Cambridge Journal of Education

Vol. 38, No. 4, December 2008, 483496

On the move: primary age children in transition

Philip Dixona and Mary Haydenb*
a
Kingswood Preparatory School, Bath, UK; bUniversity of Bath, UK

(Received 26 January 2007; final version received 25 August 2008)

The focus of this article is the experience of the growing numbers of children who,
as one of the consequences of increasing globalisation, move between cultures
internationally as a result of their parents occupations. Beginning with a review
of research relating to transition, the article goes on to describe a study at an
international school in Thailand which, it is argued, is similar in terms of the
globally-mobile nature of its student population to many other such schools
worldwide. Using a computer-based questionnaire, the views of primary-age
children were explored in relation to various dimensions of the transition process.
Findings highlighted the importance of recognising the impact of such moves on
young children, and of schools being aware of the different stages of transition
that children might be experiencing so that appropriate support may be provided.
Keywords: global nomad; Third Culture Kid; transition; international school

Introduction
Until relatively recently, international relocation of families due to a parents
employment was unusual. Increasing globalisation of trade, however, and
convenience of long-distance travel have led to international postings becoming
more commonplace. Inextricably linked to the increase in such international
mobility has been the growth in forms of education designed to cater for the children
of these families, requiring schooling other than that available in the new local
context. The growth in numbers of so-called international schools worldwide is well
documented elsewhere (Hayden & Thompson, 1995; Hayden, 2006) and has made
international placements more feasible for many. Furthermore, increasing numbers
have been accompanied by increasing diversity; as noted by Blandford and Shaw
(2001, p. 2):
in terms of phase, size and sex, international schools defy definition: they may include
kindergarten, primary, middle and upper, higher or secondary pupils, or incorporate all
of these in a combined school; they may range in number from twenty to 4500; they
could be co-educational or single sex. The governance and management of such schools
might be determined by the school, the owner, the board, the senior management team
or head of school or a managing agency.
Such diversity notwithstanding, many international schools share a number of
common characteristics: they are generally English-medium, they offer a curriculum
other than that of the host country (often an international curriculum such as the
International Baccalaureate) and are usually private and fee-paying.

*Corresponding author. Email: m.c.hayden@bath.ac.uk

ISSN 0305-764X print/ISSN 1469-3577 online

# 2008 University of Cambridge, Faculty of Education
DOI: 10.1080/03057640802489418
http://www.informaworld.com
484 P. Dixon and M. Hayden

The families catered for by such schools are generally what might be described as
professional middle class, the transnational capitalist class (Sklair, 2001, p. 8) or
transnational families at the higher end of the income scale, who tend to move for
financial or status reasons bestowing their presence and skills on the receiving
nation, as opposed to other migrants who are imposing or even inflicting their needs
on the receiving country (Bryceson & Vuorela, 2002, p. 8). Initially international
schools largely served expatriate communities, and indeed a number of countries
forbid their nationals by law from attending them (Hayden, 2006). In those countries
where no such edict exists, however, recent years have seen a burgeoning in the
numbers of host country national children of the socio-economic elite also
attending such schools, motivated by dissatisfaction with the national alternative or
perhaps the competitive edge in the labour market likely to be facilitated by the
completion of globally recognised qualifications (Lowe, 2000, pp. 2425).
While professional global mobility is increasingly commonplace, little research
has been undertaken with respect to its effects on the children of these mobile
families. Daunting as a move between schools in a national context may be, how
much more daunting is a move not only between schools but also between countries,
possibly to a school where the language of instruction is different from any language
the child already speaks, and perhaps for the third or fourth time in the childs life.
This article will focus on the experiences of such children with reference to a study
conducted at an international school in Thailand that used a child-friendly online
questionnaire to seek the views of a number of recently-arrived 1011 year olds. As
the characteristics of this school and its student population are similar to those of
many other international schools worldwide, the issues raised are believed to be
worthy of consideration in terms of their wider relevance. The theoretical context in
which the study is situated will first be discussed, followed by the physical context,
methodology, findings and conclusions.

The theoretical context: children in transition

The effects that moving between schools can have on both social and educational
development have been well documented within national contexts. Galton, Morrison
and Pell (2000), for instance, concluded that the childs age and stage of development
at the time of transfer are important factors in determining its impact, while
Anderson, Jacobs, Schramm and Splittgerber (2000, p. 33) argued that the less
prepared students are for systemic transitions, the greater the support they need in
making them. Reasons for failure of Grade 4 immigrants to integrate into Canadian
society, according to Jamieson and Stewin (1987), included not finding the right way
to express an idea, lack of comprehension of classroom set-up and not feeling
accepted by or having friends, as well as teachers failing to recognise each students
unique background. Karagiannopoulou (1999), meanwhile, emphasised changing
school as a major factor in a childs life and suggested that this leads to a sense of
bereavement for the environment left behind: any transition and change can result
in a period of reduced control where mastery of the psychosocial environment is
reduced (p. 28). The recommendations arising from Sellmans (2000) study linking
primary to secondary schooling focused on how schools can help build up
confidence and skills for pupils facing transition, while Alderson (1996) suggests
ways in which schools can help with mid-year transfer, highlighting the sense of
 Cambridge Journal of Education 485

