Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
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Alfredo González-Ruibal
Abstract
The Iron Age art of northwestern Iberia (the ancient Gallaecia) is scarcely known by scholars
outside Spain and Portugal, due to the local character of most publications dealing with this
topic. This has deprived archaeologists of the knowledge of an original culture, whose artistic
expressions owe as much to the Mediterranean world as to the Atlantic one. An overview of the
main characteristics of this distinctive material culture tradition, within the social context of its
production and use, is offered along with a catalogue of the most outstanding pieces of
Gallaecian art (sculpture, jewellery, bronzework, pottery).
Key Words
Sculpture, jewellery, bronzework, oppida, hillforts, Late Iron Age, northwest Iberia.
Two caveats have to be made on the topics addressed in this article. One refers to the
term "Celtic" and the second to the concept of "art". As we will see in the next paragraphs, there
are very few elements that characterise "early Celtic" art par excellence, i.e. the La Tène style of
the Late Iron Age. Although this style cannot simply be equated with "Celts", it can be found
over most of temperate Europe, from the north of Italy to Ireland and from Brittany to eastern
Europe and it was obviously used as a form of elite expression among aristocrats in the Late Iron
Age in Europe (Megaw and Megaw 1989; Wells 1998). However, no clear traces of Celtic art
have been discovered in northwestern Iberia to date. Even if some elements do show links with
central Europe, such as the Montefortino helmets or the têtes coupées, how they arrived in this
area is not easy to guess. The Montefortino helmets, for example, or at least the concept of this
helmet style, may have come from southern Iberia since the artifacts themselves were
apparently produced in the northwest. Personal ornament was clearly inspired by continental or
Atlantic Europe, especially in the case of torcs, but technology and style (filigree, granulation),
as well as decoration are, in many ways, akin to the Mediterranean culture. Many of these mixed
or hybrid features are due to the doubly marginal character of the region, with regard to the
Mediterranean and to other Atlantic or Continental regions (González-Ruibal 2004). If we use
the label "Celtic art" to mean the "artistic" expressions of certain "Celtic" groups - those
supposedly inhabiting the northwestern Iberian Peninsula in the Late Iron Age - then its use
might be admissible, although I remain suspicious about the historical reality of such a construct.
Finally, I will not deal with elements from the Later Bronze Age or the Early Iron Age. Only the
art of the Middle and, especially, the Late Iron Age - roughly equivalent to the La Tène period
(450-50 BC) in temperate Europe - will be taken into account. Otherwise, an anachronistic and
confusing image of the local cultures and their evolution would be presented, a shortcoming of
many histories of "Celtic art".
Secondly, the term "art" is not something that can be extrapolated from contemporary to
pre-modern cultures without exploring the meaning and the role of aesthetics in those cultures.
Archaeologists and art historians tend to forget the deep social roots behind what they label "art".
Lévi-Strauss (1995), for example, has stressed the "semi-religious" character of many non-
Western artistic expressions. I agree with Shanks (1996: 148) when he says that there can be no
purely decorative surfaces, devoid of meaning, since a design always implies, at least, the
conditions of its production. Besides, the clear division between art and other forms of material
culture in modern Western societies is rarely shared by traditional groups. Should we include
fibulae, torcs and pottery or not? Are we not adopting a male-centered view when refusing to
consider pottery an art, or giving it a secondary place in aesthetics? Is architectural decoration
always perceived as something imbued with aesthetic meanings or are these secondary as
opposed to, say, magical principles? On the other hand, "art" cannot be reduced to its
sociological background: a sense and even a theory of aesthetics is present in every society - see,
for example, Glassie (1999). Although these questions are beyond the scope of this paper, it is
necessary to keep them in mind when looking at the works that will be discussed below.
If we adopt a classic approach to the art of Iron Age Gallaecia, we find the following
expressions:
1. Stone sculpture. Two traditions can be proposed: the "art of the oppida", in the
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 115
2. Jewellery. This, and the following manifestations, would be labelled as "minor arts"
by traditional art historians. All material expressions in the northwestern Iberian
Peninsula, however, were tightly linked: the same motifs and a similar grammar can
be found in stone, gold and pottery, thus allowing a "pervasive style" (de Boer 1991)
to be defined. Three main types of artifacts can be identified here: torcs, belts, and
earrings. A marked regional diversity, with important socio-political implications, can
be seen.
3. Decorated bronzes. Only a handful of pieces have been recovered. Four types of
artifacts will be taken into account, three of them related to ritual and one associated
with war: cauldrons; sacrificial axes; ceremonial cart models and helmets. Unlike
other "Celtic" areas in Europe, scabbards, hilts, swords and daggers lack almost any
decoration in Gallaecia. Except for the ceremonial cart model, the rest of the
decorated bronzes probably belong to the Late Iron Age.
4. Pottery. In the Middle Iron Age (400-100 BC) an outstanding decorated pottery
tradition appeared in southwestern Gallaecia. Some baroquely decorated containers
were still produced in the Late Iron Age. Local pottery has little in common with the
La Tène style or other continental traditions, either in shape, technology or
decoration. Parallels with other Atlantic regions are not seen until well into the Late
Iron Age and only in the northernmost area.
basically northern Portugal and Galicia and adjacent territories of Spain (Fig. 1A). Their
inhabitants were called Callaeci. The region was divided into a northern territory (Conventus
Lucensis) and a southern one (Conventus Bracarum) (Fig. 1B). The division was made on ethnic
grounds: Roman boundaries seemingly reflect Iron Age traditions. The neighbouring area, called
Asturia by the Romans, is less well known and its material culture is not as rich as that of
Gallaecia. It stretches through the modern provinces of León and Oviedo (Asturias). The
southern part of Asturia (Asturia Cismontana or Augustana) was strongly influenced by the
eastern Celtiberian traditions and it will not be taken into account here.
Figure 1A. The northwestern Iberian Peninsula: the land of the Callaeci. Figure 1B. The northwestern Iberian Peninsula.
Roman territories (conventus) and modern capitals.
The following chronology will be used:
Late Bronze Age 1200-800 BC
Early Iron Age 800-400 BC
Middle Iron Age 400-100 BC
Late Iron Age 100 BC - 50 AD
Roman Iron Age 30 BC - 50 AD
Sculpture
The Art of the Oppida
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 117
Chronology
118 González-Ruibal
similar to other local artistic expressions in the Empire, such as those from Britain or Gaul.
In the specific case of warrior statues, the weapons and dress depicted are clearly pre-
Roman and the Latin inscriptions that appear on some statues are obviously of later date, one of
them from the 17th century AD (Koch 2003). Some authors have argued that warrior
representations are the indigenous interpretatio of the Roman thoracatae statues in the fora
(Almeida 1983). This can hardly be the case, if only for chronological reasons: the first
monumentalization of the Roman towns in northwestern Iberia did not take place before the
Flavian era, while the hillforts start to fade away by the mid-first century AD. On the other hand,
no formal or structural similarities can be found between Gallaecian warriors and Roman statues.
Thus, I propose a chronology of the second and first century BC, parallel to the
emergence and development of oppida, for the art of southern Gallaecia (González-Ruibal
2003a: 326-328). The art came to an end in the aftermath of the Roman conquest of the region,
as part of a wider re-negotiation of identities (González-Ruibal 2003b).
Warriors
Warrior statues are among the most outstanding artistic achievements of pre-Roman
Gallaecia. They represent outsized males with a short sword or dagger, a small round shield
(caetra), torc, bracelets (viriae), decorated belt and decorated dress. In some cases, they have a
beard (Lezenho) and in one example, the head is covered with a helmet (Sanfins). The weapons,
specially the famous caetra, have been also described in Greek and Roman texts (Strabo 3, 3, 5).
The decorated belts are especially interesting: the existence of magic belts has been noted
amongst Phoenicians and Punics (Blázquez 1991: 90-97), and they could have reached Gallaecia
through the Semitic merchants that regularly visited the northwest coasts in search of tin and
gold. The best warrior statues come from Lezenho, an unexplored hillfort near the Támega
River, in the northwest of Portugal. All the examples were made of granite, as were virtually all
other sculptural works in the northwest of the Iberian Peninsula. Unfortunately, as is the case
with most of the statuary, only a couple of pieces have been found in an archaeological context.
