Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
Anastasia Platoff
Lesley University
ADOLESCENT BOYS AND THE MAKING OF MASCULINITIES 1
Identity is what we make of ourselves within a society that is making something of us.
that are socially constructed and historically variable (Addis et al., in press). Masculinities are
the shifting embodiments of communal values, beliefs, and expectations (see, e.g., Rogoff,
2003). The dominant norms of masculinity in the United States must have some pragmatic
benefits for adolescent boysotherwise, these practices would not exist as they do; they would
look different. Yet there is evidence to suggest that normative American masculinity necessitates
that young men follow restrictive paths of identity and relationship. I plan to explore the ways in
which adolescent boys mediate the effects of these socialization processes, as well as the
intersections of gender and race/ethnicity as they reinforce and challenge masculine norms. I
have chosen to concentrate on adolescent development because this is the period (albeit one of
many) in which young men encounter their positionality and are often faced with a dilemma. In
negotiations of self and society, they are compelled to unpack and repack their identities. This is
the time when masculinities are being made and tested for endurance.
developmental theory and research (Bem, 1993). The relational discourse challenges theoretical
models that treat heterosexual white men as the given, or as the baseline from which women are
Crain, 2011, pp. 157-179). While studies of girls and women are the heart of this perspective,
relational and feminist psychologists have expanded their focus to include boys and men.
Relational theories of development do not suggest that adolescent boys are not relational, but
ADOLESCENT BOYS AND THE MAKING OF MASCULINITIES 2
rather that they are socialized to be less relational than girls (e.g., Chu, 2005; Gilligan, 1982;
Way & Greene, 2006). The relational framework differs from other developmental and
psychological theories in its premise that human beings are born with a fundamental capacity
and desire for close, mutual relationships (Chu, 2005, p. 9). Furthermore, I would argue that,
regardless of gender, the desire for trusting, intimate relationship does not end once we have
repressed, these capacities exist in some form for as long as we are sentient. However, the
explicit lessons and implicit messages that boys receive in American culture relay that their
Girls and boys are socialized in accordance with their communitys gender role
socially constructed (e.g., Levant & Richmond, in press; Pascoe, 2005). The polarization of
rationalizes gender inequalities by treating them as the natural and inevitable consequences of
the intrinsic biological natures of woman and man (Bem, 1993, p. 2). The cultural practices that
define male-female roles and masculine-feminine norms are steeped in gender ideology.
Our patriarchal society has varying developmental implications for men and women.
While patriarchal voices attempt to govern and silence women, they demand that men become
and remain emotional cripples (hooks, 2003, p. 27). Western developmental ideals of autonomy
and separation are in some ways congruent with masculine norms that emphasize physical
toughness, emotional stoicism, and projected self-sufficiency (Chu, 2005, p. 7). However,
associated with an array of negative psychological and behavioral outcomes (Levant &
ADOLESCENT BOYS AND THE MAKING OF MASCULINITIES 3
Richmond, in press; Mahalik et al., 2003; Way, 2013). Adolescent boys are more likely to report
poor psychological adjustment, such as depression, feelings of self-hatred, and insecurity, as well
as risk-related behaviors, like engaging in delinquent activity, being suspended from school,
having unprotected sex and less intimate relationships, and tricking or forcing someone to have
sex (Chu, 2014, p. 253). Studies have also substantiated the centrality of homophobia (e.g.,
Bucher, 2014; Pascoe, 2005), aggression and violence (e.g., Poteat, Kimmel, & Wilchins, 2010),
heterosexual practice (Giordano, Longmore, & Manning, 2006; Richardson, 2010), and alcohol
and drug use (e.g., Iwamoto & Smiler, 2013; Sanders, 2011) in the construction of masculinity
