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Chapter 9

A Question of Altitude

Kevin Lane and Jennifer Grant

2
Los lmites marginales de llamas y alpacas reflejan la marginalidad
a la que se ha sometido a las poblaciones que los pastorean.

Jorge Flores Ochoa (1980:65).

T he study of modern Andean pastoralism is a study

in marginality. Against the image of the poor yet
sustainable cordilleran peasant farmer (Doughty
and Doughty 1968; Mayer 2002; Wolf 1955), one has the oft-
reiterated image of the marginal puna herder (Flannery et
al. 1989; Flores Ochoa 1968; Kuznar 1995). Yet this herder
marginality is the result, on the one hand, of postconquest
European agro-centrism (Lane 2006b) and, on the other,
the consequences of over-exploitation, as well as
the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century decimation of
camelid herds due to mange plaguesknown as qarachi
in Quechua and sarna in Spanishbrought literally on the
backs of then-recently introduced European animals such
as sheep and goats (Wheeler 1995:286). The effects of these
mange plagues have been alluded to by Flannery and col-
leagues (1989) and described by Bonavia (2008); they have
been estimated by Flores Ochoa (1980) to have resulted in
up to a 90 percent reduction in the number of herd ani-
mals during the first century of contact. Consequently,
this reduction brought with it animal substitutionovi-
caprids in the place of camelidsand an implacable socio-
economic crisis among high-altitude camelid herders,
who experienced the almost complete disappearance of a
way of life under the twin pressures of a collapsing animal
and human population. Modern Andean camelid herders
are still living the effects of this ancient debacle (Bonavia
1996; Flores Ochoa 1980; Gade 1999).
The past though, offers a very different picture.
Sarmiento de Gamboa (1999 [1572]:49, 7475) in the six-
teenth century attests to the importance of the llama
especially the white-coated and sacredly significant
napato Inka hagiography and to their concepts of
wealth. While the various early administrative visitas at-
test to the vast numbers of camelids in the highlands
owned by the inhabitants of, for example, Huaylas,
Titicaca basin, Ayacucho, and Cajamarca (e.g., Espinoza
Soriano 1978; Murra 1968; Rostworowski and Remy 1985;
Stern 1993) among others. Brotherston (1989) also men-
tions that the first skill for which Inka mitimaes were se-
lected was herding.
Extrapolating from early ethnohistoric records back-
ward toward the Late Intermediate Period (10001450
CE) established the presence of two important groups in
the central to north-central highlands: the Huari or
Llactayoc farmers and the Llacuaz or Yaros herders
(Duviols 1973, 1986, 2003; Rostworowski 1988b). Often

139
140 Lane and Grant
these Huari-Llacuaz groups formed dual complementary
asymmetric herder-farmer ayllus or communities. The
herder Llacuazes, venerating the lightning deity Llibiac,
and documented from Junn up to the Piuran highlands
(Astuhuamn 2008; Parsons et al. 1997; Perales Mungua
2004; Vera Roca 2009), held economic and socialsome
documents even claim militarymastery over the agri-
cultural Huari (Gose 1993; Rostworowski 1988a). While
the true composition, or even identity, of these two
groups may never be satisfactorily known (see Lane
2010:185188 for a detailed discussion of this point), what
is readily apparent is the social and economic preemi-
nence of herders for the Late Intermediate Period; a pre-
eminence that is reflected further south by Titicaca basin
herders, the Aymara-speaking, Lupaqa groups (Graffam
1992; Murra 2002; Stanish 2001). Further back in time, for
the Middle Horizon Wari, scholars speculate on a mixed
maize-camelid economy underpinning this polity
(Finucane 2009; Finucane et al. 2006; Meddens 1989),
while Tiwanaku has long been associated with extensive
camelid exploitation (Kolata 1993, 1996; Lynch 1983). Even
further back the evidence is equally tantalizing
(Browman 1989; Mengoni Goalons 2008; Miller and
Burger 1995; Wheeler 1984). Indeed one could speculate
that it would be impossible to understand prehispanic
highland culture without understanding the pivotal role
pastoralism played in its development.
Reassessing the importance of herding in the past nec-
essarily calls into question many assumptions held about
the limits or constraints of prehispanic pastoralism.
Elsewhere we already described how technologically
savvy herder-farmer communities employed hydraulic
technology at the community level to maximize agropas-
toralist productivity in the Cordillera Negra of the north-
central Andean highlands, especially that of herding
(Lane 2006b, 2009).
Following from this, here we develop a point made
(Lane 2006b:504505) concerning the limits of prehis-
panic high-altitude pastoralism during the Late
Intermediate Period (10001450 CE). The evidence in-
creasingly suggests that specialized high-altitude pasto-
ralism was not only practiced in the puna but also,
conservatively, in the upper suni (Pulgar Vidal 1946; Tosi
1960), an ecozone situated between 3,6003,900 m asl (see
Table 9.1 for a description of the ecological zones consid-
ered in this chapter). The implications for the Central
Andes are huge, greatly increasing the known available
pastureland and thereby the number of camelids in the
landscape. It should be stated that this pushing of the
pastoralist frontier was undertaken at the community
level, emphasizing the herder-centric makeup of the late
prehispanic social landscape.
Furthermore, the ecological evidence does not suggest
that climate was a determining factor in this alternative
use of the suni. The period between the eleventh and fif-
teenth centuries saw both a warmer spellMedieval
Climatic Anomaly (MCA)and a colder spellthe start
of the Little Ice Age (LIA). Rather it would seem that
human agency, enshrined in the then-dominant dis-
course of a herder political ecology, was the defining fea-
ture in pursuing this downward extension of the
pastoralist frontier.
This chapter then briefly presents the ecological evi-
dence for climate change during the Late Intermediate
Period (LIP) and the Late Horizon (LH), before caveating
this evidence with a consideration of political ecology
and its interpretative implications for Andeanand pas-
toraliststudies. A case study regarding this time period
from the north-central Andean highlands is then ad-
dressed before a discussion of the implications and future
directions opened up by this chapter.
ECOL OGY A ND CL IM AT E DU R ING
T HE L AT E IN T ER MEDI AT E PER IOD
A ND T HE L AT E HOR IZON
Paleoenvironmental data in the Andes has been advanc-
ing by leaps and bounds so that a more subtle and de-
tailed appreciation of past climate is now within our
grasp. The main data collection from ice cores in Peru
(Huascarn and Quellcaya) and Bolivia (Sajama) has
been undertaken by Lonnie Thompson and his team over
the past few decades (Thompson et al. 1985; Thompson et
al. 1995; Thompson et al. 1998) while another recent ice
core was taken from the Nevado Illimani in Bolivia
(Ramirez et al. 2003). These initial investigations have
been augmented by other studies, such as a study mea-
suring the ammonium content in the ice cores (Kellerhals
et al. 2010), including oxygen isotopic ratios ( 18 O); ITAZ
(Inter-Tropical Convergence Zone); a study of migration,
ammonium, and nitrate concentration (Thompson et al.
2013); and studies of other proxies such as lakes (Baker et
al. 2001; Chepstow-Lusty et al. 2003) and coral reef cores,
among others. These initial and subsequent papers pro-
vide a series of proxies with which to elucidate past cli-
mate change and how it impacted prehispanic cultural
development (e.g., Shimada et al. 1991).
 A Question of Altitude 141

