Koinon Communism and the Fate of the Self (1939-1940)

by Martin Heidegger
Introduction and translation of Alberto Nicolás González Varela
http://www.rebelion.org/noticia.php?id=86465
INTRODUCTION Stalin-Marx-Heidegger
Alberto Nicolás González Varela by way of introduction "I expected of National S
ocialism a spiritual renewal of all life, a reconciliation of the class struggle
and the salvation of Western existence of the danger of Communism in ...", and
confessed a private letter written in 1948 the most important philosopher of the
twentieth century, Martin Heidegger, another philosopher, disciple and his form
er aide, Herbert Marcuse. All his analytic of existence led to expect a renewal
of the German spirit of Adolf Hitler's hands. Can a vulgar act of political comm
itment to become a philosophical gesture? Undoubtedly. It has been discussed at
length and intensity of the philosopher's personal commitment or if it is only n
atural drift of his own philosophy. The Fall-Heidegger, the archiremanido debate
about his relationship with Hitler and National Socialism, has become an endles
s debate since 1945. Arguably the strange idea, as do the Heideggerian French (A
ubenque) and German sacred writers (as Pöggeler), Heidegger's work was not even
mediately, no germ of practical philosophy or political philosophy and pure, how
ever, within the different stages of evolution, his magnum Denkweg officer, was
always a professional philosopher politically engaged with the situation of thei
r time within the parameters of academics in the Weimar era. Heidegger's relatio
nship with the historical world would be reduced to purely corporate interests F
reiburg local university and little else. The pedestrian policy slurred, "no goo
d for politics" as he candidly confessed his former lover, Hanna Arendt, in cont
rast to magnify Messkirch teacher to think Being locked millennium. With this op
eration, hermeneutics, very sophisticated indeed, its most abstract philosophica
l works would be impregnated with demonstrations and positions on the political
(the heideggeriannes can not delete your texts and proclamations) of the world b
ut this spurious logic of his work would be essentially peripheral to Kern, pure
to the core of his thinking. The proximity, including lexical, the ideological
universe Völkisch Nationalbolschewismus movement or German would rather refer to
the fundamental guidelines that Heidegger gave to their attempt to "pierce" in
history which occurred since the publication of Sein und Zeit, but a kind of ent
anglement. Heidegger, like Thales, for clearly see the light of Being in the lan
d would have fallen well Weimar policy. It just would have gotten into commitmen
ts which the philosopher "meat-and-bone" dragged the philosopher "guardian-of-be
ing." The philosophical work of Heidegger would thus by definition apolitical, a
nd it is this apolitical visceral negative making it responsible for the series
of political missteps human Heidegger, too human, whose ideas and vision of the
world in 1933 are due to the psychology of frustration, resentment geography or
provincial or anything (I follow the hermeneutics of innocence Aubenque, Derrida
, Lacoue-Labarthe and Palmier,). The synthesis of all the arguments would be mor
e or less as follows: in their confusion by re-find the true destiny of the West
, in a time of deep personal crisis, where he was going out the Theologe Christl
icher Heidegger and coinciding with the collapse of the republic Weimar, Prof. p
etty bourgeois poor provinces, the rise of National Socialism "came upon him" wi
thout blushing as the sacred writer hipercontextualiza Pöggeler Otto. For all hi
s political myopia, the ontology of Heidegger, in their essential questions, it
would have passed unscathed the "Sea of
Sargasso "National experience, including hidden energy would have to make a fier
ce critic since 1934, which demonstrates, in the negative, which existed in nuce
in the philosophy of Heidegger is a real possibility" use "policy (which contra
dicts all his own premises of Heidegger). But the central ideas of his philosoph
y would not have been nick-ante or ex post 1933, would not have been the essenti
al cause or efficient, the psychological weaknesses of the "ataraxia" man Martin
Heidegger, one of the thousands of Germans confused and drawn into the politica
l turmoil of the meteoric rise of the NSDAP, as Pierre Aubenque piously reminds
us.€At the end of this manipulation interpretative ontology recognizes that actu
ally parked in the vicinity of the policy, namely: Heidegger himself "urbanize"
the province of being by shifting categories of Sein und Zeit to the political f
ield, but all this was done without undergo "elective affinities" without being
their "support" to the NS-Staat reason to suspect or gather within it "prejudice