among adolescent boys. At the same time, other studies have shown that gender role discrepancy
(i.e., the failing to meet masculine ideals or expectations; Blazina et al., 2007) and actively
challenging masculine norms are correlated with similarly adverse psychological and behavioral
effects. Thus, the literature reveals that conformity and resistance to masculine norms can be
dialectical stage of identity versus role confusion (Crain, 2011). As adolescents travel the
hormonally-charged road between childhood and adulthood, the question of identity becomes
more salient than ever before. While Erikson understood identity development as a life-long
uniquely passionate and purposeful identity explorations. At this stage of life, the pursuit of
identity entails adolescents to moderate conflicts between past and future, self and others, feeling
and action, and internal hopes and external expectations. By testing and rejecting various
templates of self-representation, they aggregate the qualities that they can confidently call I
and me. Indeed, Josselson (1996) proclaims, Never again in life is identity as malleable as it
ADOLESCENT BOYS AND THE MAKING OF MASCULINITIES 4
is in adolescence (p. 40). Though they may not be aware of it, adolescents begin to frame their
identities through the synthesis of various partial identifications (Crain, 2011, p. 291). When
adolescents sketch portraits of their temporal selvespast, present, and futurethey look to
Models are central to Banduras social learning theory. Bandura proposed that we learn a
great deal from watching others. Observational learning is not simply passive acquisition. The
ability to observe and subsequently imitate behavior is a form of learning that involves cognitive
processes of mentally coding what we see (Crain, 2011, p. 204). Bandura viewed childrens
early relationships as influential to, but not determinants of, social-behavioral development.
Individuals learn much of their behavior from various models, both live (e.g., adults and peers)
and symbolic (e.g., mass media images; characters from books and television). In childhood, our
models provide opportunities for vicarious reinforcement when, by noticing what happens when
someone else tests out a new behavior, we formulate expectations about the consequences of our
own behavior, without ever having to take action (Crain, 2011). If a young boy witnesses his
older brother get scolded for swearing at the dinner table, he will note the likelihood of a similar
outcome should he decide to imitate this newly-learned behavior. However, if a few days later
the young boy observes the most popular kid in his middle-school utter the same word during
recess, where he is met by positive peer response, the performance of this behavior may become
disinhibited for the observing boy. At the very least, he will learn that his use of this word will
significant in the learning of gender roles (Crain, 2011). Through observation, boys learn the
behavior of both genders, but they generally perform only the behavior that corresponds with
ADOLESCENT BOYS AND THE MAKING OF MASCULINITIES 5
male gender roles, as this is what has been directly and vicariously reinforced. With enough
internalized, and its ongoing performance will be governed in part by individual processes of
self-reinforcement (Crain, 2011). Experiences of direct rewards and punishments will prompt
children to adopt self-evaluative standards, which are often based on the standards they observe
in others. Bandura notes that children typically embrace the self-evaluative standards of their
peers, rather than adults, because children can more easily achieve the lower standards that
Children develop other methods of self-regulation as they regularly reflect on their own
appraisals are judgments of ones general skills and abilitiesjudgments which are largely
derived from knowledge of our actual performance (Crain, 2011). For instance, if a boy
routinely scores well on math tests, he may conclude that he is good at math. Once he realizes
math as an area of expertise, he will be motivated to excel in this subject. Additionally, his high
self-efficacy will mitigate the sting of an occasional B on a math test because he will likely
attribute this failure to a lack of effort or poor tactics (p. 214) rather than an immutable
personal weakness.
