Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
28:45578
Copyright 1999 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved
Key Words: social theory and ethnography, science institutions, film and
cyberspace, reconstruction after social trauma
CONTENTS
Introduction: Challenges for Theory and Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 456
Three Arenas of Focus in Late or Post-Modern Socio-Cultural Formations . . . . 457
Ethnographic Challenges Posed by These Three Arenas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 458
Metanarratives: Social Theory for Late or Postmodernities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 458
Three Arenas in Late or Postmodern Socio-Cultural Formations . . . . . . . . . 459
0084-6570/99/1015-0455$12.00 455
456 FISCHER
nas of life (law, the sciences, political economy, computer technologies, etc) that
traditional concepts and ways of doing things no longer work, that life is outrun-
by HARVARD UNIVERSITY on 09/21/10. For personal use only.
ning the pedagogies in which we have been trained. The social theoretic heuristic
is that complex societies, including the globalized regimes under which late and
post-modernities operate, are always compromise formations amongin Ray-
mond Williams salutary formulationemergent, dominant, and fading histori-
cal horizons. The philosophical stance toward ethics is that giving grounds for
belief comes to an end somewhere and that the end is not an ungrounded pre-
supposition; it is an ungrounded way of acting (Wittgenstein 1969:17e) or a
form of life, a sociality of action, that always contains within it ethical dilem-
mas or, in the idiom of Emmanuel Levinas, the face of the other.
Take, for example, the university. Universitieswhere much, if neither all nor
even most, anthropology is written and debatedare being set adrift from their
past modernist moorings in cultural projects of maintaining their respective
nation-states. Instead, it is argued they are becoming transnational bureaucratic
corporations regulated under administrative metrics of excellence and produc-
tivity (Readings 1996). The late Bill Readings argues further that feminism and
race/ethnic scholarship, symptomatically, are targets of so much rancor and moral
fervor precisely because they remind so forcefully, through the fact that bodies
are differentially marked, that it is no longer possible for universities to create
unmarked, universalistic, subjects of reason, culture, and republican politics in
the metonymic way envisioned by JG Fichte and Wilhelm von Humboldt, the
architects of the modern university in Berlin. Similarly, Readings argues, teach-
ing attracts much current rancor because of the simple contradiction between the
time it takes to teach and an administrative logic that privileges the efficient
[measurable] transmission of information.... The transgressive force of teaching
doesnt lie so much in matters of content as in the way pedagogy can hold open
the temporality of questioning (Readings 1996:19). Readings argues that
although the modernist ideal of the university as a model rational community, a
pure public sphere, still exerts power on the imagination, the university is becom-
ing, and should be celebrated as, rather a place where the impossibility of such
models can be thoughtpractically thought, rather than thought under ideal con-
ditions...one site among others where the question of being-together is raised,
raised with an urgency... (Readings 1996:20).
EMERGENT FORMS OF LIFE 457
inegalitarian stratification (Harvey 1989, Jameson 1991). Others stress the mas-
sive demographic shifts resulting from decolonization and ideological warfare
that are challenging the homogenizing efforts of nation-states into more heteroge-
neous cultural formations (Lyotard 1979/1984, 1983/1988). In Western Europe
these are most tensely formulated through immigration politics; in the United
States they get coded as multiculturalism. Still other theorists stress the informa-
tion technology revolution that not only brings diverse parts of the world into
daily contact with each other but constitutes an intensification of postliterate,
more mathematical, and graphic styles of generating, monitoring, and absorbing
knowledge: Simulations and modeling replace direct experiential modes of
knowing, a process with deep roots in the modernist experimental sciences (Ben-
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jamin 1968; Deleuze 1983, 1985; Deleuze & Guattari 1987; Poster 1990; Baudril-
lard 1994; Ronell 1994; Emmeche 1994; MacKenzie 1996; Galison 1997). Other
theorists stress the production of ecological hazards and risks by industrial capi-
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talism, which necessitates a new political dynamic and cultural logic. These in
turn lead to systemic contradictions and pressures for reversal of centralizing con-
trol, as well as toward increased democratic participation by diverse agents in the
complex division of knowledge and labor in what, during earlier phases of moder-
nity, were nonpoliticized areas of business decision-making and private entrepre-
neurship. That is, they lead toward a new reflexive modernization that emerges
out of the contradictions of industrial society in a manner parallel to the way capi-
talism emerged out of the contradictions of feudal society (Beck 1986/1992,
1991/1995; Giddens 1990, 1991; Lash & Urry 1994). Moreover, modernity can
no longer be spoken of as a singular (see below).
