineBentley, 100.
Foote at Trymme.
Sir Christopher Saint Laurence, 150. Sir Edward
Harbert, 100. CaptaineYelverton, 100.
Foote

at Kelles.

The Lord of Dunsany, 150. CaptaineHugh Orely,

100.

Horse.

Lord of Dunsany, ;o.

Foot at Aboy, Clancaryand the Castlesof Ophalia.
Sir Henrie Folliot, 150. CaptaineLionel Guest, 150.
Sir Henrie Warren, 100.
346

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.

1600.

Footein theFort of theDingon,andat theNasse. Thelistof

Sir GeorgeBourcher,100. The Lord Dunkellin, 150.
Sir Henrie Harrington, 100. CaptaineThomasBoyse,
100.

Horse

at New-castle.

[II. i. 86.]

CaptaineDaughtrey, 50. Sir Henrie Harrington, 25.

At Athey, Reban,and the bordersof Leax.
Sir Henrie Poore, 150. Sir James Fitzpiers, 150.

Master Marshel, 150. CaptainePhilips, 100. Sir

Thomas Loftus, 100 Foote.

The Marshall, 50 Horse.

Foote in the Forts, Sir Francis Rush, 150.

Foote in Occarrals Countrie, Captaine Mollrony

Ocarrol, 100.

Foote and Horse in Kilkenny.

The Earle of Ormond Lieutenant of the Armie, 150.

CaptaineMarbery, 100 Foote. The Earle of Ormond,

50 Horse.
Foote

and Horse

in Kildare.

The Earle of Kildare, 150 Foote.

The Earle of

Kildare, 50 Horse.
Foote and Horse

in the Countie

of Waxford.

Sir Oliver Lambert, 150. CaptaineJohn Masterson,

100. CaptaineEsmond,150 Foote. Sir Oliver Lambert,
25 Horse.
Foote at Dublin.

The Lord Deputies Guard, commandedby Captaine

Berry 150.
Foote and Horse in Connaght.

Sir Arthur SavageGovernour,150. The Earle of

Clanrickard, 150. Sir ThomasBourk, 150. Sir Tibbot

Dillon, 100. Captaine Clare, 150. Captaine Tibot
Nelong, 100. Captaine Thomas Bourgh, 100 Foote.
The Earle of Clanrickard,50. The Lord Dunkellin, 25.
The Marshall of the Province, 12 Horse.
347

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1600.

TheListof

*?he
GariuK

Horsein the Paleat the Captaines

disposallneere

themselves,
orattending
theirpersons.

Sir Edward Harbert, 12. Sir William Warren, 25.

Sir John Barkley, 12. CaptaineRich. Greame,50.

CaptaineGarret Fleming, 25. CaptainePigot, 12.
CaptaineDarcy, 25.
At Loughfoyle a remoteGarrison,under Sir Henrie
Dockwra

his command.

Sir Henrie Dockwra, 50. Sir John Bolles, 50 Horse.

Foote under 25 Captaines,2900.
In the Province

of Mounster

at the Lord

Presidentsdisposall.
The Lord President, 50. Sir Anthony Cooke, 50.
Captaine William Taaf, 25 Horse. Foot under 23
Captaines2800.
Totall of Horse, 1198. Totall of Foote, 14150.
From Dundalke, the Lord Deputy, with his servants
and voluntary horsemen,rode to Dublin the seventeenth
of November. Within few dayes, upon Sir Arthur
Savagehis intreatie to goe for Engknd, about his private
affaires, his Lordship gave him license,and appointed
Sir John Barkely to supplie his place of Provisionarie
Governour of the Province of Connaght. At the same
time his Lordship wrote into England for authoritie to
passe unto certaine submitties their Countries, with

reservationof her Majestiesrights, andsomeother conditions for her profit and service,more particularly on

the behalfeof ConnorRoe Mac Guyre, who being put

from the Chieferyof his Countryby Tyrone,hadquitted
al his possessions
and goods, to come to the Queenes
service,when Tyrone had two of his sonnesfor pledges,
of which the elder lately escapingfrom the rebels,had
likewise submitted himselfe, and they both had served

valiantlyin the late Northernejourney; so as the father

had his horse killed under him, and the sonne killed
348

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A.D.
1600.

three rebels with his owne hand.

And from thence both

goinginto Fermanagh,
haddrawnemanyof that Country
to follow them in the Queenesservice,diverting all the

Countriefrom assistingTyrone. Besidesthat in a late

skirmish, they had taken Cormock, Tyrones brothers Cormock,

eldestsonne,a youngmanof the greatesthopein the Tyrones

North, whomthe Rebelspurposedto createOnealeafter

Tyrones death, for which respecthe was a better pledge

thenany of Tyrones sons. This youth they had brought
to the Lord Deputy, with great hazard to convoy him,
and that when 3000. pound, and other ampleconditions [II. i. 87.]
were offered them for his ransome.

In the same moneth

of November,many of the Northerne Rebelswith great

troops, (among them a Mounster man Piers Lacy of
English race, a famous rebell), drew into the Brenny,
meaning to passe to the Shannon side, and so into

Mounster,after they hadstrengthened

the brokenrebels
of the Pale with someassistance. But this their passage
was so stopped, as it tooke no effect. The sixth of
Decemberhis Lordship wasadvertisedfrom an honourable
friend in Court, that his late proceedingswere mentioned
by all men with much honour, and most of all by the
Queene,who uttered to himselfethe most graciousand

kind speeches
of his Lordship,and the mostextollinghis

valour and worthy parts, that ever he had heard her use
of any.
Till

this time, the rebels of the Mountaines neere Therebels

Dublyn, called the Glinnes, gave allarumsalmost every neere

night in the Suburbesof Dublyn. But the time when
the insolencyof someof them shouldbeechastened,was
now come. The Obirneshaving Phelim mac Feogh,the

chiefeof their Sept,after the deathof FeoghmacHugh,

(formerlymentioned)inhabitedthe Glinnesborderingon
the plainesof Dublyn, extendingsomefoure or five miles
that way; and thesebeing neererthen the O Tooles and
other their confederates,were most insolent upon that
City, and the Counsell there residing, when the Lord

Deputy wasfarre off in any servicewith the horsemen.

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Now his Lordship was purposedto scourgethem, and

accordingto his singular secrecie,did so keepehis
Counsellfrom divulging, and so cunninglymaskedhis
intent, as he came upon them, when they were most

The
Lord secure.It wasconfidently
givenout, that his Lordship

Deputy's
meantpresently
to undertake
someservice
against
the

cunninge

intent.

O Mores of Leax, and Oconnorsof Ophalia,and to that

purposemeant to lie with his housholdat Monastreven,
a great housekept by a Constablefor the Queen: yea
to make this project more beleeved,his Lordship sent
Arras hangings,and manyprovisionsto that house. And
now the forceshaving beenerefreshed,his Lordship the
twenty two of December,being Monday, rode to the
Nasse twelve miles distant from Dublyn, where the
rendevous was appointed that day for the Lemster
Garrisons,(for it was fit those bordering on the North,
shouldbe left strong.) On Wednesdayhis Lordship sent
most of his houshold right forward to Monastreven
thirteene miles distant;

but himselfe with the rest of his

servantsand the forces,suddenlyturned on the left hand

into the Glinnes,andafter a day and nights tediousmarch,
over steepe mountaines covered with snow, he arrived

on Thursday being Christmasday, at Phelim mac Feogh

his house,so suddenlyas his wife and eldestsonnewere
taken, and himselfe hardly escapedat a backe window,
Therebelsand naked,into the woods,wherehe kept a cold Christpunished.mas, while my Lord lived plentifully in his house,with

suchprovisionsasweremade,for him and his Bonnaghs

and kerne to keepe a merry Christmas. To vent his

anger, he daily offered slight skirmishesupon advantage,
but his heart was nothing easedtherewith, being continually beaten. His Lordship with the QueenesForces,
lay in this Countrey till about the twentieth of January:
In which time his troopes spoiled and ransackedthe
Countriesof Rannelaghand Cashay,sweptawaythe most
part of their cattle and goods, burnt all their Corne,

andalmostall their Houses,leavinglittle or nothing to

releeve them; and to finish the worke, his Lordship

35

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IRELAND

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plantedtwo strong Garrisonsupon them, the one at

Wickloon theEastside,(notableto comeneerer,because
a ship with our toolesand instrumentswasbeatenbacke
by ill weather,and could not arrive in time); the other

at Tullogh uponthe west,soasthey couldnot long hold

from submittingor flying, being thus hedgedin.
This done, his Lordship came to Monastreven,with HisLordship

purposeto undertakethe Mores and Connors. But at

Monaitnven.
havingin fewdaiessetleda correspondency
for proceeding
in that service,betweeneour Forcesin thoseparts,and the
neighbouringsepts of Odempsies,and some suspected
subjects,of whose faith till then his Lordship stood not
assured,and discerningthe Mores to be weakein Leax,
after the killing of their ChiefetaineOwny mac Rory,
and the burning and spoiling in the Leax journey, so as
theyhad not meanesto keepetheir Bonnaghs,andhearing
that the Oconnorswere fled far from that part of Ophaly,
so as neither of them could be found to make resistance

to any reasonablestrong Forces. His Lordship leaving [II. i. 88.]

in theseparts somefew Companiesto assistthe subjects,
rode from Monastreventhe twentie nine of January to
Abiconal, nine miles, passing by the ruined City of
Kildare, now altogetherdisinhabited. The thirtieth we
passedthe LifFye, and came to Milhussy, one Master
HussyesCastle,eleven miles, passingby somepleasant
Villages,and by Menouth, a faire house,belonging to
the Earles of Kildare, now in the hands of the Countesse

Mabell an old widdow. The thirty one we came to

Trym, eight miles, championground. This is a pleasantTrym.

townefor seate,if the inhabitantsweresutable,through

which the Boyne runnes, and it hath the ruines of a
sumptuousCastle. This placehis LP. thought fittest for
his presentresidence: for if CaptaineTirrel (now the
chiefe rebel in Ophalia) should draw his force to the

Southof the Country, from hencehis Lordship might

easilyfall backon him. If the rebelsin the West desired
to passeinto Mounster (asthey intended),then our forces

wereso disposed,
asthey could not escape
without fight-

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ing with usupondisadvantage

to them. And if neither

fell out, then his Lordshippurposedto plant a Garrison

NeakGarve

to
have
lirconnel.

at the Cavan in the Brenny, and to settle our above

mentionedMac Guire in Fermanagh.
At this time his Lp desired to have authoritie out of

England,
to passe
Tirconnel
(the
Countie
of Odonel)
to
,., &, ~'
.
\
.
. .
.
-n 11Neale Garve, reserving eight hundred Acres about Balli-

shannon,and the fishing of the Erne to her Majestic.

And such was the opinion of the servicehis turbulent
spirit could do the State, as he had the grant of three
hundred foot, and one hundred horse in her Majesties
pay, on condition he should bring the men serviceable,
and maintaine them so, without further chargeto her
Majestic.
From Trym, lying in East-Meathe,his Lordship the
eleventhof Februarie,passingby the Barrenof Trimblestones house, rode to the Lord of Delvins house in West-

Meath, elevenmiles distant. The twelfth we passedten

miles further to Molingar, the Shire towne of WestMeath, compassed

with bogges. Thencethe fourteenth,
wee went to Ballymore, Sir FrancesShaneshouse,ten
long miles. The sixteenthto Sir Tibbot Dillons house,
seven miles. Thence the seventeenth to Athlone, five

miles,wherethe Governourof the Province of Connaght

usethto lye in a strongCastlebelongingto her Majestie,

which being scituatein Connaght, is divided from the

Towneby a River anda fairebridgeof stonewith eight

arches,lying in West-Meath. And all this Countrie is
Champion, whereof the greatest part lay waste. His
Lordp returned back the eighteenthof February to Sir
Tibbot

Dillons

house, and the nineteenth to Danoar

twelve miles,being Brian Mac GohagansCastlein WestMeath.

Captain

While his Lordship lay in this Castle,he rode forth the

Tirrels

twentiethof February,to view a stronghold, seated

fastneae.
in a plaine,
andin a littleHand,
compassed
withbogges
and deepeditches of running water, and thicke woods,
in which fastnesseCaptaineTirrel, with some of the
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boldest Rebels then lay. At the first approch to the

bogge, two shot of the Rebelscameout, our horsemen

standingon a hill, movedcontinually,but my selfebeing

a raw souldier, stood stil, and becauseI had a white A narrow

horse,I gave the Rebels a faire marke, so as the first escape.

shot flew closeby my head,and when I apprehendingmy
danger, turned my horse, the secondflew through my
cloake,and light in my paddesaddle,(which savedmy
life), and brusedmy thigh. Presently his Lordship sent
Sir Christopher Saint Laurence,CaptaineWinsor, CaptaineRoper,and CaptaineRotheram,with wings of Foote
into the Wood, to discover the fortified Hand. And on

the other side sent CaptaineLeg to the samepurpose.

While theseskirmishedwith the rebelslying intrenched,
MasterDarcy riding by the skirt of the Wood, wasshot
in the neck. The two and twenty day his Lordship drew
forth againe,and we carried hurdles and fagots to passe
into the Hand, but the water carrying them away, and
his Lordships Guard being not well secondedby the
Irish, wee cameoff with losse,and CaptaineRotheram
was shot.

BeforeI proceede,I must digressea little to other

matters. In this Journey (begun the twentie two of
December) his Lordship received commandementto
pardon all such in Mounster as should require it, and Pardon
for
shouldbe commendedby the Lord President,with assur- therebels
in

ancethat Spainewasso intangledwith the warreof MounsterSavoy,as the Irish Rebelscould at this time have small [II. i. 89.]
succourthence. His Lordship writ to Master Secretaryto
procurehim leaveto start over into England, to kisse the
Queeneshands,and to conferrewith him about the Irish

service,professingthat heereputedhim his honourable

friend, and did muchdisdainethat humour in any subject

(if any suchwere)whichwould thinke him tyed by any

respect,from havinghis affectionfree to love him. In
the beginning of Februarie,the Lord Presidentof

Mounster,excusedhimselfeto the Lord Deputy, that hee

had made stay of someforceshis Lordship had directed
M. II

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to come from thence,becausehee had intelligence that

some Northerne

Rebels were sent to invade Mounster.

But his Lordship knowing that he had stoppedtheir

passage,and that they could not goe with any great
numbers,if perchance
they escaped,
did againerequire
Aplotfor that theseforcesmight be sentunto him. At this time,
Tyrone's
head,
therewasa plot for Tyroneshead,the managingwhereof
was commendedto Sir Richard Moryson Governour of
Dundalke, whether Sir William Godolphin was sent with
his troope of horse,to secondthis plot, which tooke not
the wished effect; the undertaker Henry Oge Oneale

failing in his courage,or in his faith.

Now I will returne to his Lordshipsactionswhile hee

lay at MaghogansCastle. The sametwo & twentieth
of February,his Lord receiveda packetout of England,
TheEarleof by which he understood that the Earle of Essex
Essex
was committed to the Tower for treason, which much

dismaied
himandhisneerest
friends,andwroughtstrange
alteration in him: For whereasbefore he stood upon
termesof honourwith the Secretary,now he fell flat to the
ground, and insinuatedhimselfeinto inward love, and to
an absolutedependancywith the Secretary,so as for a
time he estrangedhimselfefrom two of his neerestfriends,
for the opendeclarationthey had madeof dependancy
on
the Earle of Essex; yet rather covering,then extinguishing his good affectionto them. It is not crediblethat the
influenceof the Earlesmalignantstar, shouldworke upon

so poorea snakeasmy selfe,beingalmosta strangerto

him yet my neerenesse
in bloud to one of his Lordships
abovenamedfriends, madeit perhapsseemeto his Lordship improper, to use my servicein such neerenesse,
as
his Lordship had promisedand begun to doe. So as the
next day he tooke his most secretpapersout of my hand,
yet giving them to no other, but keeping them in his
owne cabinet: and this blow I never fully recovered

while I staiedin Ireland. In truth his Lordshiphadgood

causeto be wary in his words and actions,sinceby some

confessions
in England,himselfewastaintedwith privity
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to the Earles practises,so that howsoeverhe continued

still to importune leave to comeover ; yet no doubt he
meant nothing lesse, but rather (if he had been sent
for) waspurposedwith his saidfriendsto saileinto France,
they having privately fitted themselveswith money and
necessaries
thereunto. For howsoeverhis Lordship were
not dangerouslyingaged therein, yet hee was (as hee

privatelyprofessed)
fully resolvednot to put his necke
under the fyle of the QueenesAtturnies tongue. But
his Lordships former service,and the necessityof his

future imployment,togetherwith his good successe,

so
strengthened
him, aswithout greatunthankefulnesse,
and
popular obloquy, he could not have beene questioned
upon this weakeground.
The sametwenty two of February, his Lordship in Proclamation
the
counsellresolved to proclaime,that all such as had any

rebelsgoods,shoulddiscoverthem,or be guiltie of

Treason: That none upon paine of death should parley

with the rebels: that the Countrey should bring in
victuals to the Campe, which no man (upon paine of
death) should take from them without paying the price
of the market. And thus purposingto force the rebels
out of the fortified Hand, and then to plant a garrison
at the Abbey neere adjoyning; and to chargethe new
submitted subjects to joyne with this garrison in the
service,as also to take order for the safe victualing of
the samewhen he should be gone, his Lordship resolved
the next day to make anotherattempt against the Hand
wherein Terril lay, preparing all things to secondthe
same,and taking order to bring victualls to the Campe

from all parts,and especiallyfrom Athlone by boates.

The twentythreeof February,his Lordshipdrewforth TerriFs
head
to the Abbey, where hee had lodged foure hundredproclaimed.
souldiers,there hee dined and proclaimedTerrils head

at two thousandcrownes,
andafterdinnerdrawingto the [II. i. 90.]
Hand,he divided the forces,sendingpart to put boates

into the water,and so to assailethe Hand,and causing

the rest to be led into the Woods to fetch out the rebels
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corne,andto burnethe houses,

andsuchthingsfor their

reliefe,astheycouldnot bringaway. The twentyfoure

of February,being Shrove-tuesday,
there fell a great
snow,so that we wereforcedto lie still, and the next night

the Rebelsdid stealeaway,leavingthe Handto his Lordship, where the next day wee found much corne, some
Murrions and Peeces,eight Cowes,and somegarrons.

The twenty six, his Lordshipdrew the forcesbeyond

the Hand, into a pleasantvalley, wherein was a ruined
houseof Sir Edward Herberts, and the ground waswell
plowedby the Rebels. Our men burnt housesand corne,

and his Lordshipgavean Angell to a Souldierto swim

over the water, and burne the houses in another Hand.

Then we came to a river, which divideth West Meath,
and Ophaly ; into which countrey his Lordship sent

divers companiesunder Sir Christopher,Saint Laurence,

to spoylethe same. The twenty seven,his Lordship rode
six miles to Sir John Tirrels, a strong Castle,wee passed
by the way Tirrels pace,compassed
with boggesand hilly
woods. This Knight was a subject,and here his Lordship restedthe next day. The first of March his Lordship rode to Klonegave, the house of Sir Terrence
O dempseyin Ophalia,being twelve miles; in the first
part whereof wee passeda dangerouspart of Tirrels
fastnesse.

Letter
from
Here his Lordship receiveda graciousLetter from her
herMajesty.
Majesty, wherebyshemadeknown unto him the Earle of
Essex his death, & (to use her own words) professed,
that in regard of his approvedfidelity and love, it was

someallevationof hergriefe,to ejaculate

the sameto him.
First, her Majesty required him to look wel in general,
upon the dispositionsof all his Captaines,whereof, some
preferredby the Earle, might perhapshave hollow hearts
towardesher service,for as sheewas pleasedto pardon
those,who by his popularfashionand outward profession

of his sincerityhadbeeneseduced,
andblindly led by him;
so shee was carefull to sever the chaffe from the corne,

and to deprivethe maliciousof meanesto prejudiceher

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A.D.
1600.

service. Secondly,whereasthe Secretaryin his Lordships

namehadmovedher Majesty,thathemight havewarrant

to comeover; yet in regardthe Spanishshipshad not
yet passedthe narrow seasinto Flaunders(whethersurely

they weresent,andnothing lessethen for Ireland,howsoeverthe Traytor madeuse of like rumors)her Majesty
wished that hee would conceale this his desire for a time,

with promiseto call him home the next winter, and use
his serviceneereher person.

The sametime his LordshipreceivedLettersfrom the Letters

from
Lords in England, giving allowancein her Majestiesthe
Lords
in
& an '
name,for the passingof Tirconnellto NealeGarve,upon
the abovementionedconditions; yet advising that hereafter no Countrey should so absolutelybee passed,as all
the inhabitants should depend upon one man, which
would still kindle new flamesof rebellion. By the same
Letters his Lordship understood, that the supplies of
money,victuals, and munitions, were ready accordingto
his demands. And their Lordshipsadvisedthe plantation

of a garrisonaboutStrangford,to preventthe assistance

whichthe Scotsgaveto the Rebels. The third of March
his Lordship rode ten miles to Bally Britton, Sir Henry
Warrenshousein Leax, which waskept for the Queene
by a Constableand Warders. In the mid way we passed
by Phillipstowne(otherwisecalledDyngen) a strong Fort
in Ophalia(otherwisecalled the Kings County) and that
day his Lordship sent out many parties of souldiersinto
the woods,against Tirrell and the Oconnors,scatteredly
lurking in thoseparts.
Here his Lordship receivedfrom the Lords, directions Directions
to

to descriethe silver mony,andto proclaimea new coine,proclaim

a
threeouncesfine; whichbasemoneywassentover,onely nezt
to impoverish the Rebels(as was pretended)who made
warre againstthe Queenewith her owne treasure; but in
conclusionit wasthe undoing of all the Queenesservants

there,for no mancaredto lay it up, andall thingswere

boughtat excessive
rates,after the exchange
in England
once failed. This exchangewas proclaimedto be held
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at threeCitiesin England,andfourein Ireland; but by

[II. i. 91.] reasonthat great summeswere coynedby Rebelsand
strangers,and for other abusesof the same,as namely
of the Merchants,who notwithstandingthat the money
was duly changed,did excessively
raiseall prices,this
exchange
soonefailed,andour heartstherewith: for we
served there in discomfort, and camehome beggars,so
that onely the Treasurersand Paymasters,(who were
therebyinfinitely inriched)hadcauseto blessethe Authors

of this invention.
The Lord

^e

^ourt^ ^ March his Lordship rode five miles to

Deputy
in Sir EdwardFitzgeralds
house,scituate
in Meath,in a
Meath.

pleasantand fruitfull Countrey. The fifth of March we

rode ten miles to Moymeere, a very pleasanthouse,
belonging to Sir JamesDillon, and thencethe next day
two miles further to Trym. Sir Richard Moryson
Governour of Dundalke, had lately advertisedhis Lordship, that Turlogh macHenry, Tyronesbrother,Captaine
of the Fewes, had taken his oath to him, before a Priest

and upon a Massebooke,that he would submit himselfe

to her Majesties mercy, without any conditions at or

beforeS' Patricksday next following. And further had

advertisedthat the Lord of Clancarvinhumbly desired
to be receivedto mercy with him. For better ratifying

hereof,the said Sr RichardMoryson now brought the

said Turlogh in personto his Lordship lying at Trim.
The fifteenth of March his Lordship drew to Arbrachin,
TheBishop
of the Bishopof Meathshouse,sixe miles distant, wherehis
Meath.
Lordship had appointedthe adjoining garrisonsto meete
him the next day; and presentlyafter their arrivall, his
Lordship tooke horse towards evening, and thencewe
marchedall night, being very darke,and in the morning
suddenlyfell into the Ferney,the possession
whereofEver

mac Cooly, one of the Mac Mahownsthen usurped;

and therewe burnt the housesandspoiledthe goodsof
the Inhabitants,Sir RichardMoryson Governourof Dundalke, with that Garrison, and Sir Oliver Lambert with

other troopes,and CaptaineThomas Williams with the

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forcesof Ardeecommingin diverswayes,& meetinghis

Lordship in that Countrey, with small or no resistance

madeby the rebels,to either party. The nineteenthwe

marched five miles to Ardee, the twentieth seven miles
to Mellifant, Sir Edward Mores house, the twenty one

two miles to Drogedagh,wherehis Lordship staiedtill

the sixteenthof Aprill, and so returned to Dublyn. At
Drogedaghhis Lordship altered the list of the foot, the
horsestandingstill asbefore.

The Disposall of the foot into garrisonsthe 23 Thedisposal

of March,

1600.

At the Newry under Sir Oliver Sl Johns 750. At

Carlingford CaptaineHansard 100. At Mount Norreys

underSir SamuellBagnoll450. At DundalkeunderSr

Richard Moryson 460. At Arde a refreshing but no
standinggarrison 350. At Luscanon400. At Tullagh
350. At Wicklo 250. At the Navan 300. At the
Nasse100. In Westmeath450. In Ophaly 200. In
Leax 300. At Athy 100. At Monastreven300.
In Connaght.
Sir John Barkely Deputy Governor 200. The Lord
of Dunkellin now upon his fathersdeath Earle of Clanrickard 150. More under foure Captaines500.
Foot in Gallowayand OdoynesCountrey.
Three Captaines400. Capt. Tho: Roper 150. At
Reban150. In OcarrolsCountry 100. In Kildare 150.
At Dublyn the Lord Deputies guard 200. At Carickfergusunder Sir Arthur Chichester550. Of new Com-

panies1150.beingcast,and50. madeoverto Loughfoyle

Garrison,remained800. Of SrCharlesPerciesCompany,
100 were made over to other Captaines,and 50 were
added to Loughfoyle garrison. These Companiesto-

getherwith the foot in Mounster& at Loughfoyle,do

makethe new list of foot 13250.
359

garrisons.

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HerMajesties
Her Majestieschargein Irelandfrom the first of
Aprill in the beginning of the yeere 1600.to
the last of March in the beginning of the
yeere 1601.
Her Majestiesallowances
by establishment,
andby her
letters for increaseamount to two hundred seventy sixe
thousand

nine

hundred

& foureteen li.

nine s. foure d.

ob. qu. demy.

[[I. i. 92.]

Hereof savedby the Lord Deputy his providence

fifteene thousandtwo hundred sixty two 1. sixes. five d.
Savedalsoby Checksimposedon the Army, seventeene
thousandtwenty nine pound sixteenes. nine d. ob.
Soher Majestieschargefor the Army this yeere,besides
munition and like extraordinaries, amounteth to two

hundredthirty foure thousandsix hundredtwenty two li.

five s. two d. qu. demy.
It remainesbriefly to collect(out of the Lord Presidents

Mounster,lettersto theLord Deputy),the services

donein Mounster
the yeere 1600. now ended. About the sixteenth of
Aprill, in the beginning of the yeere 1600. Sir George
Carew Lord President of Mounster departing from
Kilkenny, where hee had beene some daies detained by

the Earle of Ormonds surprisall at a parley with the

rebels, came to Waterford.

And Thomas Fitz-James

bastardsonneto JamesFitzgerald late Lord of Decies,

chieferebell in the Countyof Waterfordfearingpresent

prosecution,made sute to be receivedto her Majesties
mercy,which the Lord Presidentgranted,aswellto draw
from the titulary Earle of Desmond some part of his
strength,as to open the passage
betweeneWaterford and

Yoghallby land, formerlyshut up, so as nothingcould

passeany way but by sea. The twenty threeof Aprill
at Dungarven his Lordship receivedadvertisementthat
Florencemac Carty after many favours from the State,
being wholly hispaniolisedhad great power in Carbry

andDesmond,andaccordingto his plot with Tyroneat

his being there,was enteredinto openaction,(so they
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1600.

termerebellion). That CaptaineFlowerSergeantMajor

of Mounster,had hereuponenteredCarbry with 1200
foot, and 100 horse,burning andspoilingthe same,and
killing many rebels. That Florence had levied of the

Provincialsand Bonnaghs(so they call wagedsouldiers)

2000foot, yet neverattemptedthe English,till in their
returne they came within five miles of Corke, where in a

fastnessethe midway betweeneCorke and Kinsale, they

assailedthe English, and werebeatenby them, some100.
of the Rebels being slaine, in which conflict Captaine
Flower had two horsesslaine under him. The twenty
foure the Lord President came to Corke, where he TheLord

received
the Stateof the Provinceby the relationof President
at
Sir Henry Pore sole Commissionerfor Mounster, (since
the killing of his partner Sir Warham Sl Leger by Mac
Guire, likewise killed in the fight) and understoodthe
rebelsto be strong and mastersof the field, suppliedwith

all necessaries
from the Townesthrough the perswasion
of Priests, and the covetousnesseof the Townesmen.