T A BLE 9.1. THE DIFFER ENT CL ASSIFICATIONS FOR ECOLOGICA L ZONES IN THE A NCASH HIGHL A NDS .
ECOZONE ECOZONE ECOZONE ALTITUDE R AINFALL PRIMARY L AND USE
CL ASSIFICATION CL ASSIFICATION CL ASSIFICATION IN M ASL IN MM
INRENA 2000 TOSI 1960 PULGAR VIDAL
1946
Desert shrub Montane Spinous steppe Kichwa 2,100 to 3,100 250 to 500 Agriculture: potato,
Tropical Lowland Montane Lower beans, peas, maize
[md-MBT] [ee-MB]
Desert shrub Tropical Desert weeds Suni / Jalka 3,100 to 3,600 250 to 500 Agriculture: potato,
Mantane [md-MT] Montane [md-M] maize, tarwi beans
Steppe Tropical Montane Montane steppe Suni / Jalka 3,600 to 4,100 250 to 750 Agriculture: potato
[e-MT] [e-M] (bitter); Herding
Paramo humid, Tropical Humid paramo Puna baja 4,100 to 4,600 500 to 1,000 Agriculture: some potato,
Subalpine [ph-SaT] Subalpine [ph-SA] fodder; Herding
Humid tundra Tropical Tundra muy Puna brava 4,600 to 5,100 500 to 1,000 Herding
Alpine [th-AT] hmeda Alpino
[tmh-A]

