Multi-Ethnic Settlement and Interregional Exchange in Pimampiro, Ecuador

Author(s): Tamara L. Bray

Source: Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 30, No. 2 (Summer, 2005), pp. 119-141
Published by: Boston University
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40024938
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119

Multi-Ethnic Settlement and Interregional

Exchange in Pimampiro, Ecuador
TamaraL. Bray
Wayne State University
Detroit, Michigan

Thispaperreportson reeentarchaeologicalinvestigationsat the sitesof Shanshipampaand

La Mesa in the Pimampirodistrictof northernEcuador,a zone rich in archaeological
aboutwhichrelativelylittle is known.Within the contextofAndean archaeology,
resources
this regionisparticularlysignificantinsofaras it is describedin earlyhistoricaccountsas an
importantcenterof interregionaltrade.The roleof tradein the shapingof ethnicidentity
and the evolutionof complexsocietieshas receivedrelativelylittle attentionin Andean scholarship.Thepresentstudyexpandsour understandingof the modes,content,and significance
of interregionalinteractionin theAndes by directingattentionto the evidencefor long-distancetrade,trans-zonalconnections,and multi-ethnicsettlementin the northernhighlands.

Introduction
Ecuador, like other Andean countries, comprises three
basic physiographic zones: coastal plains, highlands, and
easternlowlands. While the importance of connections between the coast and highlands has long been recognized,
linkages to the tropical forest zone east of the Andes have
traditionallybeen downplayed or ignored (but see Lathrap
1971, 1973a, 1973b). The ethnic groups occupying this
region have, at least since Inca times, been considered as
geographic isolates and treated as separatefrom, and outside of, mainstream Andean history (Renard-Casevitz,
Saignes, and Taylor 1988). The archaeological record,
however, suggests that such a rigid division between highland and eastern lowland groups has not always been so
pronounced (e.g., Lathrap 1971, 1973a, 1973b; Lyon
1981; Myers 1988; Pickersgill 1969). It seems more likely
that the opposition between these two regions has been
more conceptual than concrete, with differencesbeing variously emphasized or obfuscated by proximate highland
and lowland societies at different points in time.
Recent investigations in the Pimampiro district of
northern Ecuador were designed to explore the nature of
relations between highland dwellers and neighboring populations of the eastern montana (the forested flanks of the
Andes known as the Orientein Ecuador) from a multi-disciplinaryperspective, integrating archaeology, ethnohistory, and paleobotanicalresearch.Located near one of a limited number of natural passes through the eastern
cordillera, Pimampiro was described in 16th-century
sources as a gateway to the Oriente and an important mul-

ti-ethnic trade center (Borja 1965 [1591]; Ordonez de Cevallos 1960 [1614]). Given this information, the Pimampiro district seemed an ideal venue for advancing our understanding of the nature of trans-regionalrelations in the
Andes.
Scattered ethnohistoric references indicate that the ties
between people of the northern highlands and the Oriente
were a complex of political, economic, and ideological elements. Oberem (1974: 347), for example, citing a 16thcentury document, notes various instances of interzonal
marriage and comments on the political implications of
such practice. Borja (1965 [1591]) mentions various
modes of tribute and exchange, highlighting the mercantile elements of the regional economic system. References
to the use of tropical forest paraphernaliain the northern
highlands as insignia of status (Caillavet 1983a: 17), and
the general respect accorded lowland healers and their
medicinal herbs (Oberem 1974: 351), underscore the ideological linkages between the two zones. Such observations suggest a degree of mutual dependence between the
societies of these regions and underline the importance of
encompassing extra-local relations in any attempt to understand the historical trajectory of a given group (e.g.,
Schortman and Urban 1992; Stein 1999).
The Pimampiro district lies at the extreme eastern end
of the semi-arid Chota-MiraRiver valley in northern highland Ecuador (fig. i). The warm, dry climate of this valley
has made it a resourcezone of specialimportance since Precolumbian times. During the late Prehispanic period, it
was dedicated to the production of coca, cotton, indigo,

120 Multi-Ethnic Settlementand Interregional Exchange in Ecuador/Bray

Figure 1. Map indicating the general boundaries of the Pimampiro district in northern highland
Ecuador.

and aji (Capsicum),and constituted an areaof considerable

economic interest (Coronel 1991; Landazuri 1990).
The Chota-Miravalley historicallyformed the boundary
between the Caranquiethnic group of ImbaburaProvince
to the south, and the Pasto, who inhabited the Carchi-Narino region immediately north, their territory extending
well into southern Colombia (fig. 2). The Caranquicomprised several nominally distinct polities, chief among
them being the Otavalo, Cayambe, Cochasqui, and Caranqui proper. Each polity had its own semi-urbanized center
associated with a number of smaller,hierarchically-ranked

satellite sites. The highly stratifiednature of Caranquisociety found material expression in the construction of large
truncated pyramidal mounds known as tolas,with sites in
this region having anywhere from one to several dozen
such mounds (Athens 1980; Bray 2003). The Pasto to the
north shared a common ethnic identity but do not appear
to have been as highly stratified as the Caranqui.Aboriginal villages were comprised of numerous low circular
dwellings known as bohios(Uribe 1977-1978, 1986a). According to ethnohistoric information, the level of sociopolitical organization among the Pasto was not sufficiently

Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 30, 2005

121

periodin northernEcuador.
Figure2. Distributionof ethnicgroupsin the latePrecolumbian

complex to warrant classification as a chiefdom (Larrain

1980; Uribe 1986b).
As one of few trans-sierranvalleys in Ecuador, the Chota-Mirawas an important conduit of e-w interaction. This
is evidenced by finds of exotic materials such as obsidian,
gold, shell, greenstone axes, and non-local pottery at the
few archaeologicalsites that have been examined in the area
(Athens 1980; Berenguer 1984; Bray 1994, 1995a;
Echeverria and Uribe 1981; Jaramillo 1968; Rodriguez
1992). Documentary sources also indicate that the Pimampiro districtwas a center of mindald activity (Salomon
1986: 105). The mindaldeswere specialized long-distance
traderswho traffickedin goods of high prestige and unit
value, including coca (Salomon 1978).
In the Andes, the effects and significance of transzonal
contacts and interregionalinteraction on the historical trajectories of Precolumbian societies are not often discussed.
While some studies of Precolumbian societies on the coast
have highlighted the importance of long-distance exchange
(e.g., Ramirez 1982; Rostworowski 1970, 1975; Shimada
1982, 1985, 1987a), this has generally not been the case

for highland studies. Investigations of economic interaction in the latter region are more commonly framed in
terms of the "verticalarchipelago model" (Dillehay 1979;
Pease 1982; Morris 1985; Stanish 1989). As originallyformulated, this model describesan approachto interzonal articulation that emphasizes economic self-sufficiency and
direct access to extra-localresources at the expense of territorial contiguity and significant inter-ethnic relations
(Murra 1964, 1968, 1972). Within this model, Andean
communities attempt to insure direct access to a varietyof
resources through the deployment of permanent colonies
to different, vertically-arrayed ecozones. These colonists
would have retained membership in their original communities and maintained close connections through kin obligations and economic transactions.The dominance of this
model in the Andes has arguably stymied interest in exploring other forms of regional interaction and change
through time (Bray 1995a; Van Buren 1996).
Directing our attention to the evidence for long-distance trade and other modes of interzonal articulation in
the Andes has the potential to inform upon much more