About this time Fitzgibbon called the White Knight,

either ill used by Tyrone at his being in Mounster, or
fearing prosecution,submitted himselreto her Majesties
mercy. Likewise Florence mac Carty by perswasionof Florence

friends,and uponsafeconduct,cameto the Lord Presi- mac

C
dent, and protestedloialty to her Majesty, but refused

to give his sonnefor pledge,lest his wagedsouldiers

should cast him out of his Countrey, till his Lordship
threatned to lay aside all other service sharpely to
prosecutehim, whereuponhe consentedfor his pledge,

but requiredto havethe County of Desmondgiven to

him and his heires, with title of Mac Carty More, or

Earle of Clancar,with like high demands,which being

rejected,he desiredleave to sue for thesegracesin

England,with promisenot to serveagainsther Majesties
forces in the meane time, wherewith the Lord President

wassatisfied,having no other end for the present,then

to make him stand neutrall, while the whole forces were

imploiedagainstthe titulary Earle of Desmond,James

361

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FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1600.

Fitzthomas,calledthe SuggonEarleby nickename.Now

oneDermodOconnor,havingno lands,yet by marriage
with the daughterof the old Earleof Desmondandhis
greatvalour,had the leadingof 1400.Bonnaghs. And
becausethe Lord President hoped to ruine the rebels

one by another; at this time by the wife of the said

Dermod and other Agents his Lordship plotted with him,
upon promiseof great rewardsto kill Jamesthe titulary
Earle of Desmond: And in like sort, one John Nugent
a rebell, upon promiseof pardonand reward, did within
few daies undertake to kill John the said Earles brother.

About the beginning of May Redman Burke leading

500 Rebels, lost 120. of them while he adventured to take

a prey in Oduiers Countrey, and being nourishedby the

Lord President,with hope to be Baron of Letrim, drew
[II. i. 93.] his men out of Mounster into Ormond, with purposeto
leade them into Connaght: And Tyrrell leader of the
Northerne men, staied not long behind him, pretending
discontentagainst Dermod Oconnor,but indeed fearing
someplot against his head. It had beenelong rumored
TheLord

that the Lord

President

would

take the field the sixth

President of May, which madethe rebelsdraw to a headand spend

takes
the
field,fa^ victuals,soasafterten dayes
theywereforcedto
dispercethemselves. The twentieth of May the Lord
President tooke the field, and marching towards Lymbricke, setled Warders in some Castles to secure the

passage
thither from Kilmalloch. At Lymricke his Lordship understoodthat John Nugent above named,being
ready (ashe had undertaken)to kill John brother to the
titulary Earle of Desmond,wasby accidenthinderedfrom
discharginghis Pistoll, and being apprehended,was put
to death; but as well John as the titulary Earle his
brother, were so terrified herewith, as they durst never
keep together,& thought themselvesleast securein the
head of their owne men from like practises. The Lord

Presidentmarched
into JohnBurkesCountrey,andspoyling the same,forcedhim to seekeher Majestiesmercyon
his knees,which at last heobtained,thoughwith difficulty.
362

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1600.

His Lordshiphavinggainedhereplentyof grainefor the

Army, sent five hundred foot into Omulrians Countrey,
who spoiledthe same,and killed manyrebels. Then his
Lordship returned to Limricke without any losse,and in
the beginning of June divided the Army into garrisons
not far distant, which his Lordship did though the time

werefit for service,that he might attend the plot with

Dermod Oconnor for killing the titulary Earle of Plottokillthe
Desmond,which could not well be done,exceptthe rebels Desmond.
"r e0*.
..

, ,

were dispersed,who would keepe together as long as the

English Army was in the field. Besides,his Lordship

upon their breaking, tooke advantageto settlea garrison
at Asketon without any resistance. Dermod O Connor

tooke the titulary Earle prisonerin the name of Oneale,

pretendingby a forged letter that he had plotted his

deathwith the Lord President,& presentlysent his wife

for the moneypromisedin reward,wishing the Lord

President to draw his forces to Kilmalloch, where he

would deliver him the prisoner, which his Lordship did

accordinglythe sixteenthof June, but the rebelshaving
noticehereof, drew together foure thousandin number,
stoppedthe passages,
set the titulary Earle at liberty, and
besiegedDermod O Connor in a Castle, till the Lord

Presidentmarchingthither the 29 of June,forcedthem Connor

to leave the siege. His Lordship kept the field, tooke

thechiefeCastleof the Knight of the vally, whereinwere

slaine threescore warders, tooke other Castles, and did

many good services,the rebels in great number lying

neerehim, but never offering to fight, by reasonof the
jelousiesbetweenethem, whereupon2500. Connaghtmen
were sutors to his Lordship to returne home without

impedimentfrom his forces. At this time OconnorKerry

yeeldedhis Castle to the Queene,and was receivedto
mercy,and the Lord Presidentat last granted a passeto
theRebelsof Connaght,but the Lord Burke not knowing
thereof, for a privat revenge, set upon them as they

marched
home,andslewthreescore
of them,besides
many
drowned. The sixteenth of July the Lord President
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MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1600.

bestowedthe Army in garrisons: The 23. of July his

Lordship tooke the field againe,to releevethe men he
hadformerlysentinto Kerry, andmarchingthither,took
Lixnaw the chiefe house of the Lord Fitz Morrice, and

manyotherCastles,for griefewhereofthe saidLord died,

yet leavinga sonnethen asdangerous
ashimselfe. The
Lord President returned to Cork about the eighteenth
SirCharlesof August, leaving Sir CharlesWilmot Governour of
Wilmot
Kerry, a valiant Gentleman,a chiefe Commanderunder

Governour
of him, and in the first rankeof thoseinstrumentshe used

Kerry. in all services,

whoin shorttimebrought
mostof the
freeholdersof Kerry to due subjection,and drove the

titulary Desmondout of thoseparts. All the garrisons

in time of harvest,gatheredasmuch corneasthey could,
and destroied the rest, which made the rebels not able

to subsistthe yeere following. Sir GeorgeThornton

hearing that the titulary Earle of Desmondpassedneere
Kilmalloch sent the garrison out, and Captain Greame
charging them with his troope of horse,killed 120. of
them, in which conflict the English got 300. garonsladen
with baggage,150 pikes and peeceswith other weapons,
and 40. horse,but the English had 16. horseskilled in
the fight. The titulary Earle of Desmond,could never

after draw 100. men together,& was forcedto flie into

Tipperary with his brother John, Pierce Lacy an Archrebel, & the Knight of the Glin, whencehis brother John
[II. i. 9+.]

hasted into Ulster for reliefe from Tirone.

And in the

end of this Summerupon the departureof the Bonnaghs

of Connaght and Ulster, & the good successe
of the

English,manyof the Provincialssubmittedthemselves

yet sent to Rome for dispensationof their so doing.

James About the middestof OctoberJamesFitzgerald(who

Fitzgeraldhadlong beenimprisonedin the Towerof London,being

released. the next & true heireto the last Earle of Desmond,
and released by the Queene with title of Earle by

lettersPattentssentto the Lord President,and promise

of a goodproportionof landto supporthis dignityat

the end of the warre, according to his desertsin her

364

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1600.

Majesties service,and in the meanetime to live upon

pay in the Army) landedat Yoghal,and the eighteenth

day came to the Lord President at Mallogh, and was
industrious in the Queenes service.

Dermod O Connor Dermod

being in Connaght,and hearing of the young Earle of O Connor

Desmonds
arrivall,
upon promise
of great services
had *?
a.nei
i T
"j
"
i "
handed.
the Lord Presidents protection to come unto him, but

wassetupon by Tybot nelong, his men defeated,he taken

and hanged,whereuponTibot having then a Company
in her Majesties pay wascashered. Florencemac Carty
having all this while practisedunderhandmany things
againstthe State, and putting still off his appearance
by
delatoryexcuses,at last in October by the desperatenesse
of his estatewas forced to submit, and obtained pardon
upon pledges of his loyaltie. The titularie Earle of
Desmondstealingbackeinto Mounster lived asa Woodkerne, never having more then two or three in his
Company.
In November, Sir Charles Wilmot took the last and

only Castle the Lord Mac Morice had in Kerry, & his
eldest sonne therin (betraied by a Priest for safetieof
his life) and great provisionslaid up in that Castle. In
thesetwo last monethsSir RichardPercylying in Garrison
at Kinsale, twice passedinto the Country, and tooke

preyesof five hundredCowes,killing manyrebels. In ^here^sin

December

the

Lord

President

had notice

where

the Mounster

titulary Earle lurked, and sent men to surprisehim : but subdued.

he escapedin such haste, as hee left his shooesbehind
him.

And

now there was not a Castle in Mounster

held

for the rebels, nor any companyof ten rebels together,

though there wanted not loose vagabondsdispersedin
all corners, so as his Lordship had leisure to looke into

the CorporateTownes, being aiders, abetters,and pro-

curers under hand of this rebellion, all the Queenes

treasurebeing spent in them by the souldiers,and they

underhandsupplying the rebels with all necessaries,

though at excessiverates. The rebels fled out of
Mounster into Tiperarie and Ormond, had hitherto lived
365

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ITINERARY

I60O.

thereamongthe Bullersbeing subjects,without any

disturbance,the rather for the Earle of Ormondsmourn-

ing for the deathof his mostworthyandvertuousLady:

but in Januaryhis Lordship sent someforcesagainst
them,who killed many,andforcedthe rest to flie, whereof

someweredrownedpassingthe watersthen very high,

and somechieferebelsweretakenandhangedat Kilkenny.
About the end of January,the Lord Presidentsent 1000
foote of the Mounster List, to be disposedby the Lord
Deputie, as he had direction to doe. His Lordship to
4.ooo,par<iom
settle the Country the better, refusedto renewany pro-

grantedin tections,so as all wereforcedto suetheir pardons,and

Mounster.
in twomoneths
space
before
theendof Februarie,
upon

his Lordshipsrecommendation,
morethenfourethousand
Mounster men had their pardons,granted by the Lord
Deputie, and passedunder the great Seale.

366

THE

SECOND

BOOKE

[II. H. 95-1

Chap. I.
Of the Lord Deputies particular proceedings in
the prosecution of the Rebels, and of the
Spaniards invading Ireland, in the yeere
1601.

Hile the Lord Deputy lay at Drogheda

(namely,from the one and twentie of

March, till the sixteeneof Aprill, upon

which day he returned to Dublin), his

Lordship assembledthe Counsellersof

State to attend him there. And upon the

eight and twentie of March 1601, the

Lord Deputie and Counsell wrote from Drogheda
(vulgarly calledTredagh) their joynt letters to the Lords Letters
tothe
in England, whereby they advertised, that the Lord Lords
in

Deputiehavingspentthe greatestpart of Winter in EnSlancithe Irish Countries of Lemster, had by burning their
Corne,consumingtheir cattel, and killing manyof them,
soscatteredtheir mainestrength,as certaineof the chiefe
had sincesubmitted to the Queenesmercy, and the rest
were severedinto small companies,and unlike to draw
to any dangeroushead; yea, Tirrel, in opinion the
greatestamong them (taken for Tyrones Lieutenant in

Lemster),beingforcedout of his greatestfastnesse,

now
with a few base Kerne following him, was driven to
wanderin Woods and Boggs,seekingto escapeinto the

North (as shortly after he did, notwithstandingthat

367

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FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1601.

certaineEnglish Companies
wereleft to hunt him in his
walkes, and to stop his passage.) That his Lordship

desirousto beat hand,to watchall opportunitiesof service

upon the Northerneborders,hadpiercedinto the Fearny,
and that Sir Richard Moryson Governour of Dundalk
with his Garrison had formerly wasted,and now passed
through the Fewes,and met his Lordship there, so as
both these Countries being spoiled, Ever Mac Cooly
chiefeof the Fearny,and Turlogh Mac Henry, Captaine
of the Fewes, had both been humble suters for her

The

Majesties mercie, and were commanded to appeare

shortly, and make their humble submissions: which
courselikewise the septsof the Brennywere like to take,
for many of them chastisedby the Army, and utterly
discouraged, had alreadie divers times offered most
humble submissions. That his Lordship hereuponhad
called the Counsellorsto Tredagh, there to considerof

Co"n*fVrs
thecircumstances
andconditions,
to beobserved
in taking

tnese submissions,as also to deliberatehow the Army

might be imployed most to vex Tyrone, til the Summer
cameon, at which time his Lordship purposedto dwell
upon him, and put him to triall of his uttermost fortune.
That it wasresolvedin Counsellto acceptthe submissions
of the Chiefe of Fearny,and the Captaineof the Fewes,
above named, as likewise of the septs of the Brennye
(these three Countries being an hedge betweenethe
English Pale, and the North, and yeelding many commodities to passeinto Tirone with her Majestiesforces.
That it wasresolvedto sendMac Guyer into Fermanagh
with 200 men to helpehim for a time, againstthe rebel
Mac Guyer (whom he and his sonnehad alreadymuch
impoverished),for hee was thought a fit instrument (in
casehe prevailed),as well to intangle Tyrone and infest
Ororke, as to helpe the Plantation at Ballishannon,
intended to be put in executionabout June following,
when forage could be had for horses.

They further solicitedby theselettersfor suppliesof

victuals, munition and mony, and that the victuals and
368

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1601.

munition shouldbe addressed

somepart to Dublin and
Tredagh, but the greatest part to Galloway, being [II. H.96.]
intendedfor the forcesto be plantedat Ballishannon,
and
thoseto invadeTyrone that way; and the rest to Carling-

ford, intendedfor the forcesto invadeTyroneby the way

of the Newry, which invasionwas purposedabout the
middestof June,whenforragemightbe hadfor thehorse,
andthis they prayed,because
the unshippingandreshipping of the victualsat Dublin, causedgreat expenceof

mony, and wasteof the victuals.

Tirlogh Mac Henry Captaineof the Fewes,and Ever Thechiefa
of
Mac Cooly, of the Family of the mac Mahownes,chiefe
of the Fearny, did about this time declarethemselvesto
be subjects,and humbly made their submissionson their
knees,signing certainearticlesof subjectionunder their
hands,and putting in pledgesfor performancethereof.

And the said Ever in particular confessedin the Articles

under his hand, that hee was not Lord, but Farmer of the

Fearnye,binding himselfe to pay her Majestic his old

rent. The one and thirty of March 1601,her Majestic An.1601.
signedthe following Establishment.
Officers

Generall.

The Lord Deputy for his diet one hundred li. per The
mensem: a Band of Horse threeli. foure s. per diem : Establishmen

fiftyfooteach
at eightd. perdiem: for allowance
in lieu f**eArm^'
of cesse,ten li. per annum,besideshis Companiesof horse
and foote in the Army. In all per diem twelve li. six s.
sixed. ob. qu. per annum,foure thousandfoure hundred
fortie foure li. seventeene
s. oned. ob. qu.
The Lieutenant of the Army, threeli. per diem; one
thousandfourescorefifteenepound per annum.
The Treasurerat warres,thirtie five s. per diem; sixe

hundredthirty eightli. fifteeneshillingsper annum.

The Marshall besideshis thirty horseat twelved. per

diem without checquein the Army, five s. nined. per

diem; one hundred foureli. eighteene
s. nined. per
annum.

M. ii

369

2A

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1601.

The Serjeant
Major of theArmy,twentys. perdiem;

Establishment
tm-eehundredsixtie fiveli. per annum.

The Master of the Ordinance,twenty sixes. elevend.

per diem; foure hundredninetieoneli. foures. sevend.

per annum.

Ministers of the Ordinance,twenty five s. two d. per

diem;

foure hundred fiftie nine li. five s. ten d. per

annum.

Muster-master Generall, elevens. sixe d. per diem; two

hundred nine li. seventeenes. sixe d. per annum.

Comptroler of the victuals, ten s. per diem; one

hundred eighty two li. ten s. per annum.
Five Commissariesof victuals, one at eight s., and
foure, eachat sixes. per diem, thirtie two s. per diem;
five hundred eightie foureli. per annum.
FourteeneColonels,eachat tennes. per diem, sevenli.
per diem; two thousandfive hundred fifty five li. per
annum.

Scout-master,besidessixe horse,eachat twelved. per

diem, part of the Army, sixes. eight d. per diem; one
hundred twenty oneli. thirteenes. foured. per annum.
Provost Marshall of the Army for himselfeand foure
horsemen,foure s. threed. per diem, seventy sevenli.
elevens. threed. per annum.
Officers

Provincial!.

Presidentof Mounster at one hundred thirty threeli.

sixes. eight d. per annum; his diet and the Counselsat
ten li. the weeke; his retinue of thirtie horse and twentie

foote at thirty s. sevend. ob. per diem ; threeli. sixes.

sixed. per diem ; one thousandtwo hundredthirteeneli.
thirteenes. foure d. qu. per annum.
Provost Marshall in Mounster, fourteenes. per diem;
two hundred fiftie five li. ten s. per annum.
The Commanderof the forcesin Connaghtat ten s.
per diem, with an increaseof one hundredli. per annum;

fifteenes. fived. ob. qu. per diem; two hundredeightie

two li. ten s. per annum.
37

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1601.

Provost Marshall in Connaght, besides twelve [II. ii. 97-]

horsemen of
diem;

the Army, five s. sevend. ob. per The

one hundred

two li. foureteene s. one d. ob. Establishment

per annum.

Commander
of the forcesat Loughfoyle,besides
his pay

of ten s. per diem as Colonel, hath threes. foure d. per

diem; sixty li. sixteenes. eight d. per annum.
Provost Marshall there, foure s. per diem; seventy
threeli. per annum.
Provost Marshall of Ballishannon,foure s. per diem;
seventythreeli. per annum.
Lieutenant of the QueenesCounty, sixes. eight d. per
diem ; one hundred twentie one li. thirteene s. foure d.
per annum.

Provost

Marshall

in Lemster

for

himselfe

and sixe

horsemen,five s. sevend. ob. per diem; one hundred

two li. fourteenes. oned. ob. per annum.
Warders in Lemster per annum, one thousandthree
hundredten li. nineteenes. two pence.
Warders in Ulster per annum, eight hundred twentie
one li. five s.

Warders in Mounster per annum, five hundred forty

two li. eighteenes. nine d.
Wardersin Connaghtper annum, two hundredli.
Twelve

hundred

horsemen distributed

into foure and

twenty Bands,the Captainefoure s., the Lieutenant two s.

sixepence,the Cornettwo s. per diem, and three hundred
horsemen,eachat eighteened. per diem,on conditionthey
be English both horse and men, or else to have but
twelved. per diem. And 200 horsemenat fifteened. per
diem,and sevenhundredhorsemenat twelved. per diem.
Per annum twenty nine thousandtwo hundred seventie
three li.

Fourteene thousand footmen,

distributed

into

one

hundred forty Bands, the Captaine foure s. Lieutenant

two s. Ensigne eighteened. the day, two Serjeants,a
Drum, and a Surgion,eachat twelved. a pieceper diem,
.& each souldier at eight d. per diem. Per annum one

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1601.

The
hundredninetynine thousand
sevenhundredfifteene
li.
Establishment
sixteene
s. eightd.

oftheArmy. Pensioners
in the Muster-booke,
per annumone
thousandeight hundrednineli. fifteenes. tend.
Pensioners
by lettersPatentsper annumeight hundred
seventyfoure li. five s. nine pence,ob.

ThirteeneAlmesmenper annumeightieeightli. nine-

teene s. foure d. ob.

Officersof the Musters which are payableout of the

checkes,namely one Muster-Master at sixes. eight d. a
Comptroller at ten s. and twenty Commissaries,eachat
threes. foured. per diem. Per annumone thousandfive
hundred twenty li. sixteenes. eight d.
Extraordinarieallowancefor Messengers,
Espials,Postbarkes,rewardsof services&c. per annum,sixethousandli.
Totall of this Establishmentper annum two hundred
fifty five thousandsevenhundred seventythreeli. fourteened. qu. denny.
Memorandum, that the dead paies allowed to the
Captainesin eachCompanyof horseor foote, are herein
contained,but the chargeof munition, of levying horse

and foote for reinforcingthe Army, with many like

charges,are not herein contained.

Captaine
The sixth of Aprill 1601, his Lordship received

Josias
Bodley
advertisement
fromCaptaine
Josias
Bodley,
at theNewry,
and Captaine
Edward

that he, and CaptaineEdward Blany, Governour of the

Blany.

Forte of Mount-Norreys,purposingto surpriseLoghrorcan,could not carrie a boat, which they had provided
to that purpose,but he carrying certainefireworkesprovided in case the boat should faile, went to the Fort,

and joyning with CaptaineBlany, marchedtowardsthat

Hand, where they arrived by eight of the clocke in the
morning, and leaving their forcesbehind a Wood, they
both went together to discover the Hand; which
done Captaine Bodley made readie thirtie arrowes
with wildfier, and so they both fell downe with
one hundredshot closeto the water,wherethe shot playing incessantlyupon the Hand, while the other delivered
372

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1601.

their arrowes, suddenly the housesfired, and burnt so Therebels

vehemently,
as the rebelslodgingthere,forsookethe surPr"ed.
Hand, and swumme to the further shoare. That after

they sawall burnt to the ground,they fireda greathouse

upon their sideof the shoare,and killed theresixe Kerne,
(gaining their Armes) besidesChurlesand Calliachs,and

aftertheburningof otherhouses
also,theybroughtaway[n. jj. 9g_j
someCowes and Sheepe,with other pillage; and they
understoodby a prisoner, that there were about thirty
personsin the Hand,whereof onely eight swummeaway,

(of which foure were shot in the water),so as the rest

eitherwerekilled or lay hurt in the Hand. Likewise they
understoodby the saidprisoner,that great storeof butter,
corne,meale,and powder, was burnt and spoiled in the
Hand,which all the rebels of that Countrey made their
magasine. Further, that some forty kerne skirmished
with them at placesof advantage,in their retreat for iwo
miles march: but howsoeverthe common opinion was,
that the Rebelssustainedgreat losseby this service,yet
of the English onely two were slaineand sevenhurt.

The seventh
of Aprill Sir Henry DockwraGovernourS/rHenry
of Loughfoyle
wrote
to hisLordship,
that he"hadtakenDc*mra's
" "
r T T L r>
ft.
l^ter to the
,

the submission or Hugh Boy, or whose service to her

iorti

Majesty, he was confidentto make manifold good uses,

as well for the presentsetling Sir John Odogherties

Countreyafter his late death,as for revealingthe Rebels
secretcounselswel knowne to him. Among which, he
confidentlyavowedthat the King of Spainehad promised
to invade Ireland this yeere,with six thousandmen, &
to land at someTowne in Munster, (swearingthat three
of the chief Cities hadpromisedto receivethem:) Adding
that FlorenceMac Carty had written to Odonnel,that he
had submitted to the Queeneonely upon necessity,and
that upon the Spaniardscomminghee would joyne with
them.

This

Governour

further

advertised

that Phelim

Oge,chiefeof a contraryfactionin Odogherties

country,
desired to make his humble submission to the Queenes

mercyupon theseconditions: to leaveof the nameof

373

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FYNES

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ITINERARY

1601.

Odogherty,and obey any man, to whom her Majesty

shouldgive that Countrey. To pay all debtshis men
did owe to any subjects. To dischargehis souldiers.

To returne to the owners twelve hundred Beeves hee had

cut for Odonnell.
To make satisfaction for a Barke

comming to the Liffer, which his peoplehad taken and

spoiled: And to yeeld up to him the Governor all the
cattle should be found in his Countrey belonging to
Odonnell. Adding, that Sir John Bolles in a journey
made upon Ocane, had killed fifty of his people, had
burned many houses and much corne. And that the

garrison of the Liffer had spoiled Tirconnel, had slaine

many, & had brought away two hundred Cowes,and
great booties.
Submission
of The tenth of April Sir Oghy Ohanlon,a northerneLord
Sir
Oghy submitted himselfeon his knees to her Majestiesmercy
Ohanlon.
at Tredagh, and signed certaine Articles, for the performance

whereof

hee tooke

his oath.

And

because these

Articles (excepttherefell out somespeciallreasonto leave

out someof them, and to addeothers)were the sameto
which all submitties at this time were tied, I will once
for all adde the briefe of them.

Articles
of
After his acknowledgement
that QueeneElizabeth,by
submission.
the Grace of God, Queene of England, France, and

Ireland, &c. Is the true absoluteand Soveraigne

Lady

of this realmeof Ireland, and of every part, & of all the

people thereof, with humble confessionof his former

disloyaltie,and of his penitency,and like profession

that
he had felt the waight of her Majesties power. This
done, farther to the exampleof all other offenders,he
testified

that hee made this his humble

submission and

protestationof his penitency,his future loyalty and

indevour to redeemehis faults by his good services.
Then he acknowledgedunder his hand, that now before
the Lord Deputy and Counsell,he taketh a corporalland

religious oath for all and severallArticles following;

Namely,That he will ever continuea loyall subject.
That for performance
thereof,and of all the following
374

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IRELAND

A.D.
1601.

Articles,he will put in sufficientpledges. That heedoth

renounceall mannerof obedienceto any forrainepower
or Potentate,dependingonly on the Queenehis Sove-

raigne. That heerenouncethall Rebels,and will not aide

them, but serve against them when he is commanded.

That heewill to the uttermostof his powerwithstand

and confoundany disloyal subject,or forraine enemy
attemptingagainstthe sacredperson,or estateof her
Majesty,or the quietnesof her faithfull subjects,more
especially,againstthe Arch-traytor Tyrone, and the King
of Spainesupporting him. That hee will cometo the
Statewhensoeverhee is commanded,neither will upon
wrongs seeketo right himselfe,but will seekeredresse

by courseof Law. That he will revealeall conspiracies

[n. ii. 99.]
of treason

which

hee shall heare.

That

he will

sue out

her Majesties pardonwithin certainedayes,for him and

his followers,and answerfor their good behaviour. That
hee will booke these followers within certaine dayes.
That he will suffer all subjects safely to trade in his
Countrey. That heewill extort no blackeRents,or make
other exactionson his people, but by due course of a

subject. For sincereperformance

hereof,he testifiedthat

he had taken his corporall oath, upon his knees,before OafA fg be

the Lord Deputy and Councell, (the sameoath being taken
upon
the
solemnlyministred to him, and takenby him in the said knees.
assembly)and did againevow the sameupon his salva-

tion, religiouslyprofessing,
that if he shouldbreakthose

Articles or any of them, he would acknowledgehimselfe

not onely to be worthy of all infamy and extreamepunishment; but ever after to beemost unworthy to bearethe
nameof a Christian, or to injoy the societyof men, to
which, as hee had unfainedly sworne, so now in witnesse

thereof, he did in this written forme of submissionset

to his hand, with addition of the day of the moneth,and

of the yeerewhenthis act wasdoneby him.

The sixteenthof Aprill, the Governourof Loughfoyle
by his lettersintreated,that a pardonmight be passedto
Hugh Boy (which businesse
the bearerhad undertaken
375

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1601.

to solicite)and that NealeGarve,to whomthe Queene

hadgrantedOdonnels
Countrey,
mightbesentbackefrom

Dublin, becausethe Irish were confident,that upon his

arrivall all the peopleof Tirconnellwould flocke unto

him. Furtheradvertising,that the garrisonof the Liffer
had burnt the New-towne, and killed twelve kerne and

thirty eightof otherpeople,andhadbroughtbackesome

threehundredCowes. And that the garrisonof Donnegall, had burnt in OcanesCountreya great village,and
many women,children, and Cowes,with the houses,and
had killed someforty kerne and churles.
S.Georges The three & twenty of Aprill, his Lordship kept

feast
keftat r-g^ Georges
feast,at Dublin, with solemnepompe,the
Dublin.
u
"

"

"

Captains bringing up his meat, & some of the Colonels

attending on his personat Table. To which feast the

Rebelswere invited, whom his Lordship lately received
to mercy,under her Majestiesprotection,till their pardons
might be signed,namelyTurlogh Mac Henry, Captainof
the Fewes, Ever Mac Cooly, chiefe of the Fearney,

Ohanlona Lord of Ulster, PhelimMac Feagh,chief of

Tk

b I

awed.

the Obyrnes,& Donnell Spaniagh,chiefeof the Cavanaghs

in Lemster. Thesewereentertainedwith plenty of wine,
and all kindnesse,his Lordship assuringthem, that ashe
had bin a scourgeto them in rebellion, so he would now
be a mediator for them to her Majesty, in their stateof
subjects, they standing firme and constant to their
obedience. And no doubt, as there is a secretmystery
of State in thesesolemnepomps; and as his Lordship
therein,for his personandcarriage,wasmost comely,and
(if I may use the word) Majesticall; so the magnificence
^ ^i8 feast wrought in the heartsof thoseRebels,and
^7 their relation in the heartsof othersafter submitting,
(both having first experiencedthe sharpenesse
of the
Queenessword,) such an awfull respectto her Majesty,

andsuchfearetempredwith loveto his Lordship,asmuch

availed

to containe

them in due obedience.

From the end of March to the beginningof May,

upon the Lord Presidentsintercessionby letters to the

376

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REBELLION

IN

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A.D.
1601.