Even given the caution with which geological and
archaeological chronologies can be matched and associ-
ated (Calaway 2005), it seems evident that both the
Medieval Warm Periodalso known as the Medieval
Climate Anomalyand the Little Ice Age had an impact
on the Andes. This resulted in the warmer MCA period
between ~1050 and ~1300 CE followed by a highly un-
stable period before the onset of the LIA ~1400 CE ac-
cording to Kellerhals and colleagues (2010) and Neukom
and colleagues (2011); while Thompson and colleagues
(2013) agree on the dates for the MCA, they place the LIA
somewhat later at ~1500 CEalthough this is based solely
on the Quellcaya data, the results of which are skewed by
the Amazon basin signalwith the period in-between
showing an unstable climatic pattern.
Even given these minor incongruities in climatic
chronology we would seem to have had a warmer, drier
period during the earlier LIP followed by a period of un-
settled climatic conditions before the advent of colder,
wetter conditions toward the end of the LIP (Baker et al.
2001). The Laguna Pumacochas, located in the eastern
Central Andes, proxy on sedimentary 18 Ocal level fur-
ther supports this conclusion with the added detail that
the period between 9001100 CE, during the MCA, was
particularly arid, while the period 14001820 CE, during
the LIA, was particularly wet (Bird et al. 2011); this is
reiterated in Mchtle and Eitels (2012:68) exhaustive and
informative table on the south-central Andes.
A broad reading of the paleoenvironmental evidence
would therefore suggest that although the agricultural
frontier would have benefitted from the warmer
conditions in the eleventh to early fourteenth centuries,
the increased aridity would probably have necessitated
a greater investment in water procurement technology.
Likewise the wetter, colder conditions beginning in the
early fifteenth century would seem to have favored pas-
toralism, as farming became increasingly difficult at
high altitudes. Indeed, it would seem then that the Inka
Empire expanded during a period particularly favorable
for pastoralism, although local conditions could vary
(Chepstow-Lusty et al. 2009). But this simple reading of
the evidence fails to take into consideration the pre-
dominance of pastoralism during most of the LIP, a pre-
dominance which we believe has less to do with climate
than with human agency, framed here under the tenets
of political ecology.
A POL I T IC A L ECOL OGY A PPROACH
TO T HE A NDES
The Andean environment has been widely interpreted as
representing the primacy of nature over human culture.
It has long been argued that if humans altered the Andean
environment, the effects were negligible (Cardich 1985;
Paulsen 1976). Denevan (1992:46), among others, has
punctured this myth of the pristine Americas, arguing
for a more proactive role for humans in the shaping of
their environment. Erickson (2000:317) sees humans as
heavily involved in changing their environment and ar-
gues that a major part of the Andean landscape is in fact
a human construct. Humans are therefore to be perceived
142 Lane and Grant
as active agents of wide and comprehensive change in-
volving local ecology and landscape. As Ellenberg
(1979:401) suggests, the human is not only a partner of
the ecosystem he lives in, [but] has become more and
more a super-organic factor.. . . He changed, and contin-
ues to change, the water balance and nutrient turnover of
nearly all ecosystems. This leads toward an espousal of
what Karl Zimmerer (1994) describes as New
Ecologya view of ecology in which the stability or
homeostasis of the environment is disputed, opting
rather for disequilibria, instability, and even chaotic
fluctuations in biophysical environments, both natural
and human-impacted (Zimmerer 1994:108, emphasis
added). This position opposes trends that emphasize an
ecological determinism in which humans are the passive
victims of climate and of the environment in general (for
an application of this hypothesis see Binford et al. 1997)
and moves toward the more anthropogenic interpreta-
tions of political ecology (Greenberg and Park 1994;
Robbins 2004).
Given the difficulties in aligning geological or ecologi-
cal chronologies with archaeological ones (Calaway
2005), it is hardly surprising that human decisions are
increasingly proposed as the prime mover in areas such
as landscape use, resource access, and marginality
(Paulson et al. 2003). These are some of the key issues that
are slowly being brought to bear on archaeological case
studies (e.g., Beresford-Jones et al. 2009). In the case of
the altitudinal limits of Andean camelid pastoralism a
similar human-influenced, paradigm-busting explana-
tion is sought here to counter the modern agro-centric
dominant narrative.
Therefore here we do not contest the relevance of envi-
ronmental issues in the past, but we do contend their pri-
macy. As Zimmerer (1994:112) states, Explanations of
human behavior based primarily, or entirely, on ecological
concepts of adjustment and adaptation ... overlooked the
roles of ethnicity and power in shaping human behavior.
This concept of human decision-making regarding uses of
the environment leads toward an anthropocentric per-
spective (Erickson 2000:316) on ecology in which the land-
scape is modified from a standpoint of a prevailing and
structured social logic that covers economic, political,
social, and religious pressures. Zimmerers (1991) political
ecology stresses this relationship between human politico-
economic decisions and ecology, while a critical realist ap-
proach (Bhasker et al., 2010; Vayda and Walters 1999;
Walker 2005) anchors our use of political ecology around
a concrete archaeological case study.
Within this context of political ecology, we understand
as political those aspects of an economy that mediate
land use through strategies of domination, accommoda-
tion, and resistance (Zimmerer 1991:444). Nor is this
social relationship necessarily a top-down one, given that
individual or household agents could have negotiated
these external demands using the broader political struc-
tures with recourse to existing local social practices. What
we mean by this is that in some cases it was the smallhold-
ers and communities who determined land-use strategies
(sensu Netting 1993). This is particularly pertinent for ex-
plaining the economic landscape of the Late Intermediate
Period (10001450 CE) highlands where the lack of a strong
centralizing power effectively delegated economic policy
to the checkerboard petty cacicazgos and communities
that comprised the periods sociopolitical units.
In this scenario, the limitations of a community or
polity, be they technological, social, or due to popula-
tion size, would initially shape and structure their inter-
action with an areas ecolog y and landscape,
circumscribing a particular political ecology for that
group. In an archaeological context, time would also
function as a constant mediator renegotiating a new and
evolving political ecology as local social, political, and
ecological conditions fluctuated and changed. Indeed
time constitutes one of the generators of plurality within
political ecology discourse; time is understood as the
many different human positions, perceptions, interests,
and rationalities in relation to the environment
(Paulson et al. 2003:205206).
In ecological terms, then, political ecology stresses
that, although crops do have micro-environmental lim-
its, these are flexible and, to a large extent, it is humans
who impose the physical limits on their production; as
Zimmerer (1994:114) states, Niche specialization (of
crops) is not somehow immutable and given; its proper-
ties must be demonstrated rather than assumed.
Likewise, Enrique Mayer (2002:245) suggests that these
niches, or production zones as he terms them, constitute
a productive resource in which crops are grown in dis-
tinctive ways and suggests that they are therefore to a
large extent artificially constructed micro-environments.
Let us also recognize that if these constraints of produc-
tion, encompassing the limits of where plants can thrive,
can be pushed, as Brush (1976) suggests, then this creates
the difference between effective crop limits and the ab-
solute crop limits. This is a crucial factor to bear in mind
when we deal with the theme of natural ranges for do-
mesticated camelids in the Andes.
 A Question of Altitude
Political ecology therefore stresses the whole spec-
trum of human actions at different levels and scales and
by different actors, underlining the manner in which
human action can proscribe the specific physical limits of
a resources production without an overt emphasis on the
resources supposed biological or ecological limits.
For instance, the general postcontact altitudinal in-
crease in agricultural cultivation along the slopes of the
Andes that Cardich (1985:305) observed200 m in the