s" of political empiricism. In short, it would not be possible to find any firm
starting point for troubleshooting an agenda of practical philosophy in 1933, no
t even a criterion used to guide practice or consider making a political decisio
n resolved, according Aubenque . Only granted the opportunity to ask, in the pol
itical dimension, using the issue of Technik, so Heidegger's thinking could conv
erge elliptically with the burning issues of world history, but their relationsh
ip is inessential to her and the kingdom policy. The obvious conclusion is that
it is impossible that the ontology could "guide" or assist in the political deci
sion making Martin Heidegger mortal between dark and confusing political tendenc
ies of Germany in the 20s, and less in an "ideological criticism. " With no poss
ibility of finding an outline of practical philosophy in the philosophy of Heide
gger, even dormant, it is unlikely that the year 1933, Jahre der Entscheidung, t
he year of decision as Spengler baptized, has been linked primarily to Kern, the
core of their Denkweg. This rigorous and authoritarian conception of unity does
not work and author, where the truth content of a philosophical corpus need not
necessarily reflect the mentality and ethics of the philosopher's life, thought
and historical world (excision denying Heidegger himself!) exacerbates and deep
ens the autonomy so "weak" philosophy, that any behavior or action in the field
of politics, per se contemptible and relegated to mere biographical note, you ca
n not throw any cone shadow on his magnum opus, or be used as a via regia for ne
w interpretive readings. Said dryly: Unable to discredit, to make the connection
between politics and philosophy, ontology, or any other, putting the light with
matters that are, by definition, "external" as it is resolved in a political de
cision. At best it is recognized that Heidegger had to "distort" the famous and
inflation sudden inflammation of the word Geist in the study of Derrida, philoso
phy to pre-1933 with the universe being updated lexicon of NSDAP. This distortio
n was produced by absorbed elements of the worldview of his time, and both the b
ond with respect to National Socialism as the metaphysical gesture would be refe
rred to rhetorical means of expression or Weltanschauung nihilistic ideology of
mandarins or "apolitical" in the German university. All this fantastic process,
which ultimately leads to an inconsistency in terminology, a "settling of accoun
ts verbal" (Derrida) which ends in 1935 with the lesson Introduction to Metaphys
ics, will end in a withdrawal of his short political commitment and the starting
point Widerstand geistig fantastic, the "spiritual resistance" against the NS-S
taat, as named his son Hermann. At this point in the history of criticism and ex
egesis these brilliant pieces are obsolete and ridiculous sophistry. And is the
work in the desert and upstream of the Chilean philosopher
Victor Farias and Hugo Ott Fribourg historian. Admittedly, it was thanks to the
uneven pathbreaking book Farias, Heidegger and Nazism, which incorporated and ma
de massive revelations strict local historian Hugo Ott who until then had only a
ppeared in magazines published institutional and local newsletters Freiburg and
therefore inaccessible to the lay reader. It would work through his tireless arc
hivist, for the first time since 1945, in the Fall-Heidegger, the number of fact
s, data and information as it would upset. This resulted in the character of the
dedication and total political commitment to the NSDAP Heidegger first (before
January 1933), and the NS-Staat then be transformed into an incontrovertible fac
t, indisputable premise for any serious debate. The incomplete source of data on
the period 1930-1945 in the life of Heidegger, often planned, permitted, before
cutting epistemological Ott in 1983, both hagiography and the same Heidegger He
idegger,€laundry a decent save to his professional reputation and close any atte
mpt to interconnect its philosophy with National policy for almost 30 years. The
defense of von Meister Meßkirch only repeated, with personal variations, Filler
s, distortions and omissions small fee established by Heidegger in an interview
published by Der Spiegel in 1976. It is from Ott, and thank their broad dissemin
ation via Farias, that the debate about the commitment and depth of the relation
ship between Heidegger and the Nazi party, has made its way the most important p
hilosophical question: how and how much is involved the ontology in political de
cision determined by National. In fact, this thesis is a series of interlinked i
ssues: can extend this support unconditional NS-Staat, as philosophical act, to
primal thought of Heidegger, including his magnum opus Being and Time truncated?