122 Multi-Ethnic Settlementand Interregional Exchange in Ecuador/Bray

than purely economic transactions or the simple movement of goods. Exchange relations encompass a complex
web of local and external interests related to social obligations, privileges, aspirations, and competing goals of the
actors involved. As Cobb (1993: 61) notes, systems of exchange are intrinsicallylinked to the mobilization of surplus labor and the development of social inequality at the
local level. On a regional scale, formal ties with external
groups often underscore existing relations of power and
provide a basis for expanding domination (Dalton 1977;
Miller, Rowlands, andTilley 1989). Focusing on exchange
may also provide insights into the role of ideology in the
creation of social hierarchy,as illustratedby Helms (1979,
1993).
Ethnohistoric

Background
The principal source of ethnohistoric information on
Pimampiro is Antonio Borja (1965 [1591]), parish priest
for the district during the latter part of the 16th century.
His report, which is rich in ethnographic detail, offers a
glimpse of local economic organization prior to the Spanish occupation. The passages on regional exchange relations, coca production, and multi-ethnic enclaves form the
point of departure for the archaeological investigation of
this area.
Besides the town of Pimampiro, which was the center of
local power in the late Prehispanic period, the only other
settlement of interest, according to Borja (1965 [1591]:
248), was that of Chapl. During the late 16th century,
Chapi was in the process of being consolidated into Pimampiro as part of the colonial program. The process was
apparentlya slow one, however, as Pimampiro and Chapi
continued to appearas separateentities in regional censuses throughout the next century,while other aboriginal villages in the area ceased to be mentioned early on
(Landazuri 1990: 18). This, together with other clues
from ethnohistoric sources, suggests that Chapi operated
as a semi-autonomous entity during the Precolumbian era,
perhaps politically on a par with, if not somewhat larger
than, Pimampiro (Borja 1965 [1591]: 252).
The priest describes Chapi as a multi-ethnic settlement
located "two leagues [ca. 11 km] up [from Pimampiro], at
the base of the Cordillera of the Quijos" (Borja 1965
[1591] : 248). The Quijos were a distinct ethnic group who
occupied the region below and immediately adjacentto the
densely forested upper reaches of the eastern montana
(Oberem 1980). Borja states that nearly half of the inhabitants of Chapi were "people of the montana" who were
born and raised in that zone, maintained fields there, travelled back and forth to harvest timber, and spoke a language similar to that of the Quijos (Borja 1965 [1591]:

248, 252). These montaneseswere recognized as ethnically

distinct from the other residents of Chapi, who were identified as affiliatesof the highland Caranqui,Cayambe, and
Otavalo chiefdoms (Borja 1965 [1591]: 248).
Chapi was purported to be an important center of trade
in the late 16th century. Indians from the western Amazonian foothills (specificallythe Coronados) would bring
items such as slaves, dyes, parrots,monkeys, and medicinal
herbs to trade for highland products such as salt, dogs, and
woven shawls (Borja 1965 [1591]: 248-249). Based on
Borja'scomments, it would appearthat the relations of exchange that governed transactions in this zone were constrainedby factors other than strictlymarketprinciplesand
were not always fully symmetrical. He reports, for instance, that merchant Indians from the lowlands would
threaten their trading partnerswith bewitchment by great
sorcerersif they failed to strikea favorabledeal (Borja 1965
[1591]: 248).
Another feature of the Pimampiro districtthat may have
figured into its "port-of-trade"status (after Polanyi 1957)
was its importance as a center of coca production. Borjaexplicitly remarks upon the relationship between coca and
wealth in his report, noting that the Indians who controlled the coca fields were among the richest in Pimampiro "because people bring them silver, gold, woven
shawls, pigs and sheep, and everything else that they need
[to trade] for coca" (1965 [1591]: 249). He adds that
"there are always more than 300 foreigners from Otavalo,
Caranqui,Latacunga, Sichos, and other even more distant
places that come to contract for the coca" (Borja 1965
[1591]: 252).

Archaeological Survey in the Pimampiro

District
The first phase of archaeologicalinvestigation in the Pimampiro district consisted of a systematic regional survey
that was completed in 1991. A total of 36 sq km, centered
on the modern town of Pimampiro, was surveyed using
pedestrian transects spaced at 30 m intervals (Bray 1994,
1995a). A total of 22 sites were recorded, the majority of
which comprised surface scatters of pottery and lithics
(FIG. 3).

Analysis of the ceramics revealed the presence of the

same types of red-slipped and undecorated wares known
from elsewhere in the Caranquiregion (Bray 1996, 2003).
Also found were lesser quantities of Tuza bichrome pottery
and a resist-paintedware known as Capulf (or CarchiNegativo), both of which are diagnostic of the Carchi-Narino
region to the north (fig. 4). Vessel forms typical of the local assemblage include carinatedand globular-bodied olios,
footed bowls, elongated flat-bottomed jars, shoe-shaped

Journal of Field Archaeology[Vol. 30, 2005

Figure 3. Topographic map of the study area indicating the location of sites recorded during the regional survey.
LaMesaisO2-C3-O15.

123

124 Multi-EthnicSettlementand Interregional

Exchangein Ecuador
/Bray

Figure 4. Types of decorative techniques noted in the ceramic assemblage from the Pimampiro
region. A) Tuza bowl rim sherd with red and black painted design on cream slip on interior surface;
B) Red-slipped footed bowl with resist design on upper half of exterior surface.