isolation the child feels as a stranger and concluding that in such a frame of mind
effective learning cannot take place.
Within the context specifically of international schools, a small but nevertheless
informative body of research on transition has developed in recent years, and two
commonly-used terms have emerged. Global nomads are described as those who
have spent a significant part of their developmental years living in one or more
countries outside their passport country because of a parents occupation (Schaetti,
1998, p. 59), while attributed to Useem (in Useem and Downie, 1976) is the term
third culture kid (TCK), used to describe those who live away from their home
country for extended periods of time, losing a strong identity with their home
country by acquiring characteristics of other cultures but not really belonging to the
local culture in which they are currently living. After many years work with a focus
on deepening the understanding of schools and teachers as to how best these children
can be supported, Pollock and Van Reken (1999) described a TCK as building
relationships to all of the cultures (he/she has experienced), while not having full
ownership in any. Although elements from each culture are assimilated into the
TCKs life experience, the sense of belonging is in relationship to others of similar
background (p. 19).
Not all children at international schools are affected by such moves to the same
extent. Some may spend a relatively short period away from their home context and
be relatively unaffected by the changes experienced, while others may move so often
and be so permanently based away from any concept of a home country that their
notion of home becomes vague and difficult to define. While seemingly
straightforward for those who have spent all their lives in one location with a
stable set of family and friends, the concept of home is a complex one, with
associations in the context of, inter alia, geography, architecture and psychology.
For geographers, home may be associated with the notion of place, with some such
as Porteous (1976) arguing that home is defined by a clear piece of geographical
territory. Architects meanwhile, including De Pres (1991), may link the notion of
home with that of a particular dwelling place: De Pres also highlights the significance
of home in psycho-analytical theory as representing self. Brown (1992), too, argues
that place attachments are essential to self-definition (including individual and
communal self-identity), providing stability and a sense of security, while Place
attachments, say Altman and Low (1992), may bond people to others symbolically,
providing reminders of earlier life and link people to nation, religion and culture
by means of abstract symbols associated with places, values and beliefs (p. 10).
How each child deals with the experience of mobility, the notion of home, and
issues of self-identity would seem to be a multi-dimensional matter relating to their
individual coping ability, personality and how different a new context is from those
with which they are familiar. Notwithstanding the support provided by international
schools including, for instance, peer support buddying or shadowing schemes (Hill
& Hayden, 2008) involving the allocation of a better-established child from their
class to befriend and support them, it is undoubtedly true that many mobile children
suffer a degree of culture shock which may manifest itself in different ways. The so-
called U curve of adjustment first proposed by Lysgaard (1955) may describe what
many children and their families experience as they move from optimism and
excitement about a move, through depression and discouragement, to (in many if not
all cases) adjustment to life in the new surroundings. Culture shock may not always,
486 P. Dixon and M. Hayden