These are the remains from the Sanfins' acropole and the feet - wedged in an outcrop - found at
the same oppidum (Silva 1999:16). The problem with the former is that they were found in a
secondary position and purposefully demolished in what seems to have been a sacred area, used
in the first half of the first century AD. The feet have no archaeological materials associated with
them; however, it is interesting to note their location. The statue was situated in a prominent
120 González-Ruibal
place among huge rocks beside the main gate of the second enclosure of the oppidum. The
figures probably represent idealized warrior aristocrats (heroes) that symbolically protected the
entrance to the settlements, while at the same time making explicit the power of the ruling elite.
Parallels have been proposed with the late Hallstatt statues from Germany, such as those from
the Glauberg and Hirschlanden (Höck 1999). However, the Gallaecian warrior statues were
probably produced in the late second and first centuries BC and always appear linked to oppida
or hillforts, while the Hallstatt examples are from the sixth to fifth centuries BC and are found in
funerary contexts. In addition, there is too wide a spatial gap between southern Germany and
northwestern Iberia. Warrior statues have appeared in several locations in northwestern Portugal
and in the province of Ourense (Galicia) in the oppida of Rubiás and Armeá.
There are also smaller
representations of warriors, most of
them from southern Galicia, whose date
may be earlier, although we lack any
contextual data. The most famous
image is the warrior from Capeludos,
from northeastern Portugal, who wears
a cap extraordinarily similar to that of
the Hirschlanden warrior. Finally, some
stone heads, probably depicting
warriors, have been discovered in
Galicia. There are only three good
examples: Castro do Río, Anllo (both in
Ourense) and Ralle (Lugo). They are Figure 3. Distribution of different kinds of warrior statues. After
González-Ruibal (2003a).
oversized heads wearing torcs and
probably helmets, although the less realistic detail and the rougher treatment of the surfaces
prevent an easy identification (Fig. 3). The emphasis on warrior representations fits well with the
situation of instability and endemic warfare that characterized the Iberian Peninsula in the second
and first centuries BC. Internecine conflict and wars against Rome probably encouraged
inequalities within hillfort communities, especially in southern Gallaecia, the region that was in
closer contact with Lusitanians and other warlike peoples, continuously menaced by the Roman
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 121
expansion. Mercenaries and warlords probably made the most, in social and political terms, of
this turbulent situation.
Catalogue
Two warrior statues, Lezenho hillfort (Vila Real, Portugal) (Fig. 4).
The statues from Lezenho are the finest found in Gallaecia up to now. They show an astonishing
degree of realism and detail. Both statues presented here have torcs, belts, round shields and
daggers. One of them (B) has a dress decorated with interlaced S-patterns, the same pattern to be
found in architectural decoration. Four statues in total are known from Lezenho hillfort.
Bibliography: Silva (1986: 305-307; Est. CXX, 1-2); Calo Lourido (1994: 292-302; 2003: 10-4,
Pls. 10-21); Schattner (2003). Museu Nacional de Arqueologia e Etnologia (Lisboa).
Portugal (Calo Lourido 1994: 180), among other sites. The following inscription can be read on
the warrior's shield: Malceino / Dovilonis / F, i.e. "Malceinus, Dovilo's son". The front part of
the belt has a multi-armed swastika, perhaps with an apotropaic meaning. The fact that those
elements decorating houses and ritual saunas also appear in warriors' dress, reveals an
appropiation by the ruling elite of powerful cosmological symbols. This was one of the latest
warrior statues to be discovered, in the early 1980s. Bibliography: Martins and Silva (1984);
Silva (1986: 305-306; Est. CXX, 4); Calo Lourido (1994: 450-455; 2003: 19-20, Pls. 30-32);
Koch (2003); Schattner (2003). Unidade de Arqueologia da Universidade do Minho.
Warrior statue, Santa Comba hillfort (?). Refojos de Basto (Vila Real, Portugal) (Fig. 7).
This huge statue (206 cm) wears the characteristic belt, round
shield, dagger and viriae on both arms. The belt has a small
triskel as a decoration in the back, the same used in architectural
decoration. As has been said, this was probably considered a
magical protective device. One of the most interesting features
of this work is the presence of feet, seldom preserved in warrior
statues, seemingly encased in a pair of closed (leather?) boots
and shin pads (knemides). In addition, this is one of the few
warrior statues with a sword, which is unsheathed over the right
part of the torso. It bears a Latin inscription on the lower part of
the shield: "Artifices / Calubrigens /es. et. Abianis /
F(aciendum). C(uraverunt)", whose interpretation remains
obscure. Apparently, the "faciendum curaverunt" refers to the
inscription itself and the statue could have been reused as a Figure 7. Warrior statue from Santa
landmark between both populi. Bibliography: Silva (1986: 307; Comba. After Calo (2003).
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 123
est. CXXII, 1); Calo Lourido (1994: 509-515; 2003: 23-24, Pls. 40-43); Koch (2003); Schattner
(2003). Private collection.
Anthropomorphic statues
Female goddesses
The number of female representations in the pre-Roman art of Gallaecia is scant and their
chronology is very dubious. We will take into account only two statues here: one from Briteiros
and another one from Sendim, both found in hillforts in northwestern Portugal. These are less
than life-sized representations of women, with their sexual attributes conspicuously marked. The
sculptural work appears less skillful when compared to the warrior statues. The piece from
Sendim was discovered in a hillfort inhabited throughout the Middle and Late Iron Age, until the
beginning of the first century AD. The piece from Briteiros comes from the oppidum's acropolis,
in an area that was probably devoted to ritual activities, as shown by other sculptures,
inscriptions and human remains found there (González-Ruibal 2003a: 469-470). Some divinities
known through the Roman epigraphic evidence in northwestern Iberia are probably female (such
as Navia). Nonetheless, due to the scant information given in inscriptions, it is difficult to link
statues to particular divinities. Female gods wearing torcs are known in temperate Europe, such
as one of the figures depicted on the Gundestrup cauldron. Apart from the two images from
southern Gallaecia, three other female representations are known in the northwest (Calo Lourido
1994: 196-197; 302-304). Two of them come from the Logrosa hillfort and the third from
Carabeles (A Coruña, Galicia). They probably depict women, although only one of them
124 González-Ruibal
(Carabeles) has any sexual attribute (breasts). All female statues are shown clasping both hands
together in what has been called an attitude of respect, submissiveness or devotion, sharply
opposed to the hieratic and powerful bodies of male warriors. The presence of sexual attributes
suggests fertility and reproduction. The mother goddess cult (Matres) is known in Gallaecia. The
most explicit inscription, however, was found outside the region: it is the altar devoted to the
Matribus Gallaecis ("Gallaecian Mothers") in the Roman town of Clunia in the Spanish Meseta
(CIL II 2776).
Catalogue
Female statue, Oppidum of Briteiros (Braga, N. Portugal) (Fig. 9).
The most interesting element in this work is the presence of a torc, an item of personal ornament
usually associated with men in Celtic Europe, at least in the second half of the first millennium
BC. Women wearing torcs are commonly associated with deities. The work is rather crude, with
rough surfaces, and disproportionate. The only sexual attributes visible are the breasts. The
position of the arms is very characteristic. This is the only seated female statue in northwestern
Iberia. It is 48 cm high. Bibliography: Cardozo (1968); Calo Lourido (1994: 170-171, 188).
Museu da Sociedade Martins Sarmento (Guimarães).
Figure 9. Female statue from the oppidum of Figure 10. Female statue from Sendim.
Briteiros. After González-Ruibal (2003a). Author's photograph.
Seated gods
Only four sculptures representing seated gods have been discovered in Gallaecia to date.
However, they are extremely interesting. The motif is undoubtedly Mediterranean; the original
model comes from the Near East in the Bronze Age. Several examples of seated divinities have
been recorded in southern Spain, such as those from Galera (Jaén), Verdolay (Murcia) or Baza
(Granada). Interestingly, the Mediterranean tradition portrays women, sometimes linked with
Tanit, often with sex attributes (breasts) well marked, as a sign of fertility and wealth. By
contrast, the statues from northwestern Iberia show males, in some cases with marked genitalia,
such as the piece from Braga (Bettencourt and Carvalho 1993-94). Thus, a similar meaning
might be transmitted, of wealth and power (both related to sex) but the sex itself has changed
from female to male, which fits well with the southern Gallaecians' androcentric ethos, as shown
by the aforementioned warrior statues. The divinities are sitting on thrones, an unambiguous
symbol of power, which at least in one case (Pedrafita) is quite elaborate. The style clearly
resembles that of the warrior statues: an element present in most of them, bracelets (viriae), can
also be found in the seated gods. The context is unknown. Only one of them was excavated in a
hillfort: Lanhoso (Teixeira 1940). Another piece comes from the vicinity of the Roman town of
Braga (ancient Bracara Augusta, the capital of the Conventus Bracarum), although it could have
been moved there (Bettencourt and Carvalho 1993-94). The two pieces discovered in Xinzo de
Limia (Ourense, Galicia) had no definite context (Ferro Couselo 1972), but were reported as
coming from the vicinity of a Roman villa and road. The link with a traditional road may be
more eloquent than the settlement in this case. The statue from Pedrafita (Ourense, Galicia) was
discovered not far from a hillfort (Luis 1997), but, as with the other examples, the proximity to
an archaeological site means little. They could well have been located outside defended
settlements, in pre-Roman open shrines or sanctuaries, as is seen at Vix in France (Chaume and
Reinhard 2003). The origin of these statues must be sought in the Iron Age, based on their
Mediterranean counterparts, even if they were later relocated in the proximity of Roman
settlements.