last 150 yearscould be reinterpreted not as a condition
primarily of a general amelioration of climate but rather
to changing circumstances in a community-based, local
political ecology ensconced in a larger regional and
national political ecology that emphasized agricultural
products over animal ones. Archaeologically, the growth
of maize around Lake Titicaca through the use of raised
fields (camellones) displays a similar forcing of a crop
(Erickson 1986; Graffam 1992). Likewise, a pattern of in-
creased wetland colonization and production has been
identified by Zimmerer (1991) among the modern com-
munities of Colquepata in Southern Peru. As an expo-
nent of political ecology, Zimmerer has reasoned that the
demands for agricultural products from external markets
has led to the increased exploitation of these previously
abandoned lands. It is time to apply this self-same rea-
soning embedded in human agency and political ecology
to prehispanic camelid pastoralism and the limits of its
altitudinal range.
PA S T O R A L I S M A N D T H E C O R D I L L E R A N E G R A
Numerous ethnographic studies describe the diversity
of agropastoralist adaptations in the Central Andes
(e.g., Allen 2002 [1988]; Bolin 1998; Flannery et al. 1989;
Flores Ochoa 1968). These ethnographic studies have
largely been conducted in southern Peru, where the
widest expanses of contiguous grasslands are concen-
trated. Few significant studies (see Doughty and
Doughty 1968; Stein 1961; Vasquez and Holmberg 1966)
have been undertaken in northern Peru, and only re-
cently has the question of agropastoral land-use systems
in the Cordillera Negra, Ancash, started to be examined
(Lane 2006a). Few communities currently practice
large-scale herding in the area, but this, as mentioned
above, is more a reflection of postcolonial changes in
land-use strategies than of the amount of land available
for pastoralism. Within the study area (see Figure 9.1)
our investigation into the Chorrillos micro-valley of the
143
Chaclancayo River in the Nepea headwaters zone dem-
onstrated that the areas grazing capacity per km 2 was
equal to that of the Ayacucho area and the Titicaca
basin (Lane 2006b:505).
If present economic productivity is low, the highlands
nevertheless have a long tradition of sustaining and en-
couraging large populations (Murra 1978 [1955]). As
Brush (1976:160) reiterated, it is evident that the major
prehispanic settlements were significantly higher than
they are today. Most were located in the upper jalka
[puna] zone, just below the jalka fuerte [puna brava]
zone. The reason for siting these settlements in the inac-
cessible upper limits of the cordillera cannot have been
just a factor of defense but was also a matter of basic eco-
nomics. Settlements were located alongside or near to the
upper suni and puna ecozones, which would thereby rep-
resent their production zones.
To reiterate and expand, a production zone as de-
fined by Mayer (2002:241) is a culturally constructed
plot of managed land with the added implication that it
is possible to push or move a given biomass, be it a plant
or an animal, into a particular ecological location ac-
cording to human needs. As we have argued above, the
rules used in the management of production zones do
not necessarily correspond to the assumed ecological
limits of the crop or animals in question. These rules are
rather political decisions that human agents make
within a given ecology and they often push the limits of
a crop or animal even when this renders the resource
economically risky, ecologically fragile, or borderline
viable, as is the case of maize in the circum-Titicaca area
(Erickson 2000:324).
Our central argument in this chapter though does not
entail pushing camelids to areas where they are econom-
ically unviable given that they (especially the llama) can
subsist in almost all Andean environments (Franklin
1982). Rather, we are arguing for a push downward of ag-
riculture to accommodate greater camelid numbers in
the top bracket of the suni area (3,6003,900 m asl), thus
greatly expanding camelid numbers for the period in
question. The evidence presented here for this discussion
is mainly derived from a detailed landscape analysis of
the sites, technology, and features in the study area (see
Figure 9.1) of the Cordillera Negra of the Peruvian
Province of Ancash.
To this end we concentrate on three zones within this
area: the Rico and Huinchos micro-valley and conflu-
enceZone A; the Chorrillos micro-valleyZone B; and
the lower-lying Pamparoms open valleyZone C;
144 Lane and Grant
Figure 9.1. Map of study area, showing total area surveyed. Coutesy of Kevin Lane.
additionally, we refer to the un-zoned lakes area situated
above Zone C (see Figure 9.2). Of these zones the first two
straddle the suni and puna ecozones, while Zone C covers
the kichwa and suni ecozones (see Table 9.2). What is read-
ily apparent is that this was truly an agropastoralist land-
scape that unified both pastoralism and agriculture into a
highly successful, integrated economic system; it was a sys-
tem though that by the Late Intermediate Period (LIP) and
Late Horizon (LH) seems to have prioritized pastoralism
over farming. That we can date the sites and this landscape
to the LIP and LH is due to a detailed study of the ceramic
recovered through excavations and surveys (Lane
2006a:Chapter 6 and Appendix C; Lane et al. 2004; Lane
and Lujn Dvila 2009) and 10 radiocarbon dates from the
sites of Intiarn (Co 2: 1 date), Yurakpecho (Cho 3A: 1 date),
and Kipia (Puk 9: 8 dates), which chart use of this area
from the late Middle Horizon through the LIP to the early
colonial period (see Table 9.3).
A general observation can be made across all three
zones, that being that even those settlements located in
the kichwa are close to this liminal altitude area (3,600
3,900 m asl), dividing exclusive farming from herding, so
that the sites associated to Atunhirka (Lla 1) hug the
3,5003,700 m asl bracket even if their cultivation fields
lie below this level on the adjacent slopes. The only pos-
sibly exclusive farming enclave consists of the sites along
the San Juanito ridge (Zone C, SJ 15), which lie between
2,8003,100 m asl comprising three settlement sectors (SJ
2, 3 and 5) and two important feeder reservoirs (SJ 1 and
4) for terraced slope cultivation. Strategically, this cluster
of sites is also located along the coastal access to the suni
and puna sites located further upslope.
Even compensating for survey biasin which valley-
bottom sites are underrepresentedthe difference in the
number of sites above and below 3,900 m asl is at first
light insignificant: 26 versus 31, but obviously tilting
 A Question of Altitude
Sites surveyed during 19992005
Sites surveyed during 20062008
Figure 9.2. Map of surveyed sites divided into three zones: A, B, and C. Black dots = sites surveyed during 19992005; light dots =
sites surveyed during 20062008 (illustration by A. Amaya).
toward favoring a farming-landscape conclusion. Yet if
we consider only settlements, estancias,1 and farmsteads
this is then reduced to 16 versus 11, favoring a herding
paradigm. If we divide this further in these types of set-
tlements then we see a pattern of 9 estancias 2 recorded
against 7 farmsteads,3 and 7 settlements above4 3,900 m
asl against 8 below.5 In this case, while the estancias out-
number the farmsteads, it would seem that on settle-
ments the number is more or less equal. Even ascribing
the two sites in the liminal zone (Cho 11 and Puk 5) be-
tween 3,600 to 3,900 m asl to the highlands the difference
is not significant. Yet this last point does not take into
consideration size, other than the strategically important
site of Atunhirka (Lla 1), straddling the pass between the
Jimbe Valley to the north and Chaclancayo Valley to the
south; the agricultural-zone sites are considerably
smallerbetween 2.58 hathan their counterparts up-
valley, which reach up to 38 ha in the case of Intiauran
145
(Co 2). Even so, this dense settlement pattern across these
three ecozoneskichwa, suni, punashows the almost
seamless progression between farming and herding
among the communities in this area of the Andes, fur-
ther emphasizing the need to consider these activities as
integral aspects of a conjoined, interrelated economic
system combining both farming and herding.
Nevertheless, a much more important marker of
which type of economy predominates is technology, as
found embedded in the landscape (Lemonnier 1993). It is
to this that we turn to next. Zones A and B (see Figure
9.2) covers primarily the suni and puna areas of the
Chaclancayo River, and the focus of these two areas is
Cerro Rico (5,100 m asl), the apex of both the Rico (Zone
A) and Chorrillos (Zone B) Valleys. Of the two areas, the
Chorrillos was the more densely populated, with settle-
ments stretching from approximately 3,650 m asl [Cho
11] through to the main settlement of Yurakpecho at
146 Lane and Grant