, "Was indeed Heidegger The philosophy of the late-Kehre, a critic of National S
ocialism or just distanced himself from the NSDAP by an idealization philosophic
al world view Blut und Boden?, can one speak of a geistig Widerstand, a spiritua
l resistance to nationalism since philosophical positions after 1935 as they try
to assert their hagiographers?, is there a "thread of Ariadne", coherent and lo
gical, between Being and Time, the NSDAP and Heidegger's version of National völ
kisch vision? Overcoming Marx: a failed company A great philosopher Heidegger an
d Lukács also witnessed first-time, in the 60s said that "we strongly believe no
fool in terms of objectivity (whatever aspect of the issue from the subjective
side and philological) to say that Heidegger's Being and Time is only one of imp
osing dimensions polemic against the Marxist concept of fetishism and the philos
ophical and social consequences that flow from it. "A thesis would not enjoy muc
h support among heideggeriannes. Do you really controversial Heidegger was conce
rned with Marx? That Heidegger's practical philosophy was developed on a soil nu
trient Reaktion anti-modernist and anti-Marxism, is something that at this point
no one is in question. In an interview with A. Lampe, in the context of the com
mittee that France undertook épuration against all those senior officials of Nat
ional Socialism in Freiburg on 25 July 1945, Heidegger said, under oath, that "s
upport for National Socialism was the only and supreme ability to prevent the sp
read of communism in Germany ...". It quoted his confession to Marcuse, already
very early in 1934 had written about Heidegger's radical anti-liberalism and the
substrate of "heroic realism" of his existential philosophy. To any careful rea
der is clearly its conception in Being and Time (1927) of Americanism and Bolshe
vism as Ich-Zeit, time of self, as opposed to the Community time
us, Wir-Zeit, which had opened in his Volksgemeinschaft Nazism, racial-popular c
ommunity faced with the liberal or the state Gesellschaft total Bolshevist is al
so the plain meaning of the dictatorship of "shall" in paragraph # 27 of the sam
e work. There are also two mysterious terms, without specifying the author, refe
rring to the Marxist theory of alienation and reification of consciousness. Unli
ke the first when the analytic of Dasein (being-there) from other approaches to
facticity. It is in the first section, first chapter entitled "The exhibition of
the work of a preparatory analysis of Dasein." Distinguishes his philosophy of
existentialism of Max Scheler, and Dilthey's life philosophy, philosophy of scho
lastic tradition and last place of one that reflects on "the reification of cons
ciousness" (Veredinglichung des Bewusstseins). Heidegger does not mention copyri
ght, but the reference is clear to any careful reader: it is the commodity fetis
hism that Marx developed in his early writings and in the chapter of Das Kapital
dedicated to the goods and ending with Warenfetischismus. The second signal wit
h reference to Marx is a most important place of Being and Time on the last page
, in its conclusion that announces the second part of the book ever written. The
most important work again with Heidegger concludes by discussing a theory that
does not mention the author and repeats the words in quotes (quote) "the reifica
tion of consciousness." The places where we see the theory of fetishism and reif
ication indicate that for Heidegger "that" theory, Marxism is a central issue in
their debate.€Heidegger certainly suggests an alternative conception of praxis
that of Marx, the famous Sorge (Priest), curiously Augustinian root! But this is
sue takes us away from this introduction. We have another contact Heidegger, Mar
x, this time in 1932. In the course of that year on Plato's dialogue Theaetetus,
reconstructing his philosophy of history "oblivion of Being", Heidegger traces
the vast chronology of this decline (in the style of Nietzsche) through Christia
nity, the rationalism of Descartes , the Enlightenment, Hegel and his dialectic
and ends in Marx himself. Explicitly proposes a Überwindung des Marxismus, an ov
ercoming of Marxism as a system of thought and ideological doctrine, quoting ver
batim first paragraphs of The Poverty of Philosophy (1845) edition of Landshut /
Meyer. Beyond its reflection on the platonische Ideenlehere, Heidegger remarks:
"Theory of Ideas, budget for Marxism and the theory of ideologies. 'World View'
as an ideology, abstraction, superstructure or social relations of production.