Catalogue
Seated god, Xinzo de Limia (Ourense, Galicia) (Fig. 11).
This is one of a couple of sculptures found in the same place near the Roman vicus of Xinzo de
Limia. Some hillforts are known in the vicinity of Roman settlements. The statues were located
not far from the Lima on a wooden structure. No associated archaeological materials could be
126 González-Ruibal
found. A Roman building and a road are nearby, but no direct relation with the statues can be
recognized. One of the gods holds a vessel in his hands, the other might be holding a tray. This
might be showing the god's lavishness. Mother goddesses in the Mediterranean are usually
portrayed with pots as symbols of fertility and generosity. Although sex is not marked, we could
perhaps consider one statue to be male and the other female, as at Vix (Chaume and Reinhard
2003). The statue is 69 cm high. Bibliography: Ferro Couselo (1972); Calo Lourido (1994: 290-
91). Museo Arqueolóxico Provincial de Ourense.
Figure 11. Seated god from Xinzo de Limia. Figure 12. Seated god from Pedrafita. After
Author's photograph. Luis (1997).
Architectural decoration
The majority of the sculptures known from the Iron Age in northwestern Iberia are elements
of architectural decoration. The origin of this art is intrinsically linked to the conditions that
fostered the development of oppida and a particular type of composite homestead. Compound-
building and expansion served as an arena for social competition in which different households
exhibited their power and wealth. The sometimes complex decorative programs can be explained
as a statement of social position and economic achievement, a tradition well attested among the
Toraja, in Indonesia, or the Zafimaniry, in Madagascar, amongst other "house societies"
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 127
(Waterson 1995). However, the decoration of households is not only a reflection of social
competition among elites or elites and commoners, but also reflects symbolic concerns: The huge
populations concentrated inside oppida not only made socio-political differentiation necessary
but also lead to the avoidance of dangers due to symbolic and real pollution: large
agglomerations of people are usually accompanied by the appearance of protective devices in the
form of amulets, paintings or inscriptions among neighbours frightened of disease or symbolic
contamination. The most common decorative elements are the following:
• Stone discs with swastikas or triskels carved on them. These were embedded in house
walls.
• Door decorations, usually abstract motifs (SS), mouldings and string-work covering
jambs and lintels.
• Couzóns (hinges): These are round pieces with a sort of shaft whose use is also unknown.
The decoration is more elaborate, usually herring-bone or string-work bands.
Catalogue
Triskels and swastikas (A), "hinges" (B), amarradoiro (C), wheels (D) and rosettes (E), Oppidum
of Santa Trega (Pontevedra, Galicia) (Fig. 13).
As for all other decorated stones
found by Cayetano de Mergelina
in the 1920s and 1930s, no
topographical or stratigraphical
reference has been recorded for
these pieces. The variety of
swastikas has no equal in
northwestern Iberia and their
quality is extraordinary. The
stone wheel - probably related to
the swastika - is especially
interesting because of the
religious significance of this item
in Celtic Europe (Green 1984). Figure 13. Different types of architectural decoration from the oppidum of
Santa Trega. After Mergelina (1944-45).
Wheels are also found carved in
128 González-Ruibal
open sanctuaries (Parcero Oubiña et al. 1998). Santa Trega is the oppidum with the largest
collection of Iron Age sculptures in northwestern Iberia, followed by Monte Mozinho and
Briteiros (northern Portugal). It is also one of the largest oppida (20 ha), located in a dramatic
environment: a prominent peak facing the Atlantic Ocean and the river mouth of Galicia's
longest river, the Miño. It was an important and wealthy entrepôt from the late second century
BC to the early first century AD. Bibliography: Mergelina (1944-45); Calo Lourido (1994: 530-
593); Carballo (1994); Peña Santos (2001). Museo da Citania de Santa Trega (A Guarda).
Swastika/triskel, Oppidum of Lansbrica, modern San Cibrán de Las (Ourense, Galicia) (Fig. 14).
This stone was reused as a slab in the pavement of a courtyard, during the early first century AD.
The archaeological excavations, carried out in 1947, were never published. The maximum length
of the stone is 42.5 cm. Since 2003, Lansbrica, an oppidum of nine hectares, has been the object
of large scale excavations that may shed light on the pre-Roman sculpture of Gallaecia.
Bibliography: Calo Lourido (1994: 438, 443). Museo Arqueolóxico Provincial de Ourense.
Swastika/triskel, Oppidum of Coeliobriga, modern Castromao (Ourense, Galicia) (Fig. 15). This
piece was discovered during archaeological excavations. It probably belonged to a small
rectangular house of the late MIA or LIA. The maximum length of the stone is 46 cm.
Coeliobriga, the capital of the Coelerni, was an important oppidum (about 20 ha), inhabited
beginning in the Early Iron Age, and later an important Roman town. Recent excavations have
recovered swastikas from pre-Roman layers dating from the second to the first centuries BC
(Orero Grandal, pers. comm.). Bibliography: García Rollán (1971: 196, Fig. 47); Calo Lourido
(1994: 208, 217). Museo Arqueolóxico Provincial de Ourense.
Figure 14. Swastika from the Figure 15. Swastika from the oppidum Figure 16. Door frame from the oppidum of
oppidum of Lansbrica. After Peña of Coeliobriga. After Peña Santos (2003). Âncora. After González-Ruibal (2003a).
Santos (2003).
Door frame, Cividade de Âncora (Viana do Castelo, northern Portugal) (Fig. 16).
This monumental door (its maximum height is 209 cm) undoubtedly belonged to an aristocratic
house in the oppidum. It was discovered in the 1870s and its specific context is unknown. The
right jamb was reconstructed in concrete. The site has also produced other interesting decorated
stones, most of them reused in later structures (Viana 1963). The coastal situation of this
oppidum and the quantities of amphorae found in it illustrate its important development in the
LIA, parallel to that of Santa Terga. Bibliography: Calo Lourido (1994: 70-80). Archaeological
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 129
excavations in the hillfort are described in Viana (1963) and Silva (1986: 48-51; Est. XXVII-
XXX; CXVIII-CXXIX). Museu da Sociedade Martins Sarmento (Guimarães).
Door frame and friezes, Sabroso (Braga, northern Portugal) (Fig. 17).
Bibliography: Calo Lourido (1994: 421-432). Museu da Sociedade Martins Sarmento
(Guimarães).
Figure 17. Door frame and friezes from Sabroso hillfort. After González-Ruibal (2003a).
Figure 18. Stylized palm-tree decorations from the Figure 19. String-work-shaped friezes from the
oppidum of Briteiros. After Calo Lourido (1994). oppidum of Briteiros. After Calo Lourido (1994).
130 González-Ruibal
Figure 20. Lintels with Latin inscriptions from the oppidum of Briteiros. Author's photograph.
Pedras formosas
If architectural decoration is the most popular of all the sculptural expressions in the
northwest, the art reached its peak with the so-called pedras formosas (beautiful stones). The
first example discovered, in the oppidum of Briteiros, in the eighteenth century, is one of the
nicest works of pre-Roman Gallaecian art. The use of these stones, and of the semi-subterranean
structures to which they are related, was much debated until the 1970s. There is now a virtual
consensus that the buildings were baths (saunas) and that the pedras formosas were monumental
façades for those baths (Fig. 21). However, two irreconcilable interpretations have arisen: one
defending a Roman date and a profane use (e.g. Calo Lourido 1994; Ríos González 2000) and
one arguing for a pre-Roman date and a ritual use (e.g. Almagro-Gorbea and Álvarez-Sanchís
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 131
Figure 21. Late Iron Age ritual sauna (Briteiros 2). After Cardozo (1931).
