45
Cartographic Characteristics of Current
Christian Pilgrimage Maps of The Holy Land
NOGA COLLINS-KREINER
University of Haifa / Israel
Abstract This article investigates some aspects of the
cartography of current Christian pilgrimage maps of the
Holy Land, using the research method of cartographic
content analysis. It was found that uniform characteristics
occur in the cartographic representations of Christian
pilgrimage to the Holy Land. The maps are designed to
convey a Christian-religious message, are politically and
religiously biased, and lead to misinformation and misin-
terpretation.
Another conclusion is that a complex continuum can
be derived in which the features that characterize the
maps secularism and tourism as opposed to devout-
ness, holiness and pilgrimage can be rated. This is im-
portant because it allows us to classify and to analyze the
maps for practical purposes on the basis of their position
on the continuum.
Pilgrimage maps were found to have a special carto-
graphic status because of their subjective nature and their
attempt to combine a contemporary reality with a tradi-
tion of maps of the ancient Holy Land. After the recogni-
tion of the biases in the maps, they should be examined
for their practical implications: the influence of the dif-
ferent messages on Israels ability to attract various
groups of pilgrims.
Introduction
T
HE purpose of this study of recent maps produced
for Christian pilgrimage to the Holy Land is to de-
scribe, characterize, and analyze their cartograph-
ic characteristics so as to identify cryptic messages.
Pilgrimage has been defined as a religious journey to a
holy site for spiritual understanding (Barber 1993). More
than half a million Christian pilgrims visit the Holy Land
annually, representing about one quarter of all tourists
who come to Israel. The number has increased each year
and may be expected to rise further. Pilgrimage travel has
a unique system of management and information to serve
Noga Collins-Kreiner is a Ph.D. student and a lecturer in the Depart-
ment of Geography, University of Haifa, Haifa 31905, Israel.
rsge203@geo.haifa.ac.il
Revised manuscript received August 1997.
CARTOGRAPHICA, VOLUME 34, # 4, WINTER 1997
a specific sector of tourists with special requirements and
demands. The pilgrimage maps that are the focus of this
research form an important part of the information pro-
vided to pilgrims.
Maps have always been designed for specific purposes.
In that sense, each map distorts reality in one way or an-
other. Researchers such as Wood (1992) claim that maps
work by serving interests and that Every map shows
this but not that. In each thematic map there will be a
certain degree of distortion. Each map tends to concen-
trate on its own theme and ignore information that is not
part of the maps subject matter (Dent 1993; Robinson,
Morrison, Muehrcke, Kimerling, and Guptill 1995). In
the cartographic communication system the real world is
the source, but the channel that conveys the message is al-
ways the cartographers perception (Board 1967). More-
over, there are maps that are produced to communicate
a particular message (MacEachren 1995).
Today, cultural and social cartography (Rundstrom
1993, iviii) interprets maps and mapping in terms of the
specific meaning the objects and practices involved have
for individuals and, conversely, the ways in which people,
individually or in large numbers, invest symbolic mean-
ing in the cartography they produce (Rundstrom 1993;
Orlove 1993). Harley (1989; 1992) was one of the first to
claim that maps are something more than measured
facts. He states that maps are not passive but display polit-
ical inspiration, social structures, power and policy, and
that their hidden messages should be discovered.
Only recently have some maps been investigated as
propaganda maps intended to transmit specific messages.
An extreme example is the highly tendentious cartogra-
phy produced for Hitler. Propaganda maps are widely em-
ployed by a disparate array of organizations and causes to
sponsor products and ideas. Researchers rightly suggest
that persuasive maps are common in everyday life. Politi-
cal parties include maps in campaign literature to try to
sway voters. In Israel, for example, presentation of the
states boundaries played an important part in the propa-
ganda maps of the major parties in the 1996 elections.
Researchers of misleading cartography include Burnett
(1985), who deals with disinformation in maps, Monmo-
nier (1991), who examines how maps are used to distort
46 NOGA COLLINS-KREINER
truth, Woods, with his controversial book (1992) on the
subject of the power of cartographers to mislead, and
Newman (1991), who deals with cartographic aspects of
wars. In Pictorial maps, Holmes (1991) presents more than
a hundred different kinds of maps, shows what their mes-
sages are, and demonstrates how they are conveyed. Ager
asserts that maps like most other means of communica-
tion can be deceptive, and in the hands of skilled manip-
ulators they become subversive propaganda weapons. All
this, of course, leaves undefined the question of what is