By the time boys reach adolescence, peers have often become their most compelling
models. Most adolescent boys spend the majority of their waking hours within the social sphere
of school, and their peers function as primary socialization agents. In The Will to Change: Men,
Masculinity, and Love, bell hooks (2003) notes that, around this time, anti-patriarchal parents
find that the alternative masculinities they support for their boy children are shattered not by
grown-ups but by sexist male peers (p. 40). Peers become objects of idealization as well as the
ADOLESCENT BOYS AND THE MAKING OF MASCULINITIES 6
thought, feeling, and action. For adolescent boys, gender is constructed through daily, repetitious
social interactions within a rigid definitional frame. Erikson observed that adolescents
uncertainty about who they are prompts them to anxiously identify with in-groups, becom[ing]
remarkably clannish, intolerant, and cruel in their exclusion of others who are different (Crain,
2011, p. 291). In the social context of school, heteronormative masculinity could be considered a
temporarily adaptive strategy for adolescent boys whose sexual identities are indeterminate or
socially hazardous. Through their adherence to masculine norms, or through their repudiation of
unacceptable gender identities, adolescent boys affirm and reaffirm their masculinity (Pascoe,
2005).
use of the fag epithet as an instrument of gender regulation. Her analysis elucidated the fag
were based on qualitative interviews and observational data gathered from primarily working-
class students at a public high-school in California. The schools ethnic breakdown was roughly
Feminist scholars who have focused on homophobia and adolescent masculinity have
often failed to unravel the layered implications of homophobic insults that extend beyond sexual
orientation. The fag insult was found to have meanings which were primarily gendered but also
sexualized and racialized (Pascoe, 2005). Though the word is used as North American
homophobic slang, many students claimed that they would be unlikely to utter the fag epithet
around homosexual peers. They also asserted that gay men could still be masculine. Pascoe
observed that, whether or not the fag insult was invoked with explicit connections to sexual
ADOLESCENT BOYS AND THE MAKING OF MASCULINITIES 7
identity, its meanings were always gendered. As an abject position, the fag identity is fluid and
ephemeral: Any boy can temporarily become a fag in a given social space or interaction
(Pascoe, 2005, p. 329). The word was socially defined as synonymous with unmasculine or
rise to the masculine tasks of competence, heterosexual prowess, and strength (p. 330). The
term was used almost exclusively by and for boys, as a sort of masculine power play.
In their aggressive and joking harassment, these adolescent boys were highly attuned to
displays of insufficient masculinity in their peers and were quick to remind themselves and each
other that at any point they [could] become fags [In these interactions] fag becomes the hot
potato that no body wants to be left holding (p. 339). By invoking the epithet, an adolescent boy
is implicitly testifying that he is not a fag. Additionally, boys demonstrate that they are not fags
through their imitations of fags, after which they promptly becoming masculine again.
The fag discourse varied across social groups in this study. For example, meaning-
making around practices related to clothes and dancing differed between white boys and
African-American boys, and demonstrated some of the ways in which the fag identity is
racialized. For the white boys at school, masculinity became the carefully crafted appearance of
not caring about appearance (p. 341), and often involved deliberate apathy toward cleanliness.
If a white boy dressed or behaved in a way that suggested he cared about his appearance, his
peers made him a fag. For the African-American boys who identified with hip-hop culture,
clothing did not suggest a fag position; rather, it was an important means of defining membership
in a cultural and racial group (Pascoe, 2005). These boys wore clean, oversized garments, and
were meticulous about keeping their clothing, especially their shoes, in pristine condition. For
the African-American boys who embraced hip-hop culture, these styles and attitudes defined
ADOLESCENT BOYS AND THE MAKING OF MASCULINITIES 8
masculinity. Dancing was another practice that had masculine meanings for many African-
American boys, while for white boys, dancing carried distinct fag associations. For example, one
boy claimed that the boy band nSync was gay (p. 341) because its members could dance.
Ways (2013) work on intimacy and loss in adolescent boys friendships revealed a
similar mechanism among boys in late adolescence. When asked questions about close male
friendships, boys frequently concluded their responses with the verbal reflex, no homo (Way,
2013, p. 205). While boys in this study had intimate male friendships throughout early and
middle adolescence, they typically lost these friendships by late adolescence, despite their
continued desire for them. In early and middle adolescence, boys speak about the differences
between their friends and their best friends. With their regular friends, many of the boys enjoy
playing basketball or videogames (p. 203). However, they define a best friend as someone with
whom they can talk intimately and share secrets. By late adolescence, something changes. These
close friendships have been terminated, primarily due to the betrayal of this confidence (Way,
2013). In late adolescence, these boys narrate personal stories of disconnection and diminished
closeness, around which they articulate feelings of sadness, frustration, and anger.