1993). Bearing in mind that the Greek geographer Strabo (3, 3, 6), quoting sources from the
second century BC, mentions the habit of taking baths among the Gallaecians; that monumental
Roman baths in the area are not known prior to the mid-first century AD; that a profane use
cannot explain the transport and carving of such enormous slabs nor their location in the central
room instead of in the most external one, nor the difficult access to the different rooms (it is
necessary to crawl through a small entrance), and, finally, that the pedras formosas have
complex cosmological symbols carved on them, I consider a pre-Roman date and a ritual use the
most likely option. It is also probable, as Almagro-Gorbea and Álvarez-Sanchís have pointed
out, that these premises were used in rites of passage, seemingly linked to warrior groups.
Meaningfully, the small entrance is almost always enhanced. Only the stone from Sardoura lacks
decoration, both on the entrance and the rest of the stone, therefore underlining the idea of
transition.
Three types of saunas have been described (Queiroga 1992; Ríos 2000). Types 1a and 1b
are those found in southern Gallaecia, in the region of the oppida. They both have three rooms
and are built of large slabs and blocks. Type 1a has a very simple and coarse pedra formosa, and
it is probably the oldest monumentalized sauna. Type 1b is the most widespread model of sauna
and it probably dates to the first century BC. Saunas belonging to this group have well-shaped
pedras formosas, sometimes with profuse decoration. Type 2 is only found in the northern area.
The buildings have only two rooms instead of three, they lack pedra formosa (which were
132 González-Ruibal
probably made of wood) and they were built of small stones (schist or slate). All decorated
pedras formosas known to date come from the north of Portugal. The only Type 1B sauna from
Galicia (Santa Mariña de Augas Santas, Ourense) does not have a decorated stone.
Catalogue
Pedra Formosa, Type 1A, Sardoura (Viseu) (Fig. 22A).
This is the only sauna stone known south of the Douro River. It was discovered during
construction work more than half a century ago and it was not properly recorded. No Roman
materials were found nearby. This, along with the crude shaping of the stone, leads us to suggest
an earlier date, perhaps third or second century BC, when compared with Type 1B.
Bibliography: Cardozo (1949).
Pedra Formosa, Type 1A, Eiras (Arcos de Valdevez, Braga) (Fig. 22B).
This is one of the latest sauna stones to
be discovered and the only one
belonging to Type 1A with decoration.
The decoration is atypical and simple,
only the two swastikas on the top recall
the decoration in Type 1B saunas, such
as Briteiros 2. Bibliography: Queiroga
(1992: 25).
Pedra Formosa, Type 1B, Santa Maria de Galegos (Braga) (Fig. 22G).
Although discovered in the early 1980s and properly excavated, no report has been published.
The scant data come from A.C.F. da Silva's thesis, the archaeologist who conducted the
excavation. Most of the pottery is indigenous, belonging to the pre-Roman LIA. However, the
drainage system and water tank were made with Roman tiles and a small fragment of a Hispanic
Drag. 27 vessel was also discovered. The structure was probably refurbished and reused after the
Roman conquest. The decorated stone has interesting wavy motifs, perhaps representing hot
water or steam, and a small, thinly inscribed wheel, which probably has the same meaning as the
swastikas present in other saunas. Bibliography: Silva (1986: 56-60, Est. XXV-XXVI, CXXXVI,
2 and CXXXVII, 5); Calo Lourido (1994: 266-270).
Omphaloi(?)
There is a small group of carved stones that cannot be clearly associated with any of the
groups previously discussed. They are prismatic pillars with their four faces decorated with
different motifs. I propose an interpretation based on sacred stones found among other "Celtic"
peoples, such as the Irish omphaloi (O'Kelly 1989: 284-289), which have stylized vegetal motifs
organized in four different parts, not unlike those from Gallaecia. I do not claim that the use and
the cosmology behind Irish omphaloi can be directly translated to these pillars tout court. Rather,
I would argue that they have a ritual purpose roughly comparable to other carved stones and
natural rocks in the "Celtic" world, traditionally linked with political power (García Quintela and
Santos Estévez 2000). In our region, there are some Roman inscriptions that may throw some
light on the interpretation of these stones. There is a divinity called Crougea Toudadigoe, whose
meaning seems to be "The Stone of the People" (Búa 1997: 74-75). Another divinity, Trebopala,
has traditionally been interpreted as "The Stone of the Village". However, the interpretation of -
pala as "stone" does not have many followers today. A translation as "flat land" is preferred.
The pillars known from southwestern Gallaecia suffer the same interpretive problems as
the majority of the pre-Roman statuary in the area: the absence of a well-recorded context. Their
link to Iron Age hillforts, nonetheless, is well proved.
Catalogue
Pillar, Cortinhas (Vila Real, northern Portugal) (Fig. 24A).
The interlaced SS decorations are very similar to those from
São Miguel-o-Anjo. Unlike the stones from Cendufe and
Beiro, roughly the same symbol seems to be reproduced on
each face of the pillar. Bibliography: Calo Lourido (1994:
233-237).
Heads
Unlike the art of the oppida, heads can be found from the Douro River to northern
Galicia, all over Gallaecia. Two groups can be distinguished: representations of severed human
heads, similar to the Gaulish têtes coupées (Rapin 2003), and other images, probably
representing gods.
It is in the northern area (Conventus Lucensis), where the largest number of this kind of
sculpture, and specifically severed heads, has been found. A particular style has been recorded in
this area, characterized by very simple and crude representations of human heads, often in bas-
relief, with "owl faces". They closely resemble the pillars with têtes coupées from southern
France (Salviat 1987; Green 2001: 100-102), even if the severed heads from southern Galicia are
usually more elaborate. Two pieces from Armeá (Ourense), for example, clearly show the
features of a dead person: the most naturalistic element is the swollen, half-closed eyes. A couple
of severed heads carved on stone pillars, in a realistic style, have been recently discovered in
Amoeiro (Trasalba, Ourense) (X. Ayán Vila, pers. comm., 2003).
Only four statues have been found during archaeological excavations - which is not bad,
if we take into account the substantial problems for dating and providing a context for this kind
of representation in the rest of Europe (Megaw 2003): Barán (Lugo, Galicia) (Álvarez Núñez
1993, 1993-94), A Graña (A Coruña, Galicia) (Barciela and Rey 2000: 135-136), San Cibrán de
Las-Lansbrica (Ourense, Galicia) (Pérez Outeiriño 1985: 246, Pl. IV, 2) and Monte Mozinho
(Porto, Portugal) (Calo Lourido 1994: 346-347, 357, 703).
The head from Lansbrica was not in its original location, due to major construction work
in the area in the first century AD. However, it was found very close to a monumental gate of the
oppidum's inner enclosure (where rituals or social activities probably took place). The head from
A Graña was dug up in the entrance also. It was undoubtedly located over the gate. Two of the
heads from Barán were located on a heap of stones in the central area of the hillfort. The
chronology of the stone heads is not clear, but they were most probably in use in the first century
BC. Two functions can be proposed: an apotropaic one, in the entrances to hillforts and oppida,
136 González-Ruibal
and a ritual one, to which specific areas inside settlements were probably devoted. The ancient
writers told us about the Gaulish custom of putting human heads in house doors and the practice
of severing the enemy's head in war among barbarians (Strabo, 5, 29, 5; Polybius, Hist. 2, 28;
Livy, Hist. 10, 26 and 23, 24; Diodorus Siculus Hist. 5, 29, 4-5). The severed head, or its
representation, could simultaneously attract the power of the vanquished enemy, serve as a
protection against bad spirits and as an image of the power of the community. Although it has
been traditionally linked with Celtic peoples, the magical and social use of heads is very
widespread, both in space and time (Rosaldo 1980). I suggest that the spread of head hunting or
its representation must be linked to the increasing violence provoked both by the growing
hierarchization and territorialization of the Late Iron Age and the stress brought on by the Roman
wars. On the other hand, not all heads can be related to severed human heads, some of them
probably represent gods, perhaps a local genius (Genius Castelli), a protector of the village.
Divinities of this kind, such as Bandua and perhaps Coso, are well attested in Lusitania and
Gallaecia (Olivares 2002; Prósper 2002). Whether they are related to gods or humans, heads
seem to play a central role in the beliefs of Celtic peoples from all over Europe (Almagro-Gorbea
and Lorrio 1990; Megaw 2003).