and what is not a propaganda map. Does any map really
tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth?
(Burnett 1985, 1).
Although some cartographers try to convey spatial in-
formation accurately and neutrally and others set out
deliberately to lead or mislead, the use to which a map
is put is a key factor in deciding if it should be classified
as propaganda. There is a continuum from the purely
objective expository maps, in which the cartographer at-
tempts to portray geographical patterns truthfully, to
the purely persuasive or propagandist maps, where in-
formation is manipulated to prove a point. (Tyner
1982) But what is truth?, How can the reader know
whether the map is biased or not?, How can we measure
objectivity versus subjectivity in maps? By what criteria
can we assess the degree of distortion and bias? These
are some of the questions with which this article tries to
deal.
Godlewskas research (1995)on the Decription De
Legypte claims that the map reveals more about the
source of the map (France) than its subject (Egypt),
that maps reflect ideology, dominance, and fantasy, that
such interpretation of reality is systematic and part of a
broader system. These interpretations present not only
the world that they are interested to show but also the
system and order from which they emerge, and especial-
ly, ideological aspects of this order (Godlewska 1995).
The techniques used in maps that set out to persuade
are well known. They include choice of map projection
and scale, the selection and omission of data, the use of
certain symbols and colours, and the message incorpo-
rated in the title and accompanying caption (Monmoni-
er and Schnell 1988; Monmonier 1991).
Following Monmonier and Schnell, (1988) and Mon-
monier, (1991), we advance the following categories for
use in the present study:
Political distortion To support propaganda, politics and
governmental needs: for example, in maps about the
Israeli-Arab conflict (Newman 1991) and those deal-
ing with the Cold War (Burnett 1985).
Advertising distortion For commercial needs: for exam-
ple, in maps published by airline companies (Flem-
ing 1984).
Development distortion For zoning, environmental pro-
tection, and development (Monmonier 1991).
Data distortion Factual information ranging from exist-
ence of settlements to their size, extent, and impor-
tance, to the ways in which statistical information is
portrayed.
Distortion for defence purposes In maps that deal with se-
cure cartographic databases: for example, features
not shown, places shown out of position.
Most researchers now claim that a map is a text intend-
ed to convey meaning. We must ask: what are the ideas
that the map aims to get across? (Barnes and Duncan
1992). Researchers such as Pickles (1992) and Harley
(1989; 1992) worked to develop methods of interpreta-
tion. This study will try to point out the assumptions and
messages that pilgrims maps of Israel try to convey and
their purposes in doing so.
Methodology
The research is based on the assumption that carto-
graphic elements of some maps are deliberately manip-
ulated to make some of their characteristics more
persuasive.
The maps analyzed in this paper were specifically de-
signed for pilgrims. That is either stated on the maps
themselves or claimed by the publishers, or has been
supposed on the basis that they are located in churches,
shops, and sacred sites, all of which are recognized pil-
grims destinations. Twenty-one maps were collected
from all over Israel: at sites visited by pilgrims and tour-
ists, at information desks such as that of the Christian
Tourist Information Office in Jerusalem, at the Govern-
ment Tourist Office, at hotels, inns, souvenir shops,
book shops, and churches, and from the map publish-
ers. All the maps were produced in Israel between 1984
and 1994, and more important all of them were
readily available as of 1995. It should also be noted that
all are presented as modern maps of the Holy Land, and
not as historical documents.
The research method used in this study is content
analysis, which falls between personal-social methods
and physical-quantitative methods. This method, which
usually deals with analysis of text by comparing and an-
alyzing the elements quantitatively (for example, Mc-
Clelland 1961), has been adapted to an analysis of maps.
Twenty-three main characteristics of the maps were
recognized, defined, and grouped into three main cate-
gories, relying on the literature (Monmonier 1991), and
analyzed both quantitatively and qualitatively. The cate-
gories (shown in Table 1) are:
Holy Religious characteristics that do not appear on
most maps
Secular Political, tourist and informative details of eve-
ryday life
Graphiccartographic Elements of standard cartograph-
ic mapping, such as legends, borders, and scales
Although every effort was made to be objective, the
amount of distortion in each map was evaluated subjec-
tively according to the writers experience. One of the
conclusions reached is that more than one judge is
needed to evaluate such maps.
 CARTOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF CURRENT CHRISTIAN PILGRIMAGE MAPS OF THE HOLY LAND 47