T A BLE 9.2. S ITES SURV EY ED UNDER THE PA R A C O P ROJECT (19992008).

SITE CODE SECTOR SITE NAME ALTITUDE M NOTES
Zone A
Br 1 B 4100 Chullpa
Br 2 38004010 Necropolis
Br 3 39004050 Farmstead
Br 4 4050 Estancia
Br 5 4000 Estancia
Br 6 4075 Estancia
Br 7 4025 Chullpa/Estancia
Co 1 Copalococha 3825 Silt dam
Co 2 A Intiaurn 38003920 Settlement
B Intiaurn 3900 Estancia
C Intiaurn 3985 Silt reservoir
Co 3 3950 Necropolis
Co 4 3930 Chullpa/Estancia
Co 5 3900 Estancia
Cj 1 Nununga 3800 Water reservoirs
Cj 2 3800 Estancia
Cj 3 3850 Necropolis
Cj 4 Represa Decisin 3890 2x Silt reservoirs
Cj 5 3951 Settlement
Cj 6 4313 Estancia
N/A Ricohirca 4600 See Kinzl (1942/1943)
Ra 1 Ricococha Baja 4485 Water dam
Ra 2 Ricocochoa Alta 4560 Water dam
Ra 3 4656 Chullpa
Rac 10 4721 Estancia
Zone B
Cho 1 Yanacocha 4550 Water dam
Cho 2 Olern Cocharuri 4200 Silt dam
Cho 3 A Yurakpecho 4570 Settlement
B Yurakpecho 4412 Estancia
C Yurakpecho 4375 Estancia
D Yurakpecho 4380 Estancia
Cho 6 Orconcocha 4660 Water dam
Cho 7 Putacayoc/ Kaukayoc 37504050 Silt reservoirs/Estancia
Cho 8 Llanapaccha 36003750 Necropolis/Water reservoirs
and terraces
Cho 9 Kakacucho 3990 Necropolis
Cho 10 Torreqaka 4312 Settlement
Cho 11 Kunka 3666 Settlement
Zone C
Lla 1 A Atunhirca 3500 Settlement
B Atunhirca 3475 Settlement/Chullpa
C Atunhirca 3500 Settlement/Chullpa
Lla 2 A 2850 Farmstead?
B 2875 Ceramic scatter
Lla 3 2938 Ceramic scatter
 A Question of Altitude 147

SITE CODE SECTOR SITE NAME ALTITUDE M NOTES

Zone C
Lla 4 A Racratumanka 3302 Settlement
B Racratumanka 3295 Settlement
C Racratumanka 3349 Settlement
D Racratumanka 3350 Water reservoir/Carved stones
Lla 5 Putaqaqa 3373 Necropolis
Pa 1 Punepampa 3025 Farmstead?
Pa 2 A Cajarumi 3627 Necropolis
B Cajarumi 3630 Necropolis
Pa 3 Tayapucro 4250 Estancia
Pa 4 Racracocha 4350 Water dam
Puk 1 Cruzqaqa 3275 Machay
Puk 2 A Badaquishar 3375 Necropolis
B Caschapampa 3275 Terraces/Settlement?
Puk 3 Kolmut 3225 Settlement
Puk 4 Atamar 3562 Chullpa
Puk 5 A Cruzpunta kunka 3649 Chullpa
B Kiapampa 3698 Chullpa
C Cruzpunta 3659 Settlement
Puk 6 Titatuscar 3610 Terraces
Puk 7 Artesaqaqa 3557 Necropolis
Puk 8 Campanarumi 3000 Farmstead
Puk 9 A Kipia 3306 Settlement
B Kipia 3286 Carved stones
C Corpus Rumi (?) 3328 Settlement
D 3332 Pukullo 2
Puk 10 Colpan 2588 Farmstead
Puk 11 Corpas Rumi 3316 Necropolis?
Puk 12 A Capliacasha 3399 Farmstead?
B Capliacasha 3453 Terraces?
Puk 13 Intirumi 3434 Chullpas 2
Puk 14 Pumpumyac 3617 Huancas
Puk 15 3187 Platform/Huanca
Puk 16 3591 Chullpas 3
SJ 1 San Juanito 3088 Water reservoir
SJ 2 A San Juanito 3073 Settlement/Carved stones