Another variety of heads or busts are two-faced and most probably represent Janus-like
gods. Their context is unknown and their chronology dubious. Five examples, all from Galicia,
are known: Amorín and Seixabre (Pontevedra), Francos and Pontedeume (A Coruña) and,
perhaps, Óutara (Lugo) (Calo 1994: 67-69; 259-261; 375-376; 384-388). All have two opposite
faces, except the statue from Pontedeume, which has four. Unlike severed heads, these are
seldom related to hillforts. In fact, only the example from Francos may come from a hillfort and,
in this case, the carving is so rough that it is difficult to ascertain if there are in fact two faces.
Because of the multiple faces, they might be related with entrances, points of passage or roads.
Statues with two or three heads are found in other Celtic areas (Megaw 2003: 277-278),
sometimes associated with important travel routes (e.g. Hayen 1987: 134-135; Szábo 1992: 99).
Interestingly, the cult of the Lares Viales had special significance in northwestern Spain.
Catalogue
Severed head, Barán (Lugo, Galicia) (Fig. 25).
This is one of a group of three sculptures, one of which was found in an archaeological context.
They appeared in the acropolis of a small hillfort, in what may be identified as a ritual area,
devoid of houses or other ordinary structures. However, the poor standard of the publication
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 137
hampers any plausible interpretation of the site. This sculpture is a good example of the Lugo
style, as represented by this hillfort and the neighbouring one of Cortes. The representation is
rough and extremely simple. Bibliography: Álvarez Núñez (1993; 1993-94); (Calo Lourido
1994: 120-123). Museo Provincial de Lugo.
Figure 25. Severed head from Barán. Author's photograph. Figure 26. Severed head from Monte Güimil. Author's
photograph.
Figure 27. Severed head from Armeá. Figure 28. Severed head from Armeá. After Peña
Author's photograph. Santos (2003).
Some of the most important representations of heads from Galicia and northern Portugal (Fig.
29).
1. Chaves; 2-4, Armeá (Ourense); 5. Cortes (Lugo); 6-8. Barán (Lugo); 9. San Cibrán de Las
(Lansbrica, Ourense); 10. Gaxate (Pontevedra); 11. Remesar (Pontevedra); 12. A Graña (A
Coruña); 13. Moreira Nova (Pontevedra); 14. Ocastro (Pontevedra); 15. Narla (Lugo); 16. Monte
Mozinho (Porto). After González-Ruibal (2003a: fig. 4.117).
Figure 29. Severed heads from northwestern Iberia. Figure 30. Female bust (A) and herma (B) from
After González-Ruibal (2003a). Seixabre. After J.J. Perles Fontao (unpublished report).
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 139
Jewellery
The history of jewellery in the northwestern Iberian Peninsula in the first millennium BC
is quite similar to that of the British Isles and other Atlantic regions (Northover 1994). A period
of expansion in the Late Bronze Age is followed by a period of restriction (Early Iron Age), with
a gradual new expansion from the Middle Iron Age that ends with an outstanding quantity of
gold jewellery in the second and first centuries BC, most from hoards. The majority of the
jewellery described here probably dates to the Late Iron Age. Coincidences are not restricted to
the evolution and involution of jewellery, but also affect the raw material used: as opposed to the
Mediterranean use of silver, gold is the prevailing metal of Gallaecian jewellery, as in the rest of
"Celtic" Europe.
Torcs
Undoubtedly, torcs are the most outstanding artifacts that the indigenous communities of
northwestern Iberia ever produced. Their number (around 150) is striking, especially if we
consider that most of them cluster in the north of Galicia (see catalogues in Pingel [1992] and
Prieto Molina [1996]). As has been said, most of them are made of gold, as in the rest of the
Atlantic regions, in stark contrast with the silver jewellery typical of the Mediterranean,
including the rest of the Iberian Peninsula. Silver torcs, such as the group from Bagunte (Ladra
Fernandes 2001), are the product of exchanges with foreign elites or raids conducted in distant
lands. Some of them weigh more than one kilogram. Although the Mediterranean influence is
quite obvious (Armbruster and Perea 2000: 104; García Vuelta 2002), there are marked
differences with southern traditions, one of them being the raw material (gold) employed.
However, even if the Gallaecian torcs are not completely similar to those known in the British
Isles or France, the very idea of the torc most probably came through the Atlantic routes. These
items of personal ornament, as is also true in the rest of Europe, were worn mainly by men like
the aristocratic individuals represented by the warrior statues. The links between torcs and the
divine realm are demonstrated by the aforementioned statues of goddesses and seated gods.
Although they were primarily used as an adornment aimed at enhancing the bodies of the ruling
elite, other uses can be pointed out. On the one hand, the fact that some of them have tiny stones
inside their hollow ends, producing a sound when shaken (Xanceda, Vilas Boas, etc.), proves
their use as rattles. The same use, placed in the context of a religious activity, is probably attested
140 González-Ruibal
in the Cernunnos of the Gundestrup cauldron. On the other hand, it has been demonstrated that
Gallaecian torcs follow a Punic weight system, based on the shekel (Ladra Fernandes 1999b).
Thus, they were probably also used as ingots, or rather, as a way of accumulating wealth in a
measurable form.
With regard to the context of deposition, they seldom appear in clear domestic contexts in
the northern area. By comparison, they are usually located inside the inhabited area of the
oppida, in the south: fragments of torcs have been dug up in Sanfins, in the courtyard of a
domestic compound (Jalhay 1950); in Troña, underneath the pavement of a first century BC
round house (Ladra Fernandes 1999a); and in unknown domestic compounds in Santa Trega
(Mergelina 1944-45: 37-38) and Bagunte (Ladra Fernandes 2001). Unfortunately, these are the
only torcs recovered during archaeological excavations that have been properly published,
although exact information on the context and stratigraphical position are only given in the Troña
example. Some northern torcs are reported to have been found inside hillforts, but their context is
unknown (e.g. two examples in Viladonga: Chamoso Lamas 1977). They more often appear in
the surroundings of hillforts and frequently as part of hoards, along with other torcs, ingots and
other jewellery or fragments of jewellery. The hoards from Foxados (A Coruña) and A Madorra
(Lugo) are good examples (Carro García 1943; Ladra Fernandes 1997-98). At least one torc was
recovered from a watery context (Bouza Brey 1965). The torcs from Chaves very frequently
appear in hoards far from hillforts. A votive activity may be behind most of these deposits.
The torcs of the Late Iron Age show a considerable diversity. A number of stylistic
categories that were identified in the 1950s can, despite some problems, still be used (López
Cuevillas 1951; Monteagudo 1952). I have proposed three main groups based on the old
typologies (González-Ruibal 2003a: 346-347, Fig. 4.95) (Fig. 31):
Torcs of the oppida. These can be found in northwestern Portugal and southwestern
Galicia. They appear in the area occupied by oppida, are always discovered inside these large
settlements, and their main features are their bell- or urn-shaped terminals. The terminal profiles
sometimes recall a certain type of vessel from the Late Iron Age, which was used for storing
jewellery. These torcs often have a very baroque decoration of undoubtedly Mediterranean
inspiration. The bar has a round cross-section. The best examples come from the oppidum of
Lanhoso (see below). Other examples were located in the oppida of Sanfins (Jalhay 1950) and
Santa Trega (Carballo 1994).
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 141
• Asturian-northern Gallaecian (Astur norgalaico). In this type two thirds of the bar is
covered with wire but instead of spirals the central part of the torc is decorated with
filigree or simply left devoid of decoration. The ends have double mouldings (scotiae).
The best examples come from northern Lugo: Burela, Marzán and Recarea. The bar has a
round cross-section.
• Torcs with stamped decoration. The ends can be pear-shaped or have double mouldings
(scotiae). The bar has a square cross-section. They are probably older than the rest,
perhaps from the Middle Iron Age (fourth to third centuries BC), given the parallels with
MIA pottery decoration.
There are also a large number of undecorated torcs, with square or round bar and pear-
shaped or moulded ends, whose distribution coincides with the other types already mentioned.
142 González-Ruibal
This can be due to different reasons: they may be older or they may belong to different social
groups (age or class groups). It would be necessary to find this type of jewellery in a datable
context if we want to interpret the variety of types and their geographical distribution. Despite
these regional groups, torcs from a certain area are sometimes found far away from it. One of the
best examples is the fragment of an Artabrian torc found in Troña (Pontevedra), around 100 km
away from the production area in eastern A Coruña (Ladra Fernandes 1999a). This may be
explained by the documented practice of gift exchange and plundering carried out by war
leaders. Torc-giving is well attested in the early Irish litterature (Castro Pérez 1984-85).