Each element was quantified according to its pres-
ence or absence on the map and its degree of distortion
(rated on a scale of 1 to 10). Even an absent element
(for instance, political borders) could receive a rating of
10 in the quantitative analysis because of the distortion
caused by its omission. The assessments were analyzed
statistically (Table 2).
Following Monmonier and Schnell (1988) and Mon-
monier (1991), the research will divide the distortions
in the maps according to the following categories:
Political distortion
Historical and topographic distortion
Religious distortion
POLITICAL DISTORTION
Political bias was detected in most of the maps. There
are several different methods used to blur the issues that
arise from the problematic political situation in the re-
gion especially restrictions on travel, the occupation
of territories (Gaza, West Bank) by Israel, and the ques-
tions of ownership and Jewish control of the Christian
Holy sites. These approaches can be classified as:
Omission of information, symbols, and elements
Partial provision of information, symbols, and ele-
ments.
Incorrect application of information, symbols, and
elements.
Only half of the maps show the borders that exist in
the region today. In the others, the Holy Land is pre-
sented as a borderless unity encompassing Israel, Jor-
dan, Lebanon, and Syria seen as a whole in the eye of
God, as it were. There are degrees of distortion of the
political element:
Borders marked informatively both on the map and
in the legend.
Borders marked on the map but not mentioned in
the legend (only recognizable as such to those famil-
iar with the borders)
Borders not marked but left as blank spaces, as if to
hint at the limits of the territory
Unmarked borders on maps that show elements such
as railways and roads as if there are no obstacles to
free passage (Access to Syria and Lebanon is in fact
non-existent.)
A very surprising distortion is the omission of the
boundaries and labelling of the modern State of Israel
surprising since all the maps were produced there.
Half of the maps ignore various political elements such
as cease-fire lines and border-crossing points. Though
they omit textual and symbolic information of a political
nature, they are packed with religious symbols and in-
formation. Though their primary purpose is to depict
the Christian heritage for Christian pilgrims, the maps
are of the land of Israel and pretend to show its present-
day reality, not its history. Thus we could expect basic
and essential details to be shown accurately. Neverthe-
less, the maps show names and territories that have no
legal existence at present.
The degree of political distortion of a map is shown
by its location on the continuum between holiness and
secularity. For example, a map which avoids political is-
sues would be closer to the Holy edge of the continuum
and will contain more sacred elements and fewer secu-
lar ones.
The effect of political distortion is to undermine aware-
ness of everyday problems such as security. Instead it stress-
es the holiness of the Holy Land and its complete identifi-
cation with Gods kingdom rather than with any present-
day secular entity. Such messages present a clean image of
the holy atmosphere that is expected in a Holy Land.