In some ways, these boys narratives call to mind a pattern of disconnection that occurs
among girls at an earlier age. In their pioneering work, Brown & Gilligan (1992) found that,
while girls in late childhood (ages 8-11) express themselves honestly and freely in their
relationships, as they approach the edge of adolescence (ages 12-13), girls experience a loss of
voice. Brown and Gilligan witnessed girls struggle to express what they knowof self and
relationshipas they are faced with the pressure to become independent (Western
Adolescent boys experience a different kind of loss. In early and middle adolescence, the
boys in Ways (2013) study have close friendships marked by a great willingness to be
emotionally intimate and supportive. These friendships seemed to share the plot of Love Story
more than the plot of Lord of the Flies (Way, 2013, p. 201). However, by late adolescence,
most boys are pushed to respond to a cultural context that links intimacy in friendships with an
age (childhood), a sex (female), and a sexuality (gay) Rather than focusing on who they are,
[boys] become obsessed with who they are not (p. 205). Somewhere along the isolated road to
We need not conflate nor polarize the experiences of girls and boys in order to appreciate
adolescent development as a period of progress as well as a period of profound loss (see, e.g.,
Josselson, 1992; Noam, 1996; Taylor, Gilligan, & Sullivan, 1995; Way, 2013). While conformity
to masculine norms has the potential to stifle adolescent boys relational possibilities and identity
explorations, it can also facilitate the sense of social belonging which adolescents so desperately
desire.
We know that human beings are not the passive recipients of culture (Rogoff, 2003).
Culture does not make men abuse women or carry out mass shootings. The oft-depicted model of
causality between social constraints (e.g., gender roles; masculine ideals) and negative outcomes
(e.g., violent crime; mental illness; social-emotional maladjustment) fails to recognize these
processes as active and interwoven. Relational studies have examined the myriad ways
adolescent boys understand and confront norms of masculinity in their friendships and peer
group culture (e.g., Chu, 2005; Smiler, 2014; Way, 2013; Way et al., 2014). From their
narratives, we discern the ways in which adolescent boys interpret their socialization and address
signs of discord in perceptions of who they are and who they should be.
ADOLESCENT BOYS AND THE MAKING OF MASCULINITIES 10
A recent study from psychologist Niobe Way and colleagues (2014) looked at adolescent
boys resistance to norms of masculinity (i.e., emotional stoicism, physical toughness, and
autonomy) in their peer relationships. Longitudinal patterns and levels of resistance were
measured based on interviews with an ethnically diverse sample of male boys (White, Black,
Latino, and Chinese-American) over the course of 6 years (6th to 11th grade). Analyses indicated
that both levels and patterns of resistance varied by race/ethnicity. In general, boys resistance
had positive associations with psychological and social adjustment. As hypothesized, the boys
who demonstrated low resistance their interviews often expressed feelings of depression and
isolation, or of not caring any longer (Way et al., 2014, p. 245). The most common trajectory
of resistance showed a clear pattern of decline between early and late adolescenceby 11th
grade, most of the White, Black, and Chinese-American boys had adopted the masculine norms
Latino boys were more likely to show stable or increased levels of resistance over time,
as well as greater intimacy and emotional attunement in their male friendships. The researchers
speculated that since these boys were predominantly first or second generation immigrants, they
may have been less entrenched in the American value system of autonomy and independence
and more entrenched in Latino values such as being emotionally expressive, interdependent,
and family oriented (p. 249). Thus these boys may have found it easier to resist these American
cultural norms than their peers who were American-born or who were not Latino.