The Sciences as Social and Cultural Institutions Although science and tech-
nology have been central to social theory in a general way from the industrial
revolution on (viz. Smith 1776; Malthus 1803; Marx 1928, 1971; Weber 1968;
Merton 1938, 1973), it is only within the past two decades that ethnographic at-
tention has been turned to the sites of production of scientific research and tech-
noscientific commodities.
Precursors The one arena that anthropology has long paid attention to is that of
medical settings, although usually primarily to health-care seeking by patients, to
patient-doctor co-construction of illness and therapy, or to ethnosemantics of tra-
ditional materia medica rather than to the biosciences and biotechnologies proper.
A second precursor to recent science studies is the concerns about comparative ra-
tionalities and the ways in which systems of belief, including science, can be pro-
tected from falsification (Fleck 1935, Evans-Pritchard 1937, Kuhn 1962). A third
precursor is the sociology of science studies of the 1980s (e.g. Latour & Wool-
460 FISCHER
gar 1979, Barnes et al 1996), but these took as their primary interlocutors philoso-
phers of science rather than either science institutions in society or the cultural
ramifications of science in general culture (for examples of the latter directions,
see e.g. Forman 1971, Galison 1997, Hayles 1990).
The current anthropologies and ethnographies of science, technology, and
society might be grouped loosely under three rubrics: (a) the comparative work of
analyzing the different forms of social organization of science research settings
from the beginning of the scientific revolution to the present, and across differ-
ent fields of the physical, biological, and other sciences and science-based tech-
nologies or technosciences, with attention to how these different ways of
reorganizing both nature and social teamwork have connections and implications
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for wider society and culture and especially to the diversity of such settings in the
latter half of the twentieth century; (b) the historical structural transformations of
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of passage (the laboratory), and how Pasteur was able to harness or enroll the
hygenics movement and make the bacteriological laboratory succeed to its posi-
tion of authority. Both Latour (1988) and Giesen (1995) have analyzed how
Pasteur staged public demonstrations and deflected challenges from other
experimenters. More recent studies have mapped how the Pasteur Institutes
around the world were central components of the French empire, down to the
way in which they set up plantation and quasi-industrial processing organizations
to support their work. Latours Science in Action (1987) dissects how scien-
tists construct their various literary accounts (e.g. scientific papers) and how
rhetoric and citational strategies are used. His account (Latour 1996) of the effort
to build a utopian intelligent transportation system in Paris draws attention to
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changing sets of supporters and their differing imaginaries as well as upon techni-
cal trade-offs.
The account by Biagioli (1993) of Galileos climb from low-status mathemati-
cian to high-status court philosopher under three different political regimes
(Venetian republic, Florentine princely court, and Roman academies) builds
explicitly upon the logics of gift exchange and the economy of honor as an exer-
cise in power (classically articulated by Mauss 1925), as well as upon Eliass
(1982) excavation of the civilizing process of changing etiquette systems. The
account by Hart (1997) of Chinese translators of Euclid looks to similar manipu-
lations of the court and mandarin system. Newmans (1994) account of the most
widely read American scientist before Benjamin Franklinthe Bermuda-born,
Harvard-educated, leading alchemist and Helmontian medical practitioner Eire-
naeus Philalethes (born George Starkey), patronized by Boyleexplores the ten-
sion between the open exchange of information needed for scientific legitimation
and the secrecy needed to protect pharmacological recipes, a situation not unlike
the tension in todays patent regimes for molecular biology research funded by
venture capital or pharmaceutical firms. Newman describes a transition social
formation between courtier science, seventeenth century academies, and eigh-
teenth century salons [often organized in Paris by intellectual women, where aca-
demicians could gain the polish needed to acquit themselves before the royal
court (Biagioli 1994)] and the gentlemanly experimenter sciences of Boyle and
the Royal Society, which is popularly taken as a direct ancestor to modern experi-
mental science institutions.