Secular Holy Graphic-Cartographic

Naming the State of Israel Map symbols: number and kind The name of the map

Marking political borders Pictures and paintings Colours used

Marking neighbouring states Proportion of all sites on the map Scale marking

Naming sites other than holy sites Marking routes and trips Appearance of the North arrow

The appearance of roads Clear distinctions between historical eras Interior subdivisions

The appearance of text and its type The period in which sites names were Use of a frame around the map
established

Main highlights and point of view Legend

Complexity: amount of detail and Topography

information

Typeface(s) used

Table 1 Main elements of map analysis

48 NOGA COLLINS-KREINER

Category Analysis Score

1 The maps title Non-objective title 10

2 The maps colours Topographic colours 1

3 Scale Marking There is no scale marking 10

4 The North arrow The North arrow does appear 1

5 Political borders Do not exist 10

6 Neighbouring states Do not exist 10

7 The maps frame A symbolic frame 10

8 Legend A partial and symbolic legend 10

9 Text and its type A lot of text and information 5

10 Map symbols: number and kind Special symbols of miniature historical figures 10

11 Pictures and paintings Paintings of the religious sites 10

12 Map proportions A disproportionate map: the religious sites are the biggest 5

13 Sites other than Holy sites Only a few non-religious sites appear 5

14 The appearance of roads Only a few roads appear 10

15 Topography Methods of illustrating topography 5

16 Specifically naming The State of Israel The name of Israel never appears 10

17 The interior subdivisions Do not exist 1

18 Main highlights and point of view Only historic and religious information exist 10

19 The complexity of the map Very complex because of its special symbols 10

20 Routes and trips Do not exist 1

21 Era of the sites names The sites names are all modern 1

22 Historic eras Only Jesus era is marked 10

23 The maps typeface Most of the typeface is standard 5

Total 160

Table 2 An example of a map score

HISTORICAL AND TOPOGRAPHIC DISTORTION shading it, or giving it an aerial perspective)

