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ADAPTATIONS
fairly clear, however, that he means us to assume that these are general
directions of adaptation rather than the end state-railway lines rather
than stations.
If, however, these are not positions of rest there remains a balance of
adherence to respectable and deviant norms (although this may not be
true in the case of ritualism where there is no deviant element-but
ritualism does not seem very important to Merton's argument (is it
uncharitable to suggest that its existence grew out of the way the table
is constructed?)). It is precisely this balance with which Kobrin is
concerned in the article mentioned above, with which Sutherland is
concerned in working out the principle of differential association
(Sutherland and Cressey, I953), and of which one half only is found
in Miller.3
Secondly, if Merton's 'modes of adaptation' were in fact end-states
they would become goals in themselves. For if anomie is an uncom-
fortable state of imbalance, then the goal is to arrive at some situation
in which the balance is resolved. Thus innovatory, group-supported
criminality is a solution to a problem which gives satisfaction, and
releasesfrustrations.But Merton's modes are not equal in satisfactionof
frustration; conformity and ritualism seem the most satisfactory, the
others are likely to lead to community reactions, which may or may not
affect the actor's behaviour. Thus by taking the routes of innovation,
and probably retreatism, the norm conflicts are likely to remain strong
since respectabilityis constantly reinforced; this is true whether or not
the original loss of legitimacy was of the norm conflict type. This may
help to maintain the balance of adherence.
Merton's modes are, however, closely related to his general thesis and
ought not to be used out of context; i.e. they are concerned only with
the relation between cultural goals and institutionalized means. It
would seem important, however, to attempt to establish the basis of his
analysis by examining not so much whether working class goals are
concerned with material success, but whether in fact there are any
aspirationswhich are unrealistic, in terms of the working class life style,
and how strongly these are held. If recent work has cast some doubt on
the success goal, it does not invalidate the general concept of relative
deprivation.
SOME HYPOTHESES
Theories ought to lead to testable hypotheses, but they are often not
very easy to operationalize. No attempt has been made here to produce
a theory-it is doubtful if there is as yet enough evidence to do so-nor
indeed to do more than give some indications about the truth or other-
wise of theories already put forward. What has been suggested are a
number of concepts which are the parts of a theory which someone is
39
Legitimacyloss
If the major constituent of anomie as suggested above is uncertainty
in predicting the reactionsof others, it ought to be measurablein terms
of expectations of others' behaviour. Studies of adolescentsare likely to
show a great deal of this kind of uncertainty merely because this is a
characteristic of adolescence. The procedure involves either putting
hypothetical cases to the persons interviewed, questioning them on
specific situations which they are likely to encounter in real life, or
observing them in interaction situations-or all three.
Srole (1956) has proposed an anomia scale which is supposed to
measure the individual feeling-state which is associated with anomie.
It comprises four main components: feelings that authority no longer
cares for the individual's needs; seeing the social order as futile and
unpredictable; feelings that everything is getting worse; and an aliena-
tion from norms making life seem meaningless. It has most recently
been used in an altered form by Mizruchi (1964, pp. 161-2) and pre-
viously by Bell (i957), but the original testing of the scale seems to
have been sketchy and it is difficult to believe that 5 agree/disagree
statements are likely to describe anything but the vaguest of feel-
ings.
Srole does not suggest that the scale measures anomie, which is a
social phenomenon, and Mizruchi emphasizesthat he is using the scale
as an 'indexto social structuralstrain and not as a means for the under-
standing of personality dynamics'. Actually Srole's scale seems to be
associated with class differences, and, if it means anything, seems to
show that there is more general discontent as one goes down the class
scale (Roberts and Rokeach, 1956; Srole, 1956(a), 1956(b); Bell, 1957;
Meir and Bell, 1959). Whether this has any relation to anomie is
unclear. It may be more closely related to the distributionof some types
of abnormal personality in the population.