Overcoming "Marxism?" (GA, 34, p. 325). Marx appears hidden in Heidegger's polit
ical speeches between 1933 and 1938: work, highlight Heidegger, under National S
ocialism is no more production of surplus value (Mehrwert) but the name of any w
ell-ordered action, born and originated from the responsibility of citizens, soc
ial groups and the German state and, thus, serves the Volksgemeinschaft, racial
community-popular. The Arbeiter, the worker is just as Marx thought, a mere obje
ct of exploitation, nor a kind of class of underprivileged who are collected by
the class struggle, but the figure, the Gestalt jüngeriana domain to continually
ties and unites all the comrades of race, Volksgenossen, the great will of the
state (speech of June 30, 1933, The University in the new Reich.) The examples m
ultiply. These years also working in the Archiv Heidegger Nietzsche, the task wa
s a critical edition of manuscripts on the Will to Power, receiving the Kritik t
o Modernism, the Enlightenment, liberalism and socialism. Marx (and Hegel) conti
nue to appear throughout the '30s: a seminar on Hegel's philosophy of state, Heg
el, über den Staat, which states that "the philosophy of Hegel on the state ...
is so critical right now indirect than direct, ie in one direction and positive
and negative. So Karl Marx returns the negative sense. In other words: we can no
t understand the nineteenth-century liberalism without Hegelian thought not unde
rstand the state. "(GA 36/37, p. 15)
In the same seminar Heidegger discusses Marx's critique of the Foundations of He
gel's Philosophy of Law, a text almost unknown juvenile at the time. The truth i
s that Marx (and of course Hegel and dialectics), but absent is an author, not t
o mention, is as essential polemos development and its importance increases as w
e approach the year 1933. It may be noted at this point, that knowledge of Marx
that has the Heidegger of the '30s is defective and the second or third hand, so
criticism graze the problem even more "value-work." This decaf and little under
stood Marx was a common refrain among intellectuals of the New Right and the ide
ologues of the NSDAP, even to the philosophers of the likes of Dilthey, Scheler,
Rickert, Simmel and Sombart. And Jung had defined the new concept of Arbeit in
his book of the work. Domain and Figure (1932) as read by Heidegger (and to whic
h he devoted an entire seminar) had nothing to do either with Marx or with econo
mic theories "Manchester school." Heidegger used the irregular youth edition of
the manuscripts, published in two volumes in the same year by two Social Democra
ts, and J. Siegfried Landshut P. Mayer, entitled Karl Marx, Der Historische Mate
rialismus. Die Fruhschriften. The issue was contemporary to that published in Ru
ssian and in German by the IME (Marx & Engels Institute) in Moscow led by Ryazan
ov, although incomplete and critical apparatus, was the dissemination of a Marx
unknown. Curiously, this edition was completely burned during the burning of boo
ks, "with non-German spirit," the Bücherverbrennung in May 1933, one in the Stad
ion at the University of Freiburg, Heidegger against the rectory. The paradoxes
of history that Marx did reappear in the life of Heidegger, this time as a media
spectacle. The same issue of youth texts appear in a second interview with Germ
an public TV station ZDF in 1969, where Heidegger€still haunted by his unfinishe
d Überwindung Marx read to your interviewer Theses on Feuerbach XI to try, seaso
n, specify a task aborted. Koinon: the text presents the unpublished text is ver
y different, the only known in which Heidegger is faced immediately with Communi
sm (tout court embodied by the USSR of Stalin) and mediately to Marx. The text a
ppears in Volume 69 of the so-called complete edition, which was first made publ
ic on the previously unpublished "History of Being," Die Geschichte des Seyns. 1
) Die Geschichte des Seyns (1938-1940), 2) koinon. Aus der Geschichte des Seyns
(1939-1940), some manuscripts for private lessons or reflections. They are crypt
ic jargon and neologisms created expressly for the same Heidegger. The years are
critical, the volume occupied from 1938 to 1940. Heidegger, as in all his class
es and texts inserted or taken as an example of his thinking in political-histor
ical events directly related to the development of the III ° Reich or admired fi
gures such as Hitler or Mussolini. Many of them are related and can only be unde
rstood with previous work, of course Being and Time (1927), Introduction to Meta
physics (1935), the nazi Beiträge zur Philosophie (Vom Ereignis) (1936-1938) and
its various texts on Nietzsche. In his text of 1937, Nietzsche: Der Wille zur M
acht als Kunst, Heidegger says that "it takes a deep knowledge and a seriousness
that reaches the bottom of things in order to understand what Nietzsche has bee
n designated as 'Nihilism' (Nihilismus .) For Nietzsche, Christianity is as nihi
listic as Bolshevism and, therefore, that the simplest Socialism "(GA 43, p. 30-
31) As Heidegger puts as causes of forgetfulness of Being to Platonism, Christia
nity, liberalism, socialism , Marxism and communism. In his text communism is ju
st one more development which continues and completes the "roll of Power."