Topographic distortion favours the holiness of the area.
The cost is in biased information that partially or com-
pletely disregards topographic reality. This includes:
Partial representation of topographic elements (For
example, marking only features such as rivers or
mountains that are significant to Christians)
Painting topographic characters as they appear in an-
cient maps (For example, three-dimensional views of
mountains)
Manipulating topography (For example, spreading it,
Representing topography as it was in the time of Jesus,
though the map purports to present the situation to-
day and not in the past (For example, several maps
show the Hula Lake, though it no longer exists and
pilgrims do not journey to the site.)
Omitting quantitative elements in topography (For
example, contour lines and spot elevations)
Historical distortion includes:
Omitting the fact that a map shows a composite of
several historical eras and is not strictly tied to the
 CARTOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF CURRENT CHRISTIAN PILGRIMAGE MAPS OF THE HOLY LAND
modern era (For example, marking all the names of
a settlement over several eras, without differentiating
them or noting that some settlements, such as Beit-
Tsida, no longer exist)
Selective inscription of facts, sites, and other infor-
mation (For example, only sites that are connected
to the Christian religion)
All the maps reviewed seek to impart a religious mes-
sage. Also, the maps do not seek to convey objective in-
formation about several religions together, nor a broad
historical truth. They depict the era of Jesus and the sites
and places connected to him, and omit the eras and
events that are not part of Christian history.
The audience is led to believe that the history pre-
sented is that of the Holy Land, though other religions
would see it differently. Presenting only part of the his-
tory is like presenting part of the truth. Examining Jew-
ish and Moslem maps of the Holy Land would probably
present a contrasting situation.
RELIGIOUS DISTORTION
Religious distortion was found to be typical of the pil-
grimage maps because of their aim to pass on Christian
messages. The characteristics of the maps are:
Mapping and marking of Christian holy sites only,
and not in proportion to their actual present size and
importance
Marking Christian sites as historically important,
while omitting the fact that their importance is only
Christian
Giving details only of the era of Jesus, including the
roads, settlements, political units of those times, and
the Christian meaning of the era
Including mythological paintings within the map, es-
pecially those related to New Testament narratives,
in order to enhance suggestions of holiness and reli-
gious feeling
Provision of religious information (for example, reli-
gious quotations, names of holy figures and events,
religious journeys) while omitting information of any
other kind
Using symbols with a religious meaning, such as
crosses and angels
Using typography such as medieval black-letter and
italic text faces to lend the maps an ancient and reli-
gious feeling
Stating the maps religious purpose and intent (for
example, Dedicated to Bible students)
Enlarging and enhancing the sites and areas that are
most important to the Christian religion, thus giving
the impression that they are the biggest and most im-
portant sites in Israel today (in reality, some of the sa-
cred Christian sites are small, remote, and difficult of
access, and sometimes even neglected.)
The conclusion is that the religious message is the
only one in pilgrimage maps. The message is of the sa-
credness and uniqueness of the Holy Land as represent-
49
ing spirituality that overshadows any other geographic
and cartographic information. By combining the reli-
gious message with the political message, the maps give
Christian pilgrims a picture of the complete Holy Land
without any modern political overlay and without other
commentary which could diminish the image of holi-
ness.
Classification and Gradation of the Maps
From the comparison of the maps based on content
analysis, we can perceive what the maps and their pro-
ducers are interested in passing on. The pilgrimage
maps were found to be subjective and are meant to rein-
force religious and geographic-religious characteristics
by showing these alone and deleting all the other unim-
portant elements. The phenomena that appear in the
maps create a cartographic distortion that could be de-
fined as the gap between the standard topographic map
of Israel and the pilgrimage map of Israel.
The quantitative gradation of the maps was made ac-
cording to various elements. A comparison was made be-
tween the marks of the elements and the way each one
appeared on the map. For example, the way Jerusalem
was symbolized varied according to the idea a given map
wanted to impart: the more religious the map, the larger
Jerusalem appeared in size, the more pictures and cita-
tions were placed near it, and the more distinctive its col-
our. A final comparison was made according to the
scores assigned to the maps. From these evaluations, it
appears that the maps have much in common, and that
all have typical cartographic distortions, as described
earlier. The amount and size of the distortions differ
from map to map, according to the number of elements
that are distorted, in which ways they are distorted, and
to what extent.
The result was a gradation from the most informative
map, the closest one to the common topographic maps,
to the most distorted map with the largest amount of po-
litical, religious, topographic, and historic misinforma-
tion. The maps fall along the axes in a progression and