of course, be entirely negative in its effects: Allan (2002), for instance, argues that it
is only when some degree of culture shock is evident that real intercultural learning
takes place. It can, nevertheless, be a most unsettling experience. The unknown and
unfamiliar can cause extreme stress, disorientation and anxiety. Children may have
had little say in the parental decision to relocate, and their feelings in the turmoil of a
move may have been overlooked. As Jalongo (1985) points out, Adults tend to
discount the impact of moving on childrens lives . Anxieties about being the new
child at school, the sense of powerlessness at being moved against their wishes or the
trauma of having emotional ties severed by distance are prevalent themes (p. 56). On
entering the new school, Knowing what questions to ask and whom to ask for
answers, knowing the system, knowing what to take seriously and what to take in
jest all of these types of knowledge are cued through social interaction within a
specific cultural context (Walling, 1990 p. 21). Lack of familiarity with that cultural
context can be daunting indeed.
Coincident with feelings of unfamiliarity with the new context may be those of
loss of what has been left behind; the notion of loss is one that recurs in relation to
globally-mobile children. While acknowledging the benefits that accrue from such a
childhood (including relative affluence, travel opportunities and high standards of
living), many refer to a sense of loss which may include some or all of a number of
categories highlighted by Pollock and Van Reken (1999), and derived from their
work with such children, as potentially arising in this context: loss of status, lifestyle,
possessions, relationships, role model, identity, past that wasnt and past that was.
Walling (1990) likens such losses to a form of grieving, a point reinforced by Miller
and Omarzu (1998), who argue that grieving at the loss of another, such as through
death or parting, can also be experienced in the context of loss of country and/or
possessions. As Pollock and Van Reken point out: One of the major areas in
working with TCKs is that of dealing with the issue of unresolved grief. Most TCKs
go through more grief experiences by the time they are 20 than monocultural
individuals do in a lifetime (1999, p. 169).
Also often used in this context is the term transition: a psychological process
undergone as an individual comes to terms with a new situation (Bridges, 1995).
While offering potential for personal growth and development, periods of transition
may also be unsettling and trigger a great deal of psychological and physiological
pain (Adams, Hayes, & Hopson, 1976). A number of models have been developed to
promote understanding of the transition process. Adler (in Walling, 1990), for
instance, suggests five stages of transition after culture shock: contact, disintegra-
tion, reintegration, autonomy and independence, while Kolb (in Fullan, 1993) argues
that there are four stages of reaction that people experience in the process of change:
shock, retreat, adjustment and constructive adaptation. Jonietz (1988), meanwhile,
proposed a four-stage model incorporating euphoria at the start, leading to abrupt
return to normal living before gradual adjustment and a final stage of successful
resettlement. The five-stage model developed by Pollock (in Pollock and Van Reken,
1999) for understanding the transition process for children experiencing multiple
moves was generated particularly within the context of international schools, and it
is thus Pollocks model that has been drawn on to support the study from which this
article arises. Stage 1 of Pollocks model (involvement) is where a child feels a sense
of belonging and commitment to where he/she is currently living. Stage 2 (leaving) is
characterised by feelings of anticipation, distancing from friends and denial, while
 Cambridge Journal of Education 487

Stage 3 (transition), when the child physically moves, can be characterised by feelings
of chaos and anxiety. This can be a crisis phase, where in a short space of time
everything may change (climate, scenery, home, family, friends, school, pets, clubs)
but can also be viewed positively, as an exciting new start: an opportunity to re-
invent yourself (Schaetti, 1998). Entering, the fourth stage, involves being uncertain
of ones position in the new community and thus vulnerability, which may be
accompanied by feelings of disappointment and isolation (especially if compounded
by, for instance, language problems). For those who successfully negotiate Stages 1
4 (not all do, and the length of time taken by those who do succeed can vary), the
final stage (re-involvement) again generates a sense of belonging and commitment.
It is in Stage 4 of the Pollock model that the role of the school is paramount.
Langford (1998), based on a survey of 287 international school teachers and leaders,
argued that international schools need to understand why some children fail to settle
and adjust in their new culture, and to look at what the school itself can do to
support the process. Schaetti (1998) similarly states that The schools have a
pivotal role to play. They can influence the childs arrival, influence the childs
departure, they influence the childs arrival in the next location. They have an
invaluable role to play in the issue of cultural identity which overrides and
encapsulates all of the mobility issues (p. 53). In a similar vein, Cowie and Pecherek
(1994) point out that [t]eachers need to understand how children will respond to
loss. In doing so they will be well placed to develop a strategy to help receive them
and their families into the new school community (p. 103). McKillop-Ostrom
(2000), meanwhile, suggested one such strategy in the form of programmes
developed and coordinated at the United Nations International School Hanoi
through a transition resource team, whose brief included helping all individuals to
understand and support the transition process. Such mechanisms are important ways
of helping new pupils to find their way in the new school community. It is the views
of the pupils themselves about the support provided in their own transition process
that the study described in the next sections set out to elicit.

The physical context

The study was conducted at Bangkok Patana School, the British international school
in Thailand, with over 2000 pupils from more than 50 different countries ranging in
age from three to 18, and an estimated annual pupil turnover of 20%. At the start of
the academic year in which the study was carried out, a total of 244 children joined
the school, and a further 138 arrived during the year. Children in transition were
therefore not unfamiliar to the school, which aimed to support them through a
variety of means including, inter alia, an induction programme and a peer buddy
system.

Methodology
The study set out to explore how upper primary age children felt about moving to
Bangkok Patana School from a school in another country. It was envisaged that, if a
clearer understanding of childrens feelings about issues could be developed, then
staff would be in a better position to provide future support in the process of
transition. Underpinning all aspects of the study was the overall aim of providing
information for the Patana community itself, but with an expectation that the
488 P. Dixon and M. Hayden