In work on science in the twentieth century, the borrowings back and forth
between anthropology and history have continued. Ethnographers and historians
have been working on physics (Traweek 1988, Galison 1997, Knorr-Cetina
1999), on the biological sciences (Cambrosio & Keating 1995; Fleck 1935;
Fujimura 1996; Kay 1993; Keller 1995; Kohler 1994; Knorr-Cetina 1999; Loewy
1996; Martin 1987, 1994; Rabinow 1995; Rheinberger 1997; Rapp 1993, 1997),
on material sciences (Nowotny & Felt 1997), on engineering (Bucciarelli 1994,
Downey 1998, Henderson 1998, Kidder 1981, Latour 1996), on nuclear weapons
designers (Broad 1985, 1992; Gusterson 1996), on imaging instruments (Cart-
462 FISCHER
chamber, to the relations between building instruments and the politics of the
World War II period in Germany, England, and the United States (e.g. the devel-
opment of radiation physics using film technologies held as secret patented mate-
rials by private firms), to the transformation to truly large-scale, government-
funded science after the Manhattan Project. The struggle between strategies of
seeking a golden event image of a hypothesized process and seeking statistical
confirmation (image versus logic traditions in physics) allowed Galison (1997)
also to develop a notion of communication among subfields of physics and engi-
neering that utilizeborrowing from anthropologycreoles and pidjin lan-
guages in contact zones; some of these creoles are material instruments and
practices rather than language. He thereby refines the problematic Kuhnian ideas
about paradigm shifts in science, allowing for observed ways that theory, instru-
mentation, and practices shift at different rates rather than as unified blocks (in
which paradigm shifts would generate incommensurable Gestalt shifts)
(Galison 1997).
Knorr-Cetina (1999) describes how the world view generated in the large high-
energy physics organizational forms contrasts sharply with that of molecular biol-
ogy. It is not only the natural world that is reconfigured in the laboratory, but also
the social. The large organizations of physics experiments are like superorgan-
isms, enforcing collaborative consensus, distributing credit among hundreds of
authors, and engaged in a semiological struggle of self-knowledge to separate
noise from informationalmost a loss of the empirical in an alternative
reality of signs and simulations (Knorr-Cetina 1999). In contrast, the small-
team, bench-work molecular biology laboratory organizations are individualistic,
conflict-competitive arenas, dependent on enhanced tacit skills inscribed in the
body acquired in interaction with blind variation and natural selection of biologi-
cal materialsa kind of experience accumulation by the body that is different
from the cognitive knowledge of the mind.
Ethnographic accounts of the contemporary life sciences and biotechnologies
engage with the changing relations of state, academia, and market in a fashion as
dramatic as the earlier transformations of physics and engineering from dealing
EMERGENT FORMS OF LIFE 463
with the national security state. Rabinows (1995) work on Cetus Corporation and
the making of polymerase chain reaction (PCR), a now-ubiquitous tool in
molecular biology, is a historically and strategically placed ethnography allowing
a perspective on a number of dimensions of the changing social organization of
biological research: (a) the shift in funding from philanthropic foundations such
as the Rockefeller Foundation in the preWorld War II period, to government
funding (National Institutes of Health, Defense Department) in the post-war peri-
od, to venture capital and alliances with large pharmaceutical companies in the
1980s and 1990s; (b) the shift in patenting laws to allow the patenting of life
forms, and the resultant increasing secrecy of research or closely monitored cross-
licensing agreements attendant to the market (never publish before you patent);
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which cultural meanings often arise, (c) paying attention to the competition of
strategies regarding representation, (d) giving respect to the voices of scientists
and technicians (as well as patients, insurance logics, and community-grounded
activists and politicians), and (e) paying attention to the inner lives of scientists
and technicians (not reducing them to functionaries of the sciences).