The concept of anomie has, however, been exhaustivelyexamined by
the Survey Research Centre of the University of California (McClosky
and Schaar, 1965). An anomie scale of nine items was administeredin
conjunction with a large number of other scales covering cognitive
factors, emotional factors and substantive beliefs and attitudes. This
large scale and complex operation gave results which showed that
anomic feelings 'result when socialization and the learning of the norms
are impeded' (p. 39) either by lack of ability to comprehend, or by an
excess in the individual personality of anxiety, hostility and other
40
REFERENCES
E. H. BELL ( 961), Social Foundationsof Delinquent Boys, Institute for Social
HumanBehaviour,New York: Harper. Research, University of Michigan.
W. BELL(1957), 'Anomie, Social Isola- J. H. GOLDTHORPE and D. LOCKWOOD
tion and the Class Structure', Socio- (1963), 'Affluence and the British
metry,vol. 20, pp. Io5-I6. Class Structure', SociologicalReview,
B. BERNSTEIN(1958), 'Some Sociological vol. I I, pp. 133-64, July 1963.
Determinants of Perception', Brit. J. R. A. GORDON,et al. (1963), 'Values and
Soc., vol. 9, pp. 86-7. Gang Delinquency: A Study of Street
B. BERNSTEIN(I961), 'Social Class and Corner Groups', Am. J. Soc., Septem-
Linguistic Development', in A. H. ber 1963.
Halsey, J. Floud, and C. A. Anderson,H. M. JOHNSON(I96I), Sociology:A Sys-
Education, Economyand Society, Free tematicIntroduction,
Routledge & Kegan
Press. Paul.
R. BIERSTEDT(I957), The Social Order, J. KLEIN, SamplesFrom English Cultures
McGraw-Hill. (2 vols.), London: Routledge &
M. B. CLINARDet al. (1964), Anomie and Kegan Paul.
Deviant Behaviour,Free Press. R. J. KLEINER and S. PARKER (1963),
R. A. CLOWARDand L. E. OHLIN (I960), 'Goal Striving, Social Status and
Delinquencyand Opportunity,Routledge Mental Disorder: A Research Review',
& Kegan Paul. Am. Soc. Rev., vol. 28, pp. I89-203,
A. K. COHEN (1955), Delinquent Boys, April 1963.
Routledge & Kegan Paul. S. KOBRIN (1951), 'The Conflict of
A. K. COHEN (1959), 'The Study of Values in Delinquency', Am. Soc. Rev.,
Social Disorganisation and Crime', in vol. I6, pp. 653-61, October 1951.
Merton, Broom and Cottrell (eds.), L. KUPER (1953), Living in Towns, Lon-
Sociology Today, New York: Basic don: Cresset Press.
Books. B. LANDER (1954), Towards an Under-
A. K. COHEN(1965), 'The Sociology of standing of Juvenile Delinquency,New
the Deviant Act: Anomie Theory and York: Columbia University Press.
Beyond', Am. Soc. Rev., vol. 30, pp. A. LITTLE (1965), 'The Increase in
5-14. Crime 1962', Brit. J. Criminol.,vol. 5,
J. B. DOUGLAS(1964), The Homeand The pp. 77-82, January 1965.
School, London: McGibbon and Kee. H. MCCLOSKYand J. H. SCHAAR(1965),
M. L. ERICKSON and L. T. EMPEY(1963), 'Psychological Dimensions of Anomy',
'Court Records, Undetected Delin- Am. Soc. Rev., vol. 30, pp. 14-40.
quency and Decision Making', J. Crim. D. L. MEIR and W. BELL (1959),
L. Criminol.and Pol. Sci., vol. 54, pp. 'Anomia and Differential Access to
456-469. Life Goals', Am. Soc. Rev., vol. 24,
MARTIN GOLD (1963), Status Forces in pp. 189-202.
NOTES
1A totally indefensible use is that by stress on the interactive aspects of adapta-
Lander (I954) in which he identifies a tion and the effect upon the availability
factor with anomie because it has high of legitimate and illegitimate oppor-
loadings on delinquency, high percentage tunities as a result of the continuing re-
of non-whites, and low owner occupation. lationship of ego (the person making the
2 Not the reference group, there may
adaptation) and alter (those with whom
well be significant individuals, or self- he is interacting). Merton's analysis is
images. too static, the parts of his system too
3 In a recent article Cohen (1965) lays discrete.