Lord Deputy, manypardonsweregrantedfor life, land, Many

pardons
andgoods,to Chiefetaihes
of Countries,and Gentlemengranted.
in Mounster; namely,to Mac Carty Reough,Chieftain
of Carbery,and two hundred& ten followers,aswell men,
as women and children: to Oswyllivan Beare,and some
five hundredtwenty eight followers,asalso to Oswyllivan
Brantry: to John Odoyre of Tiperary, and some one
hundredfifty followers: to Fitz JamesGerrald,with some
three hundred seventy followers: and to Teig Mac
MoreretaghObrian, in the County of Lymrick, with some
two hundred twenty one followers; and some others,
which for brevity I omit. And it was concludedat the
CouncellTable, on the last of Aprill, that the two following provisoes,should bee inserted in all pardons, (and

chargewas accordinglygiven to the Queeneslearned

Counsell, and to the Officers, and to his Lordships

Secretaries,
whosehandsal pardonspassed,that the said
Provisoesshould be continually inserted)namely: First, [II. ii- 100.]
in regard somenotorious Rebelsof the Pale might passe
as followers to remote Lords, that the pardon be not
availableto any, but to the naturall inhabitants,tenants,
andknownefollowersof the Lord sopardoned. Secondly,
in regard manyRebelstaken,and to be judged according
to the Law, might by oversightbeepardoned,proviso was
to be entred,that no pardonshould availeany, who were
alreadyin prison, or upon bayle.
The secondof May, his Lordship wrote to the Lords Thesweetnes

in England,that Mounsterwas not only wel reduced,ofpeace

in

butbegan
to tastethesweetnes
of peace:thatthelike Mounster
and
Lemster.
might be said of Lemster, exceptthe Mores andConners,
who were scattered,& had sought, but could not obtain
of him the Queensmercy. That the Northern borders
of Ulster were assured,namely; OhanlonsCountry, the
Fewes,Clancarvill, the Ferney,most of the Galloglasses,
and many of the Mac Mahownes,and that a garrisonwas
plantedin the Brenny,and the QueenesMac Gwyer setled

in Fermanagh.That Sir Henry Dockwraat Loughfoyle,

and Sir Arthur Chichesterat Carickefergus(commonly
377

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MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1601.

calledKnockefergus)
had madetheir neighbourssureto
theState,andbothhaddoneherMajestyexcellentservice.

Connaght
most
XhatonelyConnaght,
mosteasilyto bereduced,
wasmost
order'
out of order. That for this reasonhee thought fit to
plant Ballishannongarrison through Connaght, which

might be reducedwith the very passingof the Army;

and thereforehadperswaded
the Magazinof victualsat
Galloway, speciallysince from those parts his Lordship
might easilyjoine with the Lord-President,in caseSpaine
should

invade

Mounster.

That

in the meane

time

his

Lordship would draw one thousandfoot out of Mounster,

to serve in Ulster, and for a time borrow thence five

hundred Foot and fifty Horse for Connaghtjourney, the

forcesremainingbeing sufficientto guard Mounster,and
greater then he had left in Lemster, in the peacewhereof
he might seemeto have more proper interest. But if
Spaineshould invadeMounster, then all the Army wasto
be drawnethither, and great suppliessentout of England,
sincethe defectionof the Irish waslike to be great, even
of those who yet had never declaredany malice against
the State: yet that his Lordship desired presentlyno
Nosuppliessupplies,in regard of her Majestiesexcessivecharge,in

desired. levyingandtransporting
them,trustingthatbytheRebels
forcesdiminished,occasion
would be given to castsome

of the Army, with which cast Companiesthe defectsof

the standing might be supplied, wherein his Lordship
promised to proceedwithout preferring such, as even
with their blood shedin his fight deservedadvancement,
or satisfying some worthy Commanders,(whose entertainementhe hadrather lessened)
or pleasuringthose,who

might justly challengeprefermentfrom him. Therefore

praying, that her Majesty would not commandhim to

bestownew Companies
(as of late sheehad done)upon
such as of late had beeneabsent,and had onely served
at the loosing of the Kingdome, so as they were least
fit to be preferredbefore those who had hazardedtheir
lives in regaining it: Adding, that he writ not this, to

upholdany privatedependency
on himselfe,esteeming
it
378

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1601.

a greatvanityso to doe,but onelyto strengthen

himselfe,
so long andno longerthenhe shouldbe imploiedin her
Majesties service. That in stead of new supplies, he
desired leave to entertaine some of the Irish Submitties

in

pay, by them to consumethe Rebels,and by the Rebels

to diminishtheir number,sincetwo thingsremainedto Twoth'in&

settlethe Kingdome.
First the ridding 1Ireland" of the r"?neto
6
Mt& Ireland.
c

"

rr

owordmen, (to which end the Irish affected some journey

into the Low Countries or the Indies, which could not

makethem any whit more able Souldiersthen now they

were,nor addeto their knowledgeof warre fit for Ireland,
which they now had; but three parts of foure were like
neverto returne, if they were ingagedin sucha voyage).
Secondly,the making of the English ownersfit to inhabit
their lands, which was most difficult, in regard of their
poverty, and of the great quantities of lands they
possessed,
sincein particular of somegentlemenof Leax
and Ophalia, eachpossessed
as much land, as being well
inhabited, would maintaine more men then all the Rebels
of those Counties

were in number.

About the tenth of May his Lordship gave warrant to

passethe pardon of Phelim mac Feogh Obyrn, of the
Glinnes, with his followers, and likewise of Phelim mac

Feogh O Toole of the Fartrey, with fifty six followers.

And uponthehumblesubmission
of RossemacMahowne,[n. ii. 101.]
his Lordship grantedhim her Majestiesprotection,till he
might sueout his pardon.
About this time his Lordship had advertisementfrom SirHenry

Sir HenryDockwraGovernour
at Loughfoyle:That he advert"ementDockwra's
had taken in Odogherties Countrey, and secured the

passages
into it, as well againstOdonnell,as the false
Inhabitants. That he having gatheredthe forcesto spoile
Hugh mac Hugh Duffes Countrey, the project was

frustratedby an Irishmanstealingfrom the Army, and

given themintelligencehereof,soasthey drovethe prey
farre off into remote parts. That Neale Garve with
CormockeO Neale, dispatchedlately from Dublin, were
arrived at Loughfoyle. That he the said Governour
379

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FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1601.

deferringthe prosecutionof Ocane,because

he had no
Havenin his Countreyfor the landingof Spaniards,
nor
could escapefrom the English forces,though Spaniards
should land, the sametime resolvedto enter Hugh mac

Hugh
DuffesHugh Duffes Countrey,as morefit to receiveforraigne
forces, and to supply them with victuals or other
necessaries.

And to this end that he had assembled the

forces to the Liffer. That Shane mac Manus Oge

Odonnell, commandingcertaine Hands in the Sea,did
there offer to submit, but upon suchconditions as were
unfit, yet the Irish extolling his valour, and intreating for
him, and Neale Garvefor the time being contentto spare
him of the men allowed him, fifty foot and twenty five
horse,that he the Governourhad further promisedhim,
upon acceptableservice,to procure him as many more
men in her Majesties pay, whereuponhe had taken his
oathof obedience,andhad secretlysentword to his people
to spoyleRory OdonnelsCountrey; (who then had him
in no suspition). This done, that he the Governour
suddenlyenteredHugh Duffes Countrey aforesaid,and
spoyled the same, taking a prey of more then one
thousandCowes,with great numbersof Garrons,Sheepe,
and Goates. That thencehe marchedinto Fanaght,where
Owen Oge mac Swinedoe,Lord of the Doe, met him
on the borders,and delivering the chiefe pledgesof his
Countrey for his and their loyalty, tooke his oath of
obedienceto her Majestic. That hearing of Odonnels

drawinginto thoseparts,he thenceretiredwith greatpart

Neale
Garve's
of the forces,leaving NealeGarvewith his Irish and some

kyalfie. EnglishCompanies
for hisassistance,
to spoyle
andabsolutelywasteFannaght,to whomMacSwineFannaght
Lord
of the Countrey,presentlydeliveredpledgesof his loyalty,
taking his oath of obedienceto her Majestic, at which
time likewise Mac Swine Bone, and O Boyle, earnestly
solicited the Governour to be receivedto mercy. That

NealeGarveby the keepingof Tirconnellgrantedhim

at Dublyn for the time, till her Majestymight pleaseto
passethe sameto him by LettersPattents,andby great
380

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1601.

gifts he had there received,was puffed up with pride,

desiring presentpossessionof the Countrey, and calling

thepeoplehis subjects,
andsayingto theGovernoursface,
that he would punish,exact,cut, & hangethem,as he
list. But that he had calmedhim with severespeeches,
& with chargenot to meddlewith any man, or any part

of the Countreyupon his alleagiance,

sincehe had no
right but from her Majestiesbounty, not yet fully
expressed,and that not soveraigne,but limitted, so as
might best stand with the peoplesgood, who were not
his but her Majesties subjects. That he found him to Nea/eGarve't

be in his nature proud, valiant, miserable,tyrannous,natureunmeasurablycovetous,without any knowledgeof God,

or almost any civility, good to be used while he was
satisfied,(which he could hardly bee,being like a Quince,
requiring great cost ere it be good to eat), or whilst he
was kept under (which was the fitter courseto be held
with him), yet that he thought him sure to the State,
in regard of the pledgeshe had given, but much more,
because
he could no way better his estateby leaving the
Queenesservice, nor be secure of any word from
Odonnell, whose brother he had killed.

That Cormacke Cormacke

O Neale,beingof latecomefromDublyn,couldhitherto Nealfhave done no service, but that he was of reasonable

esteeme
amongthe peopleof his Countrey,and wasof a
mild honestdisposition,willing to servewithout grating
beggery,or unreasonable
demands,yet wasIrish and little

lesse barberous then the better sort of wood kern.

That

commingout of the woodswithout friend or kinseman,

hecould thengive no pledges,but his wife andchildren
were since come to him, and within

the Governours

power, besidesthat he seemednot to be inclined to

trechery, neither could mend his estateby leaving the
Queenesservice,to which he camein voluntarily, without [II. ii. 102.]

calling,forcing,or composition,
andthereinremained
with

his desires limitted, and to be contented with reason.

That Hugh Boy, was subtill, wise,civil, a Papist,and

aliened(but not deeply malicious)against Odonnels
381

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1601.

person,yet firmein his allegiance,

havingcomein with
Hugh
Boy. his Countrey,and deliveredhis chiefepledges,offering

any other to be deliveredupon command; and having

shewedthe passages
into his Countrey, and himselfe
sollicitedandfurtheredthefortifying thereof,dailygiving
sureandimportantintelligences,
to the great furtherance
of the service; besidesthat, all his wealth lay within the

powerof theQueenes
forces. Lastly,thatbetweene
these
submitties were factions and heart-burnings, which
discreetlymeasured,could not but advantagethe service.
The fifteenthof May the Lord Deputy received(by the
hands of Sir George Gary, Treasurer at warres) a

Proclamation
Proclamation
(signedby the Queene)to be published,for

ofnew
monies.
makingthenewstandard
of mixedmonies
to beonely
currant in this Kingdome, all other coyns being to be
brought in to the Treasurer. And likewise a letter from
the Queene,requiring the Lord Deputy and Counsellto
further the due execution of the contents of this Proclama-

tion, and by someplausiblegraces,done in generallto

the subject,(in theestablishing

anexchange
of this coyne

300.
Proclamations

into sterling money of England, & taking away the

impositionson seacolestransportedinto Ireland, and in
particularto the Captainesof the Army, in allowing their
dead paies in mony, after the rate of eight penceper
diem, and somelike favours),inviting all to swallowthis
bitter pill, which impoverishednot only the Rebels,but
her Majesties best servants in this Kingdome, onely
inriching her Paymasters,sitting quietly at home,while
others adventureddaily their bloods in the service.
The twentieth of May the Lord Deputy and Counsell
advertisedthe Lords in England, that they had given
order to print 300. of the Proclamationsfor the new

tobe
coyne,to be publishedthroughall partsof Irelandat one
published.time. That they hadin Counsellagreedupona generall
hoastingfor this yeere,to beginnethe last of June follow-

ing. And in the meanetime, while that waspreparing,

that the Lord Deputy would draw the forcesto Dundalke

uponthe Northerneborders,thereto watchopportunities

382

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1601.

of service,and speciallyby his presence

to animatethe
new submitties,to attempt something againstthe Archtraytor Tyrone, and to put them in bloodagainsthim and

hisconfederates.And that his Lordshiptowardsthe time

of the said hoasting,purposedto returne to Dublyn, and

to the endhe might find thereall thingsin readinesfor

his intendedprosecutionof Tyrone in his owneCountrey,
they besoughttheir Lordships that victuals and munition

might with all possiblespeedbe sent thither out of

England. The foresaidgenerall hoastingis a rising out
of certainefoot and horse, found by the subject of the
five English shiresand the Irish Submitties,to assistthe
Queenesforces, and these, together with some of the
English Companies,his Lordship usedto lay in the Pale,
for the defencethereof, at such time as the forces were to
be drawne

into

Ulster.

The rising out of the five English Shiresand the The

rising
out

IrishSubmitties.
Vizt. Of theCounty
of f^/'**
Dublyn.

Besidessixteene Kearne.

Shires.

Archers
Horse.
AJUJIov>
. T -f
Horse.

In the Barrony of Balrothery.

nil.

26

In that of Cowlocke,

nil.

30

In that of Newcastle,

nil.

18

In that of Castlelcnocke.
In that of Rathdowne.

nil.
12

ii
10

2. Of the County of Meath. Besidesone hundred

Kerne

of the Pooles.

In the Barony of Dulicke.

In the Baronyof Skrine,

nil.
24

32
3

In that of Ratothe.

nil.

T3

In
In
In
In

nil.
nil.
nil.
nil.

3
17
4
8

that of Dunboyne.
that of Decy.
that of Moyfewragh.
that of Lane.
383

[II. ii. 103.]

A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1601.

Horse.

Therising
out

of the Five
English

Shires.

Archers

Horse.

In that of Navan.

nil.

48

In that of Kenlles, alias Kells.

In that of Slane.

16

In that of Fowere.

28

nil.

In that of Margallen.

11

Thirdly, Of the County

of Westmeath.

60

Fourthly, Of the County

of Kildare.

In the Barronyof Sualt.

In that of the upper Naasse.
In that of the netherNaasse.

8
nil.
nil.

14
13
5

nil.
nil.
i
i

2
3
2
2

In that of Connall.

nil.

In that of Clane.

nil.

In that of Okethy.
In that of Carbery.
Fifthly, Of the County

nil.
nil.

5
4

In the Barony of Ferrard.

In that of Atherdy.

4
16

26
13

In that of Kelkullen.

In
In
In
In

that of Narragh.
that of Reban& Athy.
that of Kilkey.
that of Ophaly.

of Louth.

In the Townes

of Lowth

and

of Dundalke.

16 I

Summa 207-374.

Totall both 581.

TheIrish

The rising out of the Irish Lords,andtheir Captaines.

their

The Obyrnes,over whom after the death of Sir Henry

Lords and

Captaines.
Harrington,
hissonSirWilliamHarrington,
is Captaine
by the late QueenesLetters Pattents,grantedto his father

and him, Horsemen 12. Kerne 24.

384

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REBELLION

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IRELAND

A.D.
1601.

The Cavanaghs
having then no Captaineover them.
Horse 12. Kerne 30.

Other particular septs, besidesthose which were in

rebellion. Horse 104. Kerne 307.
Totall, Horse 128. Kerne 361.

The project of disposingthe Queenesforcesfor the Thedisposing

followingSummers
service.

fthe
Queenes

Out of Mounster
wethoughtfit to bespared,
andto ^'

be drawneinto Connaght 1000 foot and 50 horse,(since

there should

still remaine

in Mounster

1600 foot and 200

horse,for any occasionof service.) Foot 1000. Horse

50.

In Connaght were already (besidesTybot ne longes

Company). Foot 1150 Horse 74.
Theseto be placedasfolloweth.
To keepeat Gallowayand Athlone in Connaght,foot
35-

To leaveat the Abbey of Boyle in Connaghtunder the

command of the late Lord of Dunkellen, now Earle of
Clanrickard.

Foot 1000 Horse

62.

Theseto further the plantationof Balishannon.

To leaveat theAnnaly in Lemster sideof the Shannon,
under the commandof Sir John Barkeley. Foot 800.
Horse

12.

These fit to joine with the undermentionedforces of

Westmeath, Kels, and the rest upon the Northerne

borders,to stop the Ulster Rebelsfrom comminginto

Lemster; or if they shouldpassethem, then to joine with
the forcesof Ophaly, and the rest southward. Tybot ne
long, (the payment of whose Companyhad long beene
stopped)wasto be kept in good tearmes. OconnorSligo
to be threatned, that if he did not submit and declare

himselfeagainst Odonnell before the planting of Ballishannon,he should have no hope of mercy. The forces
at the Abby of Boyle were to infest OconnorSligo, and to

keepeOrorkefromjoining with Odonnell. Thoseat the

Annaly, to infest Ororke, besidesthe abovementioned,
M. II

385

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A.D.

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1601.

Thedisposing
lying betweene
any forcesthat might comeout of the

oftkeQueenes
North into Lemster, and to follow them if they should

frces'

escape,
it beinglikely thataboutharvesttimeTyrrell and
the Oconnorswill gatherstrength(if they possiblycan)
to returneandgatherthe Cornethey sowedlast yeerein
Leax and Ophaly. And thus are disposedthe abovesaid
Foot 2150. Horse 124.

[II. ii. 104.] The

Forces

towards

the
lie

South

thus

of

Lemster

to

In Ophaly. The Earle of Kildare 150. Sir George

Bourcher 100. Sir Edward Harbert 100. Capt. Carroll
100. Sir Henry Warren 100 Foot. In all 550. Earleof
Kildare 25. Sir Edward Harbert 12. Horse. In all 37.
In Leax. Sir Henry Power 150. Sir FrancisRushe 150.
Sir Thomas Loftus 100 Foot.

In all 400.

Master

Marshall 20. CaptainePigot 12 Horse. In all 32. At

Kilkenny. Earle of Ormond 150 Foot. Earle of
Ormond 50 Horse.
The

Forces

towards

the North
lie thus :

of

In Westmeath. Lord of Delvin 150.

Lemster

to

Sir Francis

Shane100 Foot. In Kelles. CaptaineRoper 150 Foot.

Earle of Kildare 25. Sir Henry Harrington 25 Horse.
At Liscannon in the Brenny. Lord of Dunsany 150.
CaptaineEsmond 150. Sir William Warren 100. Sir
Henry Harrington 100. Foot 500. Lord of Dunsany
50 Horse. At Dundalke. Captaine Freckleton 100.
Foot. In the Moyry. CaptaineHansard 100 Foote.
Theseof the North and the Garrisonsat the Abby of
Boyle, lie fit for correspondencie.
Theseof the South, togetherwith the submittedIrish
in Opprossery,and the Odemsies,Omolyes, and Mac
Coghlins,lie fit for correspondency
amongthemselves,as
also with the garrisonat the Annaly. Also all theseof
the South and North, lie aptly placed to answereone
386

THE

REBELLION

IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1601.

anotherupon occasionof service,and arein number,those Thedisposing

of the South,Foot iioo.

North,

Horse 119. Those of the force$'

ftheQueenes

Foot 11oo. Horse 100.

Bothof the SouthandNorth. Foot 2200. Horse219.

Totall, adding the forcesabovesaiddrawneout of
Mounster,and thosebeing in Connaght,(namelyfoot

2150. Horse 124.) Makes Foot 4350. Horse 343.

The Lord Deputies forces follow, wherewith he
purposedto build a Fort at the Moyry, and put men
into it to keepethat Pace: To plant a Garrisonin Lecale

of 500. foot and fifty horse. To give Sir Arthur Chichesterthe Governourof Knockefergus,
two Companies
for his betterstrength. To plant a garrisonat Armagh,
and another at the old fort of Blackewater, and a little

loopesconcebetweenethem both. To seegreat store of

hay madein time of the yeereat Armagh,and at Mount
Norreis, for feedingof horsesthere in the winter following. To lie all the summercloseupon Tyrone, destroying the new Corne, and spoyling the Countrey, and so
to facilitate the planting of Balishannon,and perhapsto
passeinto Tyrones Countrey, the Garrisonsof Knockefergus,Lecale,and Loughfoyle entering at the sametime
on al hands,and there ordered to meet him.

And to draw

towardswinter to Athlone in Connaght.

The Lord Deputies said forces.

The Lord Deputy 200. The Marshall 150. Sir Oliver
Lambert 150. Sir ChristopherS*Laurence 150. Sir Fr.
Stafford200. Sir Oliver Sl Johns200. Sir Henry Folyot
150. Capt.Williams 150. Sir JamesFitzpierce150. Sir
William Fortescue100. Sir Garret Moore 100. Captaine Oreyly 100. Captaine Edward Blaney 150.
CaptaineJosias Bodley 150. Sir Henry Davers 150.

Captaine
Ghest150. CaptaineRoe 100. Capt.Masterson 100. Capt. Rotheram 150. Foot 2750. Lord

Deputy 100. Sir Henry Davers100. Sir Oliver Lambert 25. Sir Garret More 25. Sir Christ. S. Laurence

25. CaptaineDarcy25. Horse 300.

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ThedisposingThe Companies
intendedto be left in the garrisonto

oftheQueenes
bepianted
thjssummer
at Lecaile.

Sir Richard Moryson the Governour 150. Captaine

Cawfield150. CaptaineTrever 100. CaptaineConstable
100. Foot 500. Sir SamuelBagnol50 horse.
The Garrison then being at Knockefergus.
Sir Arthur

Chicester

the Governour

200.

Sir Foulke

Conway 150. CaptaineEgerton 100. CaptaineNorton

100. Captaine Billings 100. Captaine Phillips 100.
Foot 750.

Sir Arthur Chichester25. CaptaineJohn Jephson100.

Horse 125.

These two garrisons of Lecayle and Knockefergus,

[II. ii. 105.]might meet upon all occasions,and so by the intended

plantationof Lecayle,the garrisonof Knockferguswas

thoughtas muchstrengthened,
asif thosecompanies
lay
there.

Lying presentlyin garrisonat the Newry, upon Ulster

borders, Sir Samuell Bagnoll 150 foot. Sir Francis
Stafford 50 horse.

Lying at the fort of Mount Norreys,CaptaineAderton

150 foot.
These two garrisons,and the two intended at Blackewater and Armagh, to be under one Governour,and to
have correspondency
as one garrison.
The garrisonsat Loughfoyle to be drawne forth into
the field.

At the Derry, in Lyst.

Sir Henry Dockwra the Governour 200. Captaine

Digges 100. CaptaineWillis 150. CaptaineLea 100.

CaptaineOram 100. CaptaineBrooks 100. Capt. Orrel
100. Foot 850. whereof to be drawneinto the field 650.

At the Lyffer.
CaptaineCoachi oo. CaptaineMorgan 150. Captaine
Winsore 100. CaptaineDutton 100. CaptaineGoare
150. CaptainePinner 100. Capt.Rand TOO.Foot 800.
For the field 550.
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TV

At Dunalong.

The disposing

Ofthe
Queenes

Sir JohnBolles150. Captaine

Floyd150. Capt.forcesBadby150. Capt.Sidley100. Capt.Basset100. Foot

650. For the field 400.

At Kilmore, CaptaineAlford 100. For the field 35.
At Newtowne. Capt. Atkinson 100. For the field 40.
At Romolyon,Capt.Bingley 150. At Culmerat,Captaine
Vaughan 100. At the Cargan,Capt. Stafford 100. At
Anny, CaptaineSidney100. Foot 650. For the field 75.
Totall in List 3000. For the field 1675.

Thus at Loughfoylewith theseEnglish foote,andone

hundredEnglish horse,togetherwith five hundred Irish
foote, and one hundred Irish horse,and the helpeof the
Submitties,especiallyof Neale Garve, and of Cormocke
Oneale. It wasthought that Sir Henry Dockewramight
plant an intendedgarrisonat Ballishannon,asby his owne
offer he had projected in England, and besideskeeping
his owne, might also draw out sufficientforcesto meete
the Lord Deputy in the heart of Tyrone, if the project
of planting Ballishannoncould take such effect as was
hoped. To the furtherancewhereof, I did at this time,

uponhis Lordshipscommand,devisea Cipher,to passeA Cipher

betweene
his LordshipandtheGovernours
of Loughfoyle,devised.
Knockefergus,and Lecaile, to the end, that if the rebels
shouldlight upon any their letters, contriving this meeting or other service,yet they might not be ableto discover
any their secretpurpose, especiallysince they were so
ignorant, as they could not attaine the deciphering of
thoseCharacters,or any like, though farre more easie:
and this Cipher was presently sent to the above named
Governours.

His Lordshipfurther resolvedin Councelto write to 6000.

trained
theLords in England,to havesix thousandof the trainedbands
tobein

bandsin readines,
to be sentover presentlyuponthe reae&nessuspected
invasionof forraignepowers,and to have a
Magazinof victualsandmunition at Limricke,aswellto

answerethe service in Mounster, if they should make

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discentin thoseparts(beingmostlikely) as to be drawne

TheLord

thenceto Galloway,in caseno suchinvasionwere made,

there to answerethe prosecutionof the Connaghtrebels,
intendedthe Winter following.
All things thus projectedfor the following prosecution
of this warre, his Lordship on the two and twentieth of

Deputy's May, begannehis intendedjourney above mentioned,

JNort?
t0^ fromDublin>
andthetwenty
three
came
toTredagh,
and

the twenty five to Dundalke, wherehis Lordship lay, till

the dispersedCompaniescould be drawne thither, and
victuals brought. Here he composedall controversies
betweenethe late Submitties,and setleda correspondency
betweene them, aswell to make them concurre in the

defenceone of another, as also in the defenceof the Pale.

Here his Lordship receivedthe twenty eight of May,

letters from the Lords in England,requiring that no

Captain should supply his Companywith Passe-volants
at pleasure; but onely with suchmen as shouldbee sent
out of Englandfor supplies. That the Captainesrefusing
to shewtheir companieswhen they were required by the
Commissaries of the Musters, should be checked two

monethspay. That suchPensionersshouldbe checkedas

[II. ii. 106.]without specialllicence,shouldbe absentfrom any service.
And that speciallcareshouldbe had to punishandprevent
such souldiers,as dismissedby their CaptainesPasses,or
running away from their colours, did duly returne into
England.
The nine and twentieth of May, upon the intercession
of the Lord Presidentby his Letters, (accordingto the
course held by directions out of England), the Lord
Pardons
to Deputy grantedhis warrantfor drawing of her Majesties

Mounster pardonto CnocherOmulrian,a Munsterrebell,chiefeof

his Sept(or name),and eighty threefollowers,aswellmen
asweomenandchildrenof that sept. The secondof June
it was resolved in Councell, that letters should be written

to the Lord Presidentof Mounster,requiring him to draw

theforcesunderhim towardsLymricke,andin thoseparts

to imploy them most part of the following summer,as
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THE

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well readyto attendthediscentof anyforraigneenemy,

asfitly laid to give countenance
to the prosecutionof the
rebelsin Connaght,whetherthe saidLord Presidentwas
to be further directed, to send a thousandfoot and fifty

horse,(accordingto the abovementionedproject),to the

end that the rebelsbeing prosecutedin that Province,
might have no leasureto joine with thoseof the North,

for disturbingthe plantingof a garrisonat Ballishannon,

which Sir Henry Dockwra was to plant from the way of
Loughfoyle. The fifth of June the Lord Presidentadver- TheLord

tisedthat warninghadbeenegiven to thoseof Mounster,Presidents

forthesending
of theirmento thegenerall
hoasting
aboveadvert"eme
mentioned, which the Lord Deputy had appointed to
meet(accordingto the old custome)at the hill of Tarrogh,
but that he feared the scarcityof victuals and want of
furniture, would either hinder their full appearance,or
make them of small use to the service. The sixth day
upon the Lord Presidentsletters, warrant was given for
a charterof pardon without fine, to be granted to one
hundred fifty one Inhabitants about Moghely in the
County of Corke, as well men as weomenand children,
for life, lands, and goods. And the like was granted to
Oswillivan More of that Province with 481 followers.

The eighth of June being Monday, the Lord Deputy TheLord

drew the forces out of Dundalke, and marched two miles Deputy
at

to thehill of Fagher,
neere
thepace
of theMoyry,whereFa&fierhe encamped. And while he lay there, his Lordship
caused a fort to be built in the said Pace, at the three

mile water, not rising from thencetill he had made this

Fort defensible,so as leaving some warders in it, the
workemenmight in his absencefinish the building. The
thirteenth of June, in the Campeat the Fagher,his Lord-

ship publishedthe Proclamationof the new Coyne,all

other monieshaving beenedecriedthree daiesbefore.
And by his Lordshipsdirectionlike Proclamations
printed
at Dublyn, & thenceformerly sent to Loughfoyle &
Knockfergus,& into the Provincesof Connaght &
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places. The foureteenth,in the sameCampe,his Lord-

shipandthe Counsellors
there,wrote the followingletter
to the Lords in England.