Catalogue
Gold torc, Northern group, Undecorate, Melide (A Coruña, Galicia) (Fig. 32).
The region of Melide, in central Galicia, has yielded a striking number of torcs and torc
fragments, most of them undecorated. This contrasts sharply with the local hillforts, which are
usually of very modest size (less than one hectare) and with very few huts in perishable material.
This might be because the communities despised immovable properties, while using gold and
cattle as a means of accumulating wealth. This torc weighs 678 grams. Bibliography: López
Cuevillas (1951: 24); Balseiro García (1994: 104-107). Museo Provincial de Lugo.
Figure 32. Torc from Melide. After Figure 33. Torc from Burela. After Figure 34. Torc of unknown
Balseiro García (1994). Balseiro García (1994). provenance. After Queiroga (1987).
Gold torc, Northern group (Asturian-northern Gallaecian) Burela (Lugo, Galicia) (Fig. 33).
This is the heaviest piece of Iron Age jewellery found in northwestern Iberia. It weighs 1,812
kgs. The quality of the gold is also very high. It was found near a coastal hillfort on the Cantabric
seacoast. A gold earring was found years later. Bibliography: Trapero Pardo (1956); Balseiro
García (1994: 138-147). Museo Provincial de Lugo.
Figure 35. Torc from A Coruña. Author's photograph. Figure 36. Torcs from A Madorra. After Ladra Fernandes
(1997-98).
Detail of a gold torc, Northern group, Xanceda hillfort (A Coruña, Galicia) (Fig. 37).
This is the central part of a torc that vaguely follows the structure of the Artabrian style.
However, this part, instead of being devoid of decoration, is packed with a baroque combination
of diverse motifs: minute triangles composed of granulated decoration, an intricate filigree knot,
buttons and thick wire imitating string work. The thick wire vaguely resembles that of British
torcs. This kind of jewellery shows that, under the general constrictions of a certain structure,
gold smiths, or those ordering the jewellery, were endowed with a considerable agency.
Bibliography: López Gómez (1996: 126). Museo de San Antón (A Coruña).
Figure 37. Detail of a gold torc from Xanceda. Author's Figure 38. Torc from Vilas Boas. After Silva (1986).
photograph.
144 González-Ruibal
Gold torc, Chaves group, Vilas Boas (Chaves, northern Portugal) (Fig. 38).
This piece was found in the foothills of a defended Iron Age settlement called Cabeço da
Senhora da Assunção (Tamancas). It was possibly a votive deposit. This is an example of a torc
with rattle ends. The presence of duck symbolism is also very interesting: ducks are often found
in the jewellery of northwestern Iberia (Pérez Outeiriño 1980) and they play an important role in
Celtic mythology (Green 1992: 214). The Mediterranean influence is evident, both in the
techniques used (filigree and granulation) and in the decorative motifs (wavy borders or Grecian
fretwork). It weighs 387.3 grams. Bibliography: Santos Júnior (1965); Silva (1986: 249-50; Est.
CXI). Museu Nacional de Arqueologia e Etnologia (Lisboa).
Gold torcs, Oppida group, Cividade de Lanhoso (Braga, northern Portugal) (Fig. 39).
The torcs have wire covering two thirds of the bar, as seen in many northern torcs. In fact, the
overall structure of the torcs resembles that of the Artabrian group. However, the decoration is
more plentiful and detailed here. The interlaced SS motif in the trim around the torc terminals is
a widespread indigenous element, very common in pottery. The central bar's trimming has close
parallels in architectural stone decoration, as do the spirals or stylized swastikas that frame the
central part of the bar. These stylized motifs are somewhat akin to La Tène elements. These torcs
are rather small to be neck adornments. They weigh around 55 g each. The hoard containing
these three torcs was discovered while during road construction. The presence of ashes was
noticed. A Montefortino helmet and a statue representing a seated god - both mentioned in this
article - were discovered in the nearby hillfort, which would have been an important elite
dwelling in the Later Iron Age. Bibliography: Teixeira (1940); Silva (1986: 250-251, Est. CXII,
1-3). Museu D. Diogo de Sousa (Braga).
Figure 39. Torcs from Lanhoso. After Silva (1986). Figure 40. Torc terminal from
Santa Trega. Author's photograph.
Terminal of a gold torc, Oppida group, (Monte de Santa Trega) (Fig. 40).
This piece was found during the excavations carried out in the 1920s. We lack any specific data
on the place of provenance inside this enormous hillfort, although a domestic context is likely.
The Mediterranean influence is clear in the wavy trimmings and in the use of granulation and
micro-granulation. The terminals' flat sides are decorated with swastikas. The torc fragment
weighs 30 grams. Bibliography: Mergelina (1944-45: 37-38; Pl. XLVII); Carballo (1994); Peña
(2001). Museo do Monte de Santa Trega (A Guarda, Pontevedra).
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 145
Belts
A few decorated gold bands have been recorded in the northernmost area of
northwestern Iberia (García Vuelta and Perea 2001). They are quite thin and bear different
motifs, mainly abstract, but also figurative: the best examples of the latter are the friezes showing
warriors and horsemen in the belt from Moñes. These pieces have been traditionally called
diadems, although such use is far from credible. They were most certainly belt elements: the gold
bands were probably sewn to a leather strip. Only four examples are known, and only one of
them (Elviña) was discovered during archaeological excavations, under the pavement of a first
century AD house (Luengo Martínez 1979). A pre-Roman chronology around the second and
first centuries BC, if not older, can be suggested. The decoration on some buttons clearly
resembles that found on the pottery from the Later Iron Age in the Cantabric region. Despite the
indigenous decoration and the "Celtic" mythology reflected in one of the pieces, the origin of
these objects should perhaps be sought in the "magic belts" of the Semitic settlers of southern
Iberia (Blázquez 1991: 91-97). In addition, the mere idea of narration is more akin to the
Mediterranean than to Celtic art.
Catalogue
Gold belt, Mones (Asturias) (Fig. 41).
The provenance of this piece is not clear but it was most probably discovered in present-day
Asturias. This object is outstanding not only because of its remarkable craftmanship, but also
because it depicts a local myth, probably related to funerary beliefs. García Quintela (1997) has
proposed an interpretation of the Gallaecian "river of oblivion", the Lethes River, paralleling
other mythical rivers in the "Celtic" or Indoeuropean world. Mounted warriors, men on foot
carrying cauldrons, warriors armed with two spears and a small round shield (caetra) and
wearing a helmet with three crests (such as those described by Strabo, 3, 3, 6) take part in an
esoteric procession; fish and water birds can also be observed. The fish can perhaps be linked
with the "primordial salmon" of some Celtic myths, while the water flow has parallels in a
variety of cosmic fountains (Sterckx 1996: 10, 24). Bibliography: García Vuelta and Perea
(2001). Museo Valencia de Don Juan (Madrid), Museo Arqueológico Nacional (Madrid) and
Musée des Antiquités Nationales (Paris).
technique employed for decoration is repoussé (embossing), which, unlike filigree and
granulation, was known in the northwest from the Bronze Age on. This technique, along with the
association of the belt with an orientalizing necklace and the absence of decorative buttons,
allows us to think in terms of an early date (perhaps around the fourth century BC). The
necklace, nevertheless, could be of an earlier date. Bibliography: Luengo Martínez (1979);
Reboredo Canosa (1996). Museo de San Antón (A Coruña).
Figure 41. Gold belt from Mones. After Pingel (1992). Figure 42. Gold belt
from Elviña. Author's
photograph.
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 147
Earrings
Although it is a little outdated, there is a good reference book on earrings in northwestern
Iberia (Pérez Outeriño 1982). Unlike torcs, some earrings (arracadas) have been found during
modern archaeological excavations (Meijide Cameselle 1996; Villa Valdés 1999; Calo Lourido
and Soeiro 1986). We even have a radiocarbon date for the find context of one of them (Meijide
Cameselle 1996), discovered in a round hut in A Graña (A Coruña), and dated between the
fourth and second centuries (cal.) B.C. (Gd 5859, 2210 ± 50 BP). The context for such objects is
frequently domestic, as compared to torcs. However, some earrings come from watery locations
(López Cuevillas 1939-40) and other clear votive contexts. Two main traditions can be proposed:
1) a Southern style; and 2) a Northern style.