Additionally, the researchers note that the social hierarchy within the school could have
been an influential factor in patterns of resistance. Boys acquire social power or rank among their
peers through routes such as playing sports, being tall, and being associated with an ethnic
group that is stereotyped as cool, manly, or American [and] the consequence of such power
ADOLESCENT BOYS AND THE MAKING OF MASCULINITIES 11
is that it leads to greater freedom to bend the rules of the boy code (p. 249). In an American
context, Latino and Black boys tend to be perceived as more manly, while Chinese American
boys contend with opposing stereotypes of weakness or femininity (Way et al., 2014). The
Latino boys in this study were seen as inhabiting the upper echelons of the schools social ladder,
which may have given them some leeway with regard to masculine norm adherence.
The Chinese-American boys were the most likely to have low levels of resistance that
remained stable over time. Chinese-American boys often described their adaptation to American
norms of masculinity as more of a necessity than a goal (Way et al., 2014). This sentiment aligns
with elements of Qins (2009) research adolescent identity negotiations for Chinese immigrants.
Chinese immigrant adolescents struggle to maintain a sense of self-continuity when they are
balancing two conflicting sets of cultural values and expectations. Chinese immigrant boys often
fear that by embodying their familys expectations of a good Chinese boy who does well in
school, their American peers might perceive them as nerds and bully or harass them (Qin,
2009, p. 56). Thus many Chinese immigrant boys resist and challenge this ethnic stereotype by
assimilating American culture and adopting identity markers of a popular boy (e.g., playing
sports and video games; and participating in other non-academic social activities). While
Chinese immigrant girls in this study often enacted resistance to stereotypes by strengthening
their Chinese cultural identities, Chinese immigrant boys were more likely to resist ethnic
Way & Greene (2006) explored adolescents perceptions of friendship quality over time,
measuring for differences across gender and race/ethnicity. Their findings indicated that
quality, however, occurred specifically for boys who reported the lowest levels of quality in
family relations, indicating the presence of a compensatory-like pattern (Way & Greene, 2006).
While the former attachment-like pattern affirms the importance of models on subsequent
suggests that close friendships can become meaningful corrective experiences for boys who
Indeed, Chu (2005) has found that close friendship can act as a protective factor for
adolescent boys, supporting their resilience and healthy resistance to social expectations of
masculinity that might have otherwise impaired their ability to be true to themselves (Chu,
2005, p. 16). This study took a relational approach to psychological inquiry, using adolescent
boys qualitative interviews as narrative data, analyzed with the Listening Guide method (see,
e.g., Brown & Gilligan, 1992; Taylor, Gilligan, & Sullivan, 1995). Chu (2005) found abundant
documentation of adolescent boys capacity, willingness, and desire for mutuality and closeness
in their male friendships. However, their resistance to cultural norms of emotional stoicism and
autonomy has social implications. Ironically, it is because boys retain these relational capacities
and desires that they are faced with a dilemma (Chu, 2005, p. 18). In an effort to protect their
vulnerability, these boys presented themselves and behaved in ways that would sustain and
reinforce a normative image of masculinity. This conformity was understandable, and even
advantageous, given that these boys perceived their peer culture to be antagonistic and intolerant.
Opportunities for honest self-expression and interpersonal closeness were seen as protective
factors against the restrictive influence of peer group culture. However, these boys often felt the
need to actively participate in this very peer culture in order to shield themselves from the social
ADOLESCENT BOYS AND THE MAKING OF MASCULINITIES 13
repercussions of their deviation. These coping strategies consequently limited their opportunities
Other studies on adolescent boys development have illustrated the positive effects that
can accrue from close relationships which allow for, or are defined by, emotional connectedness.