(zapatiforme)vessels, polypod vessels, and pedestal-based

bowls known as compoteras(fig. 5). Ceramic figurines repwhich date to the
resenting seated coca-chewers (coqueros),
a.d.
850-1500
(Uribe 1977-1978), and
Capuli phase,
ocarinas,which arehighly accurateceramicreplicasof shells
(Bray2001) diagnostic of the partiallycoterminous Piartal
phase (a.d. 750-1250), were noted in private collections

of local residents. A number of freestanding, carved stone

heads in bas-relief and other pecked stone objects were also documented. The ceramicsas well as the sculpted stone
artifactsindicate close ties with both the Pasto to the north
and the Caranqui to the south and west (Bray 1994,
1995a).
Evidence was discovered of trans-sierrancontacts, par-

Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 30, 2005

Figure 5. Types of vessel forms characteristicof the Pimampiro district. A) Globular-bodied olla; B) Footed bowl; C) Elongated
flat-bottomed jar; D) Shoe-shaped (zapatiforme)vessel; E) Polypod vessel; F) Pedestal-basedbowl (compotera).

125

126 Multi-EthnicSettlementand Interregional

/Bray
Exchangein Ecuador

Figure 6. Reconstruction of vessel forms recovered by Porrasin 1970 during salvage work at the site of
La Mesa (after Porras 1972: 230). Vessel forms 1-5 are Panzaleo, form 6 is Napo (Cotococha phase),
forms 7-9 are Caranquitypes, and forms 10-11 are Pasto (Porras 1972: 215-216).

ticularlyat the sites of La Mesa and Shanshipampa(fig. 3).

At La Mesa, the most important feature was a large rectangularstone pavement consisting of 11 rows of carefully
preparedflagstones (Porras 1972). Several of these stones
were sculpted in bas-relief (Bray 2002: 341-342). The
sculpted motifs, as much as the stone floor itself, suggested to Porras (1972: 216-222) close ties with the eastern
lowlands where he reported similar features. The ceramic
assemblagefrom La Mesa includes the distinctive Panzaleo
style waresfrom the easternfoothills (Bray 1995b) and vessel forms common to the Napo and Aguarico regions of
the Oriente (Porras1972: 230), lending support to his hypothesis (fig. 6).
Subsequent finds near Shanshipampaprovide additional evidence of possible trans-sierran connections. Two
carvedstone monuments, both with imagery suggestive of
tropicallowland fauna (monkey-likequadripedsand snake-

like creatures), were documented during field investigations (fig. 7). These motifs are identical to those carvedin
bas-reliefon the flagstone pavement at the site of La Mesa
(Porras 1972: 223-231). The depiction of what may well
be tropical lowland fauna is seen in other media from the
region as well (Bray 2002: 341-345). The iconography
found on the carved stones in the Pimampiro district suggests that residents likely shared a common ideological system with the peoples of the Oriente.
In addition to these finds, another important discovery
during survey was a series of previously unrecorded stonefaced terraces in the Mataqui River valley (Sites O2-C3005, O2-C3-007, O2-C3-018, O2-E1-001, O2-E1-002,
O2-E1-003) (fig. 3). Crops known to have been produced
on terracesin the Andes include corn, coca, tubers and local grains (Donkin 1979). In the montana, agriculturalterraces were widely associated with the cultivation of coca

Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 30, 2005

127

point in the 17th century and memory of its original location was eventually lost. Based on the ethnohistoric data,
local informant input, observations of previous researchers
(e.g., Grijalva1921, 1947; Jijon y Caamano 1941; Knapp
1991; Landazuri 1990; Mothes 1986), and the archaeological evidence (Bray 1994, 1995a; Gondard and Lopez
1983), I have tentatively identified the modern community of Shanshipampaat the south end of the Pimampiro district as the late prehistoric site of Chapi (Site O2-E 1-004)
(FIG. 3).

Figure 7. Drawings showing the dominate figures on the two most

complex petroglyphs at Shanshipampa.A) The quadruped with the
curly tail and the double-headed serpent in the center of the stone; B)
The quadrupedwith the curly tail (drawings by J. Urcid).

(Donkin 1979: 122; Mortimer 1974 [1901]: 269). As

noted above, 16th-century sources indicate that Pimampiro was renowned as an important center of coca and cotton production.
As part of the archaeobotanicalcomponent of this project, Cesar Veintimilla (personal communication, 1997)
undertook experimentalwork using modern coca plants to
assess the feasibility of identifying coca archaeologically
through phytolith analysis.Preliminaryresults are promising insofar as several diagnostic phytoliths were identified
in two modern plant specimens of Erythroxylonfrom the
northern highlands, though the phytolith counts per sample were quite low. These findings point to the need for
modifying sampling strategies with regard to the archaeological identification of coca and bode well for future studies of ancient coca production in the region.

Excavations in the Pimampiro District

Shanshipampa
From the documentary evidence it is clear that Chapi
was an important center of trade in the late 16th century.
Due to the Spanish program of consolidating local populations, however, the site was forcibly abandoned at some

Test excavations were initiated at Shanshipampa in

1997. More extensive excavations, as well as archivalresearch, were conducted during 1999 and 2000. Archaeological remains associated with the site cover more than
one sq km and are widely dispersed. To judge by the number of extant surface features, the area of densest occupation is located on the property of the Hacienda San
Leonardo, located approximatelyone km above the small
community of Shanshipampaat an elevation of 2850 m.
One of the main objectives of the excavationwas to elicit information on interzonal exchange and highland-lowland contacts. Consequently, we were interested in identifying archaeologicalcontexts that might produce evidence
of such contacts like elite residences, storage facilities, and
specialized production loci. It was expected that the presence of exotic artifacts or non-local plant and animal remains would provide the most concrete evidence of interregional interaction. Another aim was to identify and test
domestic and mortuary contexts of both elites and commoners in an effort to understand local hierarchies and
how these may have been linked to trade relations. Previous researchin the northern highlands suggested that elite
domiciles may be distinguished from commoner residences on the basis of size, location vis-a-vis other structures, or the use of elevated platforms (Martinez 1977:
29-30; Oberem 1981a, 1981b; Uhle 1928).
An additional concern was the archaeologicalidentification of ethnicity. Previous archaeologicalstudies, as well as
ethnohistoric and ethnographic information from the region, suggest that the multi-ethnic character of the site
might be expressed materially in a number of ways. Contemporary house forms, for instance, could likely reflect
ethnic difference. In Caranquiterritory,residenceswere associated with both hemispherical and truncated platform
mounds (tolas) (Athens 1980; Oberem 1981a); in the
Carchi-Narino area, traditional Pasto residences (bohios)
were circular,hut-like constructions with thatched roofs,
wattle and daub walls, and low wall foundations of rock or
sod (Martinez 1977: 29-30; Uhle 1928); and to the east,
traditional Quijos residences (malocas)were rectangularin
form with pitched roofs, interior posts, and wood plank

128 Multi-EthnicSettlementand Interregional

/Bray
Exchangein Ecuador

Figure 8. Plan of the site of Shanshipampa.

walls (Oberem1980: 147-148; Ortegon 1577, in Newson 1995: 86).