The Southern style
The southern style is clearly influenced by the orientalizing art of southern Iberia. These
earrings have been mostly found in southern Gallaecia, although some pieces made their way
northwards as far as the Punta dos Prados hillfort, located on the northernmost edge of Galicia
(C. Parcero Oubiña, pers. comm.). I have proposed that finds from as far away as southern
Gallaecia may be due to exchanges among elites, perhaps involving marriages and the
displacement of women (González-Ruibal 2003a: 348). Significantly, northern earrings do not
appear in the south: that could be explained by the practice, among northern elites, of
establishing kinship ties and political alliances with their prestigious and powerful southern
neighbours, while the reverse was not so much needed. Southerners, however, could have been
interested in engaging warriors from the north in their raids against the Romans. In the south of
Gallaecia other earrings have been discovered that bear a striking resemblance to Iberian
jewellery from Andalusia (cf. Mª.J. Almagro Gorbea [1986]). They might be direct imports,
perhaps obtained through raids into that area, or items influenced by the knowledge of Iberian
earrings.
The Northern style
This style is characterized by kidney-shaped earrings without the triangular hanging piece
found in the southern style earrings. The decoration can be very simple, reduced to simple
incisions, or quite complex, such as in the examples from the Bedoya Treasure. Two main sub-
styles can be noted: labyrinth-shaped earrings and boat-shaped earrings. Both sub-styles are
present in the Bedoya Treasure (Ferrol, A Coruña). Unlike the southern pieces, these sometimes
148 González-Ruibal
appear in large hoards. For example, that of the Recouso hillfort (A Coruña, Galicia) was
composed of around 15 earrings (Pérez Outeiriño 1982: Pl. XXV). This style is not attested south
of the river Ulla (the boundary between the provinces of A Coruña and Pontevedra).
Catalogue
Gold earring, Northern style, from a treasure (Tesoro Bedoya) found in the vicinity of Ferrol (A
Coruña, Galicia) (Fig. 43).
Two pairs of earrings were deposited inside a bronze vessel with a pre-Roman gold belt (see
above), two Roman rings and several silver and gold coins, the last of these dating from the time
of Domitian (91 AD). All pieces were gathered together in the hoard because of their economic
value, while the original meaning of the pre-Roman jewellery was probably lost by then. The
earring showed has the characteristic kidney-shape of the northern style and it belongs to the
boat-shaped subgroup. The granulation and filigree hint at a deep Mediterranean influence. The
tiny "flies" made with gold grains can also be traced to the Mediterranean. The piece weighs 6.4
grams. Bibliography: Pérez Outeiriño (1982: 89-93); Balseiro García (1997). Museo Provincial
de Pontevedra.
Gold earring, Southern style, Afife or Carreço (Viana do Castelo, northern Portugal) (Fig. 44).
Afife has a Late Iron Age oppidum. The shape of this piece recalls orientalizing jewellery,
although the Mediterranean style was altered by local goldsmiths. It weighs 9.9 grams.
Bibliography: Pérez Outeiriño (1982: 43-45); Silva (1986: 262, Est. CXVIII, 8; CXLVIII, 2A-
B). Museu Nacional de Arqueologia e Etnologia (Lisboa).
Figure 43. Earring from northern Galicia. After Figure 44. Earring from Afife. Figure 45. Earring from San
Pérez Outeiriño (1982). After Pérez Outeiriño (1982). Martinho de Antas. After Pérez
Outeiriño (1982).
Gold earring, Mediterranean type, San Martinho de Anta (Vila Real, northern Portugal) (Fig.
45).
This earring follows Iberian models like those recorded in the necropolis of Tutugi (Jaén,
Andalusia) (Mª. J. Almagro Gorbea [1986]). Bibliography: Blanco Freijeiro (1957: 81-83); Pérez
Outeiriño (1982: 77-80); Silva (1986: 242-43; Est. CXVIII, 11). Private Collection.
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 149
Decorated Bronzes
Unlike other areas of temperate Europe, metalwork (apart from gold) seldom produced
items that deserve the name of art (at least according to the criteria of classic art historians). The
weapons employed by Gallaecians were spears and falcatae (curved short swords) in the south,
and spears and antennae daggers in the north. The latter were surprisingly long lived (from the
eighth to the first centuries BC at least). Neither the blades nor the hilts bear any decoration. The
most common type of all the "artistic" bronzes are the cauldrons (situlae). The other artefacts
(votive axes and carts) are extremely rare.
Cauldrons
Bronze cauldrons were known in the area from the Later Bronze Age on. In the second
century BC a particular type of cauldron appears, bearing a complex decoration on the rim and
handles. The decoration, especially interlaced SS and string-work-shaped strips, recalls that used
in jewellery, some pottery vessels and stone carvings. Cauldrons were certainly used in those
feasts mentioned by Classical writers (Strabo 3, 3, 7), and the use of cauldrons in banquets is also
well recorded in the Irish sagas and other Iron Age contexts of temperate Europe (Arnold 1991:
225-226; Arnold 1999: 73). The context of growing hierarchization, the appearance of oppida
and the intensification of war probably encouraged the increasing importance of feasting in the
later Iron Age. As several authors have noted, although feasting can exist without war, conflict
always favours banqueting (Ferguson 1992: 92), which is strongly correlated with alliances and
the reinforcing of warrior solidarities. War and feasting are brought together in the hoard of
Castelo de Neiva (Almeida 1980): two Montefortino helmets, three bronze cups, various sherds
of wine amphorae (Dressel 1), a bronze sieve for wine or beer and fragments of a cauldron were
discovered on the margins of a large oppidum. Cauldrons were extremely popular all over
Gallaecia in the second and first centuries BC, which was a period of great external pressure on
the local communities by Rome. Their appearance in later contexts, probably during the time of
Augustus, might imply that banquets were resorted to during the troubled times of early
Romanization, when identities and power had to be deeply renegotiated (González-Ruibal
2003b).
Catalogue
Clay moulds for bronze cauldrons. These were found in a pit in Bracara Augusta (modern
Braga, Portugal), the Roman capital for the Conventus Bracarum (southern Gallaecia) (Fig.
150 González-Ruibal
46.A).
The presence of a few pre-Augustan elements at Braga (statues, Campanian ware, etc.) does not
rule out its use by an indigenous population, perhaps as a ritual place, before the Roman
foundation. Bibliography: Martins (1988). Museu D. Diogo de Sousa.
Decorated rim and handle, Coto de Altamira (Pontevedra, Galicia) (Fig. 46.B).
In this tiny hillfort (less than half a hectare in surface area), a huge number of decorated bronzes
were recovered. A workshop, probably supplying a religious demand, was established in this
place. Perhaps the hillfort was a sanctuary itself. Some of the bronzes are Roman (Mercury, a
votive altar) but others, such as these two, come from a pre-Roman background. Finds from
unsystematic excavations show an occupation span from the Early Iron Age to the mid to late
first century AD. The absence of good archaeological excavations makes it impossible to identify
the context of the finds. Bibliography: Carballo (1983). Museo Provincial de Pontevedra.
Figure 46. A. Clay moulds for cauldrons from Braga. After Figure 47. Decorated handle of a cauldron. Author's
Martins (1988); B. Parts of bronze cauldrons from Coto de photograph.
Altamira. After Carballo (1983).
Ritual axes
Only four or five pieces are known and only one of them has a reliable provenance. Their
small size, terminals in the shape of animal heads and decorative torcs are elements shared by all
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 151
of these pieces. One of the axes, now stored in the Museo Arqueológico Nacional (Madrid), is
specially interesting because it seemingly depicts a suovetaurilia (Barril Vicente 2002: 308), a
rite including the sacrifice of a ram or sheep, a pig and an ox or cow, whose existence among the
inhabitants of northwestern Iberia, specifically the Lusitanians, is known through the Romano-
indigenous inscription of Cabeço das Fraguas. The presence of torcs as decorative elements
reveals the religious significance of these axes among Gallaecians. They undoubtedly belong to
the Late Iron Age, but the exact chronology is unclear, as is their specific function.
Catalogue
Votive axe, unknown provenance (Fig. 48.1).
Due to the similarities with the previously described axe and the kind of torc represented, this
piece probably comes from somewhere in northern Galicia. The terminal is in this case a ram's
head. A cow or bull, however, is also depicted, near a bronze cauldron, thus showing the
religious significance of cauldrons and feasting in Iron Age Gallaecia. Almost all the piece is
covered with thin string-shaped bands, similar to those found on cauldrons. Bibliography:
González-Ruibal (2003a: 468, Fig. 4.191). Museo Provincial de Pontevedra.