The
Lord T X maypleaseyour mostHonourable
Lordships,perDeputy
sktter
_|
ceiving
by
your
Lordships
Letters
of
the
eighteenth
of
to the Lords in
6
/ J
.

England. May, that the victuals expectedto answereour purpose

of planting Ballishannonby Connaght,could not arrive
in suchquantity nor time, as might inable us to proceed
in that journey; and receiving someargumentsof your
Lordships inclination to Sir H. Dockwra his offer to
plant that garrisonfrom Loughfoyle, we grew into a new
consultation, in what sort to make the warre this Summer.

First, it was propoundedwith the Army to march by

Lecaile and those parts into Colrane, the end whereof
should have beeneto have brought in subjectionall the
woodmen,and utterly taken from Tyrone all that part
of Ulster between Colrane and Loughsidney to the
Blackewater, from whence heretofore the Traitor hath

gatheredhis greateststrength. The passages

being not
very dangerous,and we having the commodity of the
Seato supply us, we should have made the warre that
way to great purpose,and with good conveniency,and
perhapsmight have fallen over the Banneinto Tyrone,
all other wayesbeing of extreamedanger,to enter into
that Countrey, except that one by Loughfoyle. The

chiefedifficultythat did ariseagainstthis project,wasthe

dangerwherein we should leave all things behind us, if
[II. ii. 107.]the Spaniardshould land, when we had carriedthe chiefe

forceof the Kingdomeinto the uttermostcornerthereof:

and the next was, that we being not able to leave any
great guard for the Pale, shouldhave left it nakedto any
attempt of Tyrone, and the new reclaimedrebelsto the
mercy of him, as the Pale to the mercy of both : But
in the end we grew to this resolution. First, in the
Interym, betweene this and the appointment of the

generallhoasting,(by the which we shouldbe supplied

with carriages,
and aboutwhich time we expectvictuals
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andmunitionout of England,of the first wherofwe are

moresparinglyprovidedthen may warrantthe ingaging
our selvesinto any great businesse,
and of the second
so utterly unfurnished, as wee scarcehave powder to

maintainea good daiesfight, nor tooles,nor other pro-

visions to fortifie, which must be our chiefe worke, as

we carry the rebels before us to dwell by them), we

determineto assurethe passageof the Moyry, then to
planta garrisonat Lecaile,and to convaysomemore men
to Sir Arthur ChichesterGovernour of Carickefergus,
(who with that Garrisonand thosesupplies,togetherwith
the advantagethat our stirring in all other placeswill give
him, may goe neere to work little lesseeffect, then we
with the whole Army should have done): and lastly, we
purposeto lie with the forcesas neereTyrone as we can.
After when victuals and munition

should be arrived,

(whichwe hope to receiveby the last of June, being the

time appointedfor the generallhosting),we purpose(God
willing) as neereasweecanto imploy her Majestiesforces
accordingto the inclosedproject: (This project I have

formerlyset downe). With the particularitiesof Sir H. StrHDockewrahis purpose to plant Ballishannon,(sent by f ""
Captaine Vaughan to your Lordships) we are not
acquainted,onely Master Treasurerhath told us of such
a propositionin generall. But weedoubt not, that withall
he hath propoundedto your Lordships for such meanes
to accomplishhis worke, as must be suppliedfrom thence.
For from us he can receive little other assistance,then

our imploying the whole forcesaccordingto the inclosed

project, which in every part is done as much as may be

for his advantage,

neither(whichis worse)canwe easily
haveany intelligencefrom him, or often heareonefrom
another. But if we perceive that he shall find any
impossibility to plant Ballishannon,wee thinke to advise
him, with the whole grosseof his strength to fall into
Tyrone, about such time as we shall be at Blackewater,

wherebyit mayfall out, that we shall(with the helpeof

God) meet at Dungannon, and utterly waste all the
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countryof Tyrone,unto the whichcourseif we bedriven,

we must resolveto make the warre this following winter

in Connaght,(first leavingthe Northernborderin good

strength),which we hopewill reducethat Province,&
ruine O Donnel; for if we keepehim out of Connaght,

he cannotlong subsist,and so we hope, for the continuall

assuranceof that Province, to plant the next yeere at
Ballishannonwith facilitie. But if the planting of so
many Garisonsdoe seeme,by continuing the greatnesse

of the Armie, to drawon too long her Majestiescharge,

wee doe first thinke, that to recoverthis Kingdome,and

to preserveit from beinghereafterchargeable,

it will bee

Towers
of

necessary,
that Ballishannon,Loughfoyle, someGarrisons
on the Ban, Lecayle, Mount Norreys, Armagh, Blackwater; and some other places,be continually kept, all
which placesmay be ever victualed by Sea,or they being
nearetogether,without any dangerouspassagebetweene
them by land, may be victualed by Seaand land, without
any further force then their owne. And if there be in
every Fort somelittle Keepe(or Tower) of stonebuilt,

stone.

then, as the warres decrease, or occasion shall serve, the

placesmay bee guardedwith a few men, and so continue

bridles in peace,and fit placesto put in more men to
great purpose,when the rebellion shallat any time breake
out.

Neither

neede these little

Castles bee workes of

any great charge,for they may be easily made such,as

this peoplewill hardly force them. To proceedein our
project of this Summer service. The victuals alreadie
contractedfor, must arrive in due time, and your Lordshipssupply us with good quantitieshereafter. For our
Theonelyway
onely wayto ruine the rebels,must be to makeall possible
to ruine the
wast of the meanesfor \\fe, which done, if we be not

suppliedout of England,we shallaswellstarveour selves

asthem; but especiallywherewee must makethe warre,
which is farre from the reliefe of any friend, and where
nothing is to be gotten from the enemy,exceptit be by
great chance,sincewhat is in their Countries, they wil

[II. ii. 108.]lightly either hide, or spoile,or conveyto inaccessable

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Fastnesses.And becausethe greatestservicehereis to

be doneby long and suddenjournies,which cannotbe
done without victuall, and no victual! but cheesewell

carriedby the souldier,without garons(or carriageJades)

we must humbly desire your Lordships to send us some

great quantities of cheese. In the provision whereof
whatsoeverinconveniencesyour Lordships shal find, we
assureyou they wil be ten times countervailedin the
service. Lastly, becausethe Army is already weak of
English, and this journy (without the extraordinaryfavor
of God) must needsdiminish them much, aswelby the
sword as sicknes,we most humbly and earnestlydesire
your Lps. assooneas conveniently may bee, to send us
1000shot to Carlingford for supplies,that at our returne, 1000.shot

we mayboth strengthenthoseEnglishCompanies,
which tostrengthen
we meaneto leave behind us in the North, and such ihe my'
as wee carry with us for the Winter service. The time
wil be exceedingfit for their arrivall; for besidesthe
succourwe mayreceivefrom them, if we grow very weake
at our returne, they will comeover well cloathedagainst
theWinter, and may havetime to rest,and to be seasoned,
till Christmas,(till when in thesewarresit is the most
unactivepart of the yeere),and then may bee imployed
till the end of May (which is the onely seasonto plague
theserebels),and whenthe Summeris past(whereinthose
roguesrevive and live like flies) then our Garrisonsbeing

well planted,and the Army strengthened

with English,
weemay begin to cast the Irish Companies,and to cleare
the English Companiesof them. For they must continue good subjects,or starve if they goe out, and have
the Queenessword hang over them, wheresoeverthey
goe. In the meane time we thinke them necessarily
entertained,for wee take so many men from the Rebels,

andby themgive unto our selvesfacilitie to plant the

foundation of their owne ruine, and both with us and

againstus to wast them by themselves. For if wee

should not entertainethem, they would lie upon some

Countrieof the subject,andexceptit weredefendedby

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asmanyasthemselves,they would wasteand live upon it,

so that in effect the very numbersentertainedwould grow

all to onereckoning. And for a moreparticularinstance

rebels killed

of the benefit that ensueththe entertaining theseIrish,

we thinke we can give your Lordships an account of
a^ove one hundred that have this yeerebeen killed with

fighting
onthetne bullet,fighting on our side,who wereformerlyrebels
Queenes
side,(for of suchwee speake)and questionlesse
would have
beenso againe,if they had lived, and should have been
put out of the Queenespay. Wee humbly desireyour
Lordships to make a favourableconstructionboth of our
counsels,and the successes,
since those grounds whereupon we doe now justly build our resolution, may by

their alterationgive us just causeto alter our course,

and the want of such meanes,either in matter or time

as we expect, may utterly hinder it. And that more

especially,in caseany forraine succoursdoe arrive. For
then the whole frame of this our project is broken, and
we must be presentlyrelieved out of England, or else
we with this Kingdome shall suffer much hazard. And
becauseyour Lordshipsin your last letters,gave us some
light, that it might be, and leave to informe you, what
likelihood wee could here receive, that it would be; wee

have first the intelligencewhich we sendyour Lordships,

with many other reports. Next we have a constantand
of late an extraordinary conceived confidencein this
people. And lastly we judge what a wise anda powerfull
enemiewill doe, by that which is best and easiefor him
to doe. So as wee have many reasons to thinke, that

Helpe
Spainewill sendthem helpesthis yeere,and few to thinke
expected
from otherwise, save that he hath so often deceived their

faine'

expectations.
For if the maliceof Spainecontinueto
England, they have an easieand dangerousstep thereto
by Ireland; and if they doe not imbrace the occasion

of this yeere,there is no doubt but the next will for

ever loose it unto them. Now becauseit must please
your Lordships to proportion our succoursto the force
we are likely to be offendedwith, and that from us you
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will expectour owneestates;it may pleaseyour Lordships to consider,that the power of this Kingdome
consisteth
of her MajestiesEnglishArmy; of suchIrish
as are here in Companiesby themselves,or in English
Companiesto serve as mercenaries,of the Nobilitie,
Townes, and inbred people of this Nation, which live
as subjects; and lastly of such meere Irish Lords and
their people,as were lately reclaimed,or still remainein [H. " I09-l
rebellion. The English are few and farre dispersed,the
Irish that servewith us exceedingmercenary,and there-

fore likely to follow their goldenhopesof Spaine; the Golden

hopes
Nobilitie, Townes, and People, are of so obstinate a ofSpaine.
contrariety in Religion, that without question they are
growne malicious to the Governement,and affect under
the protectionof the power of Spaine,to declarethemselves: the Irish Lords with us, have the same motives

as they against us, in their last necessitieto joyne with

Spaine. And all these,especiallythe Townes, are more
stirred on by this new coine (which though, if the aide
of Spainedoe not arrive, may securelybe established,yet
if it doe, it will breedemany dangerousinconveniences.)
It may thereforepleaseher Majestic, to have in a readinesse sixe

thousand

of

the

trained

Bands

of

such

Countries,servingbest for transportinginto Ireland, to

be sent over into Mounster upon the first notice of any
forrainepower to be arrived there, and somepart of her
Navy in a readinesse,
with a greater portion of munition TheNavieto
and artillerie for us, then otherwise this warre would bein a

require.Wedoehopeto giveherMajestic
a verygoodrea^tnesse
accountof her Kingdomeand of our selves,untill wee
shall have cause to sue for more reliefe.

And if it must

needesfall out, that Spainewill have warrewith England,

we shallbe glad that the warreof Englandmaybe made

in Ireland, and that wee her poore servantsshall have

thehappinesse
to strikethefirstblowes
for bothherRoyall
Kingdoms,
thewhichtheeternallGodpreserve
longunto
her, and her unto them and us, &c.

The samefourteenthday,from the saidCampeat the

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Letter
toSir Fagher,his Lordship wrote to Sir Henrie Dockwra,
"fn>y
Dockzvra.

Governour ^,of Loughfoyle,

first touching
his Lordships
,6
111
"
i
"
i
r
purposes; That the general! hoastmg being the last or

June,his Lordshippresumed
within sixteenedayesafter,
to be provided of all meanesto put al the forcesin action,

accordingto their distribution (the project whereofhe

sent to him inclosed),and to bee himselfe as high as
Armagh, with sucha power,asTyrone shouldhave good
reason to thinke, that he would doe somewhat more, and

in the meanetime he would (God willing) keepethe field

as neere Tyrone, as his meaneswould give him leave.
So as his Lordship having planted at Armagh and Blackwater,hopedeither by lying there to facilitatehis planting
of Ballishannonfrom Loughfoyle, or to breake into
Tyrone, and meete him there. And if Tyrones Army
should breake,as his Lordship expected,he thought to
find no great difficulty herein, but otherwise held the
passage
to Dungannonnot to be venturedthat way. But
touching the planting at Ballishannon,that Sir Henrie
Dockwra should not build upon any supplies from his
Lordship, of victuals, munition, or tooles: for artillery

that he might usethat he hadat Loughfoyle,andeither

bring it back by water, or be after suppliedthereof from
Dublin.

For munition, tooles, and like necessaries,that

his Lordship could spare none, & if he could, yet had

no speedymeanesto sendthem. For intelligence,that he
had sent him a Cipher, which he might use safely in
writing to his Lordship, not caring how the messengers
sped,so the letters were not understood. That he had
sent the like Cipher to Sir Arthur Chichesterat Knock-

fergus,with whomhe shouldhaveoftenintelligence,

and
might that way write most safelyto his Lordship. That
when he knew his owne meanes,and by his Lordships
project, should find him in readinesseto answerehis

attempts,heshouldchusehis ownetime for plantingBalishannon,and as neere as he could, send his Lordship

certainenoticeof the time, anduseall possibleexpedition.

But if he couldnot planttherefor anywantor difficulty,

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that then hee shouldagreewith Sir Arthur Chichester,

that they might both at one time breakeinto Tyrone,
wherehis Lordship,upon noticegiven him, wouldmeete
them,in which journey, besidesall other effectsof warre,

they should burne all the dwellings,and destroy the

corneon the ground,whichmight beedoneby incamping
upon it, and cutting it downe with swords,and other

waies,holding it best they shouldspoileall the corne,

exceptthat which he could gather,whereinhe shouldnot

regard the disswasionof the Irish Submitties in his
Campe.

The same fourteenth day wee dislodged from the

Fagher, and leaving the Moyry Fort defensible,with TheMoyry
Wardersto guard it, and the workemen,being to build Forfa Tower or Keepeof stone,we marchedeight miles, and
incampedat Carickbane,a little beyondthe Newrie. The
fifteenth his Lordship rose, and marching some fifteene
miles, incampedin Evagh the Countrie of Mac Gennis. [II. ii. no.]
The late RebelsneereDundalke being all submitted, his
Lordship had drawne Sir Richard Moryson with his
Regimentfrom that Governement,purposingto placehim
in Lecayle, neerer to the enemie. And intending to
marchthither with the Army the next day, lest the rebels
shouldhaveleasureto burne the Countrie,and carry away
the prey, his Lordship sent Sir Richard Moryson this
eveningwith sixeCompaniesof Foote,and one of Horse,
to marchall night into Lecayle,who comming suddenly
on the rebels,tooke all the prey, and in taking of Downe Downe

Patrick,the Bishopsseate,oneof the Bradyeswastaken, Patrick

taken.
and his head cut off, the rest yeelding to mercy there,
and in all adjoyning places. Here his Lordship was

advertisedfrom the Secretarieof Ireland, that the newes

of the Spanishinvasion this Summerwas secondedfrom

divers, commingfrom Cales. The sixteenthday his

Lordshipmarchedwith the Army (throughhigh Moun-

tainesand Woods,and somedangerouspaces)sevenmiles

to the Blackstaffe river, neare a strong Castle, called

Dundrom,lying on the North side of the Paces,where

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the plaineCountrieopensinto Lecayle,being an Hand

compassedon the West side with this River, and on

the three other sides with the sea, and two small armes

thereof. This night his Lordshipwith somehorsepassed

the Blackstaffebridge, and rode three miles into Lecayle,
to view the Countrie. In the way Phelim Mac Ever

Submitties.
submittedhimself,andyeeldedto the Queenehis Castle
of Dundrom. Also Mac Carty submittedhimselfe,and
drew his creaghts(or cattle, servantsand goods)into
Lecayle. His Lordship returned to the Camp, and the
next day rode to Downe Patrick, and thence by Saint

PatricksWell to Arglasse,being sixe miles, in which

Towne two Castles yeelded to the Queene, and the
Warders upon their lives saved,gave up their Armes.
A third Castle there had been held for the Queene all the

time of the rebellion, by one Jordane, never comming

out of the samefor three yeerespast, till now by his
Lordshipscomming he was freed, and to him wasgiven
a reward from the Queeneby Concordatum,besideshis

Lordshipsbountyof his privatepurse. After dinnerhis

Lordship rode two miles to RusselsTowne, and foure
miles to the Campeat Blackstaffe. The eighteenthday
Mac Rory, Captaineof Kilwardenadjoyning,wasreceived
SirArthurto the Queenesmercy upon his submission. And Sir
Chuhater.
Arthur Chichester,Governor of Knockfergus, all this
day expected,camein the evening,to whom his Lordship
that night imparted his designesin the presentservice,
and to the sameeffectsent a packetby him to Sir Henrie
Dockwra, Governourof Loughfoyle; and to them both,
as also to Sir Richard Moryson being to bee left
Governour of Lecayle,his Lordship gave Proclamations
to be publishedfor establishingthe abovementionednew
coine.

All

this time Arthur

Mac Gennis the chiefe of

his name, & Edmond Boy Mac Gennis his Uncle, made

meanesto be receivedto her Majestiesmercy,but could

not obtaine the favour, without first doing someservice.
This day his Lordship and the Counsell (following the
Army) gave thirty pound by concordatumto Phelimy
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Ever Mac Gennisfor somespecialservices;andBalinthor

a strongCastlewastakenby our men,with diverscowes
andother goods,sixeof the Ward being killed, and the
rest swimming away.

His LordshiphavingplacedSirRichardMoryson(with
five hundredfoote, and fifty horseunder his command)
to governeLecayle(which had their residencyat Downe),
did march backe on the nineteenthday eleven mile, to
five mile Church, neere the Newry, passing one pace p-tve
m\ie
exceedingstrongby nature,and plashedwith trees,which church.
lay at the end of the Plainesof Lecaile,and entranceinto
the woody Mountaines. And before the entry of this
pace,Sir Arthur Chichesterhaving receivedtwo hundred
Foote to strengthen his Garrison, returned backe to
Knockfergus. The twentieth day his Lordship marched
with his forcesthreemiles to Carickbane,lying Northward
of the Newrie.

This day Sir Henrie Davers lying at Mount Norryes,

advertised
his Lordship,that Tyronelying in a fastnes,Tyrone
liesin
and his men never venturing upon the Plaine, the afastnes.
souldiers left under his command there, could not in all

this time get any occasionto fight with him, whereofthey

shewed
greatdesire,onelythe horseoftenshewingthemselvesupon the hilles, had kept him beyond Armagh,
wherehe with his Creaghtslay, feeding somethousands[II. ii. MI.]
of Cowes. Whereupon becausehis Lordship desiredto
preservethe grasseneereArmagh for his horse troopes,

asalsoto makestoreof haytherefor theWinter following,

He sent Sir William Godolphin with his Lordps.troope
of horse under his command, to second the forces at

Mount Norreys,in attempting someserviceupon Tyrone,

meaningto drawpresentlyhis wholeforcesthither. But

in the meane time Sir Francis Staffords Lieutenant

of his

horse,sentby Sir Henrie Daversto spy the rebelsproceedings,

hadpassedto the view of Armagh,and found
thatTyronehadsentbackeall his cowes,uponthe hearing
of his Lordshipsreturne out of Lecayle. For which
cause,and upon noticethat Tyrone had taken a dayes
M. ii

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victualsfor his men, as if he meantto attempt something,

his LordshiprecalledSir William Godolphinwith his

troope. The one and twentieth day his Lordship lay

still, in regardthat,for difficultieof getting Garrons(that
Scarcity
of is?carriageJades),or by somenegligence,victualswere
victuals.
not (accordingto his formerdirections)put into Mount
Norreys, to which placehee purposedto draw with his
forces. This day three daiesbreadcameto his Lordships
forces,which in steadof other victualslived upon beeves.
And his Lordship writ to Sir Henrie Davers,that according to his daily use of late daies, hee should the next
morning earelydraw the forcesof Mount Norreystowards
Armagh, and should on the suddenpossesse
the Abbey
there, and the Towne, whether his Lordship would also
draw the Army presentlyfor his second.
The two and twentieth day, his Lordship having, by
extraordinary pay above the Queenes price, gotten
garrons, and carrying victuals with him for Mount
Norryes, and for the Garrison he intended to plant at
Armagh, marchedsixe miles neere to Mount Norryes,
where Sir Henrie Davers with that Garrison met him,

having not beenable, for somedifficulties, to executehis

Lordships former directions. From thencehis Lordship
(taking with him the saidGarrison)marchedforwardseven
miles, and that night incampeda little beyondArmagh,
Braggingwheresomefew rebelsshewedthemselvesbraggingly,but
rebels. attempted nothing. His Lordship before his returne
from Lecayle,waspurposedto leavesuchforcesat Mount
Norryes, as might plant the Garrison at Armagh when
they found opportunity: but lest they should have been
hindred by a greater force, his Lordship rather then to
returne towards the Pale (for the attending there of the
generallHoasting, wherehis Army shouldhave spentthe
samevictuals it now did) wasresolvedhimselfein person

to plant it, imaginingthat Tyrone, not looking for him

till the generallhoasting,wouldnot havehis wholeforces
with him, nor by that reason,andan opinion andfearethat

his Lordship intendedto march further into Tyrone,

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would have any minde to follow his Lordship, or hinder

his retreatewhen hee shouldhave weakenedhis forcesby
that Plantation. Therefore the three and twentieth day
his Lordship making a shew to draw from his campe

beyondArmagh towardsBlackewater,
causedhis forcesTheLord
to make a stand for his retreat, and so himselfe with his Deputy
views

followers and servantsrode more then a mile forward, theBlacke~

to view the way to BlackewaterFort, and the placeof
the famous Blackewater defeat, under the Marshall

Bagnolsconduct,and having passeda pace without one

shot made at his troope, he returned to his forces,and

marchingbacke,he left a garrisonof sevenhundredfifty

foote, and one hundred horse,at the Abbey of Armagh,

under the commandof Sir Henry Davers,and that night
marchedwith the rest neereto Mount Norreys,wherehe
encamped,having in this march from Armagh, viewed
the Foard, where Generall Norries formerly was hurt,
makinga standwith his horse,to securehis foot distressed
by Tyronescharge.
The foure and twenty, his Lordship leaving at Mount
Norries the foot and horse of that garrison, marched
himselfewith 1250 foot, and 150 horse, sixe miles to
Donanury, being two miles short of the Newry. This Donanury.
wasa hill naturally and artificially of old fortified, where
in regard of the weakenesof his forceshe encamped,
purposing there to attend and solicite the hastning, to
send to him from the Pale, all the meaneshee expected

to furnish him for his intended journy, to build the

demolished Fort of Blackwater.

Here his Lordships Army was mustered,and was [II. H.112.]

by Pole.
Captainesand Officers 87. Targets 112. Pykes 291.
Muskets 125. Callivers 635. In all 1250.
Whereof besidesCaptainesand Officers,English 593.
Irish the rest. Wanting Swords 191.
The six and twenty day, his Lordship sent victuals to

the garrisonsat Mount Norreis and at Armagh. The

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twentyninedayhisLordshipreceived
advertisement,
that
Sir H. Daversdrawingout thegarrisonof Armaghinto

the fastnes,whereBrian macArt lay with his Cattle,had

killed diversof his men, takenmany horsesfrom him,
and spoiledmuchof his baggage,besidesthree hundred
Cowes which he had taken from Mac Gennis.

And the

sameday his Lordship receivedthe examinationsof

WaterfordcertainWaterford Marriners, who testified,that being at
tnarrinersthe Groyne, they were pressedthere to serve the King

pressed
for of Spaine,in a flye-boatof two hundredtun carrying

Spaine.breadto Lisbone;wheretherewasan armyof three

thousandmen to be shippedwith victuals and munition
for Ireland, and there heard that Tyrones Agent lay at
Court, importuning aid to be sent him presently,being
not able to subsistany longer without speedyaid. And
that the examinatesdemandedif they were Pylots for the
Irish Coast; and finding they should be imploied that
way, hadsecretlygot shippingto transportthemselves
into
France, and so returned home.

Arthur
Mac Gennis
makes sute

for mercy.

The thirtieth day Arthur Mac Gennis chiefe of the

name,terrifiedby the plantationof the garrisonin Lecaile,

madehumblesutefor mercy,andobtainedher Majesties

protection for nine daies, conditionally that he should
comethe Satturdayfollowing, to submit himselfein person
to her Majestiesmercy,and craveher graciouspardonat
Dundalk, wherehis Lordship then purposedto be. And
Rory Oge Mac Gennis,obtained the like protectionfor
one moneth. The sameday his Lordship upon the Lord

Presidentof Mounsterhis intercessory

letters, granted
warrantfor her Majestiespardon,to be passedfor two
hundred seventy Artificers and Husbandmen of the

County of Kerry. The first of July his Lordship had

purposedto rise from Dunanurey,and to returne himselfe

to Dundalke: but he staiedthat day, in respectthe

weatherwasvery foule, and the rather to countenance

the
Convoy going with bisket up to Mount Norreis and
Armagh.
Hitherto his Lordship had kept the field, rather to make
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Tyronekeepehis forcestogether,andso to weakenhim,

then for purposeof any other serviceof moment: but
now hearing from Dublin, that the rising out for the
generallhoasting,cameslowly, and not onely victuals
were not yet arrived there, but even the carriagesand

beevesfor the Army, werelike in greatpart to faile; the

secondday of July his Lordshipdispersed
his forcesinto
the said garrisonsfronting neerestupon the rebels,and
so with his followers and servantsrode to Dundalke, lead-

ing with him of his army onely three Companiesof foot,

and one troope of horse. The third day, Sir Francis
Stafford Governour of the Newry, brought Arthur Mac Arthur
Gennis to Dundalke, who made his submissionto her Mac
Gennis
s
humble
Majesty, kneeling before the Lord Deputy & Counsell. requests.
Then he made certaine humble requests: First for his
pardonwhich was granted: Secondly,for lands granted
to his father by letters Pattents, which his Lordship
promisedto confirme,exceptingonly the Lands of Glasny
Mac Gennis, on whom he should make no imposition.
That he might take in suchtenantsas would comefrom
the Rebels, acquainting the Governour of the Newry

therewithbeforehe receivedthem, which wasgranted.

Fourthly, that he might retaine and absolutelycommand
all his old tenants, till Alhollandtide next, which was

granted,exceptingGlasny Mac Gennis. Fiftly, that he

might enjoy the Corne he had sowedin Lecaile; which
being sowedon other mensLands, could not be granted,
onely favourablerespectto him was promised. Sixthly,

that his peoplemight be freedfrom all actionsof privat

wrongs in the warre, which was granted upon a fine of
three hundred Cowes,presently to be delivered for the
Army. The sametime Patricke macMahowne,Nephew
to the chiefe of that name,was upon like humble sub- tn- "" XI3-]
missionreceivedto her Majestiesmercy,with promiseof
his pardon.
The fifth day the Lord President and Counsell of Warrant
of

Mounster,by lettersdesiredhis Lordship,to recallhis marshall

recalled. law

warrant of marshall Law, given to the Lord Bourke,

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aswell because the Lords abused the same, to draw

followersto them,and to revengetheir private quarrels,

asbecause
the wholeProvincewaspeaceable,
andwilling
to be governedby judiciall courses,
and this warranthis
Lordship presentlyrecalled.

Letters
from This day Sir Oliver S1Johnsbroughtlettersfrom the
Lords in England, wherebyher Majesty gave direction,
that the Lord Deputy should publikely to all the Army,
and privately to the chiefe Commanders,give thankes
from her Majesty to them, for the zealeand duty they
had shewed in her service, and signifie her gracious
acceptance
of their endeavours. The sixth day his Lordship staied at Dundalke, to hasten the suppliesof the
generallhoasting,which camein slowly, and to order the
Irish forces of the samefitly for defenceof the Pale.
This day CaptaineThomas Roper, with his companyof
foot, accordingto his Lordships former directions,came
from Kells, to serve in the army under his Lordship.
And while his Lordship lay here, newes came from
Armagh, that Sir Henry Davers had taken somechiefe
horsesfrom Tyrones campe,and had entred Mac Carty
his Country, being one of the greatest fastnessesin

Ireland,andbroughtfrom thencea greatprey.

His Lordship finding that the rising out of the generall
hoasting,would doe little good in the Army, and they
being willing to undertaketheir owne defence,which at
their owne perill his Lordship thought hee might best
commit to their trust. The seventhof July his Lordship

Orders
for gaveorder,that the forcesof the generallhoasting,for
thegenerall
the Countiesof Dublyn and Lowth, should lie at Lowth,
hasting. uncler the commandof the Lord of Lowth, and Mr
Garland of Killencoule.