After the changes in society and our cultural conceptions of ourselves wrought
by physics (relativity theory, the Manhattan Project and security state notions
about hardball politics, space exploration with its Star Trek romance, and new
spin-offs of materials science, along with the persistent public questioning about
lost opportunities for better or alternative spending of funds and the social values
implied by these decisions) and biology (Green Revolutions, genetically engi-
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longer work (Beck 1986/1992), and where governments and corporations, there-
fore, take on new, not always salutary, modes of behavior (Reich 1991, Fortun
1999, Wildavsky 1995, Graham & Hartwell 1997).
Cultural Readings of Technology Given the attention that anthropology nor-
mally lavishes on the meaning structures of the objects, institutions, and symbolic
systems of the societies it studies, it is curious how understudied by anthropolo-
gists the technoscientific worlds of the twentieth century have been. Arguably
one of the most important transformations over the course of the twentieth cen-
tury in cultural thought about technology has been from class-inflected politics
over technological determinism (Karl Marx, Martin Heidegger, Theodor
Adorno), to the mid-century technocratic systems-theoretic framework for con-
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1999c), and on new informatic databases that allow the deployment of bio-
power regulating both individual biologies and the social regulation of popu-
lations. This last has become a rich field of ethnographic investigations, under
the rubrics both of the new reproductive technologies (Strathern 1992, Frank-
lin 1997, Clarke 1998, Davis-Floyd & Dumit 1998) and of the anthropology
of biotechnology and molecular sciences (Rabinow 1995, Fujimura 1996).
3. In the third moment, with literary critics and philosophers (Taussig 1992,
1993; Ivy 1995; Turkle 1984, 1995; Ronell 1989, 1994; Kittler 1990; De-
leuze & Guattari 1987; Guattari 1995; Weber 1996). Cultural readings of
technology in the third modality or moment are among the most innovative
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ized or even written out of histories of science and thereby helps us to appreciate
the multiplex technoscientific worlds we inhabit. For instance, the Victorian fas-
cination with volcanoes, thunderstorms, and other dramas of nature is put
together with the beginnings of modern instrumentation for modern particle phys-
ics, a story that involves as well the role of photographic film companies.
Ronell (1989) reinscribes into the histories of the telephone (a) fantasies and
desires invested in new technologies, in this case desires to speak to the dead and
the spiritualist circles in which Alexander Graham Bell and Thomas Watson, his
assistant, participated; (b) anxieties and pedagogies surrounding prostheses,
stemming from work by Bells father with the deaf and dumb, but also drawing on
the widespread hesitations surrounding the use of telephones; (c) differences
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between what entrepreneurs envisioned for new technologies (business use only)
and their actual uses (everyday communication); and (d) differences between the
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ogy, the global present is just as rich a scene to explore the idea of alternative
modernities (See Starting Over).
vital systems, and generating rich, new, humorous, fertile, and mind-shaping
metaphors (Raymond 1993, Bukatamen 1993) for dealing with culture, society,
and personhood, reality and simulation, identity and multiplicity. In every practi-
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our financial futures, restructuring our work lives and stratification systems,
building new decentralized bureaucratic surveillance and security systems, pro-
viding scientific and pragmatic knowledge beyond ordinary perception, and
keeping us distracted and suspended in complex temporal loops of partial knowl-
edge, interactions, and circulating debts that merge and interact beyond individ-
ual responsibilities and control. We cannot afford to abandon responsibility, and
therefore we must build new social forms of reflexive modernization that can
make such systemic complexity and interactivity accountable. Hence the turn in
much contemporary philosophy to questions of ethics within our new social pros-
theses of communication. Says Derrida: For philosophical or political reasons,
this problem of communicating and receivability, in its new techno-economic
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givens is more serious than ever for everyone; one can live it only with malaise,
contradiction, and compromise (Derrida 1992/1995:116).