Theseethnicgroupswereknownto havehaddistinctive
mortuarypracticesas well. Shafttomb burialsare found
among both the Pasto and Caranqui (Doyon 1988;
Martinez1977). The latteralsocommonlyconstructedfunerarymounds(Oberem1981c).The Quijosaswell asthe
Pasto interredsome of their dead in pit burialsbeneath
house floors (Martinez1977; Oberem 1980: 245-251).

The Quijosarealso knownto havepracticedmummification and to have used urn burials (Oberem 1980:
245-251; Ortegon 1577, in Newson 1995: 88). Other
recordthatwereexpectedto
elementsof the archaeological
revealethnicdifferencesin this areaincludedpotterystyles
andvesselforms,food preferencesas potentiallyindicated
by paleobotanicalremainsand cookingfeatures,and featuresrelatingto distinctiveagricultural
practicesandtechniques.

Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 30, 2005

With these objectives in mind, test excavations at the

site focused on extant surfaceand subsurfacefeatures.Tests
totaling 110 sq m were excavatedto depths of 1 m on average during the three field seasons. The types of features
present at the site include low linear mounds, small to
medium-sized hemispherical mounds, rock-faced terraces
and platforms, rock alignments, fire pits and hearths, underground ovens, petroglyphs, and two burial caves containing multiple interments (fig. 8).
LINEARMOUNDS

Low linearmounds (fig. 8) are concentratedin the lower western sector of the site. These parallelbarrow-likefeatures are perpendicularto the slope. Their uphill ends frequently abut unfaced terracerisers.The mounds are 1 to 2
m tall, range from 6 to 9 m in width, and are from 20 to
100 m in length. Spacing between mounds varies from 12
to 28 m. Test excavations suggest that these features consist of piled colluvium. Probing the areasbetween mounds
yielded substantially lower densities of cultural materials
than elsewhere at the site. While these features are somewhat enigmatic, their association with terraces and concentrationin the lower elevations of the site, the lack of associated artifacts, and ethnohistoric and ethnographic information on indigenous farming practices (e.g., Caillavet
1983b, 1989; Knapp and Preston 1987) suggest that they
had an agriculturaluse relating to the division of fields.
TERRACES

Both faced and unfaced terraces are another common

element at the site. These featuresappearto have been constructedby cutting into the slope on a 90 degree angle and
using the resulting fill to create a level area.The terracesare
not normally provided with retainerwalls, perhaps owing
to their relativelylow height (50-80 cm), though a few do
exhibit piled fieldstone facing. The terracesrange in length
from 12 to 80 m and are typically 8 to 15 m wide. In the
lower sectors of the site, these features are directly associated with the low linear mounds while in the middle and
upper elevations, they may have served as platforms for
both small hemisphericalmounds and dwellings.
Based on the analysis of soil samples from a number of
terracesin the lower half of the site, it appears that these
features were purposefully cleared of the natural arboreal
vegetation and dedicated to the production of corn, beans,
potatoes, and a species of gourd known locally as zapallo
(CesarVeintimilla, personal communication 2000). Clearing was likely accomplished through the use of a slash and
burn technology based on the amount of carbon noted in
the flotation samples and the high proportions of carbonized grass as opposed to arborealspecies. Of consider-

129

able interest is the presence of the species maranta (a variety of arrowroot) in 6 of 10 flotation samples from the excavation units. Maranta is a tropical lowland species that
does not grow naturally beyond 1000 m above sea level.
The rhizome of this plant yields a highly comestible starch
similar to tapioca. It is also said to have medicinal properties and was used as a remedy for spider and scorpion bites
and poisoned arrows.Its presence at the site provides good
evidence of contact with the eastern lowlands. Interestingly, it is found only in the lower sectors of the site, specifically in association with two small burial mounds.
In the second season of fieldwork, a pilot study was undertakento determine the utility of geophysical techniques
for identifying subsurface features at the site. Several sectors were gridded and surveyed with a proton magnotometer. Interpretation of the magnotometer data proved
more complex than originally anticipated due, in part, to
the amount of basalt present at the site. Numerous anomalies were registered in the field and several were tested
with mixed results. One strong subsurfaceanomaly identified in the magnotometer survey on an upper terracewas
interpretedas a circularfeaturewith a magnetic spike in the
center.This anomaly was thought to be potentially significant as one of the house types associated with the protohistoric populations of this region was the round bohio.
Test units placed in the vicinity of this anomaly revealed a
circularvoid in an otherwise dense layer of cobbles (fig.
9). This "negative feature"(feature 14) had a firepit in the
center as well as other evidence of domestic activity including a large olla found in situ, a complete mano and an
unusual round metate, two spindle whorls, and a varietyof
sherds and lithic debris. We have tentatively identified this
feature as a house floor.
Excavationsin two other terracesin the upper sector of
the site also produced large globular jars in situ in association with considerable amounts of domestic debris. Carbon from the interior of one such vessel associated with a
ne-sw trending rock alignment yielded a radiocarbondate
of 910 70 b.p. (Beta no. 136129), indicating a calibrated date of between a.d. 1000 and 1265 at two sigmas.
HEMISPHERICALMOUNDS

The hemispherical and oblong-shaped mounds scattered about the site, known locally as tolas, appearto have
served different purposes. In some instances the archaeological evidence suggests a domestic function, while in other cases the mounds are clearly mortuary features. One of
the larger oblong mounds (Tola 1), when excavated, revealed severalpossible hearths in the middle and lower levels. These features along with ceramics, several broken
manos, and an oval-shaped metate suggest a domestic

130 Multi-EthnicSettlementand Interregional

/Bray
Exchangein Ecuador

function, though no architecturalremains were identified.