B San Juanito 3100 Settlement

C San Juanito 3127 Settlement?
D San Juanito 3111 Settlement
SJ 3 A Warunpunku 3047 Settlement
B Warunpunku 3050 Settlement
SJ 4 Tunanquita 2807 Water reservoir
SJ 5 A Markita 2881 Settlement/Necropolis
B Markita 2827 Settlement
Markita 2820 Settlement

148 Lane and Grant

T A BLE 9.3. R A DIOCA R BON DATES FROM SITES IN THE SURV EY A R EA CA LIBR ATED USING THE O X C A L 4.2 PROGR A M A ND THE
I NT C A L 09 CA LIBR ATION CURV E .
14
SITE SITE L AB NO. C YEARS CAL 1 CAL 2 PHASE CONTEXT AND
CODE B.P. R ANGE R ANGE ASSOCIATION MATERIAL
Intiraurn CO 2 A13211 35040 1455 1440 Late Intermediate Destruction level above floor,
1637 CE 1653 CE Period/Inca/Colonial Central Structure, Sector A
Yurakpecho CHO 3 A13212 66035 1275 1266 Late Intermediate Offering Pit, Struture 1
1395 CE 1406 CE Period
Kipia PUK 9 MAMS15861 48922 1411 1401 Late Intermediate B:2-Primary fill (34) of
1445 CE 1453 CE Period offering pit [22]
Kipia PUK 9 MAMS15862 46923 1416 1407 Late Intermediate A:3-Floor level (28) of
1451 CE 1467 CE Period Room 1
Kipia PUK 9 MAMS15863 97622 1016 995 Middle Horizon/Late A:3-Floor level and fill (28) of
1154 CE 1157 CE Intermediate Period offering pit(?) [48] in Room 1
Kipia PUK 9 MAMS15864 39423 1441 1436 Late Intermediate A:3-Ashy midden spread (34)
1620 CE 1633 CE Period/Inca/Colonial over terrace floor (3)
Kipia PUK 9 MAMS15865 80222 1208 1171 Late Intermediate B:2-Primary fill (72) of
1273 CE 1278 CE Period offering pit [71]
Kipia PUK 9 MAMS15866 35818 1459 1450 Late Intermediate B:4-Fill (13) for subsequent
1632 CE 1635 CE Period/Inca/Colonial floor
Kipia PUK 9 MAMS15867 48219 1415 1408 Late Intermediate B:6 [RF4]-Primary fill (20) of
1445 CE 1450 CE Period offering pit [19]
Kipia PUK 9 MAMS15868 35920 1455 1449 Late Intermediate B:4-Fill (13) for subsequent
1632 CE 1636 CE Period/Inca/Colonial floor

4,570 m asl (Cho 3). The Chorrillos-Pukio Canal links
the settlements of the Chorrillos Valley with the settle-
ments in Pamparoms area (Zone C), bringing water
from this mainly herding valley directly to the kichwa
zone.
The orientation of the Chorrillos Valley and its sites
channels the attention of the visitor upward toward the
series of large puna lakes between 4,200 and 4,660 m asl.6
All the various settlement sites, farmsteads, and estancias
are located around the water resources in the area, with the
site at Yurakpecho (Cho 3) commanding a strategic vista of
both the upper lakes and all approaches to the valley.
The upper portion of the other valley, the Rico, is also
centered around twin artificial lakes, in this case those of
Ricococha Baja (Ra 1) and Alta (Ra 2), which complement
the adjacent large settlement site of Ricohirca, first re-
corded by Hans Kinzl (1943) in the 1930s. The dearth of
other similarly sized or ancillary settlement sites in the
upper portion of the Rico Valley, other than the odd es-
tancia, suggests that this area was perhaps also tied to the
centers in the Chorrillos Valley. Nevertheless, there was
a concentration of population congregated farther down
around the silt dam at Collpacocha (Co 1), at the LIP oc-
cupation of Intiaurn with neighboring hamlets in the
Breque Valley, and around the modern village of
Cajabamba Alta, 1.5 km downstream.
Indeed Collpacocha (Co 1)located at 3,825 m asl,
within the 3,6003,900 m asl upper-suni ecozone, and
straddling the Huinchos Riverlies at the center of a
technologically complex pastoralist landscape that never-
theless incorporates farming as an important comple-
mentary economic activity (see Figure 9.3). Collpacocha
(Co 1) stands at near to 100 m in length orientated at a
north-south angle. At its widest it is 11m thick and is con-
structed of three major stone steps, in-filled with medium
and small stones compacted with silty clay. The total
height of the structure is 5.4 m. Collpacocha (Co 1) is a silt
dam (Lane 2009), in which water and soils are dammed
to create artificial bofedales or moors to increase the
availability of pasture. Archaeological auguring of
Collpacocha (Co 1) supports its interpretation as an arti-
ficial bofedal (Lane 2006a:Appendix D). Water egress
below the silt dam was probably used for farming activi-
ties, as the remains of abandoned field systems would
seem to collaborate.
The bofedal, or silt basin, at Collpacocha (Co 1), at over
28 ha (see Figure 9.4), would have concentrated large
numbers of animals in this area in close association with
 A Question of Altitude 149

Figure 9.3. Map of Co 1Co 2 agropastoralist landscape. Note corral areas (Co 2, Sectors: 6 & 7; Co 4 and Br 4) and terraced area
(Co 2, Sector: 2). Courtesy Kevin Lane and Luis Coll.

