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Syllabic units
In this model the units of recognition are not single letters but, rather,
phonologically defined syllables called Vocalic Center Group (VCG) [Spoehr and
Smith, 1973].
Following Hansen and Rogers (1965), the VCG is defined as a vowel or
vowel digraph flanked by consonants or consonant clusters.
E.g.
ou and ea
The word identification process begins with feature extraction and letter
recognition (in parallel), followed by rule based parsing that tentatively isolates
VCG units, which are phonologically recoded to recover the word's name.
If this process fails, then the word is parsed again, according to the Vocalic
Center Groups model, until it is identified.
E.g.
FATHER ---> FAT/HER ---> FA/THER
Perceptual learning - lower order codes are integrated and unitized (perceived as
a unit) to form a new set of codes at each successive level. It entails focal
attention, which is conceived as a limited cognitive resource that cannot be
allocated to two processes simultaneously.
As one's ability to recognize unitized codes at a given level becomes
automatized, attention is redeployed to the task of unitizing codes at the next
level.
Colthearts (1978)
- postulates two such systems, one that accesses lexical representations
directly, using word specific associates, and another that accesses them
indirectly, through the use of grapheme-phoneme correspondence (GPC) rules.
Both of these systems are activated by a letter string, and depending on the
nature of that string, one or the other system may bring about identification.
Two different types of evidence have been cited in support of the dual route
model.
One type comes from studies of brain damaged patients, who have suffered
what appears to be selective loss of either the direct visual or phonologically
mediated access routes.
Deep dyslexics
- one group of patients appear to be able to read most words, but have very
limited ability to read pseudowords, make many semantic confusion errors
(e.g., calling cat - kitten and orchestra - symphony), and have difficulty reading
functors (e.g., if, and but).
- this symptoms pattern suggests that the direct route is intact in these
patients, while the phonologically mediated route is impaired.
Surface dyslexics
- by contrast, often decode pseudowords and regularly spelled words (e.g.,
cat, fat) more readily than they can decode irregularly spelled words (e.g., epoch,
ache), and often regularize words with exceptional pronunciations (e.g., have,
put) suggesting that they have lost word specific connections that allow them to
use the direct access route.
Because of the strengths and weaknesses observed in these acquired
dyslexia patients are relative rather than absolute performance is never totally
deficient nor totally adequate, critics have suggested that their performance
patterns on decoding and naming tasks may simply reflect different types and
levels of impairment of a single, lexically based access mechanism, rather than
selective impairment of one of two separate mechanisms.
A second type of evidence for the dual route model comes from naming tasks
with skilled readers. It has been consistently found that skilled readers are able to
name printed words faster than they decode (sound out) pseudowords and that
they name high frequency words faster than low frequency words.
This suggests that familiar words "use" the direct route, while less familiar
words and pseudowords use the assembled route. It has also been consistently
found that regular words are, in general, named faster than exception words.
But, whereas high frequency regular and exception words are both named
with equal speed, low frequency, regular words are named faster than low
frequency, exception words.
The direct route always "wins the race" with the indirect route in the case of
high frequency words. Because low frequency words are less familiar, the
indirect route is better able to compete with the direct route, and this conflict
affects the exception words more than the regular words.
Glushko (1979)
- found that a pseudoword such as tave, which is spelled similarly to the
exception word have, takes longer to name than a pseudoword such as feal,
whose real word "neighbors" all have regular pronunciations (e.g., real, heal).
- also found that regular words whose neighbors include words with
inconsistent pronunciations.
Seidenberg, et.al. (1984)
found that low frequency, regular/consistent words were named faster than
low frequency regular/inconsistent words.
Glushko (1979) and others
- have interpreted these results as evidence for a single mechanism for
lexical access that identifies a word by "synthesizing patterns of activation" from
other words with similar spellings (e.g., identifies fat by analogy with cat and fan).