not in clusters, and each one is different from the other
in the amount of distortion it contains in the different
elements.
In contrast with the standard maps of Israel where
secular elements play the main role, the dominant role
for pilgrimage maps is the holy-elements category. The
cartographicgeographic elements group, which ap-
pears regularly and uniformly in standard maps, is
found disproportionately in pilgrimage maps, because
the holy group plays the main part in these maps. If car-
tographic elements do appear, it is in an unique order
of colours, size, and appearance. The more religious the
maps message, the stronger the presence of the holy
group. The more the map appears to be objective, in-
formative and accurate, the stronger is the clear mark-
ing of the secular and the geographic-cartographic
groups.
50 NOGA COLLINS-KREINER
Two maps (Figures 1 and 2, pages 51 and 52)1 demon-
strate opposite ends of the scale: the map with the
strongest message of sacredness, and the map with the
strongest tourist-informative message. (Table 2 shows
how the map representing the strongest sacredness mes-
sage of the Holy Land was evaluated).
Conclusions
The aim of this study was to investigate the cartographic
aspects of current Christian pilgrimage maps of the Holy
Land, and to use them as a tool to identify hidden or
cryptic messages. We are able to point out that these
maps, whose motive is to convey a unique Christian-reli-
gious message, transmit political and religious misinfor-
mation, at the expense of cartographic truth and
correct information usually conveyed by ordinary maps.
Geographers must relate to a map as sociologists refer
to a souvenir, as a symbolic unit, an object in the ideas, aesthetics, and unique messages are found, has
tourism industry that reveals socio-political influences
and interests. The maps should be read as a text which
purports to show something and conveys specific mes-
sages, exactly as the sociologist treats the art as a text
(Shenhav-Keller 1993) which reflects political and social
processes, interests, ideological forces and power rela-
tions.
All this implies that maps can be used as analytic tools
to understand processes and their meanings, acting as a
lens through which culture and society are viewed. At
the same time, they are also microcosms of that society.
These pilgrim maps undoubtedly constitute a text that
has meaning, and are intended to tell us something, as
researchers such as Barnes and Duncan, (1992) Pickles
(1992) and Harley (1989; 1992) claim. They could also
be seen as metaphors (Wood 1992), as used in Jacksons
Maps of Meaning (Jackson 1989).
A conclusion of this study is the existence of a contin-
uum on which the features that characterize the maps
can be rated. The range of the continuum is from sacred-
ness and pilgrimage to secularism and tourism. On one
hand are pictorial maps with messages of holiness and
devoutness, and, on the other, informative maps with
modern and touristic characteristics. Each map could be
rated on the scale according to its quantitative and qual-
itative rating. The continuum is important because it al-
lows us to classify and to analyze the maps for practical
purposes. Each map has its own message, point of view,
and elements. The messages are rated on the continuum
from those of religion and Christian ideology to those of
modern-day tourism and economic development.
It was also found that, because of the adherence of pil-
grimage maps to the religious world, they distort politi-
cal realities such as hostile borders and the fact that
1 Both maps lack contours. Lack of basic cartographic
elements is one way in which the pilgrims maps have been
found to differ from other maps.
Figure 1 (page 51) Map representing the strongest sacredness message of the Holy
Land. (Pilgrims Map of The Holy Land. 1989. Herzliya: Landface Co. Ltd.)
Figure 2 (page 52) Map representing the strongest secular (tourist-informative)
message of the Holy Land (Map of Northern Israel. 1987. Givaatayim: Amir
Publishing Co. Ltd.)
present-day Israel is a secular state. The distortion does
not simply depend on the map being selective. All the-
matic maps are selective, but the pilgrimage maps pre-
sented in this research are judged to be distorted, not be-
cause they lack precise topography, but because their
information has been manipulated in order to prove a
specific point (Tyner 1982).
In addition, there are constant characteristics in the
cartographic representations of Christian pilgrimage to
the Holy Land. Future research should analyze whether
a typical world type of Pilgrimage maps, in which specific
been established.
An effort is made in most of the maps to relate to an-
cient maps rather than to current maps of Israel. The
maps deliberately choose to ignore the difference be-
tween these two kinds of maps by presenting reality and
imagination side by side. Ancient cartographic methods,
which have been replaced by political, demographic,
and realistic mapping in the last few decades, appear to
have been reborn (Lewy 1994).
The research shows that not only is it easy to lie with
maps, its essential (Monmonier 1991, 1). A map must
distort reality in order to portray meaningful relation-
ships for a complex, three-dimensional world on a flat
sheet of paper. There is no escape from the carto-graph-
ic paradox: to present a useful and truthful picture, an
accurate map must tell white lies (Monmonier 1991).
Pilgrimage maps were found to have a special carto-
graphic status because of their subjective nature and
their attempt to combine a contemporary reality with
the tradition of maps of the ancient Holy Land. These