the large and important LIP and subsequent Inka settle-
ment site of Intiaurn (Co 2) (Lane 2011). Numerous es-
tancias7 were also associated with the Collpacocha (Co 1),
further reinforcing the importance of this technology for
the local agropastoralist economy.
Farther upstream toward the twin dammed lakes of
Ricococha Baja (Ra 1A) and Ricococha Alta (Ra 2) are
remains of silt reservoirs similar to those found along the
Chorrillos Valley (see Figure 9.5ad). In a similar fashion
to silt dams, but on a much smaller scale, silt reservoirs
create a small area of biomass-rich pasture (Lane 2009).
Furthermore the dam at Ricococha Baja (Ra 1A) shows
signs of having had water siphoned off below it to create
an area of bofedal through the use of canals (see Figure
9.6ab), a technique similar to that employed by the herd-
ers of Chichillapi in Puno (Palacios Ros 1977, 1981, 1996).
The technology employed is simple: two canals divert
water from the main sluice toward the eastern and western
edge of the valley, from where water is allowed to flow back
toward the center of the basin by means of smaller outlets,
thus irrigating the intervening area. It was possible to see
remains of the eastern canal, 1m wide at its widest and
30 cm deep, stretching about 150 m south along the valley.
There is evidence to suggest that the canal was stone lined.
The western canal is almost completely destroyed: only a
few stretches of stone-lined walling can be seen. A line of
ichu grasses along the course of the canal, probably a relic
of some persistent water flow along the buried course of
the canal, is also suggestive of its presence.
Both the canals peter out beyond 150 m, suggesting
that either it never extended beyond this boundary or
that the remaining course has been completely destroyed.
150 Lane and Grant
Figure 9.4. Aerial photograph of Co 1 showing silt basin. Based on the Peruvian IGN (1960).
By these means an area of at least half a hectare could
have been irrigated for use as pasture. In itself this is not
much, but in combination with the extensive silt reser-
voirs in existence throughout the lower Rico Valley these
canals have made another important area of silt entrap-
ment and pasture production. Altogether, this suggests
that together with Collpacocha (Co 1) we have a techno-
logically adapted landscape between the Ricococha dams
(Ra 1A and Ra 2) at 4,560 m and at least 3,800 m, this last
being below the normally accepted lower altitude ceiling
for herding in the area.
Parallel to the Rico River is a small stream that leads
from the natural bofedal at Pampa de Sanigana (sites Cj
16) to the HuichosChaclancayo River bypassing the
Collpacocha (Co 1). Again, at a smaller scale, the pattern
is repeated. A number of estancias (Cj 2 and Cj 6) and a
minor settlement (Cj 5) are linked to silt reservoirs (Cj 4).
Interestingly, these silt reservoirs and the Cj 2 estancia
are within the 3,6003,900 m asl suni ecozone, amply
demonstrating that herder hydraulic technology is being
utilized below the strictly puna ecozone.
Zone B has been described in greater detail elsewhere
(Lane 2006); suffice to say that a system of water dams
(Cho 1 and Cho 6), a silt dam (Cho 2), and a large con-
centration of silt reservoirs (Cho 7) link settlements 8
across a technologically pastoralist landscape located
between 3,7504,660 m asl (see Figure 9.5). Below this lie
the agricultural terraces of Llanapacha (Cho 8). In total
over 200,000 m 2 of artificial pasture would have been
added to the preexisting pasture by technological
means.
As described above, Zone C would have comprised the
main agricultural area of the valley, although even here
there are signs that belie a preoccupation with herding.
Crucially, the main cosmological site identified for the
whole study area, the site of Kipia (Puk 9), is dedicated to
SantiagoSt. James (Lane 2011). In Andean Christian
syncretism the cult to Santiago masks an earlier cult to
the lightning deity, the deity responsible for herders and
their herds (Hernndez Lefranc 2007). Linked by canal to
the water-rich Chorrillos Valley, the area comprising
Pukio (Puk 116) was partially reliant on the herders of
the adjacent valley for a reliable and constant water sup-
ply. Finally, the whole of Zone C is oriented upward
 A Question of Altitude 151

Outtake
sluice

Figure 9.5. Photographs of pastoralist landscape features, including silt reservoirs: (a) silt reservoir of Patoparinan (Cho 2C), (b) silt
reservoirs on the Rico Valley (note change in pasture tone denoting bofedal vegetation), (c) detail of silt-reservoir dam wall located
in the Rico Valley (with G. Contreras), (d) silt reservoir at Putacayoc (Cho 6C) with outtake sluice at center of structure. Courtesy
Kevin Lane.