Bolshevism in its Stalinist variant is grafted onto an article, a commodity expo
rted from West to East Slavic-Asian, and she has smuggled into his Machenschaft
Asia, the "machines" central to his later philosophy. At one level of meaning re
fers to the ability of possession of the real in order to dominate and make it p
art of our subjective ends, the realm of liberal bourgeois calculation and usefu
lness. With koinon (literally from the Greek: "what is common") does not underst
and Heidegger neutral sense of human community, but the group of communism, the
whole of a "human body" (GA 69, p.206). So communism is in Heideggerian hermeneu
tics understood as the true and proper apex of the plot and the abandonment of B
eing There is also a "metaphysical identity between the authoritarian state and
the state parliament, because the two are at the scene of the deployment of powe
r "(Ibid, p. 189) Although it seems incredible to Heidegger as British classical
liberal state is the same, in essence, a republic based on the soviets! The mos
t unusual is the philosophy of Heidegger aggiornamiento to Hitler's foreign poli
cy: it is in these years that the III ° Reich prepares his attack on Poland and
looking for a friendship treaty with the USSR. To the astonishment of the world'
s two mortal ideological enemies sign a nonaggression pact. Will the infamous Mo
lotovRibbentrop agreement was signed on August 23, 1939, shortly before the star
t of World War II. The understanding, as the historian Kershaw, meant "that had
removed the danger of encirclement of a war on two fronts for Germany." Only the
n can it be understood that Heidegger "legitimized" in his philosophy of history
of Stalinism to be noted a "difference" in favor of the USSR: "Bolshevism Engli
sh (sic) is the most dangerous" because his mask kept hidden parliamentary polit
ics the very essence of power. Stalinism would be more honest and clear from the
logic of the Geschichte des Seyns. And even Heidegger picks up a pair of concep
ts already used in his essay On the Origin of the work of art (1935-1936): Welt
(World) and Erde (Earth). Now attributed geopolitical content in perfect harmony
with the new friends of this: "The history of the Earth (Erde) of the future is
kept in the essence of the 'rusidad'. The history of the World (Welt) is assign
ed to the meditation of the Germans. "(Ibid., p. 108). A perfect and philosophic
al counterpart of the handshake between Hitler and Stalin on the eve of the outb
reak of World War II. As Hitler said in 1939 "the question of Bolshevism is the
time of secondary importance. We hurry and eat flies now as Diablo."Y" rusidad '
of the substance is a prognosis that will be implemented in June 1941. These tex
ts written on the edge of the largest massacre of humanity are particularly inst
ructive and reactionary weaknesses of Heideggerian thought: the theoretical diff
iculty of tackling the problem of human sociability, the tendency to advocacy of
catastrophism and death, the interpretation Modernity as a decadent game of pow
er, the justification of elitism and authoritarianism. All lights philosophical-
political and epistemological paradigms that are already in Being and Time, in t
exts on art and technology and their re interpretation of Nietzsche. (NGV)
"Koinon" (1939/1940) Communism and the Fate of Being
by Martin Heidegger metaphysics Password completeness of the modern age is histo
rically essential to obtain the power of the 'community' (Kommunismus) in the co
nstitution of Being in the era of total meaninglessness. The character of 'meani
ngless' is understood here as meaning the concept of thought in my book Sein und
 Zeit (1927). In this view, the sense (Sinn) is the projective area of the proje
ction of the Being of truth (Warheit), and in turn can be understood as true lib
eration (Freigabe) unveiling of Being in the clarity (Lichtung) the deployment o
f Essentially, in the course of her stay up late. In this is essentially a rejec
tion, that is the signal clearing of Being (Wink des Seyns). By this signal is c
ollected in the gift of being itself as unique. No correspondence with the Board
(Seiendem) can transport it to the language. The term 'non-sense' (Sinn-lose) m
eans to be without truth: staying away from the clarity (Lichtung) of Being The
complete lack of sense with the fact that this continues to remain absent in the
unknowability and with it the Being forgotten disappears into oblivion. 'Being'
(Sein) is now worth not only as the universal word problem not as empty and as
universal, but the prominence without perplexity Ente (Seiendes). This is manife
sted and affirmed in the claim to be without any further possible and therefore