maps certainly belong to a subset of maps that are pro-
duced to communicate a particular predetermined mes-
sage. And though many researchers still prefer to use the
orthodox words in their vocabulary of cartography, such
as objective, scientific, and true, and neglect con-
cepts such as ideology, power and myth in maps
(Harley 1992), we should all recognize and admit the
fact that cultural and social cartography (Rundstrom
1993: viii) is an important and undivided part of cartog-
raphy.
Further Research
The map is used as the visiting card of the Holy Land
and, at the same time, as an elementary tool for pilgrims.
The pilgrimage maps play a large part in forming the pil-
grims mental maps of the Holy Land. Identifying the el-
ements and the messages of each map would help to
understand what influences the Mental Maps of the pil-
grims. This would be a worthwhile subject of follow-up
CARTOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF CURRENT CHRISTIAN PILGRIMAGE MAPS OF THE HOLY LAND 51
52 NOGA COLLINS-KREINER
 CARTOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF CURRENT CHRISTIAN PILGRIMAGE MAPS OF THE HOLY LAND
research, which might analyze how pilgrims exposed to
various maps adopt differing images of Israel today, from
religious, political, historical, tourist, and modern points
of view.
Practical implications that should be examined in-
clude the influence of the various messages on Israels
ability to attract different groups of pilgrims. Further re-
search could deal with all current maps of Israel, describ-
ing, characterizing, and analyzing the cartographic char-
acteristics of the maps and their effect and influence
upon the tourists. How is the product used? What do
tourists learn from these maps? Are different maps pro-
duced for religious tourism, pleasure tourism, business
tourism, etc.? Do the producers fit different messages and
misinformation to each kind of map? And what do the
producers of the maps want to say, and why? Other stud-
ies could compare Israeli pilgrimage maps to similar
maps from other parts of the world where pilgrimage is
practised.
Acknowledements
This article is based on an MA thesis, The Geography of Pil-
grimage, supervised by Professor N. Kliot of the Department of
Geography, Haifa University. I would like to thank Prof. Kliot
very much for her help with this research. I also value the com-
ments made by anonymous referees, which substantially im-
proved this article, and especially the considerable assistance
provided by the Editor. I would also like to thank Professor S.
Waterman of Haifa University and Dr. C. Board of the London
School of Economics, who commented on an earlier version of
the manuscript.
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Rsum Les caractristiques cartographiques des prsentes
cartes de plerinages chrtiens en Terre Sainte Cet article se
penche sur certains aspects cartographiques des prsentes car-
tes de plerinages chrtiens en Terre Sainte en utilisant la m-
thode de recherche cartographique base sur lanalyse du
contenu. On a identifi des caractristiques uniformes qui se
retrouvent dans les reprsentations cartographiques des ple-
rinages chrtiens en Terre Sainte. Ainsi, les cartes sont con-
ues pour vhiculer un message ax uniquement sur la
religion chrtienne, elles sont biaises sur les plans politiques
et religieux et entranent des erreurs dinformation et dinter-
prtation.
On conclut quil en dcoule un continuum complexe, o
lon peut ordonner les lments qui caractrisent les cartes. Ce auf Israels Fhigkeit, unterschiedliche Gruppen von Touristen
continuum est important parce quil nous permet de classifier
et danalyser les cartes selon leur position le long de ce conti-
nuum. Le continuum comprend la scularisation et le tourisme,
par opposition la dvotion, la saintet et le plerinage.
On a trouv que les cartes de plerinages possdaient un sta-
tut cartographique spcial cause de leur nature subjective et
de leur tentative de combiner une ralit contemporaine avec
une tradition de cartes de lancienne Terre Sainte. Linfluence
de ces messages diffrents revt des implications pratiques sur
les capacits dIsral dattirer divers groupes de plerins. On de-
vrait examiner ces implications aprs avoir reconnu les biais de
ces cartes.
Zusammenfassung. Kartographische Charakteristika heutiger
christlicher Wallfahrtskarten des Heiligen Landes. Der Arti-
kel behandelt einige Aspekte der Kartographie heutiger christ-
licher Wallfahrtskarten des Heiligen Landes unter Anwendung
der Forschungsmethode der kartographischen Inhaltsanalyse.
Wie sich herausgestellt hat, gibt es konstante Charakteristika in
den kartographischen Darstellungen der christlichen Wallfahrt
ins Heilige Land. Die Karten sollen eine speziell christlich-reli-
gis Botschaft vermitteln; sie haben eine politische und religi-
se Tendenz und fahren zu Miinformation und
Miinterpretation.
Weiterhin kann man ein komplexes Kontinuum ableiten, in
dem sich die Charakteristika der Karten anordnen lassen. Dies
Kontinuum ist wichtig, denn es erlaubt, Karten auf der Basis ih-
rer Position im Kontinuum zu klassifizieren und zu analysieren.
Es stellt Skularisiert und Tourismus in Gegensatz zu Andacht,
Heiligkeit und Wallfahrt.
Wallfahrtskarten haben, wie sich gezeigt hat, einen besonde-
ren kartographischen Status wegen ihrer subjektiven Natur
und wegen des Versuchs, in ihnen die gegenwrtige Realitt
mit einer Tradition von Karten des alten Heiligen Landes zu-
sammenzubringen. Nachdem man die Tendenz der Karten er-
kannt hat, sollte man ein praktisches Begleitproblem
untersuchen, nmlich den Einflu~ verschiedener Botschaften
anzuziehen.