That those of Meath should lie

at Kels, under the command of the Lord of Tremelstone,

and Mr Dillon his Deputy. That thoseof West-Meath

should be commandedby the Lord of Delvin, and any
Deputy his Lordship shouldchuse; so that his Lordship
or his Deputy should alwaiesin personbe residentwith
them, and keepe them together ready to answereany
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service,upon paine of a fine and imprisonment,to such

as should disobey. That thoseof Kildare, should under
the Earle of Kildarescommand,lie at Athy, or elsewhere,
at his Lordships discretion: and that the Sheriffeof the
shire commandthem under his Lordship.
The ninth day his Lordship marchedfrom Dundalke
towards the North, and gathering the forcesto him out
of the adjoining garrisons,encampedat Latenbur, beyond

theNewry,wherehelay still the tenthday,till thevictuals

wasin readinesto be carried to Armagh. The eleventh
day his Lordship marchedsome foure miles, to an hill
little beyond Mount Norreis, and that day his Lordship
was advertised, that Sir Arthur Chichester had taken the

sole Castle held in those parts of Knockfergusby Brian

macArt, namely,the Reagh,and that Sir Richard Moryson in Lecale, had taken in two Loughes (or Handsin

Lakes),being all the fastnesses

(or placesof strength)Brian
which the said Brian mac Art held there.

The twelfth macArfs

day the Army marchedearly in the morning to Armagh,

and there resting some houres,marchedagaineafter

dinnera mile and a halfe beyondArmagh, and there upon
an hill encamped.

The thirteenth day of July, the Lord Deputy with the

Army rosefrom the former Campe,and marchedone mile
and a halfe,to an hill on this side (namelythe South-side)
of Blackewater,where he made a stand,Tyrone and his
horseand foot, shewingthemselvesout of a wood,beyond
a Meadow on the other side of the River, and that with

Trumpets and divers colours, (some wonne at the old Tyrone's

defeatof the Englishin thoseparts),and with somebraSSinS

Drummes,rather for a bragging ostentationthen otherwise, since they fighting like theeves upon dangerous

passages,
usednot to appearein suchwarlike manner.
And from the trencheskept by the Rebelson the other
side of the water,somevollies of shot were powredupon
us, which fell downe on every side dead on the ground,

by reason of the distance betweeneus, and did

small or no hurt. We having a Rabinet & a Falcon,
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made from this hill, some shot at the rebels troope

farredistant,whereupontheir Puppitsbraverysuddenly
vanished; and according to their wonted manner,

they hidde themselvesin the woods. Presently the

Lord Deputy sent three hundredfoote to anotherhill
[II. ii. 114.]on this sideof the River, adjoiningto the old Fort lying
beyondthewater,andhis Lordshiprodeto thathil, whom
many voluntary Gentlemenwith his servantsfollowed.
And in the way my selfe and someothers lighted in a

Anenemies
Valley to refreshour selvesby walking, but found an

soile
noplaceenemies
soileno placefor recreation,
for out of the
Ditches & Furrowesmany shot were madeat us; whereupon we tookeour horses,one shotdangerously,yet (God
be praised) without hurt passingbetweenemy legges,
while one of my feete was in my stirrop, and so we
retyred to the grosse,standingin more safetie. Towards
evening,wee incampedupon the abovementionedhil, at
which time wee saw farre off by a Wood side, Tyrone
draw some horse over to our side of the water, either

(aswe imagined)to assayleTirlogh Mac Henrie of the

Fewes,lately submitted,and commingafter us to attend
the Lord Deputie in this service,or elseto conferrewith
him and his companie: but assooneas Sir William
Godolphin Commanderof the Lord Deputies troope of
horse,by his Lordships direction made towardsTyrone,
he with his horsepresentlyretired backe. That night we
Preparations
madeGabyonsto enter the Rebelstrenches,and sent the

forassault.RabinetandFalconto be plantedon the otherhill, where

our above mentionedthree hundred foote lay. All the
night the rebels out of the trenchesshot at our men,
while they were busie in working. But the fourteenth
day very early at the dawning of the day, upon our first

dischargingof the saidgreatpieces,chargedwith musket

bullets, and after some three vollies of our smal shot,

the rebelsquitted their trenches,baselyrunning into the

Woods, and our three hundred men passingthe River,
under CaptaineThomasWilliams his command,possessed
the trenches, and the old ruined Fort, with the Plaine
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in which it lay, the Wood being almost musketshot

distance,whether the rebelswere fled, and had by night Therebels
carried their hurt and slaine men. Presently the Lord fl'eDeputie sent one Regimentto lye beyondthe Blackwater,
upon a hill wherehis Lordship had madechoiceto build
a new Fort. Upon view of the trenchesmadeupon every
Foard, his Lordship found they were strongly and

artificiallyfortified,wondringmuchthateithertheyshould
so laboriouslyfortifie them, if they meantnot to defend
them, or should so cowardlyquit suchstrong places,and
so suddenly,if they had former resolution to make them
good. In gaining them weehad sometwentie men hurt,
and two slaine, and they had greater losse,especiallyin
the going off, though we could not truly know it.
The fifteenth day his Lordship with a troope of horse,
and foure hundred foote, drew towards Tyrones Wood,
and viewed the pacesin the sight of the rebels,who ran
away with their cowes,onely at his Lordships retrait

makingsomefew shot at our men,but hurting not one

man. In the evening, Captaine Trever, and Captaine
Constablewith their Companiescameto the Campe,sent
thither from Lecayle to strengthenthe Army, according
to his Lordships direction to Sir Richard Moryson, after
the Countriewasall takenin, and Mac Gennisthe greatest
neighborRebel had submittedhimselfe.
The 16 day the L. Deputy drew out a Regiment of
Irish, commandedby Sir Christo. S'. Laurence, and
passingthe Blackwater, marched to Benburb, the old Benburb.
houseof ShaneO Neale, lying on the left hand of our
Campe,at the entranceof great woods. There our men
madea stand,in a faire greenemeadow,having our camp
and the plainesbehind them, & the wood on both sides,
& before them. The rebelsdrew in great multitudes to
thesewoods. Here we in the Campe,being our selves

in safety,had the pleasureto havethe ful view of an

hot andlong skirmish,our loosewingssometimes
beating
the rebels on all sides into the Woods, and sometimes

beingdrivenby thembackto our Coloursin the middest

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of themeadow,
(whereassoone
asour horsecharged,
the
rebelspresently
ran backe)andthis skirmishcontinuing
with like varietie some three howers:

for the Lord

Deputie,as he sawthe numbersof the rebelsincrease,

so drew other Regimentsout of the Campe,to second

the fight. Sothat at last the Rebellhaddrawneall his

Doctor

Latwar

men together,and we had nonebut the by-Guardsleft

to save-guard
the Campe,all the rest beingdrawneout.

Doctor Latwar the Lord DeputiesChaplaine,not content

tQ
gee
^ ~ s>j^ ^^ ug .jn safetje
but- /as
he hacj
formerly
J
,
.
. . .
\
,
wounded done) affecting some smgulantie or rorwardnesse,more
mortally

then his place required,had passedinto the meadow

whereour Coloursstood,and therewasmortally wounded

[II. ii. 115.]with a bullet in the head, upon which hee died the next
day. Of the English not one more was slaine, onely
CaptaineThomasWilliams his leggewasbroken,and two
TheIrish

other hurt, but of the Irish on our side twenty sixe were

losses.

slaine,and seventyfive werehurt. And thoseIrish being

such as had been rebels, and were like upon the least
discontentto turne rebels,and suchas were kept in pay
rather to keepe them from taking part with the rebels,
then any service they could doe us, the death of those
unpeaceableswordmen,though falling on our side, yet
was rather gaine, then losse to the Commonwealth.
Among the rebels,Tyrones Secretary,and onechiefeman
^ t^ie Ohagans,and (as we credibly heard) farre more
then

two

hundred

Kerne

were

slaine.

And

lest

the

disparitieof lossesoften mentionedby me, should savour

of a partiall pen, the Reader must know, that besides
the fortune of the warre turned on our side,togetherwith
the courageof the rebelsabated,and our men heartned
by successes,
we had plentie of powder, and sparingnot
to shoote at randome, might well kill many more of
them, then they ill furnishedof powder,and commanded
to spareit, could kill of ours.
These two last dayesour Pionershad been busied in

fortifying and building a new Fort at Blackwater,not

farredistantfrom the old Fort, demolished
by the rebels,
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and for somedaiesfollowing,his Lordshipspecially

intendedthe furtheranceand finishingof this worke, so
as many souldierswere extraordinarilyhired to worke
therein as Pyoners.

The nineteenthday his Lordshipwrote to the Lords

in England, that had not the Irish submitties for the

new coyne(now currant over all) furnishedthe Army

with beeves, it had been in great distresse,since the ill Food.
victuals of the new contract were not arrived, and that

of the old store consistedprincipally of saltfish,whereof

the souldiercould not feede,especiallyin Summer,besides
that by long keepingit wasof ill condition, soasinfection
wasfearedin the Army, praying that in the next contracts,
the soldier might be fed therewith onely one day in the
weeke. That he had in his directions to Sir Henry

Dockwra, given him choice,either with the countenance

of his Lordships Army on this side Tyrone, to goe
forward with planting Ballishannon,or concurring with
the Governour of Knockfergus, to enter into Tyrone,
wherehis Lordship upon notice would meetethem; and
in respecthe sinceunderstood,that he wanted toolesfor
the Plantation,he thought the secondprojectwould rather
be followedby him. That Tyrone lay with all his forces

to hinderhisLordshipfrompassing
to Dungannon,
which
he most feared, and had no fastnessebut onely this to
stop it, so as hee doubted not to breake in to meete
Sir Henrie Dockwra, if he could once be assuredof his

resolution. Further, he besoughttheir Lordshipsto give

warrantfor allowanceto the Captainesfor broken Armes, Allowance

upon bringing the old, becauseupon the breakingof forbroken

pieces,the souldierswere turned to serve with Pikes,
and our shot diminished daily, and the Pikes were
increasedmore then our use required, the Captaine

excusinghimselfe,that upon breakingof pieces,he was

not ableto provideother ArmesthenPikes for his men.

Likewise he advertisedto their Lordships, that sincethe

last dispatch, Sir Henrie Dockwra had taken in New-

towne, being some sixteenemiles from Dungannon

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(Tyroneschiefeseate),on the North side,(ashe the Lord

Deputy had plantedat Blackwater,being somefifteene
miles from Dungannon,on the South side); and that
Sir Henrie Dockwra had spoiledand burned the Countrie

Rebel
defeats,
there about, and had taken some one thousand cowes,

from the parts neere the Lough of Earne. That Sir

John Barkley, Governour of the forcesat the Anneley,
hadmet with Tyrrels men,asthey passedtowardsOphaly,
(for which purposethat Garrisonwasspeciallylaiedthere),
and had taken from them three hundred cowes, and killed

someof them,andhadstoppedthemfrom troublingthat

Countrie. And that he the Lord Deputy with the Army

haddestroiedthe rebelsCorneaboutArmagh(whereofhe
found greatabundance),
and would destroythe rest,this
coursecausingfamine,being the onely sureway to reduce
or root out the Rebels. Finally, praying their Lordships
Supplies
of (as formerly) to sendone thousandshot for supplies,the

shot
desired.
strengthening
of the Englishbeing the next way to

diminish her Majestiescharge,sincethe Irish were kept

in pay rather to prevent their fighting against us, then

for confidence
in their fighting for us.
[II. ii. 116.] The samenineteenthday of July, the Lord Deputy
wrote to Sir Robert Cecill, her Majesties Secretary,that
he found upon good consideration,that the Governement
of Connaghtwasnot in his disposall,and thereforebeing
loth to exceedehis Commission,he would onely assure
him, that as it was requisite, a man of experience,and
fit for the presentservice,shouldhave that Governement,
Sir Oliver

so he conceived none to be fitter then Sir Oliver Lambert,

Lambert
tobew^oj^j a}ready
deserved
wellin this service,
andwould
Governourof

Connaght.
(*n ^s opinion)be ableto doeher Majesticas good
service,as any in that place,whom (if it might stand

with her Majestiespleasure,to give him warrant),he was

desirousto imploy in thoseparts, fearing it would be a
great hinderanceto his intended worke, if any should

be put into that Governement,

who might prove unfit,
or unableto makethatwarre; In whichrespect,hehaving
no other end but the advancement
of her Majesties
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service, was bold to make it his humble suite, that Sir

Oliver Lambertmight bee.placedin that Governement.

While the Army lay at Blackwaterto build the new
Fort, his Lordship on the twentieth of July, drew out
two Regimentsinto the woods,aswellto view the paces,
and provoke the rebels, as to fetch some houses thence,

for the building of our Fort, and to cut a field of Corne Rebel's
lying on the skirt of the Woods; which was all per- Come
cut.
formed; the rebels on the further side of the Blackwater,

onelymakinga slight skirmishwith our men,upontheir

retreit

on this

side the River.

The

two

and twentieth

day, wee cut all the Corneby the Bogge and Wood side,
neereour Fort, except that which our men had power
to reape. The threeand twentieth day CaptaineThomas
Williams with his Company,being left to governe the
new Fort (who before the Blackwaterdefeatdid valiantly

defendthe old Fort there,beingafter demolished

by the
rebels)his Lp. with the army dislodged,and at our rising, TheLord
a Proclamation was made, that how soever Tyrone Deputy's

vaunted,that his Pardonwasofferedhim, andhe might Proclamation

have it at pleasure,her Majestic was not onely resolved
neverto receivehim to mercy,but waspleasedagaineto
renew her gratious offer, that whosoeverbrought him
alive, should have 2000 li. and whosoeverbrought his
head, should have loooli.
marched two little

for reward.

miles to an hill

Thence we

South West-ward

in

Henrie Oges Countrie, where we incamped,and cut

downe the Corne

on everie

side.

The seven and twentieth

dayhis LordshipleavingSir Henrie FollyotsRegimentto

guard the Camp, drew out three Regiments,expecting
that the Rebelswould fight, who shewedthemselveson
an hill neereus, with all their horseandfoote, and sound-

ing of Trumpets,yet our mennot onely cutting downeTherebels

the corne closeby them, but entring the Woods to cut patient.
Corne there, and burning many housesin the skirts of

the woods,they were so patient,as after one volley of

shot, they retired into the thickestWoods. The same
day the Army dislodging,marcheda mile or two more
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Southward,
wherewe cut downgreatabundance
of Corne
with our swords(accordingto our fashion),and here
Submission
of ShaneMac Donnel Groome,TyronesMarshall (whose
Tyrone's
Cornethis was)upon humble submissionwas received
Marshall.
to her Majestiesmercie,and cameto his Lordship in
personthe samenight at our setting downein our last
Campe,whether we returned. The eight and twentieth
his Lordship leaving Sir ChristopherSaint Laurencehis
Regiment to guard the Camp,drew out three Regiments
both in the morning & evening, to countenancetwo
convoies of victuals. This day his Lordship sent a
dispatchto Sir Henrie Dockwra, about their concurring
in the presentservices,and the like to Sir Arthur Chichester,to the samepurpose. His Lordship staiedthe
longer in theseparts, to seethe Forts wel victualed,and
to cut downethe Corne,whereof he found great store.
The nine and twentieth day his Lordship was adverRebels
brokentised, that Sir Henrie Poore had scattered and broken

inLeax. threehundred
rebels
in Leax,andhadbeggered
themby
divers preyesof cattell takenfrom them,and amongthem,
being of the Sept of O Mores, had killed, burnt and

hangedforty at least,and after had slainein fights O

Connor Mac Lyre, and most of his men, and hurt many
of thosewhich escaped.
And this day great store of victuals for the Forts came
from the Newry with a convoysafelyto the Campe. The
thirtieth day his Lordship rose with the Armie, and
marched Northward backe to the new Fort of Blackwater,

[II. ii. 117.]and beyondit, in all somethreemiles,alongthe South

sideof the River, andtherehis Lordshipincamped
close
uponthe Boggesandthe Fastnesses
(or fortifiedpassages)
in the Wood. The same evening his Lordship drew
somechoicemenout of everyRegiment,and sometroopes
of horse,and with them rode to view the Countrie, and

woody paces,more speciallythat pacewhich lay right

beforeus Northward,wheretheneerest
andbestpassage
was to enter Tyrone, the Arch-traytors chiefe house

Dungannon,being sometennemiles distant,to which,

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after the passage

of this paceand Blackwater,the plaine
Countrielay open,yet beingin somepartsboggy. Here
Tyrones men lay intrenched on the other side of the
River, in such trenchesas he had made to impeachthe
building of our new Fort at Blackwater,and cowardly
quitted them (as is above mentioned.) The Rebels
bestowedsomevollies of shot on his Lordships troopes,
but they returned safely, having onely one man hurt.
And hereone of the three Trumpets in Tyrones pay, ran
from him to our Campe.
The one and thirtieth day his Lordship drew out (as

before)andthat dayand the first of August next following, cut downe the Wood, to clearethe said pace,lying
betweeneus and the said passageover Blackwater. And
this day the rebels attemptedto cut off a guard, which
we had placedon a remote hill, to secondthe workemen
cutting the Wood, but were by them and the workemen
stoutly received,and by our secondsbeatenbacke.
At the sametime, by accidentwe had almost lost all Anaccident
to

our best horses: for at the Alarum given, the horsesthehoriesbeing frighted with the skirmish, and with divers horsemen hurrying out to answerethe Alarum, broke their
headstals,
and ran backeto Armagh, and someof the best
as farre as the Newry, whether our men following, did
recover them all:

but had the rebels horsemen followed

them, no doubt they might have caught them, and

defeatedour men looselyfollowing them, and so by this
advantagehave done us more mischiefe,then they could
otherwise have done with their forces doubled.

The secondof August his Lordship with the Army

rose,and marchedbacketo Armagh, to the end he might
shunall paces,and from thencehavean openpassage
into
Art

Mac Barons Countrie.

We

marched sixe miles to

Armagh, and three to Rawlaghtany,where while we

incamped,Sir Henry Daverswith three hundredfoote, Rebels
houses
and fortie horse, was sent into a Fastnesseto burne some burned.

twentie faire timber houses; which he performed; and

about the time to set the watch, hee returned towards
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the Campe,andat his retreatall TyronesForcesguarded

with three hundred horse,skirmishedwith our men, but

they seconded
out of the Campe,cameoff orderly, the
rebelsfollowingthemto our very Campe,into whichthey
powreda volleyof shot,andby reasonof the Fastnesses

adjoyning,andnight approaching,
retiredin safety.
TheEarleof

Here his Lordship was advertised,that the Earle of

Ormontfi Qrmondhadexecuted
in the borders
of Kilkennyand
Tiperary nine and twenty rebels,of which Tybot Leyragh
Butler, and David Bourke, and Ulicke Bourke, were the

chiefe, and that the Companyunder his Lordshipscom-

mand,hadslaineeight andtwentie,of whichtwo principall men of the Omores, one Okelly, one Captaine
Edmund Roe Bourke, and one Richard Bourke, sonne to

Ulicke, were the chiefe.

The third of August we rose, and having marched

three miles backe,we incampedbetweenethe pacesand
Armagh, a little beyond Armagh towards the North, to
the end our messengers
and our convoyesfor victuals
might more safelypasse(which wasthe chiefeend of our
returning), and that we might have better grassefor our
horses,all the higher Country above, being eaten by
the rebelsCreaghs(or cattell); andal the way we marched
the rebelsin their fastnesses
drew downe closeby, and

followedus all the way, being very strong. Here the

Commissarytooke a view of the Army in field with his
Lordship.

TheArmy

Regiments.
First, of Sir BenjaminBerryhis LordshipsLieutenant

in theField* of his foote, in List 825, by pole presentin the Campe

490. 2. Regiment of Sir Oliver Saint Johns, in List
875, by Pole 533. 3. Regiment of Sir Hen. Folliot,
in List 500, by Pole 305. 4. Regiment of Sir Christopher Saint Laurence,in Lyst, 750, by Pole 400. Totall
in List 2950, by Pole 1728.

[II. ii. 118.] Herein arenot containedeitherOfficerspresent,or the

sicke, or hurt, or upon other occasionsabsent. The
416

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fourth day someCompanies

weredrawneout to cut the
paceof Armagh, and the rebelsbeing in sight, offered
not to skirmishwith them. But towardsnight theydrew
downestrongout of the woods,to an hill under which we

lay encamped
in a faire meadow. They camewith cries A skirmish.
and soundof Drummesand bagpipes,as if they would
attempt the campe,and powredinto it sometwo or three
thousandshot, hurting onely two of our men. But his
Lordship commandingthat none in the Campe should
stirre, had lodged in a trench somefoure hundred shot,
charging them not to shoot till the rebels approached
neere. And after theseour men had given them a volly
in their teeth, they drew away,and we heardno more of
their Drummes or Bagpipes,but onely mournefull cries;
for many of their best men were slaine,and among the
rest one horsemanof great accompt,and one PierceLacy
anArchrebellof Mounster. The next morning we found
some dead bodies at the skirt of the wood, and three

scatteredpeeces. Hence his Lordship sent direction to

Sir John Barkeley, to bring with him to the Campea

regimentfrom theAnnaly& Liscannon,

because
TyroneTyrone
grown

was growne strong by the comming to him of his strong.

Mac Guire, and his Mac Mahownd, and of Cormocke

mac Baron, (comming to him from the frontires of

Loughfoyle). The fifth day his Lordship sent againe
someshot, with Pyoners, to cut the paceclose by the
Rebels.

The sixth day his Lordship purposedto rise and meet

our Convoybringingvictualsfrom theNewry: but being

staiedby ill weather, sent early somehorse to stay the
Convoy,till his Lordship drew downetowardsthoseparts.

This day his Lordshipgaveorder to MasterTreasurer,Orders

for
that proportionsof new moniesshouldbe sent to all the thenew

MarketTownes,to changethe samefor sterling,andthat moniesProclamationsshould be made in them to decry the old

sterlingmonies,and onely makethe new to be currant.

The seventh his Lordship rose to draw towards the

Newry,andmarchingto Mount Norreis,encamped

neere
M. ii

417

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the saidFort. The eightdayhis Lordshipdispatched

the
Earle of Clanrickardinto Connaght,to commandthe
forcesin thoseparts,having sentfor Sir John Barkeley
to comewith a regimentto the Campe. Here his LordArthur shipgavewarrantfor the passingof her Majestiespardon
MacGennis
for land, life, and goods,to Arthur Mac Gennis,chiefe

pardoned.
of hisSept,with some170followers.

Here his Lordship received letters out of England

from Mr Secretary,signifying that the Lord President
had sent to her Majesty divers advertisements,that the
Spaniardswould presentlyland in somepart of Mounster,
from whencethe Lord Deputy for necessityhad lately
drawneone thousandfoot and fifty horse into Connaght.
That her Majesty did well allow of his Lordships care
in drawing thosemen to that service,and not leesingthe
presentcertainty for apprehensionof the future, not so
assured. That it was probablethat the King of Spaine
would doe somethingnow at the upshot, and though it
was not credible, that he would

send ten or twelve

Advertise-thousand men into Ireland, yet since he had from

ments
ofa February last begunnea foundationto provide forcesfor

Spanish
the Low-Countriesor Ireland, as his affaires should
landing
in Mounster.
require: and since the Low-Country Army was rein-

forcedby landout of Italy, her Majestythoughthemight

with easetransportfoure or five thousandmen for Ireland,
and was like to doe it, and so he might for the time
turne the state of Ireland, would thinke them well

bestowed,if he should leesethem all at the yeeresend.

That in this respecther Majesty had resolved to leavy
five thousand men to be in readines, and to send two

thousandof them presentlyfor Mounster, to arrive there

by the tenth of this moneth; soasif the Spaniardsshould
land, the Lord Presidentmight be enabledto keepethe

Provincialsfrom revolt, till he the Lord Deputy might

come thither, and more forces might be sent out of
England; and if they should not invade Ireland, then
his Lordship might keepethe onethousandhe haddrawne
from Mounster, to finish the worke whereof he had laide
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an happyfoundation,heartilywishing that his Lordship

might be the happyInstrument to saveIreland, to whom
he professedhimselfe tied in most constantand honest

friendship,and praying his Lordship to esteemethese

ready seconds,besidesthe publike duty to proceedmuch

out of an extraordinaryrespectto his Lordship. That

for bestowingof the Companiesto be sent into Mounster, [II. ii. 119.]
as he who was gone, (meaningas I thinke, the Earle of
Essex),madetoo great a Monopoly in bestowingall such

places
himselfe,sonow therewasa greatconfusion,every

Lord importuningto preferrehis friend and follower;preferrebut that for his part, he sought no manspreferrementments.
herein, but onely advised that those might be first
respected,
which cameover with the Lord Deputiesrecommendations. That the Lord President had earnestly

movedhim, and in good sort challengedto have hopesin

him for the procurementof somemeanesto gratifie his
followers; and had by other friends obtained of her
Majesty, that someof those Companiesmight be sent
over undisposed,and left to his disposall, to which he
the Secretaryhadgiven second,rather then that the places
should be bestowed in England, without any thankes
eitherto the Lord Deputy or Lord President. Protesting
that howsoever he loved the Lord President, he would

not scant his due respect to his Lordship, wherein he

thought to give him the least discontent. That he con-

ceivedthe Spaniards
would not makediscentat Corcke,Fitplaces
for
which Towne wasnot guardablewhen they had it.

Nor theSpaniards

yet at Lymricke,thoughfit by the scituation,because

an Ascent.
enemyingaged so farre into the King-dome,could not
hope for supplies, when her Majesty should take due

resolutionto opposethem. But ratherjudgedGalloway

a fit placefor their discent,giving commodityto joine
with the Northerne rebels, and seated in a Countrey all

out in rebellion. Or else Waterford, in respectof the

goodlyRiver andthe peoples

affectionto Spaine,advising
thatthe Fort of Dungannonshouldcarefullybefurnished
with a Commander,men, and necessaries.Lastly, that
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News
fromOstendwasobstinatelybesieged
by the Arch-Duke,with

the
Low thirteene
thousand
foote,andsixtypeeces
of battery;and
Countries.
howsoeverthe Stateshad left two thousand Dutch there,

yet their Army beingat Bercke,whenceit would not be

raised, the Town had beenecarried within ten daies,if

Sir Francis Vere had not throwne himselfe into it with one

thousandsixehundredEnglish, to whomher Majesty sent

one thousandmen, and preparedto send 2,000.more, to
succourthe place,becausepart of the Army in Italy was
come downe

to the Arch-Duke.

The ninth of August his Lordship & the Counsellors

present in the Campe, writ to the Lords in England.
That the Army had bin imployed in preparing her
MajestiesForts, & fitting them for the winter war, & in
the presentspoyling of the rebels corne, (the only way
to ruine them), hoping to keep the army in field til
harvestwere past; so that it being impossibleto cut all
their corne, our garrisons might have opportunity to

gather the rest, and the rebelsmight be hindredfrom

gathering any, exceptit were Tyrones corne neereDungannon, whereunto the passagewas so difficult, as his
Lp. for so little thought not good to hazardal, especially
SirHenriesince Sir Hen. Dockwra for want of Match (as he had
Dockara's
written) could not meetehis Lordship in Tyrone, accordwant of

match. ing to theirformerproject,whereofhis Lordshipnot-

withstandingprofessed
himselfenothing sorrie,in regard
that meeting would have given the Arch-rebell power to
fling the Dice againe for recoverieof their fortune, &
that upon an unequall hazard,by setting his rest upon
either of them apart, divided into three bodies,under the
Lord Deputy, the said Sir Henrie Dockwra, and Sir
Arthur

Chichester, even with the whole force of his

Northerne partakers,though his other friends further off

were kept from aiding him, by the disposallof our other

forces. That besidesthe spoylingof their corne,his

Lordshipby searchhad found an easieway to passeto
Dungannon,which hitherto was never by any Guide

madeknowneto us,& hadcutdowna broadpace,

through
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A.D.
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a thick Wood in two dayeslabour,and so cameto the Aneasle

way
River, wherehe purposed,assooneas might be, to build found
topasse

a Fortwitha Bridge,therebeingfromthence
to Dun- ^Dungann
gannonlessethen foure miles, all in a plaine; That this

would cut the Arch-traytorsthroat: for howsoeverthe

name of Oneale was so reverencedin the North, as none

could bee induced to betray him upon the large reward

setupon his head,yet whenthe hopeof assistance

from
Spaineshould be taken away, they seeing their Corne
spoyled,and upon our expectedsuppliesseeingus enter
Tyrone, could not but seetheir apparantconfusion. That
howsoever

this Summer

few of their cowes had been taken

(which worke is more proper to the Winter warre), yet

they had beenforcedto feedethem within their fastnesses,[II- ii- 120.]
which they used to keepefor feeding them in Winter, so
as they must either starve them by keeping them there
in winter, or hazardthe taking of them by our Garrisons,
if they feede them abroad. That for the future service,

theybesoughtagaineto beinabled,by the sendingof one

thousandshot out of England for supplies,and that the 1000.
shot

rather,because
Tyronewasvery strong,asappeared
by ecesiane
for

a notedelivered
by Shane
Mac DonnelGroome,
whotu^>1
having beenTyrones Marshall, wasreceivedto mercythe
sevenand twenty of July, besidesour experienceof their
strength,whenfew daiessincethey powredthreethousand
shot into our Campe, and could hardly be kept from

forcing it.