planned and calculable. Thereby offering the entity (Seiendes) obtained by force
in Man the exclusive privilege of doing. What unstoppable unlimited opening pro
duces a spell on humanity, under which the Entity is everything when it is feasi
ble. 'Being' (Sein), abandonment of the Self (Seinsverlassenheit) - completeness
of the lack of meaning. When the lack of sense is true, the 'Values' (Werte) (l
ife and cultural values) are proclaimed as the highest order and shape of the en
d of Man. The 'Values' (Werte) are always hidden translation only without the tr
uth of Being a mere title, which is considered valuable and calculable in the on
e area of what is feasible to do. And doing valuable the revaluation of all valu
es (Umwertung aller Werte), and no matter which way they can act, is the final r
epudiation in the complete lack of sense. Coming from outside the multi-value fo
rm of thought (Wertgedankens) confirms the ongoing delivery of Ente in the aband
onment of Being A Values without power (machtlossen Werte) corresponds impotence
in the representation of values. This favors the breaking of the Power (Macht)
the Ente Essence deploys its feasibility. The essence of the Entity is dissolved
in pure mechanization (Machenschaft), and so through it reaches the Ente unlimi
ted power and the abandonment of Being Part Ente begins his 'domain' (Herrschaft
) hidden. This is not derived from that power of the machine, which, however, de
rives from the hidden history of Being (Seyns). The "machines" (Machenschaft) al
one can arise only under the command of himself and find something definitive. W
here the lack of sense (Sinnlosigkeit) amounts to Power (Macht), and precisely t
hrough the man as calculating and captivating Subjektum of their calculation and
that of all things, the elimination of all sense-that is, the question of truth
of Being (Seyns) or its resonance in the Entice (Seiendheit) and its projection
, must be replaced by what still remains acceptable as an adequate substitution
for a given count (Rechnen) and just take into account the 'values '. The 'Value
' (Wert) is the translation
(Übersetzung) of the Truth of the Essence (Wahrheit des Wesens) in quantitative
and gigantic, the prevalence of 'Thinking of Value' (Wertgedankens) confirms the
resignation of Ente applied in the calculation. The 'community' (Kommunismus) i
s not, intended from the standpoint of thought,€in fact we all have to work, ear
n, eat and have fun in equal measure, but rather in the fact that all modes of b
ehavior (Verhaltungsweise) and all forms of attitude (Haltungsformen) all are in
the same link under the unconditional power (Macht unbedingte) from a few unnam
ed (ungenannter Weniger). Lack of Decision (Entscheidunglosigkeit), the disrupti
on of increased possibility of making a decision and any decision-taking becomes
the air we all breathe fairly. This become common, this is done one and all as
if it were, that the industry comes stabilized the dealer the same, large estate
s come dissolved, eliminated the monasteries, that all knowledge is becoming fal
sifies 'Intelligentsia' (Intelligenz) and this in turn serves to find jobs and i
n turn is 'Reality' specialization 'friends' (Spezi) that the production of a 'p
ublic opinion' (Öffentliche Meinung) the so-called 'people' (Volk) to through ne
wspapers and radio pointing to a continuing apparent form, that basically no one
takes seriously except the powerful and they even just as an instrument of powe
r (Machtmittel) among others, all this may appear, from the point of view of the
horizon of the property and the bourgeois attitude so far, appears as the true
and own loss and as Destruction. Only this nationalization of the 'society' (Ges
ellschaft) in the state means little, to the extent that the State has become a
mere instrument subordinate to the single party, the party itself, in turn, the
instrument of the Soviets and the the field of action of a few. It is logical th
at they remain few and many unnamed nominees (Stalin and his active public envir
onment) that are tolerated back in return only as figureheads. (NB: on Russia (w
e know little), even when we know more, but no more sapere). With 'only a few' (
nur Weninger) means not only a very small number quite unlike the countless many
who are excluded from the process of Power (Machtbesitz). The 'only a few' prac
tice a particular manner of collection of any way to get power in the sheer lack
of respect for the unconditional proceed. Only the 'few' know the property of b
eing unlimited and security in the most tawdry of the deployment of Power (Macht
entfaltung). This approach is determined metaphysically, encouraged and instigat