For example, Spencer (2007) analyzed qualities of relationships between adolescent boys and
adult male mentors. The adolescent boys in this study came from homes in which a father-figure
was absent. These boys reported that their adult male mentors provided a safe space for
emotional vulnerability and support, which in turn helped many of them manage their feelings of
anger more effectively. Way (2013) has found a significant pattern in her studies on adolescent
boys: The boys who report the presence of at least one emotionally engaged parent, who allows
them to speak freely about their thoughts and feelings, are often the boys who successfully
We have not paid much attention to the intimacy in boys friendships because boys are
supposed to be, by nature, not interested in these types of relationships (Way, 2013, p. 210).
I am struck by the extent to which dominant American cultural practices have structured and
sustained gendered definitions of the most basic human needs. Masculinities are not essential;
they are created. Care, however, is a biological necessity. As infants, we die without it. As adults,
we die faster without it. Adults who lack supportive social networks are more likely to suffer
from depression, get physical illness, and have shorter life spans (Way, 2013). It seems like there
has been an obfuscation of fact in favor of a story that promotes mens power in global arenas.
Adolescent boys can greatly benefit from social support and trusting relationships,
especially if such relationships were not modeled in early life. However, their adolescent status
is like a cultural alarmwhen it rings, the time has come for them to man up. It is usually in
ADOLESCENT BOYS AND THE MAKING OF MASCULINITIES 14
adolescence, bell hooks (2003) states, When many caring and affectionate mothers stop giving
their sons emotional nurturance for fear that it will emasculate them (p. 65). When they are
unable to cope with this loss of connection, Boys internalize the pain and mask it with
indifference or rage (hooks, 2003, p. 65). In response to neglect or withholding, boys are
expected to give up or grow out of emotional attachment. In response to abuse or bullying, boys
are expected to toughen up or fight back. It is crucial to recognize that masculinity does not dwell
in boys bodies; it cannot be molded by force, and it is not strengthened by negligence. A boy
will shape his masculinity in accordance with what enables him to cope with and thrive in the
masculinity which defines itself through practices that seek to legitimize male dominance
through the subordination of women and men. Gender, as it intersects with race, ethnicity,
sexuality, and social class, shape masculinities in relation to systems of power. Hegemonic
masculinity is embodied by white, rich, educated, heterosexual men. Men who are subordinated
gay men, men of color, low SES men, men with physical disabilities; Connell, 2005).
interactions. His theoretical model conceived human development as the progressive, mutual
accommodations (see Rogoff, 2003, p. 45) between an active, developing individual and the
experience (e.g., home and school) to the macrosystems of culture (e.g., social institutions and
between settings. As individuals and cultural practices function together in mutually defining
Masculinity is always about gender, but it is never only about gender. In clinical
treatment, cultural competence and sensitivity come into play as therapeutic essentials. Our
cultural assumptions about men are tied to what discourages them from asking for help. If a man
seeks counseling due to depression, anger, or antisocial behavior, counselors should remind
themselves that these psychological issues are not inherently male, nor are they the effects of
culture. It is worth repeating what research has continually shown: men are less likely than
women to seek mental health services, and while women are about three times more likely to
attempt suicide, men are about three times more likely than women to commit suicide (Vogel &
Heath, in press). Yet there are people who continue to utter the hackneyed-yet-disturbing
not engage in much nostalgic remembrance of those years. I recall social anxiety, self-
consciousness, isolation, and rumination. Accordingly, I have a lot of empathy for others who
My interest in this research emerged from my negative judgments of men who subscribe
When I observe the token bro (e.g., the lascivious language, the macho posturing, the
peer competition, and the unabashed sexism and homophobia), I am disgusted. These practices
seem so transparent to me. But if they are transparent, then what truth am I perceiving behind the
faade? Vulnerability? But about what? My interior line of inquiry usually ends before a cogent
conclusion is reached. I dont really know bros because I avoid them. I wanted to learn about
how adolescent boys deal with the potentially destructive aspects of their socialization. Although
I still have an aversion to contemporary American masculinity, I have greater empathy for boys
and men who live in a culture that tries to keep them from being real.
ADOLESCENT BOYS AND THE MAKING OF MASCULINITIES 17
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