So as our army consistingonly of one

thousandsevenhundred nintie eight by Pole, and more

then halfe of them being Irish, the speedysendingof

the supply was most necessarie.As also the sendingof
munition and victuals, without which all this labour would

be lost, and the souldier forced, not onely to leave his

Garrison,but to live idly in the Pale upon the subject.
Lastly, that the Army (by Gods grace)had not had any
disaster,but burning their housesin the very Woods,

hadstill beatenthe Rebels,fewor no Englishbeinglost.

Together with these letters were sent divers notes of
victuals and munition remaining, and new storesto be
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sent over.

And therewith was sent the above mentioned

note of Tyrones forces,asfolioweth.

A note
of A perfect note of such Captainesand Companies,
as are

under

the

command

of

the

Traitor

Tyrone, within Tyrone, not mentioning the

Chiefetaines, as O Donnel, O Cane, Mac Gire,

and the rest of the Ulster Lords, but onely such

as attend

him

in his Countrie.
Horse.

Tyrone for his Guard, 100. FJis sonneHugh Oneale,

i oo.

His brother Cormock, 100.

Art Mac Baron, 20.

Phelim Ohanlonssonne,10. Tirlogh Brasilssonnes,50.

Con, Tyrones base sonne, 20.
His

Guard

In all 400.

of Foote.

Led by JamesOshealea Lemster man, 200. Led by

Jenkyn Fitz Simon of Lecayle,200. In all 400.
Other

Foote.

Hugh Mac Cawel, and two other Captainesunder

Cormock, Tyrones brother, 600. Con, sonne to Art Mac
Baron, 100. Brian Mac Art, 200. Con, Tyrones base
sonne, 100.

Mac Can, 100.

Owen O Can, 100.

Donough AferadoghOhagan,100. Owen Ohagan,100.

Donnel Oneale for Owen Evalle O Neale, 100.

Three

Brothers,Gillaspick Mac Owen, 100; Rory Mac Owen,

100; Randal Mac Owen, 100. Kedagh Mac Donnel,
100. Owen O Quin, 100. James O Hagan, 100.
Phelym Oge O Neale, 60. Tirlogh Brasills sonnes,200.
Henry Wragton, 200. Henry Oge Mac Henrie Mac
Shane,100. Tirlogh Con Mac Baronssonne,100. Art
O hagan,sonneto Hugh, 100. Hugh Grome Ohagan
and his Cosin, 100. Donnel Grome Mac Edmund, 100.
Patrick Mac Phelim, 100. Gilleduff Mac Donnel, one of

Connaght, 100. In all 3260. Totall of Horse and

Foote, 4060.
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All these (three hundred excepted)had meanesfor

themselves
andtheir companies
within Tyrone,anddivers
of them have great forcesbesidesthese,which they keepe
in their owne Countries

for defence thereof.

This presentninth of August the Lord Deputie wrote

to Sir Robert Cecyll the Secretariethis following letter.

Sir,
I received
your
letter
ofthe
fivein
and
twentie
ofThe
Lord
July,
thefourth
of this
moneth,
being
Campe
neere
DPutys
theplace
where
theMarshall
Bagnol
wasslaine.The^ertQ^U
newesyou receivedfrom the President of Mounster, of
Spanishsuccours,I doe find no waies more confirmed,
then by the assuredconfidencethis peoplehath thereof,

out of the whichthey are grownefrom the mosthumble

beggingof their peace,to exceedingpride, and the traytor
himselreso strong,as (beleeveme Sir) he hath manymore
fighting men in his Army, then we. And yet we doe [II. ii. 121.]
not omit any thing of our purposes,but have sinceour
commingto this Camp, made that a faire way to Blackwater, which the Marshall shunned, when he was over-

throwne, and every day cut downe either his Woods or

his Cornein his sight, onely with someslight skirmishes,
in all which (God be thanked)we cannotsay,we had any
disaster hitherto, but in all he loseth some of his best

men. I presumethere could nothing be added to our

Counsell of the distribution of her Majesties forces:
but whether

the fault

hath been in the Commanders

of the

severallparties,or in someimpedimentswhich they pretend, I know not; but wee receive little assistanceby
any of them, and the whole brunt of the warre lieth upon
us. But out of the presentjudgementwee makeof this
Countrie, wee have discovered, and directed Sir Arthur

Chichestera course,which if we may inablehim to go

forward in, will, I hope, utterly banish Tyrone; and

have found anotherway into his country, that if we can
but build a Fort, and makea passageover the River, we
shallmakeDungannona center,whetherwe may from all

parts draw togetherall her Majestiesforces,and (as I

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presume)
beforethis wintersend,not leavea manin

the Countryof Tyrone. Whatsoever

othershaveundertaken,I beseechyou Sir to remember,that in all my
dispatches,
I havedeclared,that the uttermostyou could
Planting
of looke from us in this Summerswork, should be to plant
Garrisons.
5^ Garrisonsas must take effect this next Winter, and

that we should proceedslowly, & comeshort of our

purpose,if we were not continuallysuppliedwith meanes,
and in time, of victuals and al kind of munitions.

If

you have not been informed in due time of our wants,

I must excusemy selfe,that beingcontinuallyimploied

in the active prosecutionof as busie a warre as any is
in the World, and most commonly farre from Dublin,
where our Magazins are, I am driven in al the severall
kindes of our meanes,to appoint of the CounsellCommissioners,whom I havedesiredin my absence
to informe
you of the estateof these things, and to solicite our
wants, having directed the particular Ministers of every
nature, to informe them of the remaines, and to deliver

them (to bee sent over) estimates,of what wee should

want. Onely in generall I have in all my dispatches
protested,that without sufficientsuppliesof thesethings,
wee should bee driven to sit still, and make all the rest

of her Majestieschargeunprofitable. Sir, I cannotfrom

a quiet judgementmakeyou a large and perfectdiscourse
at this time of our affaires,for I am continually full of
the presentbusines,and have so little rest, as sometimes
theserogueswill keepeus waking all night: but in short,
I dare assureyou, I seea faire way, to make Ulster one

of the most quiet, assured,and profitableProvinces,if

The

the Spaniarddoe not come. If they doe, I cannot say

Spaniards.
wnatWeshallfirst resolveon, till by the eventwe see
their purpose; for to provide for all places,that carrie
equall probabilitie of their undertaking, wee cannot,
neither can I put my selfeinto any part of Ireland with
my chiefe strength, but I may happen to be as farre
from their discent,as I shall beewhere now I am, which
maketh me the more loth to forgoe my hold in those
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parts,andyet for all occasions

you mustnot imagineme
to be now in the headof a great Army, but of some
sixteenehundredfighting men, of whom there are not
halfeEnglish,and upon the newesof Spanishsuccours,
I know

few Irish

that I can reckon ours.

With

this

Army I must make my retreat, which I resolvedto have

left most part in Garrisonsall this winter in thesequarters;
andin truth Sir, I cannotat this presentthinke of a better
counsel, then that we might goe on with the warre
by these Garrisons against Tyrone, as wee were
determined,whether the Spaniardscome or no, and to

makeheadagainstthem, chiefelywith meanesout of

England. By this coursethey shallgive eachother little

assistance,
and if we doe but ruine and wastethe traytors
this Winter, it will bee impossiblefor the Spaniardsto
make this people live, by which courseI presumeit is
in her Majesties power to give the King of Spainea
great blow, and to quit this Country of them for ever.

If in the checkes,the Queenedoe not finde the weakenesse

of her Army, I disclaimefrom the fault; for without a

wise honest Muster-master,of good reputation, to be
still presentin the Army, the Queenein that kinde wil
never be well served, and upon those Officers that are,
I doe continually call for their care in that matter. If
accordingto our desire you had sent us one thousand

suppliesof shotto theNewrie,it hadadvanced

the servicet11-"" I22-l
morethen I can expresse,but someyou must needssend
us, to be able to leave those garisonsstrong in winter.
Most part of thesetroopsI have here,are they that have
strickenall the blowesfor the recoverieof the Kingdome,
and been in continuall action, and thereforeyou must
not wonder if they be weake. If Sir Henrie Dockwra
do not plant Ballishannon,I thinke it fit, that Sir Arthur
Chichesterhad a thousandmen of his List, whom I hope
we would finde meanesto plant within foure or five miles

of Dungannon,andby boatsvictuallthemcommodiously.
I doeapprehend
the consequence
of that plantationto be
great: but till I hearefrom youagaine,I wil takeno men
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from Loughfoyle,because
I am loth to meddlemuch
with that Garrisonwithout direction: but I beseechyou
Sir by the next let me know your opinion.

Thenomina-I pray you Sir give me leaveto take it unkindly of

my L. Presidentto informeyou, that Sir Hen. Dockwra
captaines.
hath had greaterfavor in the nominationof Captaines
then he; for he neverplacedbut one,whomI displaced
tion of

after.

To have some left to his nomination,

is more

then I could obtaine, when the last supply cameto me.

But since it is the Queenespleasure,I must bearethis
(andasI doecontinuallya great dealemore)with patience.
And though I am willing you should know I have a
just feeling of these things, yet I beseechyou Sir to
beleeve,that my meaningis not to contest,or to impute
the fault unto you, for (by God Sir) where I professemy
love in the samekind I have done to you, they shall
bee great matters that shall remove me, although they
may (and I desire that I may let you know when they
do) move me. I do only impute this to my misfortune,
that I perceive argumentstoo many of her Majesties
displeasure: but while for her owne sakeshe doth use
my service,I will love whatsoeverI suffer for her, and
love the sentence,that I will force from the conscience

of all, and the mouth of the just, that I havebeen,and

will be, an honest,and no unprofitableservantunto her.

I dare undertake,we have rid my Lord Presidentof the
Peirce
Laciemost dangerousrebell of Mounster, and the most likely
themost man to have renewed the rebellion; for that night I

dangerous
receivedyour letters,the roguesdid powreabovethree
rebel of
Mounster.

thousandshot into our Campe,at which time it wasour

good fortune to kill Peirce Lacie, and some other of

their principallmen. Wee are now praying for a good

wind, for wee are at our last daies bread, if victuals come
in time, we will not be idle. Sir, if I have recommended

any into England,I am sure it wasfor no charge; for

I know none that have gone from hencebut there are
many that continuehere more worthy of prefermentthen

they,thereforeI pray Sir let themnot be reckonedmine,

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that there challengeany thing for me, but whatsoever

shallpleasetheir Lordships,I mustbe contentedwithall,
and it shall not much trouble mee, for I meane not to

make the warres my occupation,and doe affect asmuch

to have a great many followers,as to bee troubled with

a kennel of hounds. But for the Queenessake, I would

gladly have her servedby such,as I know to be honest

men, and unhappy is that Generall,that must fight with

weaponsof other mens choosing. And so Sir, being

ashamedthat I have troubled you so long, I desireyou
to be assured,that no man shall love you more honestly
andfaithfully, then my selfe.

From the CampeneereMount Norreysthis ninth of

August, 1601.
Yours Sir most assured to

doe you service

Mountjoy.
Touching the above mentioned distastebetweenethe
Lord Deputy and the Lord President of Mounster, his
Lordship shortly after, wrote a letter to him, resenting
himselfein very high tearmes,of the wrong he conceived
to be offered him, as followeth in his Lordshipsletter.

MYaffection,
Lord,
as
I have
hitherto
borne
you
asmuch
ii.to123
and
as truely
as ever
I did
professe
it [II.
Letter
the
unto you, and I protestrejoycedin all your good successes
Lord

as mine owne; so must you give me leave,sinceI fe"^erltf

presumeI haveso just cause,to challengeyou of unkind-

nes& wrong,in writing into England,that in preferring

your followers,Sir Henry Dockwra hath had more power
from me then your selfe, and consequentlyto solicite
the Queeneto have the nomination of someCaptaines

in this Kingdome. For the first I could havewished

you would have beenebetter advised,becauseupon my

Honour he never, without my speciall warrant, did

appointbut one, whom I after displaced; & I do not

rememberthat ever sinceour commingover, I havedenied
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Letter
totheanything,whichyou haverecommended
untome, with
Lord
themarkeof yourownedesireto obtaineit, andin your
President
of ProvinceI havenot givenanyplace(asI thinke)but at

your instance. For the other, I thinke it is the first

example,that everany underanotherGeneralldesiredor
obtainedthe like sute. And althoughI will not speake
injuriouslyof your deserts,nor immodestlyof mineowne,
yet this disgracecannotmake me beleevethat I have
deservedworsethenany that havebeeneGeneralsbefore
me: but sinceit is the Queenespleasure,I must endure
it, and you chusea fit time to obtainethat, or any thing

else againstme. Yet I will concurrewith you in the

service,as long as it shallpleaseher Majesty to imploy
us here: but hereafterI doubt not but to give you satis-

factionthat I amnot worthyof this wrong. TheCounsel

& my self, upon occasionof extraordinaryconsequence,
sent for some of the Companiesof Mounster out of
Connaght,when we heard you were to be suppliedwith

two thousandout of England,but we receivedfrom them

a flat deniall to come, and the coppy of your letter to
warrant them therein. If you have any authority from
the Queene to countermandmine, you may very well
justifie it, but it is more then you have vowed to me to
have, when I (before my comming over) protestedunto
you, that if you had, I would rather serve the Queene
in prison, then here. My Lord, thesearegreat disgraces
to me, and so conceived,and I thinke justly, by all that
know it, which is and will be very shortly all Ireland.

My alleagiance
andownehonourarenowingagedwith all
my burthens,to goeon in this worke,otherwiseno feare
should make me suffer thus much;

and what I doe, it

is onely love doth move me unto it: for I know you

aredeereto one, whom I am bound to respectwith extraordinary affection. And so my Lord I wish you well,
and will omit nothing (while I am in this Kingdome) to
give you the bestcontentmentI can,and continueas,
Your assured friend,

Mountjoy.
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The Lord President within few daies, not onely with

a calme,noble,and wise,answere,pacifiedhis Lordships

anger;but alsoby manygoodOfficesbetweene
his Lordship and Master Secretary,(with whom as a most inward

friend hee had great power) so combinedtheir new

begunnelove, asheeingagedhis Lordship in a greatbond
of thankefulnes

to him.

The eleventh of August, his Lordship wrote to the

Governour of the Newry, that to avoid the continuall
trouble of Convoyeshereafter,he should presentlysend

up as great provisionof victualsto Armaghas possiblyProvision

of
he could, while his Lordship lay in that part with the victuals
to

Army: For two daiesafter,by reasonof muchraine^rmagA.

falling, andthe expectingof thesevictuals,his Lordship
lay still in the Campe neere Mount Norris.

The

thirteenth the victuals came,but not in such great proportion as was directed, becausethe victuler had failed to

bake great part of his meale, and the Cowes expected

from Dundalke, were not yet sent by the Submitties,

accordingto their promise. The sameday his Lordship rose, and incampedthree miles short of Armagh.
The foureteenthhis Lordship rose with the Army, and
put all the victuals he had receivedinto the Abbey of
Armagh and the Fort of Blackewater,and returned back
to the samecampingplace. The fifteenth his Lordship
drew backeto his former Campe,neereMount Norreis,
and sent out some Companiesof Horse and Foote to
the skirts of the wood neere the Fort, to guard those
that cut wood for making of Carres,to transport more [II. ii. 124.]
victualsto the saidgarrisons. The sixteenthhis Lordship
drew backe to Carickbane, neere the Newry, to hasten

the provision of victuals, in as great quantity as might

be, which wasdispatchedwithin few dayes. The twenty
three his Lordship wrote the following letter to Mr
Secretary.

SiranyI forraine
didever
foresee,
and
have
signified
much,
that
succours
would
cleane
alterso
the
State
of
this Kingdome,andthe wholeframeof our proceedings,
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and doefind that the assurance

that thesepeopledoe now
receivethereof, doth makethem standupon other termes

then they were wont, and much divert our purposes,

whichwe hadconceived
with goodreasonandgreathope.
Thestate
of Of any but the English we havesmall assurance,
and

thecountry.
QffaQmfaeArmyis exceeding
weake.TheIrishnewly
submitted,& their wavering faith hitherto we have used

to greateffect: for we havewastedthem,and the rebels

by them, but when we cometo lay our Forcesin remote

garrisons,they flie the hardnesof that life, and doe

againebetakethemselvesunto any headthat is of power
to spoile, and with the best paid and prevailing party
they will ever be. I am certainely told by Sir John

Spaniards
Barkely, that some Spaniardsthat arrived at Sligo (as
arrive
at
Sllgo.

'

t discover,and with assuranceof the present

p

commmg or a great force,) doe there fortme, and (as he

hath been more particularly informed) not in a compasse

only capeableof themselves,but in suchsort as it will be
able to lodge great numbers. This, (& my being prevented to follow my purposesin theseparts as I would,)
draweth me into the Pale, to advise of the best assurance

for the maine,and yet not to quit my purposesin such

sort in theseparts; but if the Spaniardsdoe not come,
I may againelook this way with my former desire,which

wasto beatthe chiefeTraitor cleaneout of his Countrey:

for untill that be done, there will be ever left a fier, which
upon all occasions will breake out more and more

violently. When I have spoken with the rest of the

Counsell,and consideredmore neerelythe dispositionof
theseinward parts, I will more largely relate unto you
my opinion, neither will I now much trouble you with
my owne estate, although not onely my selfe, but (I

protest) the servicedoth feelethe effect of a general

conceivedrumour of her Majestiesdispleasureto me. I
am so neerely interessedtherein; that I cannot speak

muchof that matter,without the prejudiceof a private

respectto my selfe: but onely this, I most humbly desire

her Majesticfor her ownesaketo useme no longerhere,

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then shee thinketh me fit to be trusted and graced; for

without both, I shal but strive againstthe wind and tide,

andbe fit for nothingbut my ownepooreharbour,unto

the which I most humbly desire to be speedily called
with her gracious favour, since my owne conscience
maketh me presume to desire so much, that best doth
know with how untollerable labour of minde and body,

I have and doe continually serve her. And so Sir I

beseechGod to send you as much contentmentas I doe
want. The 23 of August 1601.
Yours Sir to doe you

service,Mountjoy.

The fortifying of the Spaniards

at Sligo,vanishedwith
the rumour, which was grounded upon some arriving,
to bring the Rebelscertaine newesof present succours,
and presentlyreturning. And the brute (or perhapshis
Lordshipsjealousie) of her Majesties displeasure,arose
from the confessionsof some examined, about the rash

attempts of the unfortunate Earle of Essex, who had

accusedthe Lord Deputy to be privy to that project.
His Lordship purposing to draw into the Pale (or parts
neereDublyn), left his forcesin the North, (for thoseof
Loughfoyle had not yet correspondency
with these),in
this following mannerdisposed.
At Carickefergus.
Sir

Arthur

Chichester

Governour

Thedisposal
200.

Sir

Foulke

Conway 150. CaptaineBillings 150. CaptainePhillips

150. Captaine Norton 100. Captaine Egerton 100.
Foot 850.
Sir Arthur Chichester25. CaptaineJohn Jephson100.
Horse 125.
At

Lecaile.

Sir Richard Moryson Governour 150. CaptaineToby

Cawfield 150. Foot 300.

These following forces,when they should be drawne [II. H. 125.]

out, for convoy of victuals or otherwise,were to be com-

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Thedisposal
mandedin chiefeby Sir FrancisStafford,and werethus
oftheforces,
disposed
in severallgarrisons.
At the Newry.
Sir Francis Stafford Governour 200. CaptaineJosias
Bodley 150. Sir William Warren 100. Foot 450. Sir
Francis Stafford 50 Horse.
At Mount

Norreis.

Captaine Edward Blaney Governour 150. Captaine

Atherton 150. Sir Samuell Bagnoll 150. Captaine
Rotheram 150. Foot 600. Sir Samuell Bagnoll 50
Horse.

At Armagh.
Sir Henry Davers Governour 150. Sir H. Follyot
150. Capt. Guest 150. Capt. Thomas Roper 150.
CaptaineFrancisRoe 100. Capt.Trever 100. Foot 800.
Sir Henry Davers 100. CaptaineDarcy 25. Horse
125.
At Blackewater.

Captaine Williams Governour 150. Captaine Constable 100. Sir Garret Moore 100. Foot 350.

AnEnglish- The twentyfoure of August,his Lordshipleavingthe

man
sentin field, rode backeto the Newry, from whencehe sent one
Bonds to the
W. an Englishman in bonds to the Lords in England,
Lords in

England.for the reasons

following. Sir Henry Daversafterhis

elder brothers perishing in the late Earle of Essex his

attempt,wasdesirousby activeprosecutionof the Rebels,
to deserveher Majesties good opinion. And for this
cause,as for that hee was enabledto doe great services,
aswell by his noble vertues, as by the commandhe
formerly and now had both of horseand foot; his Lord-

ship in specialllove to him, being mostwilling to give

him all opportunity to attaine this his desire, appointed
him Governour of Armagh, advising him to be often

stirringwith theforcesunderhis command,

andto practise
what possibly he could devise upon the personof the
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Arch-traitor. To him thisEnglishman

madeofferto kill

Tyrone,yet wouldnot discoverhis plot for greatersecrecy

(ashe pretended),neitherwould he pressehim further,
sincehe requiredno assistance;and so in the night he
wassufferedto goeby thewatches,
andpassed
to TyronesTheEnglishCampe,whencehe was imploied to the Ilander Scots,man's
brag.
and comming to Sir Arthur Chichestershands,was by

him sent backefrom Knockefergusto his Lordship at

the Newry, where being examinedwhat he had done in
Tyrones Campe, he avowed that once he had drawne
his sword to kill him, though under pretenceof bragging

whathe would doefor his service,yet gavehe no good

accomptof his actionsor purposes,
but behavedhimselfe
in suchsort, ashis Lordship judged him franticke,though
not the lessefit for such a purpose. Now becausehee
had not performed that he undertooke,and gave an ill
accomptof himselfein this action; his Lordship, aswell
for the dischargeof Sir H. Davers, who imploied him,
as of himselfe who consentedthereunto, and advised Sir

H. Davers so to doe, thought good to sendhim prisoner

to the Lords, that he might be there examined,whereby
reasonof his friends dwelling in London, they might be
sufficientlyinformed of the mansquality.
The five and twentieth, his Lordship and the Counsel
therepresent,wrote from the Newry this following letter
to the Lords in England.

ITwemay
please
your
Lordships.
Since
our
letters
have
for the
most
part imploied
ourlast
selves
in
putting up as great quantity of victualsaswe could to
Armaghand the Blackewater,
being loath to ingageour
selvesinto any thing, which wee had further purposed,
untill we shouldseethe issueof this assuredexpectation

of the Spaniardsinvasion,or till we might by some

meanesbetter strengthenthis Army. Of the first we
havereasonto be jealous,both by many argumentsof
assuredconfidencein this peopleof presentsuccour,and [II. ii. 126.]

by the arrivall of a Spanishship, in which the Archie, ii

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1601.

traytorsagentis returned,with assurance

that he left

the Spanishforcesordainedfor his aide in a readinesse

to set out. For the strengtheningof our Armie wee
hadgoodreasonto beeprovident,consideringthe weake-

nessethereof, and especiallyof the English, and finding

by experiencethe rebelsstrength now, when he had none
but the forcesnourishedin Tyrone to assisthim. Wherefore hearing that Sir Henrie Dockwra had planted a
Garrison at Dunnagall,and had left O Donnel possessed
in a mannerof nothing in Tirconnel, and that upon the
late arivall of his munition, he intended to be active in

those parts neere Loughfoyle, and understandingby

Master Secretary,that about the twelfth of August there
were two thousandmen to be suppliedfor Mounster,we
Distributionresolvedto sendfor someof the Companiesin Connaght

oftheForces.
of tne MounsterLyst, andto put therestinto Galloway
and thereabouts,for the assuranceof those parts, and
upon the receiving of that addition to our strength, to
have drawneto Monaghan,and spoiledthe Corneof that

Country,beingof exceeding
quantitie,or if we hadseene
reason,to have left a Garrison there, and to have inabled

it to gather the most part of that Corne for their better

provision, or otherwiseto have continuedthe prosecution
in theseparts, until we should heare of the Spaniards
landing, or by any assurance
of their not comming,should
be at liberty to proceedein our former purposes. But
receiving answerefrom the Captainesof Mounster, that
they had direction not to stirre from Connaghtupon any
other order whatsoever, then from the President of

Mounster, in regard of the present expectation of

Spaniardsto land in thoseparts: and we therebybeing
not sowell ableto wadeany further in our determinations

for the North, & receivingsomeprobableintelligence,

that the place designedfor the Spaniardslanding was
Sligo, weeresolvedto leavethe NortherneGarrisonsvery

strong in foote and horse,and as well providedwith

meanes as we can, and to draw our selves with the rest

of our force towardsConnaght,appointingthe rest of

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the Counselto meeteus in the way at Trym, to advise

with

us of the best course to establish the heart of the

Pale,and to answerethe presentexpectationof Spanish

forces. And althoughby our suddaineleavingthe North,
we haveommittedsomethings whichweeconceivedto
beeof great consequence
to the service,yet if it shall
pleaseyour Lordships to supply the foundationswe have
laid in those parts with one thousandshot, accordingto
our former sute, and with store of victuals for the

Garrisonsin Winter, we hope you shall finde no small

effectof our Summerslabour. But seeingwe are perswaded,that if any Spanishforcesarrive, they wil land
at Sligo, where they have a fit place to fortifie, to be
relieved by sea, to unite themselveswith all the Rebels
force, and where they have a faire Countrie to possesse,
with an easieway (by the rebelsassistance)
into Mounster,
or the hart of the Pale,or especiallyto Loughfoyle, where
we cannot,without great difficulty, affront them, having
no magazinsof victuals or munition at Athlone or Galloway, and where it is unpossiblefor us to provide our
selves,or if we could, most difficult to carrie them by
land, when we are so farre in the Countrie, and have no

meanesfor carriage. Thereforewe most humbly desire

your Lordships to send good store of victuals and Good
store

munition to Galloway,
and to Lymbrick,
which howsofvtct!ia^s
V 11
-it i
r
needed tor
ever our expectationrail out, will be mostnecessane
ror Qa//0^ay
a
the prosecutionof Connaght, and that prosecution as Lymbrick.

necessariethis Winter, since O Donnel hath forsaken his

owne Countrie, and betaken himselfe to live in that
Province.