ed exclusively by the abandonment of any Entity on the part of Being, as such un
knowable. Only through these 'few' is secured so unconditional and complete unde
rstanding that the 'Welfare' (Wohlfahrt) - participation in the progress of Cult
ure (Kultur der Fortschritt), elimination of classes and professions, equality b
etween rulers and 'governed' (Regierer) are just a front for the 'People' (Volk)
- in front of which is happy and who does not look down on what exactly is the
Power of the 'few' (die Macht der Weniger .) Now once again: is not that these '
few' are the wielders of power, but is its Decisional (Entschlossenheit) that ke
eps all the intangible parts preeminence of Total Power (Macht vollständig) of t
he institution concerning any attempt to Vision (Ensicht) and autonomous activit
y of the Will (Willensvollzüge) of the unique and groups. The Despotism of the '
few' (Weniger der Despotismus) has lost its ground (Grund) to the personal greed
of power of 'subjects' (Subjekt) individual, but these, in turn, unknowingly, a
re used as mere bearers (Träger ) and 'lieutenants' (Statthalter) domain of the
unconditioned Pure Power (Macht reign) with the sole aim of making the branch is
established in their own institutions and thus ensure the appearance of the tru
ly real. Who speaks here of 'materialism' (Materialismus) shows that in reality
only fragments remain true to the doctrine of either the 'People' dropped on him
. This "Materialism" is "spiritual" (geistig) in the highest sense of the term i
n a decisive way in which they can
recognize the completion of the Essenza, the spiritual essence of Western metaph
ysics (from abendländisch metaphysischen Geistwesens). Vladimir Lenin was not cl
ear. And that is why the so-called "danger" (Gefahr) of Communism not only about
economic and social consequences, but about the fact that their spiritual essen
ce, its essence as Spirit is not recognized and mutual confrontation is placed a
t a level that ensures all its dominance and its irresistible fascination. (NB:
If it sounds like Communism could be halted and reversed). The historical power
of Communism and its true essence (NB: its spiritual essence prevents the decisi
on) as oligarchic power of the Soviets (oligarchischer Sowjetmacht) is the most
simple and imperative counterproof against alleged Nietzschean theory of "impote
nce" of the "spirit "of the uses of Nietzsche. The "Struggle" (NB: the fight as:
1) to a level that is not your own (?); 2) It is absolutely crucially, what it
means to struggle, in which the "justification" as the power is such makes unnec
essary such a thing) of the Christian Church, for example, against Bolshevism (B
olschewismus) will not get anything, because they are unable to recognize the sp
iritual essence of Bolsheviks, because they themselves are at the service of a "
spiritual" and essentially preventing Christianity definitely make any day a cha
llenge against this "enemy of Bolshevism World" (Weltfeid Bolschewismus) and hav
e a critical application that is essentially different and that he eradicated fr
om its foundation (Grund). Especially in a "struggle" (Kampf) that degenerates a
lways exclusively in simulated combat and any final agreement must awaken the kn
owledge of him in his unconditional pure power domain (Ermächtigung), which is s
ent from within the other as their origin and support of its essence. This is th
e "engineer" (Machenschaft), the word with which one must consider an essential
decision in Western history of Being (abendländischen Geschichte des Seyns). Thi
s thinking (Denken) reaches a position infinitely closer to the "Reality" (Wirkl
chkeit) of the events of our times that any "Tasks" petty bourgeois (kleinbürger
liche Art des 'Einsatz'). It is a false premise, without a doubt, that at some p
oint this thought (Denken) is transformed into a representation and an opinion (
Vorstellen und Meinen) that can be practiced by anyone. By contrast only one thi
ng is needed: knowledge (Wissen) of the inevitable multiplicity of essentially d
ifferent ways in which they must act to overcome history of Communism (geschitli
che Überwindung des Kommunismus). The most tenacious and stubborn impediment to
generate this kind of knowledge is misconceived and nameless expectation of an i
mminent return to conditions pre-communist bourgeois. This expectation is fed co
ntinuously from seductive erroneous view that the "public" (Öffentliche) appears
as the only real, while it is only the shadow (Schatten), which is necessary an
d beyond which can not be skipped, But back to the story that unfolds its essenc
e as History of Being (Geschichte des Seyns). It is not an escape from the subst