toward the lake zone at the summit of this cordillera,
comprising a series of water and silt dams feeding into
Zone C below.9 This upper area is the pastoralist hinter-
land to the kichwa-suni farming area below.
Finally there is another point to consider: the posi-
tioning and extension of known agricultural terracing
systems. In Zone C, we have two possibly verifiable ter-
raced areas in existence, those of Titatuscar (Puk 6:
3,6003,700 m asl) and possibly Capliacasha (Puk 12:
3,4003,450 m asl). Although the area above and beyond
these terraces becomes increasingly steep, it would not
have been an impediment to further terracing, especially
when fed by water from the dams farther upslope. This
then begs the question: Why does this technology stop
here? Nor is this a phenomenon particular to Zone C;
the terraces of Llanapacha (Cho 8) in Zone B finish at
3,750 m asl, while the possibly Inka bench terraces of
Intiaurn (Co 2) peter out at 3,850 m asl. All of these ter-
racing systems within this liminal zone have helped us
define the real boundary between farming and herding.
Reverting to the main argument of this chapter, we
would argue that this altitudinal limit to agricultural
terraces obeys a human imperativeto benefit the herd-
ers of these agropastoralist communities.
152 Lane and Grant
Ricococha
Baja
Figure 9.6. Photographs of Ricococha Baja (Ra 1A) basin, showing: (a) route of East and West canal and (b) detail of eastern canal.
Courtesy Kevin Lane.
CONCLUSIONS
The description of sites above presents considerable evi-
dence of a farmer-herder landscape in which water, and
also soil, was managed at the community and ayllu level
across whole watersheds or valleys (Lane 2009). It is im-
perative to emphasize this, to wit, that it is a farmer-
herder landscape, albeit one in which the herders were
the dominant political power. Hence, given that the loca-
tion of the majority of these dams and reservoirs was in
the upper altitudinal bracket3,800 m asl and aboveof
the cordillera, it would not be remiss to state that control
must also have been exerted primarily from this area. The
number of large, defensible settlements in this upper
zone further supports this suggestion. By implication
then, the dominant political-ecology narrative would
seem to be pastoralist in nature.
Nevertheless, in a bid to avoid the fallacies of old by
just inverting the old agro-centrist argument into a
herder-centric one, we should not obviate the rich agri-
cultural component in this valley. Indeed, we are in the
presence of a truly agropastoralist landscape, agropas-
toralist insofar as both economies are strongly inter-
related and integrated across the communities that
inhabited the whole of the kichwa, suni, and puna
ecozones in this area.
East Canal
West Canal
Even so, given the elaborate nature and maintenance
exigencies of these hydraulic systems, it is obvious that
by the Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon we
are looking at technologically complex herders and
farmers. The complexity of the hydraulic system prob-
ably implies a further specialization in each economic
sphere, so that by this period we are experiencing a
growing tendency toward economic exclusivity, whereby
a technologically rich landscape is producing increas-
ingly specialized farmers and herders as twinned poles
of a self-same community (Grant and Lane 2013), per-
haps even the Huari and Llacuazes of the ethnohistoric
literature.
What is also apparent is that the pastoralists are not
bivouacked exclusively in the puna as is the case now-
adays; rather their use of the landscape and its resources
was much more flexible with the pastoralist frontier ef-
fectively in, at least, the upper-suni ecozone of the area.
An extension of 100300 m downslope might seem like
very little, but for the Chorrillos Valley (Zone B) this
would have represented an increase in pasture by half
from 2,430.08 ha to 3,684.05 haof that available from an
exclusive use of just the puna (Lane 2006b:503504). A
similar pattern and productive expansion occurs in Zone
A, as it does in the interaction zone between the lakes
area (un-zoned sites in Figure 9.2) and the predominantly
 A Question of Altitude
kichwa Zone C. What we are seeing here then is a pro-
gressive pushing of the limits of pastoralism downward
to include the more marginally productive agricultural
lands in the suni zone, lands which when rendered to
herding represented a manifold increase in pasture and
animal-carrying capacity.
The other main point to highlight is that ecological
limits are not rigid. If, as we know, maize is sometimes
grown well above its optimal ecological level, then it is
perfectly plausible that other plants and animals were
similarly pushed or shifted from their assumed tradi-
tional boundaries. In describing agropastoral commu-
nities in the north-central Andes during the late
prehispanic period, we argue that the animals, artificial
pasturage, and probably fodder cultivation produced a
productive suite that was pushed down from the puna
into the cultivated suni zone. This pushing did not
necessarily obey an ecological imperative, rather it was
the result of decisions taken by the dominant section of
a dyadic agropastoralist societyin this case the
herders.
With this in mind it might be necessary to reassess
the role and extent of pastoralism across the Central
Andes. For instance, if we take the limits of agricultural
terracing as a possible cue for determining agricultural
limits and the start of herding in a given area, we can
see that even a cursory survey of existing literature
across such divergent areas as the Colca Valley (Treacy
1994), the middle Mantaro Valley (Bonavia 1968), the
upper Mantaro Valley (DAltroy 1992), Huamachuco
(McGreevy and Shaughnessy 1983), and Chachapoyas
(Schjellerup 1986) all coincide with terraces petering out
in the 3,6003,900 m asl bracket, well within the suni
ecozone. The only exception to the rule is the circum-
Titicaca region (Erickson 2000), where the presence of
the lake ameliorates the atmospheric temperature, per-
mitting agriculture at a higher elevation.
This begs the question asked throughout this chapter:
What then is happening in this liminal zone? Here we
suggest that human agency allied to a specialized pasto-
ralism within a herder-farmer economy is using this area
to maximize herding production from at least the LIP
through to the LH. More work is obviously necessary to
assess, reinforce, or discard this hypothesis across the
Central Andes. Nevertheless, preliminary work in the
upper Ica Valley (French et al. 2012) is again reinforcing
this pattern with terracing finishing at, or near to, the
3,700 m asl mark before giving over to the sloped and
rolling uplands of the Ica highlands. The implications of
153
this expansion of the herder frontier across the Central
Andes would have serious repercussions in how we
viewsocially, economically, and politicallythese sup-
posedly marginal herders of yesteryear.
ACK NOW LEDGMEN TS
The results of this chapter were made possible through
funding from the British Academy, the Leverhulme
Foundation, the Humboldt Foundation, and the
University of Manchester. We would like to thank the
communities of the Cordillera Negra for their unstinting
generosity and welcome. We also thank everyone who
has ever participated in our projects past and present;
this chapter would be impossible without your help.
Finally, thanks to Jos Capriles and Nicholas Tripcevich
for their generous invitation to participate in this volume
and even more for their enduring patience. Needless to
say all mistakes and omissions remain our own.
NOT ES
1. Designating a small habitation site with associated cor-
rals.
2. Br 4, 5, 6, 7; Co 4, 5; Cj 2, 6; Pa 3.
3. Br 3; Puk 2, 12; SJ 2, 3; Pa 1.
4. Co 2; Cj 5; Cho 3, 7, 10; Rac 10 and Ricohirca (Kinzl
1942/1943).
5. Cho 11; Lla 1, 4; Puk 3, 5, 9, 10; SJ 5.
6. These are, starting from the bottom: Oleron Cocharuri
(Cho 2), Yanacocha (Cho 1), and the twin lakes of Orcon-
cocha and Warmicocha (Cho 6).
7. Br 4, 5, 6, 7; Co 4, 5.
8. Cho 3, 4, 911.
9. Pa 5, 6; Rac 27; Uc 2water dams; Rac 1; Uc 3silt dam;
Uc 1estancia.
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