On the terraceabutting this mound immediately to the
east, a domed pit feature with a distinctive white clay fill
measuring approximately 60 cm in diameter and 83 cm
deep was discovered about 0.5 m below the surface (fig.
io). In the center top of the feature was a rectangularhollow with an apparent side vent. The walls of the interior
chamber had been heated to such a degree that they were
nearly vitrified, suggesting exposure to extremely high firing temperatures.Associated with the feature were pieces
of carbon, obsidian and basaltflakes, ceramics,and a single
piece of charredbone. While its function is unclear,it may
represent a carefullyprepared underground oven. Zeidler
and Pearsall (1994: 95) have reported the presence of
"shallowearth ovens with clay-linedwalls"on the Ecuadorian coastal plain that date to a.d. 700-1000. There is also
a possibility that this feature could be associated with metal-working activities (Shimada 1987b, 1994: 202-206).
Two of the three smallerhemisphericalmounds we tested in the lower sector of the site proved to be mortuaryfeatures. Our findings, together with the fact that local looters tend to focus on these featuresas well, supports the suggestion that the smaller-sized mounds (tolitas)were constructed for mortuary purposes and are functionally distinct from the larger mounds at the site. Features 5 and 6
were small hemisphericalmounds constructed over central
pit graves encircled by stone rings two courses high (fig.
ii, top). In both instances, the stone rings were exactly 3 m
in diameter.
Feature 6 yielded the back dentition of a single individual, a young adult between 14 and 25 years of age, at the
bottom of the center pit at a depth of 120 cm below the
surface. Included with this burial was a single complete
Panzaleovessel (fig. ii, bottom). One radiocarbondate of
250 100 b.p. (Beta 136125) from charcoal associated
with this pot yielded a calibrateddate between a.d. 1445
and 1805 at two sigmas.
Recent unauthorized digging activity at the site confirms that aboriginalmortuarypracticescontinued into the
early Colonial period. In 2001, a local resident dug out a
shaft tomb on his property only 500 m or so to the ne of
the tolas we had tested the previous season. The cylindrical
shaft was approximately1 m in diameter and 5 m deep. At
the bottom were two side chambers which contained a
total of seven ceramic vessels and five brilliant turquoisecolored glass beads; no human remainswere reported. The
vessels include the typicalundecorated forms from the area
as well as one Panzaleojar and one Tuza style annular-based
bowl. The beads are readilyidentifiable as the Nueva Cadiz
type, which were among the earliestvarietyimported from
Europe to the New World (Smith and Good 1982:

Figure 9. Possible house floor (Feature 14) on a terracein the upper

sector of the site consisting of a circulararea devoid of cobbles with a
hearth in the center (seen in the corner in the wall profile).

41-42). This find establishes the presence of shaft tomb

burials at the site of Shanshipampa and documents the
continued use of indigenous pottery styles, in particular
Panzaleo and Tuza, into the early Colonial period.
BURIAL CAVES

Another type of burial practice at Shanshipampa involved the use of small rock shelters excavatedbelow substantial rock outcrops. Two such features were documented in 1999, both at an elevation of ca. 2900 m above sea
level (fig. 8). Looters had removed all of the remainsfrom
Burial Cave 1 prior to our project, but we were permitted
to examine a significant portion of the collection. The other cave (Burial Cave 2) had apparentlyalso been visited by
huaquerosin the past but not completely looted. Each cave
contained the commingled remains of multiple individuals
who were apparentlyinterred in large funeraryurns.

Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 30, 2005

131

Figure 10. Cross-sectionalview of the clay-lined pit feature identified in Sector A found in association
with a largerhouse mound (Tola 1).

The first cave contained a minimum of 15 individuals

consisting of adults of both sexes. At least seven complete
funeraryurns were also recovered as well as a varietyof associated burial goods. The urns, which range from 44 to
63 cm tall and have rim diameters from 36 to 50 cm, are
all similarin appearance,and seem to be of expedient manufacture. There is no decoration other than minimal red
slip. Three show evidence of use-relatedwear on the bases.
Other vessels recovered from this cave include one small
Panzaleo and one pseudo-Panzaleo ollita, a zapatiforme
vessel, several simple bowls and several undecorated jars.
Also present in the mortuaryassemblagewere severalsmall
smooth river cobbles, including one of white quartzite,
two manos, and one metate.
The second cave contained a minimum of nine individuals. Though disarticulatedand thoroughly commingled,
the remainswere nonetheless well-preserveddue to the dry
conditions beneath the rock outcrop. The presence of small
phalangesin the assemblagesuggests the likelihood that at

least some of the interments were primary burials. While

the vessels from Burial Cave 2 are all fragmentary,rim and
body sherds correspond exactly to the large funeraryurns
from the first cave. Based on an analysis of rim diameters,
wall thickness, and surfacetreatment, at least 19 such urns
are present in the Cave 2 assemblage. There are also approximately 60 smaller ceramic vessels in the assemblage
representing a variety of forms. Charred wood fragments
recovered from the cave yielded a conventional radiocarbon age of 600 80b.p. (Beta-136131), calibratedto a.d.
1270-1445 at two sigmas.
With respect to the use of funeraryurns at Shanshipampa, it appears that the former inhabitants may also have
placed their dead in urns that were perhaps buried in association with residentialstructures.In one of the terracesin
the upper-centralportion of the site, we excavateda large
urn in situ (D. 50 cm; H. 45 cm), the top of which was less
than 20 cm below ground surface. While no human remains were preserved,one smooth white quartzite cobble,

132 Multi-Ethnic Settlementand Interregional Exchange in Ecuador/Bray

coal from the interior of this vessel produced a conventional radiocarbon age of 940 110 b.p. (Beta-136130),
indicating a calibated date of a.d. 885 to 1285 at two sigmas. While this date falls within the parametersof the late
prehistoric period, it is the earliest we have from Shan-

Figure 11. Top: A small hemisphericalburial mound (Feature 5) during

excavation, showing a stone ring two courses high. Bottom: Complete
Panzaleo vessel recovered from the bottom of the other excavatedburial
mound (Feature 6) at a depth of 120 cm below datum.

two manos and the fragments of several smaller vessels

were found inside the urn. These items correspond to the
kinds of materials recovered from the burial caves. Char-

shipampa.
Neither the use of funeraryurns nor the use of caves for
multiple interments has been reported in the archaeological literature for the northern highlands. Oberem (1980:
251) notes, however, that in the early Colonial period the
Quijos of the adjacent eastern montana often buried children, and possibly adults as well, in urns. Secondaryinterment of human remains in decorated urns was a common
practice in the Amazonian lowlands throughout much of
the Precolumbian era (Evans and Meggers 1968; Gillin
1936; Lathrap 1970; Nordenskiold 1930). Reichel-Dolmatoff (1965: 136-138) notes the beginning of what he
describes as an "urn-burialhorizon" circaa.d. 1000 across
much of Colombia to the north, though the urns were typically placed in shaft tombs (Labbe 1986: 115-118). The
two radiocarbon dates associated with urn burials at the
site of Shanshipampa accord well with Reichel-DolmatofPs estimates for the spread of this mortuarypractice.
CERAMICS