But because we doe foresee it to be no ill

Counselfor the Spaniardsto land at Sligo, and think

that Tyrone will presently urge them to cut off our

Garrisonat Loughfoyle,whetherfrom thencethey have

a faire way, and securefrom our opposition, and may

imagine,that it will be no great difficultyfor themwith

suchroyall provisionsas they wil bring, to forcethose
slender fortifications. We beseechyour Lordships to

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ford and Knockfergus;for we cannotby any other way

thenthat relieveLoughfoyleif it bedistressed.Neither
canher Majestichazardanylossein thesegreatprovisions,
thoughwe neverusethem; for all kinde of victualsmay
beissuedin this Kingdomewith greatgaine,andespecially

Corne, which we chiefely desire; and for munition, it

[II. ii. 127.]may be kept with providenceas a store for all occasions.
Thus howsoever it fall out, we shall be inabled to make

Thewarreto such a prosecution this Winter in Connaght and the

beprosecuted
North, as in all reasonwill endethesewarres,if the

inthe
Winter.
Spaniards
come
not,andwillleave
thisProvince
of Ulster
in farre greatersubjection,then ever any of her Majesties
Progenitors had it. And since wee apprehend,that
Spainemay make in this Countrie a dangerouswarre for
England, we conceivethat if not now, yet with his first
abilitie, he will imbrace it, which makes us to have the

greater desire (if it bee possible)to prevent his footing

herefor ever, and that (by Godshelp) we hopeto do

beforethis nextSummer,if we maybe inabledthiswinter
Neede
of
Northerne
horses.

to ruine Tyrone and O Donnel. We have great neede

of one hundred Northerne horses,for our horseshere
grow weak,and ill, and if your Lordshipspleaseto afford
us that number, we will so handle the matter, asit shallbee

no increaseof the Lyst. If the Spaniardscome,we must

have at the leastthree hundred,and if they be Northerne
horses,and NortherneRiders, we assureour selvesthey
will be muchfitter for this service,then suchasareusually
sent hither, who come with purpose to get licenceto
returne,and yet area greaterchargeto her Majesty. But

for the one thousandfoote wee desiredby our former

letters,we find their commingto be of that necessitie,
as wee must beemost humble and earnestsutors to your
Lordships to send them presently: for our Companies

TheSoldiers
are so exceedingweake,and now decayso fast, by the

weake. extremitie
of theweather,
asamuchgreater
number
will

not supplieus, but that the checkeswill beeasgreatas

now they are,andthey little be seeneamongstus, which
gives us causeto wish now, and humblyto moveyour
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Lordships,to be pleased
to sendonethousandfootemore
sooneafter. The reportsherearesouncertaine,
asuntill
we meetethe rest of the Counsellat Trym, we know not

howthe Palestandsaffected,uponthis assured

confidence
of the Spaniards
comming,onely this we perceive,many
of themarewavering,yet the Lords hereabouts,
namely,
Mac Gennis, Tirlogh Mac Henrie, Euer Mac Cooley,
and O Hanlon, keepe with us, notwithstanding that
Tyrone hath sent them word, that hereafter it will bee

too late for them to make their peacewith him, if they

doe it not now upon this occasion,and they assureus,
as much as men can doe, that they will not fall againe
from their obedience,though thereby their state bee no
better then horseboyes. But of this wee can give your
Lordships no assurance,neither in them have wee any

extraordinarieconfidence. It may further pleaseyour

Lordships to be advertised,that the Lord of Dunsany, TheLordof
having the commandof a Fort in the Brenny, called Dunsany's

Liscanon
(whereweehadplacedcertaine
IrishCompanies,
muhaPas fittest to spoileand wastthe Countrie thereabouts),did
lately draw most of them into Mac MahownsCountrie,

for the taking of a prey, which they lighted on, (as is

said) to the number of some sixteenehundred Cowes:
but in their returne, being hardly laied unto, (as some
of them say, with very great numbers,yet as we have
heard by somethat were present,not abovesevenscore),
they did not only lose their prey, but accordingto the
mannerof the Irish (who have no other kind of retreat)

fell to a flat runningawayto theFort, soaspooreCaptaine

Esmond (who had the commandof the Reare,and very
valiantly with a few madegood the place)was sorehurt,
and afterwardstaken prisoner, and forty or fiftie of our
side slaine. We cannot learne that any English were
among them, so as we accountour losseto be no more
then the taking of the Captaine,neither doe the Rebels

braggethereof,both because
they scaped
not free,loosing
very neereas manymen as weedid; and for that they
knew they dealt but with their Countrimen, who (as
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they doe)hold it no shameto runne,whenthey like not

to fight, thoughweemeaneto callsomeof oursto account
thereof. And so we most humbly take leave.

The eight and twentieth of August, his Lordship

Letters
from received two letters from the Lord President of Moun-

theLord

ster; the first imported,that hearingthat his Lordship

President.
hadsentintoConnaght
for partof theCompanies
of the
Mounster Lyst to come into the North, he prayed to
beeexcused,that heehad given contrarydirections,upon
feareof the Spaniardslanding,& the knowledgeof Tirrels
purpose to come with the banished Mounster men, and

aidesof Northernemen out of Connaght,presentlyto

disturbe the Province of Mounster, and signified, that
now to manifest his preciseobedienceto his Lordships
commands, hee had sent them directions to march towards

[II. 11.128.]his Lordship upon sight of his letter, yet praying his
Lordship to sendsomepart of them into Munster, without which helpe he could neither keepethe field against
Tirrel and the Provinciall fugitives at their first entrie,
nor upon the Spaniardsarrivall, give any impedimentto
their disposingof suchTownes,aswere recommended
to
his speciall care, and assuring his Lordship that the
Spaniardshadbeensceneat Sea,andthat in his judgement
and by vulgar report, it was likely they would make
discent in some part of Mounster. Lastly, advertising

James
the that he hadsentJamesthe Suggonpretended
Earleof
Suggonand

Florence
MacDesmond,and FlorenceMac Carty (the chiefepractiser

Carfysent with the Spaniardsin those parts) into England. The

Into'England.
secondletter imported the Lord Presidentsrecommendation (which by establishedcoursewas effectuall) to his
Lordship, for the granting of her Majesties pardon for
landslives and goods,to five hundredfortie two inhabitants of Muskery, and other partsin the Countieof Corke,

for whichpresentwarrantwasaccordinglygiven.
The nine and twentieth day his Lordship came to

Trym, wherethe Counsellers

commingfrom Dublin met
him, accordingto appointment. Heere they consulted
of the publike affaires,more particularlyhow that part
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of the Army within Lemster,might be employedto

prosecute
Tirrel, sentby Tyroneto disturbethatProvince,
andyet to be readyupon any suddenoccasion
to make
headagainstthe forraigneenemie. And the advertise-Advertisementsbeing daily multiplied, that the Spaniardswere at ments
ofthe

Sea,it wasconcluded,
thatin regardtheseforceswerenot Spaniards.
ableto answerboth, or either the endsaforesaid,great

part of the Army in Ulster should be drawne downe,

and both forcesjoyned, should assayleTirrel, who came
to insult over the subjects,and to draw them to rebellion,
but especiallythe late Submitties,whomby manypromises
andthreatningshe had temptedto a relapse,but prevailed
not with them. And his Lordship resolved, by his
presenceto give a sharperedge to this service,till either
hee should be called, to affront the Spaniardslanding,
or to draw backeinto the North, if they landednot.
The third of Septemberhis Lordship and the Counsell
herewrote unto the Lords in England, excusingthat the
extraordinaryexpenceshad farre passedthe limited sum
of sixethousandpoundyeerely,which wasfarre too little,
for the transportationof victuals, carriageof munition,
chargesand impreststo victualers,rewardsto messengers,
and for speciallservices,making of boats,and things of
like necessitie,and the repairing of Castles, Houses,
Bridges,Forts, and all buildings. In which last charge,
they had not been able fitly to repaire Athlone Castle, Athlone
the Key of Connaght, nor the Castlesand Bridges of Castle
the

Carlogh
andLaughlin,
andtheFortsof Phillipstowne
and Keyof

Maryburgh,
beingof greatconsequence,
to curbe
theConnagh

Traytors, and assurethe subjects,and the decaywhereof

wouldgive the rebelsfreepassage

into manyCountries,
besidesour dishonour to neglect thoseplaces,which the
wisedomeof former timeswith great policie planted; the

greatchargeof repairingwhereof,appeared
by the transmitted certificats of Commissioners appointed to view

theseplaces. And for thesereasonsthey besoughther

Majestieswarrant,to leavethis chargeto their discretion
for a time, without any limitation, promising not to
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inlargethe samein any thing, whichmight be spared,

withoutapparant
prejudice
to herservice,
andgivingtheir

opinion,that in this time of the new coine,theseplaces

might be repairedwith small charge. Likewise they
desiredto havegreatstoreof munitionandvictualssent
over,andthat presently,to preventthe usuallcontrarietie
of winds after Michaelmas, and all the Winter season.

Lastly, they desired to have the one thousandshot

presentlysentover,for whichtheyhadformerlywritten;
the Army consistingin great part of Irish, which could

The

not be kept to live in Garrisonout of their owneCountrie.

And they advertisedthe Lords, that divers of the horse
at twelve penceper diem had quit their pay, being not
able to live thereuponin thosedearetimes.
This third of Septemberlikewisehis Lordship received
letters from her Majestie, giving warrant for the pay of
two thousandmen sent into Mounster, being abovethe
Establishment. The same day his Lordship received

Spaniard lettersfrom SirRobertCecyllSecretarie,

thattheSpaniards
were discoveredneerethe Silly, and as hee thought they
[II. ii. 129.]would land at Lymrick, being fortie five sayle,whereof
seventeenewere men of warre,whereof sixe were Gallions,

the rest of one hundred,or one hundredand fifty tunnes

burthen,and had in them sixe thousandsouldiers,praying
his Lordship to demandsuchsuppliesashe thought need-

full, anduponthe Spaniards

landing,to namethe places
whether the supplies should be sent, and assuringhis
Lordship that the two thousandmen for Mounster were
alreadyimbarked.
The sametime his Lordship receivedletters from the
Lords in England, importing her Majestiesacceptance
of
his service,with her willingnesseand theirs to send him
needefullsupplies,.praying him to demandthem timely,

because
heecould hardlyreceivethemfrom Englandin
sixe weekesafter the demand,the wind standingfavourable. Likewise professingthat it is the fault of the
Commissioners
and Commissaries
for victuals, if therebe

anywantthereof,sincethe proportionsrequiredby them

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were arrived in Ireland;

as likewise that the souldier

madenot somepart of provisionfor victualsby mony

(especiallyin parts neere the sea,and like places,where

victualswere to be bought), sinceby thesegreat provisionsof victualsin Englandwith sterlingmony, her

Majesty lost the third part of the profit shehopedto
make by the new standardof Ireland, & which might
be made, if vittels were provided by the souldier in
Ireland, having full pay in that mixed mony. Also advertising, that her Majestic had sent for Ireland twenty lasts Powder
and
munitions
for
of Powder, with all munitions in proportion necessary,

halfeby land,and(for sparing

of carriage)
halfeby Sea,lieland-

praying that care might be had in issuing thereof, since

they were informed, that great wast thereof had been
formerly made,by the Irish bands,convertingthe Powder
to their private gaine, and by the whole army, under
pretenceof her Majesties remittall of Powder spent in
service(which had beendefalkedout of the souldierspay,
but wasafter held an hard course,to punish them for their

gooddeserts),
now charginguponher Majestieall wilfull
and fraudulent consumptionsof Powder. Further signifying, that Sir Henrie Dockwra his failing in correspondencywith his Lordship this Summer,for want of match,
was distastfull to them, had he not made amendsby
surprizing of Donnegall,which would facilitatethe plant-

ing of Ballishannon. That her Majesty referredthe

garrisonof Loughfoyle wholly to his Lordshipsdirection,

and the transposingany part thereofto the inabling of

Sir Arthur Chichesterat Knockfergus,the chargeof that

garrisonbeingexceeding
burthensome
to her Majesty,by

reasonthat Coastin Winter is so subject to stormes,and

for that it wassuppliedwith all provisionsout of England

bought with sterlingmoney,and small quantity of the

Irish mixed monies could be there issued to any such
purpose, in which regard her Majesty wished that the
Irish in thoseparts (in whoseserviceno profit wasfound)

shouldeitherbecast,andpensions
of mixedmoniesgiven
to the chiefe Lords, or at least should receive no victuals
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out of the stoare,but havetheir full payin that standard,

to providetherewithfor their Companies.Touchingthe
expectedlandingof the Spaniards,
their Lordshipsbeing
of opinionthat they would presentlyland in Mounster,
advertisedhis Lordship, that two thousand men were
imbarked for that Province, and two thousand more
should be readie within

twentie daies at the Sea-side,

to comewherehis Lordshipshoulddirectthem. Touching the exceptionabove mentionedwhich his Lordship

had taken, that part of the Officers for the Companies
sent

into

Mounster

were

left

to

the 'Lord

Presidents

disposall, and all the rest were bestowedin England,

their Lordships professed,that as in all circumstances
of
honourand contentment,they desiredto respecthis Lordship, so they praied him to consider,that it stood with
the reputation of a Counsel of State, to conferresome
such imploiments, and keepe men of quality at Court,
to be upon all occasionsused in her Majesties service,
wherein notwithstandingthey had preferredfew or none,
who had not his Lordshipsletters of recommendations
to
that Board, and now referred them all to bee continued or

cassedat his pleasure. Lastly, whereastheir Lordships

wereinformed, that somewere apprehended
in Irelandfor
Coiners
tobe coining of the new mixed monies, they signified her

executed.Majesties
pleasure,
thatthosemenshouldbeexecuted,
the
rather to prevent the great inconveniencemight arise,in
maintainingthe exchangefor suchcounterfetmonies,and
otherwise.

[II. ii. 130.] The fourth of Septemberhis Lordship wrote from

Trym to Sir Robert Cecyll the following letter.

SIR
comming
these
parts,
I found
them
not at
somy
distempered
asinto
I was
borne
in hand
I should,
so as I make no doubt at all, but if the Spaniardsdoe

not come,I shall be able to give her Majesty a good

accomptof my chargehere; and I am not out of hope,
but rather of opinion, sincethey have staiedso long,
that they will not comethis Winter, thoughI desirenot
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to leadeyou into that conceit,nor omit not my selfeto

providefor the worstmayhappen: andthereforehave
sent Master Marshall towards Leax, with almost a

thousandfoot andsomehorse,both to be neerethe Lord

President
of Mounster,for whatmayfall out that way,
and to prosecuteTyrrell in the meanewhile, who with

sometwo hundredRoguesis gotten thither, and with

the remaineof the Moores, Connors,and their followers,

whom I could not cut off the last yeere,are altogether

drawneto beabovefourehundred. For Connaght,I have Connaght.
appointedSir Oliver Lambert, with as many Companies

asI cansparehim, untill I mayunderstand

her Majesties
further pleasure,becauseI know him to be very active,
and find a necessityto imploy someforcesthat way, so
long as the brute of the Spaniardscomming doth continue ; especiallynow, that Odonnell doth make his
residencein that Province about Sligo, and might otherwise doe what hee list without impeachment. For my
selfe, I thinke it fittest to stay hereaboutsa while, for
from henceI may aptly draw towards Mounster or Connaght as need requires,or fall backe towardsthe North,
so sooneas we can gather any certainty of the Spaniards
not comming. And if we may be supplied with the
1000 shot, so earnestlydesiredby our former letters, (and
without which, our foundation will be in a manner over-

throwne), to strengthenthe English Companieshere, (I

assureyou) growne exceedingweak, (otherwiseI would
not put her Majesty to that charge); I make no doubt
but we shall be able to doe her Majesty that servicethere
this Winter, (those shot being landed at Carlingford or
the Newry, with the victuals, munition, and other meanes

desired),that the Spaniardsshall not from thenceforth

be able to get footing, to doe us any great annoyance,

especially
if it wouldplease
you to procure,for anaddition
to the rest two hundredshot to be sent for the supplying
of Sir Arthur Chichesterat Carickefergus: for from
that placewe have discoveredsuch an entranceinto the
heart of Tyrone, as in all likelihood will soonruine that
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Arch-Traytor, if Sir Arthur maybe enabledwith meanes,

as from me he shall not want what I can yeeld him. I
have here inclosedsent a note, that you may seehow the

garrisonsare plantedNorth-wards,and who it is that

commandsin eachof them, in the absenceonly of Sir
Francis Stafford, for he hath the chiefe command over

them, as the best meaneto make them joine upon all

occasions of the service.

The ninth of Septemberhis Lordship receivedadver2000.men

tisement from the Lord President, that the two thousand
arrived
In

men embarkedin Englandfor Mounster,werearrived,

part in Corkharbour,part at Waterford, of which companies some were left by the Lords of her Majesties
Counsell, in their directions to his disposall,but he left
them to his Lordships pleasure,knowing the duety he
ought to his Generall. And whereasthe Lords of the
Counsell,in the sameletters gave directionsthat the foot
Companiesof the Lord Presidentand Earle of Thomond,
being each150, should be increasedeachto two hundred,
the Lord President avowedthat it was obtainedby the
said Earle, joyning him for countenanceof the sute,
altogetherwithout his privity, which he praied his Lordship to beleeve: for sincehis Lordship had promisedthat
favour to him upon the first occasion,he protestedthat
he never had any thought to makeso needlesse
a request
in England. Therewith hee sent his Lordship the list

of the saidCompanies
newlyarrived,beingonethousand
foure hundred under foureteenCaptainesnamed in
England, one hundredfor the increaseof the Lord Presidents and Earle of Thomonds foot Companies,and
five hundredwhich hee the Lord President,by vertue of

the Lords letters,(the Lord Deputypleasingto give his

admission)assignedto five Captaines,
being in all two
thousand

foot.

His Lordship having disposedthe forcesas is above

[II. ii. 131.]mentioned,

andwrittenfromTrymto theLordPresident,
desiring him to meet him upon the bordersof Lemster,

meaningKilkenny, as the fittest placefor that meeting,

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tooke his journey thitherward,and arriving at Kilkenny

the thirteenth of September,the samenight received
advertisement
from theLord President,that theSpaniardsThe
Spaniard
were met at Sea,bearing for Ireland, and therein (as he metatSea.
was informed) for Mounster, so that he craved pardon
that hee camenot to meetehis Lordship, whosepleasure
hee conceived to bee, that in this case hee should not be

absentfrom those parts, where the enemiesdiscent was

expected; and he further prayed his Lordship so to
fashion his affaires in Lemster and the North, as the

forceshe meant to bring might be in readinesse;withall

protesting,that he staiedonly for a seconddirection,which
if he received, he would come without delay to his
Lordship.

The next day his Lordship wrote the followingletter

to Sir Robert Cecyll her MajestiesSecretarie.

Sir,
leftthe
aswell
guarded,
Joh.
ashaving
in providence
INortherne
could,theborders
command
wherof
I left Sir
Bark"'y
to Sir Joh. Barkeley,and having sent Sir Oliver Lambert

-n the

into Connaghtto settlethoseparts,& SirRich. Wingfeild

the Marshal into Leax, to prosecuteTirrel with his
adherence,I wrote to the President of Mounster to meete

me about Kilkenny, if hee conveniently might, with a

desireto establisha full correspondencie
for the resistance
of forraine forces,if they should arrive, or otherwisefor
making the warres in all parts this Winter, the rather
becauseI know not how (for the present)Galloway,and

consequently
Asherawe
(if it beplanted)mightbesupplied

of munition and someother provisions,but out of, and

by Mounster: & further my being in thosepartsseeming
to me of no small purpose, to devide the Birnes and

Cavenaghsfrom holding intelligence,or joining with

Tyrrel, & to nourishtheovertureI havelatelyentertained
from O.M.S. the chiefeof the Moores,to bring meTirrel
alive or dead, which he desires should passeas a secret

between only me, himself, and Omoloy, to whom he

hathalreadygiven a pledgeto performeit. Now that I

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might not disinable any of the forces, I am come to

Kilkenny onelyaccompanied
with somethreescore
horse,
without any one Commander
or Captaineof the Army,
havingleft themall with commandement
to beresidenton
their charge. OnelywhenI cameneereMasterMarshall,
I sent to conferrewith him, being before accompanied
with none of the Counsell,but onely Sir Robert Gardner
chiefe Justice. As I entred into Kilkenny, I received
intelligence from the Lord President of the Spaniards
being at Sea,and returned his messenger,desiring him

not to stirrefrom his charge,but to advertisemeoftenof

TheLordoccurrents. My selfe purpose to returne presently to
Deputy
s car]Ogn
(whether under
the
colourT to prosecuteTirrel,
purposes.
T
MI i
r i
r
[ will draw as many or the forces, as I can, to imploy them

in the meane time, and to be ready to answeresuch

occasionsas shall fall out in Mounster) that being (as
things stand)the placebest to give direction to all parts,
and to assurethe most dangerous. Now Sir, what I
should desireto advisefrom hence,on so great a sudden,
as I thinke it fit to make this dispatch,and in so great
a matter, I am not very confident,but propoundto your
much better judgement what I thinke first and fittest to
be thought of. That it may pleasethe Lords to send
over the two thousandmen by their last letters signified
to me to be at Chester,with all expedition,one thousand
of them to Carlingford, the other to Dublin. TheseI
intend to thrust into other companies,to make them
full (if I can) to a man, whereby the Queene shall be
served with all their bodies, and yet her Lyst no way
increased,nor other chargebut transportation. I desire
so many at the least may be sent to Carlingford, because
I am confident that it is the best counsell, whether the

Spaniards
land or no, to strengthenthat part of the Armie,
which will be able to assurethe Pale that way, and to
ruine the Northerne Rebels, in such sort, that it shall not

be in the power of forraineforce to makethem live, and

if the worst happen,they be therbyinabledto comeoff

to us, if we sendfor them,wherenow theycannotexcept
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we fetch them. In generall,for sucha warreyou must Great

sendgreatMagazins
of munitionandvictuals,andwhenMagazm
of

youresolve
howmanymenyouwill send,or havesent,**^r^

the proportion will bee easily cast up by such Ministers

asyou have there in thosekinds. The best placefor the [II. ii. i32-]
greatestquantity will be Dublin; for from thence we
may finde meanesto transport what other placesshall

haveneedeof, exceptthe warrebe in Connaght,for then

onely from Lymrick and Gallowayall our provisionsmust
come, and in Connaght I chiefly expect the Spaniards
first discent,yet there with most difficulty can front them
with any warre before Galloway,or Athlone (from Lymricke) be throughly suppliedwith provisions. If forraigne
force doe not arrive, these provisions will not be lost;
for this Winter Odonnellmust be forcedout of Connaght, Odonnell
to

or ,elsehe
will get therewhat, hehathlost
in Tyrconnell,
be/^ced
out
. . TTT.to
.
11
of Connaght.
and so, this Winter

we must doe our endevour to doe the

like in Ulster, to ruine Tyrone, which is a worke of no

small difficulty, but of so great consequence,
that I am
perswadedit would not onely turne the professionsof
this people, but even their hearts to her Majesties
obedience,for suchas love Tyrone, will quit their affections, when the hope of his fortune failes, and such as
doe not, their dependancyon him will fall, when their
feare of his greatnesshall be taken away: for beleeve
me Sir, I observe in most (if I be not much deceived) of

the Irish reclaimed Lords, great desire to continue

Subjects,if they might once see apparanceof defence,

though perchancenot so much out of their honest

dispositions,as the smart they yet feeleof a bitter prosecution. If you hearethat forraigne powersin any great
numbersare arrived, you must resolveto sendat the least
200 Horse out of England, and two thousandmen more
well armed, for you must beleeveSir, that then it will
not be the warre of Ireland, but the warre of England
madein Ireland. If we beat them, both Kingdomeswill

be quiet,if not, eventhe bestin moredangerthenI hope

ever to live to see. If you provide us more men when
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wee sendyou word that the Spaniards

are landed,wee
will write whetherwe desirethey shouldbe sent. Howsoever,I presumeher Majesty shallnot repent the putting

oversomanymenhither; for we hopeto easethe charge

in the shortnesse

of the worke

If

this aide arrive

not

here, and if any forraigne force arrive in England, (the

which we gatherby someintelligencemay be), then if you
send hither new men to assureplacesfit to bee kept, we
may bring you over old souldiers& Captaines,two or
three thousand;

which I wil undertake shal strike as

good blowesasten thousandordinary men. I havemade

someof the subjectslately reclaimed,andin thesetimes

suspected,put themselvesin blood already, since my
comminghither; for even now I hearemy Lord Mountgarrets sonnes have killed some of the Clancheeres,and

some of Tyrrels followers, since I contestedwith their

Father, about somewhatI had heard suspiciousof them.
Sir I will againeadvertiseyou of our affaires here very
shortly, and desireyou now to pardon my hast. From
Kilkenny this foureteenthof September1601.
Your most assured friend to

doe you service,

Mountjoy.

His Lordship returned from Kilkenny to Carlogh,

where he disposedthe forcesto answerethe servicein

those parts of Lemster. Thence he wrote to the Lord
Presidentto meethim sometime at Kilkenny, if possibly

he could: And within few daieshearingthat the Lord

Presidenthaving left Sir CharlesWilmot with the forces
at Corke, was on his journey towardshim, his Lordship

partedfromCarlogh,andthenineteenth
of September
met
him at Laughlin, whencethey rode togetherto Kilkenny.

BeforeI proceedfurther,I will brieflyaddethe affaires

Mounster.
of Mounster till this time, collected out of the Lord

Presidentsletters. The setling of peacein the yeere

1600. was interrupted by the allarum of a Spanish

invasiongenerallygiven in the beginningof this yeere

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1601. And in the monethof Aprill the MounsterRebels

which fleddethe last yeereinto Connaghtand Ulster,
attemptedagaineto returne into Mounster, having beene
strengthenedby Tyrone; but the Lord President sent
Captaine Flower with one thousand foote to the confines,
and these forces of Mounster on the one side, and Sir

John Barkeley with the Connaght Forces on the other

side, so persued them, as the samemoneth they were
forced to breake and returne into Ulster.

Florence mac [II. ii. 133.]

Carty notwithstanding his protection, had procured the

sendingof the said Rebelsout of the North, and besides
many rebellious practices,about this time laded a Barke
with hides, which should bring him munition from
forraigne parts. The Lord President ceasednot to lay
continuall plots to apprehendthe titulary Earle of Des- Thetitulary

mond, & having often driven him out of his lurking Earle
f
dennes,(in which servicethe Lord Barry having a Com-

""''

panyin her Majestiespay, did nobleendevours,)

at last prisoner.
the Lord President understandingthat he lurked in the
white Knights Countrey, his Lordship did so exasperate
him with feareof his owne danger,as in the moneth of
May he tooke him prisoner and brought him to Corke,
where hee was condemed for treason, to intitle

the

Queenein his lands,and for a time kept prisonerthere.

In the moneth of June the Lord President received this

graciousletter from theQueene,writtenwith herownehand.

MYwere
faithfull
George.
If ever
more
service
ofworth
from
performed
in shorter
space
then
you have
done, Letter
theQueene.
we are deceivedamong many eye witnesses: we have
receivedthe fruit thereof, and bid you faithfully credit,
that what so wit, courage,or caremay do, we truly find,
they have all been throughly acted in all your charge.
And for the same beleeve, that it shall neither be
unremembred, nor unrewarded, and in meane while

beleeve,my helpenor prayersshallneverfaile you.

Your Soveraignethat best
regardsyou, E. R.
M. II

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TheLord

President's

Advertisements.

In thebeginning
of July theLord President
advertised
the Lord Deputy, that accordingto his directionshee

wouldpresently
sendinto Connaght1000foot andfifty

horseof the Mounsterlist, thoughupongoodandfresh

intelligences,
the arrivall of Spaniards
wasdaily expected
in that Province, and the forces remaining with him,

werenot sufficientto guardKinsale,Waterford,Yoghall,

Killmalloch, Lymricke, and Cork, (the last whereof
accordingto his Lordships directions,he would have care

speciallyto strengthen). That he had given the chiefe

leader of the said forces Sir Fran. Barkely direction to
returne to him upon his letter, if her Majesties service
in his opinion shouldrequire it, praying the Lord Deputy
to allow of this direction, since hee meant not to recall

them, but upon sudden revolt of the Provincials or

arrivall of Spaniards. That the Prisoner usurping the
title of Earle of Desmond, and many other evidences
made manifest,that the rebels of Ulster, and especially
the Spaniards,did most relie upon the helpeof the said
prisoner, & Florencemac Carty, which Florence though
protected had assuredthem of his best aide, and had
prevailedin a Councellheld in Ulster, that the Spaniards
shouldland at or neereCork. And that hereuponhe the
Florence
macLord Presidenthad apprehendedFlorence,and sent him
Cartysent togetherwith the saidEarle Prisonerinto England,where

Prisoner
safein theTower,whichbeingin timeknowne
England.intotheywere
to the Spaniards,might perhapsdivert their invasion of
Ireland. And no doubt the laying hand on thesetwo
Archrebels,much advancedher Majesties servicein the
following invasion, wherebythe Lord President deservedly wonnegreat reputation. Thus much I have briefly
noted to the time above mentioned, when the Lord

Deputy wrote to the Lord President to meet him on

the confines of Mounster.

Thelanding They meeting(as I said) at Laughlin, rode togetherto

ofthe
Kilkenny, where the twenty day of Septemberthey sate
Spaniards.in Counsellwith the Earle of Ormond, and the rest of
the Counselwith purpose,so sooneas they had resolved
45

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A.D.
1601.

of the meetestcoursefor the presentservice,to returne

to their severallplacesof charge. But the samedaynewes
cameby post, (for Posteswere newly establishedfor the
samepurpose)that a SpanishFleet was discoveredneere
the old head of Kinsale, whereuponthey determinedto
staythere all the next day, to havemore certainadvertisement therof. The three & twentith day another Post

camefrom Sir CharlesWillmot, advertisingthe SpanishTheSpanish

Fleete to be come into the harbour of Kinsale, and it Fleete
in the
was agreedr* in i Counsell,
that
the Lord r President should
^ ou,''
Kinsale.
j
i
T
i T-
"
returne to Corke, and the Lord Deputy tor countenancing

of the service in Mounster, should draw to Clommell,

and gather such forces as hee could presently, to draw [II. ii. 134.]
to Kinsale, nothing doubting but that this forwardnesse
(howsoeverotherwisethe Army, neither for numbersof
men, nor sufficiencyof provision, was fit to undertake
sucha taske) would both cover their many defectsfrom
being spiedby the Country, and for a while, at the least
stop the currant of that generall defectionof the Irish,
which was vehemently feared. This was resolved in
Counsell, after the Lord President had given them
comfort to find victuals and munition

at Corke:

for at

first they were not so much troubled to draw the forces

thither, assuddenlyto bring victualsand munition thither
for them. But when they understood,that his Lordship
hadfed the souldiersall Summerby cesse,and preserved

her Majestiesstoreof victualswhichthey thoughtto be

wasted,theywereexceeding
joyfull of this newes,andnot
without just desert,highly commendedthe Lord Presidents provident wisdome, in the said most important
service to the State.