Votive cart
The only votive cart known from the northwestern Iberian Peninsula is that of Costa
Figueira (northern Portugal). Apparently, it was discovered along with a roasting spit that seems
older than the votive cart (Late Bronze Age). It represents a ritual procession in which both men
and women take part. Some of the men are represented bearing arms. The sacrifice of a sheep or
goat, in the last row of the procession, seems to be the objective of the religious event depicted.
152 González-Ruibal
Interestingly, an ovid is represented in the votive axe of unknown provenance, as we have seen,
and Strabo refers to the sacrifice of he-goats to the God of War, who is equated with Ares (Str. 3,
3, 7). The chronology of the cart is unclear. Votive carts are known in Celtic Europe from the
Later Bronze Age to the Late Iron Age.
Catalogue
Votive cart, Monte de Costa Figueira (Vilela, Paredes, Porto, northern Portugal) (Fig. 49).
Bibliography: Silva (1986: 208, Est. XCVII, 2ª-D, CXLV; 1999: 30-31). Museu do Seminario
Maior de Viseu.
Figure 49. Votive cart in bronze from Monte da Costa Figueira. After Silva (1986).
Helmets
Unlike their neighbours (Quesada 1997), the people inhabiting the northwestern Iberian
Peninsula never developed a spectacular panoply of weapons. The only exceptions are four
bronze helmets, dating to the Later Iron Age, found in the Conventus Bracarum. Small fragments
are known from other locations, such as the oppidum of Briteiros. The origin of this artefact can
be traced back to the fourth century BC in Central Europe. The Montefortino helmet was in use,
in its many variants, until the time of Augustus, when it is replaced by the simplified Buggenum
type. Despite the Celtic origins of this helmet type, it spread rapidly across the Mediterranean.
The southern regions of Iberia have yielded a large number of Montefortino helmets, even more
than Celtic Iberia (García-Mauriño 1993; Quesada 1997: 558) and in fact they might have been
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 153
popularized by the Italian and Carthaginian armies (ibid). They have a wide distribution, from
Scythian lands in the east to southern Iberia in the west (ibid: 556). The helmets from our area
were produced locally: the decoration along the rim and peak (circles, triangles filled with dots,
zigzags, strings and mouldings) can also be found in the pottery of the second and first centuries
BC. The context of deposition is clearly ritual in two cases, Castelo de Neiva and Caldelas de
Tui. The good preservation of the helmet from Lanhoso also suggests a votive context. The
Gallaecian examples have been attributed to a later date, possibly as late as the Augustan period
(Quesada 1997: 563-564), but those found in context (Castelo de Neiva), were recovered with
sherds of Dressel 1c amphorae. It is thus more likely that the chronology has to be put back
between the late second and mid-first centuries BC. Bearing in mind the participation of
Gallaecian warriors in the Civil Wars of the mid-first century BC, we may date the
Montefortino-Buggenum helmets of Gallaecia around this period.
Catalogue
Montefortino helmet, Lanhoso (Braga,
northern Portugal) (Fig. 50A).
This piece was discovered during the
construction of a road in the oppidum of
Lanhoso. In the same settlement and
probably not far from the place were the
helmet was dug up, a statue of a seated
god was also discovered. Bibliography:
Teixeira (1940); Silva (1986: 206; XCII,
A-F; CXLIV, 3). Museu D. Diogo de
Sousa (Braga).
and the other by two swords (Meijide Cameselle and Acuña Castroviejo 1988). The area was
probably imbued with sacred meanings since the Bronze Age, because it was a boundary and a
crossing point simultaneously (as suggested in general by Bradley 1998). Bibliography: Santiso,
Gómez Sobrino and Tamuxe (1977); Silva (1986: 205, Est. XCII, 1A-D; CXLIV, 1). Museo
Histórico Diocesano de Tui (Pontevedra).
Pottery
Due to its immense variability, both temporal and geographical, it would be impossible to
summarize here the typologies of Gallaecian pottery in the Late Iron Age. Suffice it to say that
the most decorated vessels appear in the Rías Baixas area (Pontevedra, Galicia) and the middle
and lower Miño river basin (Ourense and Pontevedra, Galicia) in the Middle Iron Age. The most
widespread technique for decorating pots is stamping. Some areas, especially the north,
developed decorated containers, seemingly used in rituals or social activities, in the Late Iron
Age. A few of them have been discovered in the Roman town of Lucus Augusti (Alcorta
Irastorza 2001: Figs. 30 and 36), showing, as the cauldrons did, the importance of communal
banquets in the aftermath of the Roman conquest. These exceptions apart, the pottery of the Late
Iron Age shows a trend towards standardization and the impoverishment of decorative features.
Some elements, such as the concentric circles and the interlaced or simple SS (probably stylized
ducks or water birds) have parallels all over temperate Europe. There is no complete overview of
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 155
Figure 52. Decorated pot from A Forca. After Figure 53. Decorated pot from San Cibrán (Pontevedra).
Carballo (1987). Author's photograph.
Pot with plastic decoration, Late Iron Age, San Cibrán hillfort (Pontevedra, Galicia) (Fig. 53).
Bibliography: González-Ruibal (2003a: 408-409, Fig. 4.150). Museo Provincial de Pontevedra.
Concluding remarks
The Late Iron Age (second to first centuries BC) in northwestern Iberia witnessed the
development of a remarkable artistic style, clearly linked - as was also the case with the LaTène
style - to high status individuals. The development of this art, in fact, cannot be detached from
the increasing hierarchization and growing complexity of the native populations of Gallaecia
throughout the Middle and Late Iron Ages. The social and symbolic relevance of this style is
reflected in its extraordinary expansion in different types of media (bronzework, gold jewellery,
stone sculpture, dress). The main motifs depicted were loaded with religious meaning: swastikas,
triskels, wheels, and probably also interlaced SS and string-work designs. As in other areas, these
motifs were probably linked to basic cosmological principles and were deemed fundamental to
the production and reproduction of the natural and social order, hence their appropiation by
aristocrats, who displayed such symbols on their houses, dress, weapons and jewellery.
Perhaps one of the most distinctive characteristics of Gallaecian art is the pervasive
156 González-Ruibal
influence of the Mediterranean: the outstanding importance of stone sculpture can be attributed
to this influence, as in other "Celtic" cultures in close touch with Mediterranean peoples (such as
the southern Gauls). However, the marginal character of Gallaecia, from a geographical point of
view, allowed the indigenous people to engage in a deep reconceptualization of foreign
techniques and ideas. On the other hand, "Celtic" Europe is obviously present in the use of torcs,
the representations of severed heads, the preeminence of geometric or stylized motifs rather than
figurative ones, etc. Again, the remote location of Gallaecia with respect to the core "Celtic" area
provided the local populations with freedom to renegotiate exotic concepts.
The context of appearance of Gallaecian art is diverse: in the southern area, where a more
complex and inegalitarian society developed, oppida are the places where jewellery, sculptures
and bronzework were used or deposited, sometimes in ritual contexts (votive deposits, sacred
places), sometimes in domestic ones (aristocratic compounds) or public areas (entrance gates,
ramparts, temples/sanctuaries). In the northern area, which is characterized by small hillforts
rather than oppida, the surroundings of the settlements were chosen to deposit most of the
aristocratic artefacts mentioned in this text: ritual hoards (in watery or dry-land locations) seem
to be the rule. Some pieces (such as earrings) come from domestic contexts, while severed heads
- almost the only kind of stone sculpture known from northern Gallaecia - appear to be
associated with hillfort entrances and sanctuaries inside the settlement. Unfortunately, the
majority of artistic representations known from Gallaecia are stray finds, rarely discovered
during archaeological excavations and even then very seldom recovered in what would today be
considered a scientifically conducted fashion. On the other hand, the absence of formal
necropolises in the area further inhibits our knowledge of the social functions and precise
chronology of most of the Gallaecian artistic pieces. Funerary rituals appear to parallel those of
other Atlantic areas (Ireland, Britain) and probably involved excarnation by exposure, the
cremation and throwing of the deceased's ashes into rivers and lakes, or similar practices
attributed by Greek and Roman authors to other "Celtic" peoples. Some antennae daggers, torcs
and bronze objects recovered from watery locations might be related to these types of funerals.
While much work remains to be done to augment the record of isolated finds with systematically
excavated evidence, the existing material culture record from this part of the "Celtic" world
speaks eloquently of the energy and artistic brilliance of the Gallaecian craftsworkers and their
elite patrons.
Artistic Expression and Material Culture in Celtic Gallaecia 157
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