Approximately 53,000 sherds were recovered during

the three seasons of excavation. The majority are highly

Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 30, 2005

eroded and non- diagnostic utilitarian wares. Given the

poor state of preservation,the ceramicanalysisfocused primarily on vessel morphology. Analysis of the diagnostic
sherds indicates that the most common vessel forms are
those with unrestricted orifices (n = 255) likely corresponding to both deep bowls or urns and shallow bowls
with short pedestal or annularring bases that range in size
from large (up to D. 45 cm) to medium-sized (D. 15-25
cm). Jarswith short to medium-tall necks, probably having
flat or rounded bases, comprise 22% of the classifiablerims
(n = 88), while globular-bodied ollas with and without
necks (n = 44) comprise the remainderof the assemblage
(fig. 12).
Of the 344 bases, 35% constitute short to medium-tall
pedestals (n = 119); 19% are flat bases common in late period assemblagesfrom the Pasto territory (n = 65) (Uribe
1977-1978: 170); 16% are short nubs or legs of polypodal vessels of the Capuli phase (n = 54) (Uribe 1977-78:
169); 14% are annular ring bases (n = 50); 12% are tall
pedestal bases (n = 41); and 4% are tall tripod legs typical
of the Caranquizone (n = 15) (Meyers 1981: 282-283).
Decorated sherds are rare in the ceramic assemblage
from the site. The decorative treatments noted include the
use of red slip (on 793 sherds), and red or blackpainted designs (on 24 sherds). In the latter category, a total of 16
sherds with painted decoration on a cream slip were identified as Tuza style wares. All but one of the Tuza sherds
were recovered from the excavated terraces in the upper
portion of the site (Sectors C and D).
In addition, a total of 245 Panzaleo sherds were identified. Even when eroded, these wares are readily recognizable due to the extremely thin walls (3 to 6 mm) and the
distinctive paste used in their manufacture,gray to pink in
color with micaceous inclusions (Bray 1995b). Interestingly, 94% of the Panzaleo sherds were recovered from the
terracesin the upper sector of the site (n = 229), while only a handful of pieces (n = 16) were recoveredfrom the tolas in the lower portion of the site (Sector A). The types of
decoration as well as the vessel forms found at Shanshipampa suggest links with both the Pasto to the north
and, to a lesser degree, the Caranquito the south. The presence of Panzaleo pottery can be taken as indicative of contacts with the Quijos to the east.
LITHICS

The lithics consist primarilyof simple flakes and cores of

local andesite and tiny obsidian flakes.A considerablenumber of grinding implements were also recovered (manos
and metates). While one large side-notched obsidian projectile point was noted in a private collection, formal
chipped stone tools are not common in the area. The ob-

133

sidian, which is not locally available, may come from the

site of Mullumica located some 50 km to the south
(Ernesto Salazar, personal communication 2000; see
Salazar1985, 1992). In addition to the basic domestic debris, two fragments of highly polished blackstone, one of
which represents a cylindrical bead preform, and six polished serpentine fragments, two of which represent pieces
of greenstone axes commonly associated with the Oriente,
were also recovered.

La Mesa
The other site in the study areathat produced significant
preliminaryevidence for trans-sierran contacts and which
also, interestingly, shares a unique set of iconographic motifs with Shanshipampa,as discussed above, is La Mesa (see
Bray 2002). The first season of testing at the site of La
Mesa was completed in 2001 (fig. 3). Though located only eight km nne of Shanshipampa,the site is situated near
the bottom of the deep Bio Mataqui canyon at approximately 2050 masl, and is considerably hotter and drier
than Shanshipampa. Occupying a broad alluvial shelf, La
Mesa is associated with an extensive system of agricultural
terraces that cover the surrounding hillslopes. Investigations at the site began with a systematic shovel test survey
of an area of approximately 50 ha with the aim of ascertaining the density and distribution of subsurfacecultural
deposits. Over 700 shovel test pits were dug at 20 m intervals. Based on the results of this survey, six 1 x 1 m test
units were placed above the flagstone pavement described
earlierwhere considerablesubsurfacematerialswere noted.
Even though the testing operation was minimal, the
small number of units at La Mesa yielded more decorated
pottery than any other site in the Pimampiro district, including Shanshipampa (fig. 13).The decorated diagnostic
elements included 85 pieces of Tuza pottery, 5 Piartal
sherds, and 30 Panzaleo fragments.Analysis of the rims recovered at La Mesa (n = 251) revealed the same basic
forms and percentages across vessel categories as found at
Shanshipampa(67% bowls, 23% jars, 10% globular ollas).
A number of special finds such as a worked bone handle, a
ground quartzite pendant fragment, and the remains of
tropical bird species such as Sarcoramphus
papa (King vulture) were also recovered.
Analysis of faunal and botanical remains indicates that
the residents had a rich and varied diet. In particular,quantities of land snails (churos)and carbonized maize (var.canguil; Bob Thompson, personal communication 2002)
were recovered, as well as guinea pig, agouti, rabbit, deer,
turtle, llama, and dog bones (Peter Stahl, personal communication 2002). A single radiocarbon date from an organic deposit containing Tuza pottery at approximately3

1 34 Multi-Ethnic Settlementand Interregional Exchange in Ecuador/Bray

Figure 12. Rim profiles of the different vessel categories identified at Shanshipampaand La Mesa. Types
A-D: unrestrictedvessel forms (bowls); Types E-G: globular-bodied ollas with and without necks; Types
H-I: medium and tall-neckedjars.

m below the surface yielded a conventional radiocarbon

date of 770 80 b.p. (Beta-65734), indicating a calibrated date of between a.d. 1050 and 1390 at two sigmas.
The private collection of the property owner contains

the following items recovered from burials associatedwith

the site of La Mesa: several small copper discs, strings of
bone and shell beads, severalocarinas,various ceramicvessels, and two coquero figurines. Coqueros, which are ce-

Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 30, 2005

135

Figure 13. Decorated Tuza-stylefooted bowls from La Mesa (drawings by J. Waskul).

ramie representationsof coca-chewers known throughout

the Carchi-Narinoregion to the north, are typicallyfound
in mortuary contexts. The coca-chewers are usually seated
on a stool (duho),have one or both hands resting on their
knees, have face paint or tattooing, and wear a loincloth.
The clothing, facial tatoos, blunt haircuts, and the prominent use of stools are all diagnostic featuresof tropicallowland cultures. I suggest that these figures materially symbolized the relationship between power, wealth, coca, and
tropical lowland connections in this region.
In comparison with other sites in the Pimampiro district, the archaeologicaldeposits and features encountered
at La Mesa indicate that the residents of this site were considerably wealthier than their neighbors. I would argue
that the source of this wealth was directly related to control over the associated agriculturalterraces, which may
well have been used for the cultivation of coca.