ance of political reality in the "spiritual" (geistig), but rather that the poli
tical thinking in the foundation (Grund) of its unlimited power reaches essence
of the regions in which the "spirit" as the domain of metaphysics (Herrschaftfor
m der Metaphysik) and becomes overcome by itself. And only where reigns the "spi
rit" is effective as a picture that is in front and ahead of the opinion (Meinun
g) of the roots of the spiritual in the "bodily" (Leiblichen) and acquires its o
wn account, comprehensibility and the possible validity of an ideological profes
sion of faith (Glaubensbekenntnisses). However, the "communism" (Kommunismus) is
not merely a state form (bloße Staatsform), or only one type of political world
view (Weltanschauung politischen), but the metaphysical constitution (Verfassung
metaphysische) in which modern humanity (Neuzeit Menschentum) not only ends and
meets the Modern (Neuzeit), but begins its final phase. Accustomed to run this
"life" (Leben) in the search for recognized activities (welfare, and promotion o
f Culture) and covered by the mantle
protection of a salvation which is thought ("Eternal Happiness"), the man, now i
n the security that comes slowly and appears as a time become bankrupt and witho
ut foundation, falls into a confusion pendulum that allows either party try sear
ching with my eyes on the "Purpose" (Ziel) that must be overcome at this time an
d must rush to self-identity, when growing the skills and the pleasure of bodily
life really is not maintained but the unconditioned extension of these "Purpose
" (Ziel) to the entire human body (Menschenmasse) pleased and healthy, cultured,
industrialized, technocratic, continually re-announces the increase of these vi
tal interests, when the European peoples but in their wills are unable to avert
war€either the claim of "interest" (interest) owned or exclusively for some time
to ensure the achievement of the satisfaction of these "interests", or now forc
ed achieving necessarily pressing on the essence of interest, with the correspon
ding War Mass (Massenkrieges), arranged in the unconditioned, and all confirm th
at everywhere in modern humans is in the now, that is the metaphysically given E
nte (metaphysisich bestimmte Seiendes). The worsening confusion in the Ente (Sei
endes) can not grasp what's next, the fact that the flight of the Self (Seyn) de
termines the History (Geschichte) in its essence (Wesen). This opens the way for
a state, ensuring full and complete life cycle of interest, but it makes it gro
w in the inconceivable state of uncertainty of a decision (Entscheidung). The th
reat of a human being from that which is the domain of an unconditioned own safe
handling of all measures of protection and defense, the threat is presaged inex
orably while rejecting his appearance (Schein) contains the notice of what the m
odern man, which calculates and govern until the end of metaphysics, can not eve
r be able to learn. This is never available, not because she is too far beyond t
heir usual areas, but because the ad is so close (nahe) that the man who thinks
in the safety (sicherung) should already have continually missed this proximity
to hidden essence (verborgenen Wessen) ... The "communism" (Kommunismus) is the
metaphysical constitution of the People (metaphysische Verfassung der Völker) in
the final stage of completion of Modernity (Neuzeit), which is given and the fa
ct that in the beginning Modernity itself must put its essence, although it does
so hidden, in power (Macht). From a policy perspective this happens in the hist
ory of modernity in the English state (englisch Staaten). This state, thought ab
out its essence apart from existing forms of government, social or religious bel
ief, is the same thing (dasselbe) that the state (Staat) in the Union of Soviet
Republics (Sowjetrepubliken), with only a huge difference in the appearance of c
ounterfeit morality and education of people who make everything safe and unneces
sary show of force, while Consciousness "modern" (neuzeitliche Bewusstsein) with
more security needs, although no claim of Happiness Pueblo (Völkerbeglückung),
is masked itself in the very essence of power. The bourgeois-Christian form of "
Bolshevism" English (bürgerlich-christliche englische Form des "Bolschewismus")
is the most dangerous. Without their annihilation (Vernichtung) Modernity contin
ue maintained. (NB: or at least delayed its completion). "(Translation: Nicolás
González Varela) (The translated text of the home pages 199-211 of the 1998 Germ
an edition, Die Geschichte des Seyns 69. 1. Seyns Die Geschichte des (1938-1940)
/ 2. koinon. Aus der Geschichte des Seyns (1939), edited by P. Trawny, 1998, XI
I, 230p, Vittorio Klostermann, Frankfurt am Main.)