The sameday they wrote theseletters to the Lords

in England.

ITlong
may
please
your
Lordship
: The
Spanish
Fleete
soLetters
tothe
expected
by the
Rebelshere,
is now
in the
harbour
Lords
'tn
of Kinsaleor Corke,asit mayappeare
untoyourLord- En&landshipsfor a certainty,by the copiesof theseinclosed
45*

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FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

1601.

letters, from Sir CharlesWilmott, and the Major of

Corke, which is as much newesas we have yet received,

soaswecannotjudge,whetherthis be thewholeFleete
set out of Spaine,or whetherpart thereof is comming

after to them, or bound for any other harbour, onely we

have somereasonto thinke (the weatherfalling out of

late exceedingstormyandtempestious)
that all the ships
could very hardly keepe together, and the report was,
the whole

number

were at least seventie.

We

are now

Requests
for to be earnestsutorsto your Lordships,to supply us with

supplies.all things needefullfor so weighty an action, and so

speedilyas possiblyit may be. The two thousandfoote
already(as we conceive)at Chester,we now desiremay
presentlybe sent to Waterford (and neitherto Carlingford
nor Dublin, as I the Deputie thought fittest in my last
dispatch,when I meantto have usedthem in the North),
two

thousand

more

at the least had neede come

soone

after unto Corke, if it be not invested before their

comming, but if it bee, their landing must then be at

Waterford or Yoghall, and with them three hundredhorse
will be as few, as we conceivewee have reasonto demand,

and thereforeexpectboth the one and the other so soone

as may be, also munition and victuall must be sentfor

ten thousandmen, to comelikewiseto Waterford (unlesse
your Lordships hearefrom us to the contrary), for if in
those two kinds we be not royally supplied, men and
mony will serveus to little purpose,with all which we
recommendto your Lordships consideration,whether it
were not fit to sendsomepart of her MajestiesNavy to
lie upon this coast,aswel to assurethe passageby Sea,
as to attempt something upon the Spanish shipping.
Thus having briefly set downe our requests,as sparingly
as we may do, the danger considered,we think it not
impertinent to acquaintyour Lordships with the cause
of our meetinghere,and purposes. We thought fit upon
the expectationof theseforraine forces,before we held
it of any certaintie,to conferrewith the Lord President

of Mounster,and to consultupon the generalldisposall

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A.D.
1601.

of theforcesof this Kingdome,howto makethe warre

upontheir arrival!, which we could hardlydoe,without
being thorowly informedby him, of the stateof that
Province, and what meanesof victuall, munition, and
other provisionswe shouldfinde there,if we shoulddraw
the army thither, or from thence were driven to make

the warre in Connaght,wherewee found it would beeof

exceeding
great difficulty, unlessewee might havegood
helpes out of Mounster. For this purpose meeting at

this placeupon Munday the one and twentiethof this

present,the next day while weewerein consultation,came
the first of theselettersfrom the Maior of Corke,assuring
us of the discovery of the Fleete neere the old head
of Kinsale, but whether friends or enemies he then knew

not, but that being made certaine by the rest of the

letters that camesince,we presentlygrew to this resolution, that the President should returne with all speede
possible,though before hee left the Province, hee tooke
orderto the uttermost that could beedone in providence,
aswellto settle the same,as to defendall placeslikeliest
to be invaded; and we concluded,that I the Deputy [II. ii. 135.]
should draw forward, as farre as Clommell, to be neere Dispositions

the chiefestbrunt of the warre, and upon the presentftheforcesapprehensionof all things there, to give directions to
the rest of the Kingdome, and yet to omit no occasions
against the invasion, whilest the Marshal drew up as
many of the forces to me, as he can with best conveniency and expedition. For since the two thousand
supposedto be at Chester,camenot to Carlingford and
Dublyn, in time to supply the CompaniesNorthward,

that they might havegoneon with their prosecution,

we

have now resolvedto leave no more in thoseparts, then

are sufficient to keepe the garrison places,becausewee
hold it to bee to no purpose, untill her Majesty send

hither greaterforces,though we are still of opinion, it

were the best course to proceedthere, if her Majesty
would be pleasedto enable us, for otherwiseit cannot
be looked for, but that we shal go backwardgreatly in
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1601.

this busines.Thus beingconfidentyour Lps.will be

carefull of us, we take this to be sufficient uppon this

sudden,sincewhat is any way necessary

or fit for us,
is to your Lordshipsin your wisdomeandexperience
best
knowne, and so we doe most humbly take leave, with

this assurance,
that we will leavenothing unperformed,
that may give true testimonyto the World, that we value
our duty to our most graciousSoveraigne,and tender the
preservation of this her Kingdome, committed to our
charge(aswe know we ought) beforeour lives and livings,
and doubt not but to give her Majesty a very good
account of all our doings. From Kilkenny this three
and twenty of September,1601.
Your Lordshipsmost humbly to command,&c.
signedby the Lord Deputy and Councell.
The foure and twentith day, his Lordship wrote this
following letter to Master Secretary.

S1
;IR
I did
thinke,
that
if any
force
arrive,
itever
would
be doubtfull
forforraigne
me to lay
myshould
finger
on any sound part of all this Kingdome, which if our
supplies had come in time, to have left the Northerne
garrisonsstrong, we might in somegood sort have proTheLord vided for, but now my resolution is this, to bend my

Deputy'sselfeas suddenlyas I canagainsttheseforraigneforces.

resolution,
jf wee^&^ them,let it not troubleyou, thoughyou

heareall Ireland doth revolt, for (by the graceof God)

you shall have them all returne presentlywith halters
about their neckes: if we doenot, all providencebestowed
on any otherplaceis vaine. Till I know moreparticularly
in how many places they have made their discent, I
cannot write much; but for the presentI apprehenda

world of difficulties,with as muchcomfortaseverpoore

man did, because I have now a faire occasion to shew how

prodigall I will be of my life, in any adventurethat I

shall finde to be for the serviceof my deere Mistresse,
unto whom I am confidentGod hath given me life to doe

acceptable
service,which whenI havedone,I will sing
454

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A.D.
1601.

Nuncdimittis. This day I expectto receivelight and

furthergroundto write moreat large,and beingnow
ready with the President to take Horse, whose fortune

& mineshallnow be one,I leaveyou to Godscontinuall

blessings,in hast. Kilkenny the foure and twenty of
September 1601.

The samedayMasterMarshallwasdispatched
into the Master
Pale, to draw the CompaniesthereaboutstowardsMoun- Marshall

ster, and to procurefrom the Councellat Dublyn all dlsPatche

things
.1"
necessaryfor that
I_ 1_
busmesse.
"
Sir
C
" T
Henry
T
Davers
~T\

wassentfor the Companies

aboutArmagh,andSir John
Barkeley had direction to bring other Companiesthat
were laid about the Navan. And the L. Deputy the
samenight rode to Kiltenan, a Castle and dwelling of
the Lord of Dunboyne,being a greatdaiesjourney, where
he wasassuredthat the Spaniardswerelandedand entered
into Kinsale. The five and twenty his Lordship rode
to Clommell, where Sir Nicholas Walsh, one of the
Councell,cameto him, and there it was resolved,his Lord-

ship should goe on to Corke, and so to proceedas there

should be cause.

The six and twentieth

his Lordp. rode

to Glonowre, the Lord Roches Castle. The seven and

twentieth his Lordship rode from Glonowre to Corke,

accompaniedwith the Lord President, Sir Robert
Gardener, and Sir Nicholas Walsh, Counsellors.

The eight and twenty day his Lordship wasadvertised [II. H. 136.]
by a Scot comming from Lisbone, that the SpaniardsTheSpaniar
by
sent to Kinsale, were sixe thousand in number, com- commanded

manded
by DonJeande 1' Aguyla,whohadbeene
/>^Jy"

generall in Britaine, that one thousandof them scattered

by tempest,were sincearrived at Baltemore. That they
were directed to Kinsale, with promise of great succours
by the pretended Earle of Desmond, lately taken
and sent into England, and by Florence mac Carty,
whom the Lord President upon suspition had lately
taken, and in like sort sent prisoner into England.
That the Spaniardsgave out, that assooneas they could
have horsesfrom Tyrone, and other Irish rebels,in which
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ITINERARY

1601.

hopetheyhad broughtfourehundred,(or as afterwas

1600.
saddles
crediblyadvertised1600saddles),they would keepethe
brought
by figj^ ancjthereforewouldnot fortifie at Kinsale,andthat
theSpaniard,.
upQnthe revojt of thig CountreV)the King of Spaine
meantfrom theseparts to invade England.

Whereuponthe sameeight and twenty day the Lord

Deputy resolvedin Counsell,that letters should bee
written into England,that it wasgivenout, the Spaniards
in Mounster were sixethousand,and that of certainethey
were five thousandcommandedby Don Jeandel' Aguila,
whereof three thousand were arrived in Kinsale, and the

Vice-Admirall Siriago, (for Don Diego de Brastino, was

Admirall of the Fleet), with foure other ships scattered
by tempest, were arrived at Baltemore. That no Irish
of accountrepairedto them, exceptingsomedependants
of Florence mac Carty, (of whose imprisonment the
Spaniardshad not heard before their landing), who was
the perswaderof their comming to that Port. That to
keepe Rebels from joining with them, it behoved us
presently to keepe the field. That it was requisite to
Queenes
shipssendsomeof the Queenesships,who might preventtheir

desired. supplies,
andgivesafetyto our supplies,
bothout of

England and from Coast to Coast,and might bring us

to Corke Artillery for battery,with munition andvictuals.
Likewise to write presentlyfor three hundred Northerne
horse, and for the two thousand foot at Chester, and two

thousandmore. To write for sixe peecesof battery, the

Cannon
for biggestto be Demy Cannonfor the field, with carriages

the
field. an(^
bu}lets>TocertifietheLordsthatArtillerycouldnot
be broughtfrom Dublyn, because
the Irish shipshadnot
mastsand tacklestrong enoughto take them in and out,

(besides
that, EasterlyandNortherlywindsonelyserving

Peeces
of

to bring them, were rare at this seasonof the yeere;)

and that the greatestPeecesin Mounster lay unmounted
on the ground. And lastly, to write for powder for five
thousandshot,and for sixePeecesof Battery,(which must

Battery. besomesjx(.yjast^an(jfQrg^y.tunneof \e^ w[

quantity of match, and five thousandPyonerstooles.

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A.D.
1601.

The sameday his Lordshipwasby lettersadvertised,

that a Frier in a Souldiershabit, was dispatchedfrom
Kinsalethe foure & twenty of September,and passed
through Clommell,naming himselfeJamesFlemming,

and from thencewent to Waterford, whereheeaboadfew

dayes,and.namedhimselfeRichard Galloway. That he

hadBulsfrom the Pope,with largeindulgences

to those,BU/S
fromthe
who shouldaide the Spaniards,(sentby the CatholikePope.
King to give the Irish liberty from the English tyranny,
and the exerciseof the true olde Apostolike Roman
Religion), and had authority to excommunicate
thosethat
should by letters, by plots, or in personjoyne with her
Majesty, (whom the Pope had excommunicated,and

therebyabsolvedall her Subjectsfrom their oath of

alleagiance).That everygenerallVicarin eachDiocesse,
had chargeto keep this secrettill the Lord Deputy was
passedto Corke, when he assuredthem, his 'Lordship

shouldeitherin a generalldefectionnot be ableto understandtheseproceedings,or hearing thereof should be so

imploied, as he should have no leisure to prevent them.
That he gave out, the Spaniardsat Kinsale were 10000, Spanish
lies.
besides2000 dispersedby tempest,which were landedat
Baltimore, having treasure, munition, and victuals for
two yeers. And that Tyrone would presently come
up to assist them at Kinsale, and to furnish them with
horses,which they onely expectedfrom him, and had
brought saddlesand furniture for them. Lastly, advice
thereinwasgiven to his Lordship to write to the corporate
Townes and chiefe Lords, not to beleeve these fabulous

reports, but to take advice (not given out for feare of

their defection, but onely for their good) to continue
loyall subjects.
The nine and twentieth his Lordship

with

the [II. ii- 13?-]

Lord President and the above named Counsellors, tooke

some horse for guard, and rode to view the Towne

and harbour of Kinsaile, and the SpaniardsFleete, that

upon that view, they might resolve of the fittest

place for our Campeto sit downe by them. They
457

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1601.

found the Spaniards

possessed
of the Towne,and the
greatestpart of their shippingto haveput to Seafor
Spaine,(for of thirty foure shipsarriving there,only
twelve now remainedin the Harbour, someof the other

beinglatelyput out, and thenseeneundersayle),soas

they sawtherewasno moreto be done,till our forces
should be arrived out of the North and Lemster, and we

inabledfrom Englandto keepeour selvesfrom breaking,

after we should

take the field.

Letters
tothe The first of October his Lordship and the Counsell
Lords
in
here, wrote to the Lords in England, accordingto the

England. projectresolved
on theeightandtwentiethof September.
Further beseeching
their Lordshipsto pardontheir earnest
writing for munition and victuals, though great proportions of them were alreadysent, and that in respectthe
magazinesformerly appointed for the best, when the
place of the Spaniardsdiscent was unknowne, were so
farre divided, as we could not without great difficulties
make use of them in theseparts, and at this time, when
for the presentthe Spaniardwas Master of the Sea,and
the Queenesforcesbeing drawne towards Kinsaile, the

rebelsmight easilyinterceptthemby land,but especially

for that great use might be madeof thoseprovisionsin
the very placeswhere now they were, if Tirone come
into Mounster with his forces, as no doubt he would,

namely,the magazinat Lymricke would serveexcellently

for the prosecutionformerly intended, and after to be
madein Connaght,though by seaor land they could not
be brought to Corke, without great difficulties and
dangers. Adding that for the present,the Lord Deputie
was forced to draw most of the forces of the North

Onely
the
Fortes

guardedin
North.

into

Mounster, leaving onely the Fortes guarded,and so the

Palewasnot ableto defendit selfeagainstTyrone, whereas he hoped to have been enabledboth to continuethe
prosecutionin the North, andalsoto besiegethe Spaniards
at one and the same time, whereof yet hee did not
altogetherdespaire,so as their Lordshipswould speedily
furnish such things, as were earnestly desired by them
458

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A.D.
1601.

for thegoodof theservice,

beingconfidently
of opinion,
that the only way to makea speedyendof the rebellion,
andas quickea dispatchof the Spaniards
out of Ireland,
was to make the warre roundly both in the North, and
in Mounster at one time. Also advertising that the

Spaniards
(asthey for certaineheard)broughtwith them
not onely sixteene hundred Saddles,upon the Rebels

promiseof horse,but alsogreat storeof Armesfor the

commonpeople,upon hope they had given them of their

generall revolt; and humbly praying their Lordships,
that in regard our greateststrength and advantageconsistedin our horses,they would causea thousandquarters
of Gates to be speedily sent for Corke, without which Gates
wanted

store,our horseswerelike to starvewithin a shorttime, fortheflones

and in casethey approved the prosecutionin the North

to bee continued without intermission,then they would
beepleasedto sendthe like quantitie of Gatesto be kept
in store at Carlingford. Lastly, praying their Lordships
to send hether a Master-Gunner, with sixe Canoniers.

The secondof October,his Lordship wrote this follow- TheLord

ing letterto MasterSecretarie.

Deputy's
letter to

SirtoIbedoe
thinke
we
shall
finde
these
forces
outofSpaine
above
foure
thousand,
aboundantly
provided
with Secret
Munition, Artillery, and Armes (besidestheir own use)
to arme the Countrie people,great storeof treasure,and

of

all

victuals

but

flesh.

All

the

Chiefes

that

are

in

rebellion, and all the loose sword-men, will presently take

their parts. The Lords that we have reclaimed,if we

doe not defend them from Tirone, must and will returne

unto him. Upon the first good countenance

the Spanish
army shallmake,I feareme, many will declarethemselves
for them, but upon the first blow we shall receive(from
the which I hope God will preserveus), I doubt there
would fall out a generallrevolt. The Commanderof the

SpanishArmy is oneof the greatestSouldiersthe King [II. ii. 138.]

of Spainehath, the Captainesunder him aremost ancient
men, their Bands, some out of Italy, some from the
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ITINERARY

1601.

The
Spaniards
Terceraes,and few Bisonioes.They are speciallywell

goodSouldiers.
armed,all their shot(asI heard)muskets,
theyhave
brought sixteenehundredsaddles,andArmesfor horsemen, of light shot, whereofthey make accountto be
provided in Ireland, and so may they be, as well as in

any part of Christendome,

and likewiseto have horses
for their saddles,but therein I thinke they will be
deceived. There are not yet come unto us any other
forces,but suchasonely I found in this Province. Upon
the arrivall of the first troopes(which I looke for howerly)

we shall sendyou word of somegoodblowesthat will

passebetweeneus, for I meaneto dwell closeby them (by

the graceof God) to put them to it. Sir, the King of

TheLord
Deputys

Spainehath now begun to invade her Majesties Kingdomes,if only to put Ireland in generallcommotion,he
hath chosenthe worst place,if to doe that, and to lay a
suddenfoundation for the warre of England, the best:
if he hath beenedeceivedin any expectationhere, the
State of Spainemust now make good the errour, and
doubtlesseis ingaged to supplie all defects. The commodity that is offeredunto her Majesty is, that sheemay
sooner prevent then Spaine provide: Now as her
Majestiesfaithfull workeman,I am bold to propoundin
my own task;e,that it may pleaseher to send presently
good part of her royall Fleete,and with them suchprovisions for battery as we did write for, and at the least
so many horse and foote as by our letter we have sued
for, with victuals and munitions in aboundancefor them.

It will be fit that this Winter there be a sharpewarre

madein Ulster, which will keepethe Spaniardfrom any
important succour,and ruine for ever the Traitors, if the
warre be well followed. If it be made by the severall

Governours,the effectwill not be so great: if you will

have it performedthorowly, you must make one Governour of all Ulster, and the fittest man that can bee chosen

in England or Ireland is Sir Arthur Chichester. If you

resolve on that course,from him you must continually
receive his demands,onely of the three hundred horse
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weedid write for, it weregood he had senthim out of

the North onehundred. For foot, if you sendhim out
of Englandto supplythe Companies
at Loughfoyleand
Knockefergus,above our proportion,it will be much
better: for Armagh and thoseparts shallreceivefrom
us. This courseI hope will soonemake an end of the
warre in Ireland, of Spainein Ireland, and perchance

of Spainefor a long time with England. I doubt not

but you will conceive this action to bee of no lesse

importancethen it is. What goodly Havens arein these

partsfor shipping,how manyfighting men of the Irish

may be from henceby the King of Spainecarried for an
invasionof England; (the want of which two kinds hath
beene his chiefe impediment hitherto) you well know.
BeleeveSir, out of my experiencehere, if the King of
Spaineshouldprevaile in Ireland, he may carry aboveten 10000.Irish
thousandmen from hence,that joined with his Army, toinvade
will be of more use for the invasion of England, then

anythat canbe chosenout of anypart of Christendome.

And now Sir, that you know (as I hope) the worst, I
cannot dissemble how confident I am, to beate these

SpanishDons, as well as ever I did our Irish Macks and

Oes, and to make a perfect conclusionof the warre of
Ireland as soone, as if this interruption had never

happened,
if wee haveGodsblessingand the Queenes,
and those ordinary meaneswithout the which none but

infinite powerscanworke. I beseech

the eternallGod
preserveher Majesty and her Kingdomes,and send me

the happinesse
to kisseher royall hands,with the conscienceof having done her the serviceI desire. And so
Sir I doe wish you all happinesse,
and will be ever
Yours

Sir most assured to doe

you service,Mountjoy.
From Corke the 2 of
October

1601.

The same day his Lordship wrote another letter to

Master Secretaryasfolloweth.
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Letterto
Master

FYNES

MORYSON'S

ITINERARY

O IR hereare divers worthy men very fit to havecharge,

^j w^o have followecj the wars here as voluntaries to their

very greatexpence,& look now by my meanesto have

command
uponthe commingoverof the nextCompanies,

[II. n. 139.]if yOUsenc[

morethenserveonlyfor supplies.I haveno

meanesto keep them from going thither, to use the helpe

of their friends and get them Companiesthere, but by
promising them any thing that I can doe for them here,
for by that courseI conceiveI easeyou of that trouble,
which their importunatesuteswould breedeyou, and hold
them herereadyfor any serviceupon the sudden,thinking
it no pollicy at this time to spare any, that may give

furtheranceto the great workewe havein hand. If it

will pleaseyou to doe me that favour, to procure that
the Companiesto comeover, may be appointedCaptaines
of my nomination,I shall be able to satisfiethoseGentlemensexpectations,who I am perswadedwill be fitter for
this imployment then any that can be sent from thence,
and they finding their advancementhere, wherethey are
to be tied to their taske,will (in my judgement)endeavour
to deservethe best,being in the eye of him that wasthe
meanesthereof, which for the servicesakechiefly I affect,
though I can be content Sir to acknowledgeunto you,
that I would gladly have the World see, that I am no
lessegracedin my imploymentsthen my Predecessours
have beene; for this peopledoe not little observeit, and
at this presentespeciallyI hold it a matter of that consequence,as without it, I shall be the lesseable to weeld
this great businesse,with that successe
that otherwiseI
am hopefull of: We have not here any of the Queenes
Pinnisses,whereof at this time there is great want. At
my comming out of the North, although the Rebelsin

generalldid give out, that they were out of hope of

forraigne succoursthis yeere,(I thinke in policy, and to
makeus slow to call for supplies),yet Tyrlogh macHenry
did assureme upon his life, that the Spaniardswould
come, and further told me that one Bathe Agent for

Tyrone in Spaine,and sincereturnedto him, was sent

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A.D.
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into Scotland, whence he was presently to returne:

Whereupon I delivered a description of the man to
CaptaineButton, and willed him to lie upon the Coaststo

apprehendhim, assuringmy selfe that I should have

wrested out of him the certainty of all things. Since
that time I have heard nothing of that Captaine,nor of
the QueenesPinnis under his command. I pray you
Sir let us have some of the Queenes shippes with
expedition, for without them we shall not be able to
convay any thing upon this Coast from place to place,
and the waiesby land will be dangerous. So Sir I wish
you all happinesse.
The third of October, his Lordship and the Counsell
herewrote to the Lords in England this following letter.

ITsidered
may
please
Lordships.
Having
tothe
of theyour
great
worke we have
nowseriously
in hand,conwee Letter

observethat besidesthe forraigne enemy the Spaniard

with whom wee are first to deale,and the knowne Traitors

and Rebels already in armes, there are two other sorts

of people here, which if wee doe not carefully provide
for, they will sooneadheareunto the rest, and maketheir
party so strong, as in judgement wee cannot see how
we shall be well able to encounterit, unlesseby good
providence it be prevented, which is the marke we aime

at. The one of thesetwo sorts is the subject,who hath

landsand goods to take to, for whom wee must provide
defence,else with his livelyhood wee are sure to loose

him, and thereforeweewill omit nothing that our meanes

will stretch to, that may preserve,cherish, and content
him. The other sort are such as have no living, nor

any thing that will afford them maintenance,

and yet

hitherto have not shewedthemselvesdisloyall, though

all of them bee Swordmen,and many Gentlemen by
discent,and are able to draw after them many followers.
To this sort wee heare for certaine,the Spaniardsmake

offer of great entertainement,

and if weeshouldnot in
some sort doe the like, wee cannot in reason looke but
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1601.

they must and will fall to their partie. Wee have therefore out of this necessitieresolved,to take as many of
them into her Majestiesintertainement,as wee have any

hopewill truly stickeunto us, beingconfidentthat wee

shallmakegood useof themagainstthe Spaniard; for
wee meanethorowly to put them to it, though if wee
should faile in our expectation,and finde them cold or
slackein serving with us, yet will it beea great counten[II. ii. 140.]anceto the serviceto shewthe personsof so many men
on our side,whereotherwisethey would havebeenagainst
us: and of this we can assureyour Lordships, that when
they have servedour turne againstthe Spaniards,untill
weehavefreedour selvesof them, we canwithout danger
easeher Majestic of that charge,and wil no longer hold
them in entertainement. In the meanetime they shall
spendlittle of the Queenesvictuall, but being paid of
the new coine, provide for themselves,which may bee
with lesseoppressionto the Countrie, then if in that sort
they were not entertained,for then they would spoileall,
and put out suchasotherwisewill continuein subjection.
Of this courseof ours, we humbly desireyour Lordships
approbation(though wee will be very sparing to entertaine more then shallbe necessary)
and warrant to Master
Treasurerto makethem paiment,and hold us we beseech
you excusedfor resolving it, before we acquaintedyour
Lordshipstherewithall,seeingwe wereenforcedthereunto
by necessitiefor the service sake (since many of them
wereactive,and would otherwisehaveservedthe enemie),
and wee could not soonerwrite unto your Lordships of
it, and even so, &c.

Companies The sameday Sir BenjaminBerry cameto Corke with

drawne
to

fojgLordshipsGuardwhichhecommanded,
andwith some
other Companies(for till this time his Lordship had no
part of the Army with him, but only the Bandsof the
Mounster Lyst.) The ninth day the Companiescame
to Corke, which Sir Richard Wingfield the Marshallhad

drawneout of the Pale, and Sir John BarkeleySerjeant

Major had drawne from the frontiers of Lemster and
464

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IN

IRELAND

A.D.
1601.

Connaght. The tenthdaybeingSaturday,theCompanies

came to Corke, which Sir Henrie Davers had drawne

from Armagh and the NortherneGarrisons. And this

day Sir RichardWingfield Marshall,andSir JohnBarkeley
Serjeant Major, were sent with some horse and foote,
to view and chuse a fit ground
neere Kinsale,3 where our
O

Army might sit downeto besiegethe Towne. The next

day somehorseand foote weresent out to keepethe Irish
from selling victuals to the Spaniards. The twelfth two
Frenchmen ran from the Spaniardsto us, who confessed
that threethousandSpaniards
landedat the first in Kinsale,
besidesixe hundredsincearrived in a great ship scattered
from them by a tempest.
This day one advertisedhis Lordship, that under pre- ^n advertise
tenceof favouring the Spaniardsdiscent,he had spoken mcnt
ofthe
with their General; who inquired whetherthe L. Deputie Spaniards.
in person came to view Kinsale, and with what numbers,
to which he answered,that he was there in person with

foure hundred foote lodged not farre off out of sight,

and foure troopesof horse. That he askedwhat souldiers
the Lord Deputy had, to which he answeredsomeeight
thousand,besidesthe daily arrivall of othersof the Army
in Lemster and the North :

what souldiers were new,

and what weaponsthey had, and what artillery the Lord

Deputy had, to which hee answeredwith addition to our

strength. He said that the Generall presumedby the

contrary winds, that they in England heard not of his
arrivall, and though hee told him the English Fleetewas
at Plymoth, he seemednot to beleeve it, and made
countenance,that they should have enough to doe, to
defendthe English coastfrom invasion,andmuchinsisted
upon the coppermoney the Queenesent, with purpose
to make the Irish her slaves: but promisedgold and
silver from his Master. That he inquired of Tyrone

andOdonnel,seemingto distastetheir beingso farreoff,

and the way to them being dangerous,and his owne
want of horses,and thereforeprayed this Gentlemanto
certifieTirrell and the Lord of Leytrim, that heeexpected
M. II

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1601.

Tyrone with horsesand beeves,which hee praied them

to supplyin the meanetime, both sendinghim notice

beforethey came,addingthat himselfehad Bread,Rice,
Pease,and Wine for eighteenemoneths,and store of
treasure. And that he inquired much after the strength
of Corke, and the Queenesnew Fort there. Lastly, he
returned
advertised,that the ships returned were foureteene(of

themsix the Kings owneof onethousandtun the least,

in which was the Admirall Generall,Saint lago, and the
greatAdmirall of Castill, Don Diego de Bruxero.) That
the twelve remaining were smaller, and embarged(or
arested) to serve the King, whereof some were Irish.
That the shipsat Baltemorehad 700 men. That by his
view, thesewere 3000 in Kinsale royally provided of all

[II. ii. 141.]provisionsfor war, havingmanysaddlesfor horses; and

that upon Tyrones expectedcomming, they intended to
take

the field.

The thirteenth it wasresolvedwe shouldpresentlytake

the field, though wee had not as yet any provisionsfit
for that purpose,but that day and the two dayesfollowing
we could not stirre from Corke, by reasonof extreame
raine and foule weather. Neither artillery, munition nor

victualswereyet comefrom Dublin, yet it wasthought

fitter thus unprovidedto take the field, then by discovery

of our wantsto give the Irish opportunitieandcourage

to joyne with the Spaniard.

END

OF

VOLUME

II.

IQ""' $8*
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