Discussion
Recent archaeological investigations at Shanshipampa
and La Mesa in the Pimampiro district of highland
Ecuador have yielded new insights into the significance of
highland-lowland interactions and modes of interzonal articulation in the northern Andes during the late Precolumbian period. A series of radiocarbon dates indicate
that these two sites were occupied for severalcenturiesduring the latter half of the Integration period (a.d.
500-1500). Though they appearto be essentially contemporaneous, Shanshipampamay have been occupied slightly earlier(circaa.d. 900), and persisted into the earlyColonial period. While investigations at La Mesa are more limited, there is no indication of continued occupation there
into the Colonial era. The relationship between the two
sites is demonstrated by the sharediconographic motifs on
the petroglyphs at Shanshipampaand the carvedflagstones

136 Multi-EthnicSettlementand Interregional

Exchangein Ecuador
/Bray

at La Mesa. The double-headed serpent motif, in particular, is unique to these two sites and may represent the insignia of the small polity of Chapi (Bray 2002).
The archaeologicaldata recovered at both La Mesa and
Shanshipampasupport the hypothesis that residents maintained significant contacts with the groups from the eastern flanksand foothills of the Andes. Extra-localgoods and
remains indicative of linkages with tropical lowland cultures include the widespread occurrence of Panzaleo pottery and the presence of maranta, greenstone axe fragments, tropical bird remains (at La Mesa), coquero figurines, and the simian and ophidian iconography found
acrossa range of media in the Pimampiro district. Tuza, Piartal,and Capuli style pottery, as well as carvedstone sculptures, also suggest ties with the Pasto region to the north,
while the widespread occurrence of obsidian and lesser
amounts of Caranquistyle pottery indicate contacts to the
south and sw.
The ubiquitous low-frequency distribution of obsidian,
arrowroot, and Panzaleopottery at Shanshipampasuggests
that regional networks were organized at the level of the
household between members of this community and others located in neighboring but ecologically distinctive
zones. In general, there seems to be little evidence for a
centralized authority directing or controlling the distribution of foreign goods. The data correspond, at least in part,
to a specific type of economic arrangementfound in the
As
equatorial Andes and described as "micro-verticality."
defined by Oberem (1978), micro-verticalityrefersto a situation in which a community has access to a varietyof production zones within a day'sjourney due to the compacted nature of the ecozones in the northern Andes. This precluded the need for permanent extra-territorialcolonies
such as those that typify the vertical archipelagomodel assumed for much of the centralAndes. Evidence that Shanshipampawas a multi-ethnic settlement, however, complicates this picture.
At Shanshipampa domestic and mortuary features, as
well as the ethnohistoric data, suggest that the site was occupied by residents of different ethnic backgrounds. With
respect to house forms, two types of domestic structures
are discernible: those situated atop hemisphericalmounds
or tolas in the lower sector of the site, and those situated
on low terraces in the upper portion of the site. House
mounds are a common feature among the Caranqui immediately to the south and west of the Pimampiro district
(Athens 1980; Jijon y Caamano 1920: 47; Oberem
1981a). An underground oven was discovered in association with the house mound excavatedin the lower portion
of the site, the only one found at the site. The lower section of the site, where the majority of tolas are found, also

produced significantlyfewer Panzaleo and Tuza sherds and

was the only zone that yielded arrowroot phytoliths in the
flotation samples.
A domestic feature (no. 14) situated on a terracein the
upper sector of the site, identified through its negative
footprint as a circular abode, is approximately 3.5 m in
diameter and has a large fire pit in the center. Circular
house forms of similar size, known as bohios, are characteristic of the Carchi-Narino region immediately to the
north. Other distinguishing evidence associated with this
feature includes the 14 sherds of Panzaleo pottery, a pair of
spindle whorls, charredkernelsof corn, as well as a uniquely shaped round metate, the only such specimen discovered
on the site.
Several features indicating different types of mortuary
practice were also documented at Shanshipampa. These
features include funerarymounds, shaft tomb burials, individual interment in urns associated with house terraces,
and multiple interments in burialcaves involving the use of
funeraryurns. Both the burialmounds and the shaft tombs
date from the end of the Integration period to the early
Colonial period, while the mortuary practices involving
urn burials are slightly earlier.In general, however, there is
sufficient overlap in dates and insufficient differentiationin
terms of associated ceramics and other funeraryitems, to
rule out the possible contemporaneity of these different
mortuary practices.
Burial mounds are a distinctive feature of the Caranqui
(Jijon y Caamano 1941, 1952: 342; Oberem and Hartmann 1981: 50-53). Oberem (1981c: 133-134) indicates
that the hemispherical mounds at the site of Cochasqui,
many of which were funerary,were constructed between
a.d. 900 and 1300 with the majority of dates clustering
around a.d. 1000. This is considerablyearlierthan the one
dated context at Shanshipampa.A possible explanationfor
this discrepancy,given the presumed multi-ethnic character of the site, could be that the use of such mounds represented a revival of a particularcultural practice as a conscious strategy of ethnic differentiation (Hodder 1982).
Shaft tomb burials are found in both Pasto and Caranqui territory,though the practiceseems to have been much
more common in the former zone (Doyon 1988; Francisco 1969; Meyers et al. 1981; Uribe 1977-1978). This funerary practice appears to be considerably earlier among
the Caranqui(a.d. 100-350) than in the Carchi-Narinoregion (a.d. 1100 to 1650), suggesting that the shaft tombs
at Shanshipampa are likely a Pasto manifestation. Shaft
tomb burial sites in the Pais Caranqui from which radiocarbon dates have been obtained include Malchingui,
which produced an uncalibrateddate of a.d. 150 (Meyers
et al. 1981: 161) and La Florida, dating to a.d. 340 (un-

Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 30, 2005

calibrated) (Doyon 1988: 52). In the Carchi-Narino region, radiocarbon dates from shaft tomb burials fall between A.d. 1100 and a.d. 1650 (uncalibrated) (Cardenas
1989: 29-30; Uribe 1977-1978: 167). Burials beneath
house floors and urn burialshave been documented for the
Quijos of the easternAndean slopes during the late prehistoric and early Colonial periods as well as for other groups
of the Amazonian lowlands (Oberem 1980: 245-251;
Newson 1995: 88). As noted earlier,urn burials become
common across much of Colombia beginning ca. a.d.
1000 (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1965: 136-138). The use of
such burialfurnitureat Shanshipampamay reflect the presence of either Quijos, as indicated by Borja (1965 [1591]),
or ethnic groups from other parts of Colombia beyond the
Carchi-Narinoarea.
Taken as a whole, the archaeologicalevidence supports
the idea that Shanshipampacomprised a multi-ethnic enclave. In contrast, there is little evidence to suggest much,
if any, intra-site socioeconomic differentiation among
members of this community, domestic and mortuary assemblages being relatively homogeneous across the site.
There do, however, appearto be significant differencesbetween Shanshipampaand La Mesa, which I interpret as evidence of intra-polity hierarchy and differential social status. Greaterwealth among the residents of La Mesa is indicated by the quantities of decorated serving bowls, the
diversity of foodstuffs, and the richer mortuary assemblages. The relativeaffluenceof La Mesa is attributedto direct control over coca production.
The archaeological evidence from the Pimampiro district may not give a precise picture of the mechanisms of
interregionalarticulationbut it seems clear that such interaction was a fundamental feature of social and economic
life in this region. An initial reading of late 16th-century
documents would suggest that the Pimampiro district, and
specifically the site of Chapf, functioned as a Cport-oftrade"during the late Prehispanic era. Important features
of such centers included their multi-ethnic character,their
location at strategic boundary points, their political and
militaryneutrality,the emphasis on exclusive luxury items,
and the singularity of function of such sites (Chapman
1957; Revere 1957). While the archaeological data from
Pimampiro support the port-of-trade model in terms of
multi-ethnic character, strategic location, and neutrality,
there is no evidence for an exclusive interest in luxury items
or that trade was the only activity that occurred there.
An obscure method of interzonal articulation recorded
for the northern highlands that is known with referenceto
the Pasto (Borja 1965 [1591]: 250; Salomon 1986: 212),
may offer a better intepretive model for the archaeological
data from Pimampiro. The ethnohistoric information sug-

137

gests that the Pasto dispatched groups of highlanders to

take up residence in foreign ecozones, usually the tropical
lowlands (Salomon 1986: 214). The ex-patriot groups
were apparentlyencouraged to assimilateinto the local culture and to eventually become permanent members of
their adopted communities. While these immigrants lost
rights of community membership in their natal district,
they maintained connections to it through trade. The exchange relationships facilitated by these transplants between the highland and lowland regions may have been
one of the primaryreasons for their deployment.
Although cultural assimilation is suggested, it is interesting to note that the transplanted populations retained
their own language, as in the case of the Pasto enclave at
the site of Ancuya (AGI/S 1570-71) located within the territorial boundaries of the Abades ethnic group in western
Colombia (Salomon 1986: 212). Similarlythe Pasto were
noted to be "living like natives" in the Pimampiro district
by Borja (1965 [1591]: 252) but were nonetheless recognized as Pasto. The fact that linguistic separationwas maintained suggests that other markersof ethnic differencemay
have also been retained by the "assimilated"populations.
A contemporary example of this phenomenon is described
by Ramirez de Jara (1996) for the Sibundoy Valley located immediately east of Pasto territory and which is co-inhabited by two different indigenous groups: the Inga, who
are Quechua speakers, and the Kamsa, whose language is
unaffiliatedwith any of the major linguistic stocks and considered an isolate. The former are traders,while the latter
specialize in agriculture and craft production. I believe
that the archaeologicalevidence from the Pimampiro district in general, and from the site of Shanshipampamore
specifically, suggests a similar type of ethnically-mixed
colony, although more than two ethnic groups were likely
co-resident.
The enduring and apparentlystable nature of such interethnic, co -residentialrelations within smaller scale polities
is suggested by the presence of extra-localgoods at Shanshipampa in dated contexts spanning a 700 year period.
The type of macro-regional integration outlined here for a
specific area of the northern highlands is fundamentally
grounded in the desire for access to non-local goods and
interregional exchange. The forms of political and economic organization suggested by the archaeological, ethnohistoric, and ethnographic data from this areamight be
viewed as anomalous within the context of the Precolumbian Andes. But considered from a different perspective, the Pimampiro case may be seen as one of a growing number of examples pointing to greater variation in
modes of interzonal articulation in the Andean realm beyond the vertical archipelagomodel.

138 Multi-EthnicSettlementand Interregional

Exchangein Ecuador
/Bray

Acknowledgments
This researchwas made possible through the generous
support of the Wenner-GrenFoundation, the National Science Foundation (SBR-98 10477), and the Office of the
Vice President for Research at Wayne State University.
Many individuals contributed to the success of the Pimampiro project. I thank first YolandaCeballos, owner of
the Hacienda San Leonardo in Shanshipampa, her husband German Herrera, and brother, Rodrigo Ceballos, for
graciously allowing us access to their property and facilitating our project. I extend equal thanks to the Roman
family of Pimampiro, particularlyNacho and Patricio, for
permitting us to work at the Hacienda La Mesa. Drs.
Cristobal Landazuri and Ernesto Salazar of the Catholic
University of Quito offered their support and friendship
throughout the course of the project. In the field, I have
been fortunate to have the help of a number of dedicated
young archaeologists.These include CesarToapanta,Marco Vargasand Rita Diaz, of the INPC (Instituto Nacional
de Patrimonio Cultural); Washington and German Arevalo, and Romel Frias of Shanshipampa; and students
Colleen Donley, Cindy Frank, William Johnson, Allison
Muhammad, Rebecca Pickering, Sreekishen Nair, Linda
Schilling, Maria Toyne, Kate Van Til, Josefina Vasquez,
and Alden Yepez. Don Johnson of Minneapolis, and Larry
Conyers of the University of Denver graciously contributed their time, skills and equipment for the geophysical pilot study conducted in 1999. 1 also thankTammy Szatkowski for her skillfulrendering of the topographic maps,
Jonathon Brewster and Dawn Bender for their eleventh
hour aid in revising figures, Maria Toyne for inventorying
the human skeletalremains, JavierUrcid for specific skeletal identifications, and Peter Stahl for the analysis of the
faunal remains from La Mesa. Finally, I offer my sincere
thanks to the residents of Shanshipampa and El Cebadal
who were extremely gracious in accepting us as their temporaryneighbors. In particularI wish to acknowledge the
friendship and assistance of the President of Shanshipampa, Don Anibel Mera and his family, Pepe Chasiguano and
his wife Gloria, Bolivar Arevalo, Marcela Frias, Reynaldo
Frias, Rosario Herrera, Alfonso Pupiales, Juan Antonio
Chasiguano, Hectario Layton, and Mariano Cuasqui. In
the community of El Cebedal, we are especially indebted
to the kindness of Charito Andrango.

TamamL. Bray,an associateprofessor,

specializesin the study
ofPrecolumbiansocietiesof the northernAndes and the Inca
Empire.Her researchinterestsincludeancient imperialstatecraft,politicaleconomies,interregionalinteraction,and the
politicsand place of archaeologyin the modernworld.Mailing

address:DepartmentofAnthropology,WayneState University, 137 Alex Manoogian Hall, 906 W WarrenAve., Detroit,

MI 48202.
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