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Among the important makers of these alternative modernities are the tremen-
dous disruptions of the second half of the twentieth century: World War II, the
struggles for decolonization, the collapse of the Soviet empire and its command
economies, civil wars in Africa and Cambodia, and the disappeared in Argen-
tina. On the level of social theory, the old debates between whether it was more
important to theorize social change or social control (Cohen 1968, Parsons
1937) and the modernization debates about new nation building seem dated
(Geertz 1963b). One can see in the writings of anthropologists working in socie-
ties like Zimbabwe, Congo, Argentina, Ireland, and Cambodia a recent break in
the ability to write about such traditional topics as religion as if they were a stable
source of values and social integration. Werbners (1991) and Honwanas (1996)
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with new modalities of killing that cannot be publicly acknowledged and Daniels
(1996) accounts of the psychodynamic inability to recall to memory the witness-
ing of the torture of kin and friends in Sri Lanka. Relations of fieldwork change
(Nordstrom & Robben 1995), but analyzing the challenges for social reconstruc-
tion remains beyond that of witnessing (Werbner 1998, Malkki 1995, Marcus
1993, Tambiah 1996). Nor are such complicities, and challenges, only to be found
in places torn by war and murderous repression.
Indeed, one might argue that the struggles over toxics and environmental
issuesnow indelibly symbolized by such names as Love Canal, Bhopal, Cherno-
byl, Minamataare among the sites where the issues of long-term social reorgani-
zation are most exposed: to public view by various sorts of social movements and
journalistic attention, to financial pressure on corporations and governments from
legal and economic imperatives, to expanding populist ideologies and interna-
tional treaties of rights to health and environmental justice. The chemical industries
are a focus of attention that raises the issues of doing multi-sited ethnographies in
an industry that is worldwide and thinks nothing of shifting production or import-
ing workers or recalculating risks from place to place; of the doubleness of tech-
noscientific worlds, creating the necessities for contemporary life as well as the
risks and vulnerabilities; of the ways in which technoscientific worlds draw in
multiple worlds of expertise (medicine, law, economics, politics, engineering); of
ways in which the sensorium and health are dependent on uncertain knowledge
and moral trust in others. The biotechnology industrieswith genetically engi-
neered crops and livestockare a second such focus, not merely for panics over
mad-cow disease but, in India, for the way in which the Green Revolution pushed
people into cities like Bhopal, transforming the social and political social rela-
tions of a country that is still too often dealt with in Area Studies programs and
news programs as merely a modernizing agrarian, religious, caste-ridden one. Not
far behind are the information technologies more generally, which increasingly
provide the infrastructures of life to which not all have equal access.
The broad arena of reconstruction of society after social trauma seems to be
among the most important of challenges for anthropology and social science gen-
472 FISCHER
erally. It challenges old area studies frameworks, as well as old-style social the-
ory, and requires restudies of canonic anthropological societies, to provide a
sense of the transformations of the past century, as well as new ways of doing
fieldwork, engaging colleagues and interlocutors in new relationships, and per-
haps even generating new kinds of filmic and writing products, including the abil-
ity to deal with trauma itself as culturally psychodynamic. [A generation of
anthropologists in South Asia and elsewhere (Tambiah 1992, 1996; Kleinman et
al 1997; Das 1990, 1995; Farmer 1992; Werbner 1991, 1998) has been forced to
come to grips with what often emerges as a break and challenge to the kinds of
studies with which they began their careers.] Here, the sometimes more esoteric
literary and philosophical writers of the post-Holocaust and post-Algerian experi-
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CONCLUSIONS
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