findings would also be of relevance to the many other international schools

worldwide, which face similar challenges in supporting their globally-mobile student
population.
The decision to focus on the 30 children who were all the new arrivals in Years 5
and 6 (ages 1011) during the academic year in question arose because the issue of
induction of primary age children had recently been identified as a priority in the
school development plan, because this age group was deemed sufficiently mature to
be able to reflect meaningfully on their experiences, and because the process of
moving would be fresh in the minds of new arrivals. Equally, it was believed that the
voices of younger children are too infrequently heard and, too often, adults visit on
children views and perceptions based on their own understanding of the world.
Langford (1999) had earlier proposed that further research relating to primary age
children in the international school context is needed, while Fine and Sandstrom
(1988) argued that children have considerable emotional, social and cognitive
capacities for which they are not always given credit. In interviewing young children,
Ervin (1988) found that they expressed their views well, which gave confidence in
believing that younger children would, with a carefully-designed data-gathering
instrument, be able to make a positive contribution to research in this area.
Due note was taken of the advice of researchers including Hill (2005) with respect
to ethical issues arising when working with young children. Permission to undertake
the study was given by the school Principal, and advance information was circulated
to parents. Input was also sought from parents in identifying questions to be asked
of the children, and in relation to their own views on the issues under discussion. The
children to be included in the study, as well as those identified for piloting of the
instrument, were informed about the plans and invited to participate: no pressure
was put on any individual and all responded positively, apparently enthusiastic to
express their views on a topic of direct relevance to their own experience. In
designing and implementing the study, advice was taken from the work of, inter alia,
Wellington (2000), Bell (1999) and Oppenheim (1992). A semi-structured interview
schedule, based principally on Pollocks five-stage transition model, was first devised
for use with a small group of parents from a number of national and cultural
backgrounds, who had recently arrived in Bangkok and whose children had
previously been educated in a range of education systems around the world.
Development of the childrens instrument followed the parental interview.
Experience of working with children of this age suggested that the most effective
instrument would be an online child-friendly questionnaire: less inhibiting than an
interview conducted by an adult and more motivating than a more traditional form
of questionnaire, with the additional benefit that respondents could be truly
anonymous. The questionnaire developed could be accessed by the children
simultaneously in one of the school computer suites and was based on Pollocks
transition model, but with section headings adapted for relevance to the children as
follows: Before your move, Your preparations, Directly after the move, Arriving
in your new class, Talking about changes, and Getting settled. Given the
childrens ages and that some were not native speakers of English, language was kept
as simple as possible. Two types of scale were used to measure attitude: a simple
three-point scale of a big amount, a little amount and not at all, and a six-point
semantic differential scale based on the polarised adjectives very easy and very
difficult. The questionnaire was designed to be user-friendly, using colour and
 Cambridge Journal of Education 489

cartoon pictures. Drop-down answers allowed for ease of answering, and care was
taken to use only neutral images which would not introduce unintended bias: care
was also taken to ensure wording of questions was as culturally neutral as possible.
A section headed Suggestions was included at the end to allow additional
unsolicited ideas to be noted. A draft of the questionnaire was piloted with five
pupils of similar ages and backgrounds to the 30 pupils in the experimental group
but who had been at Patana for between 12 and 18 months (rather than the
experimental groups less than 9 months), leading to subsequent improvements in
wording and layout.

Findings
The questionnaire was completed concurrently by all 30 children: 20 boys and 10
girls, from 13 different countries. Interest and enthusiasm within the group was
palpable. Analysis of the attitudinal data is structured below under the main
questionnaire headings, with occasional reference to parents interview comments
where relevant. It should be noted that, given the small amount of data and the
qualitative nature of some of the questions, no attempt was made to use any form of
correlational analysis or inferential statistics. Rather, a simple analysis of the small
amounts of quantitative data was supported by reference to qualitative data
(comments from children, and interview comments from parents) as appropriate.
It is acknowledged that a limitation of this study is the small amount of data
gathered and the fact that it is set in the context of one international school only. For
this reason, no claim is made that the findings can necessarily be extrapolated to any
other context, even though it is anticipated that educators in other international
schools with similar student populations will find the results of interest and
relevance. It needs also to be acknowledged that the outcomes of any questionnaire-
based study are to some extent constrained by the nature of the instrument used, and
that respondents views may reflect not only the questions asked but also the way in
which they were asked. Care was thus taken to develop relevant and appropriately-
worded questions through input from experienced teaching colleagues, and the
preliminary interviews with parents and piloting already described.

Before your move; Your preparations

Interestingly, as many as 25 of the 30 children had already moved country at least
once prior to this move to Thailand, with one child having made as many as six
moves by the age of 11, and six others having moved either four or five times. It was
clear from the parental interview that reasons for relocating were varied, with some
moving very positively and others reluctantly, some moving from home and others
from another posting, some with a reasonable amount of warning and others at very
short notice. It was clear too that in many, if not all, cases the children had little say
in the destination of their move. Clearly, the vast majority of children had no idea
what to expect, or were not looking forward to relocating; as one child said: I felt
worried because I didnt know how it was going to be, while others expressed
concern about what they would do during the break (playtime), whether the
standard of work would be very high, and what activities would be offered at the new
school. All had been worried to varying degrees about leaving friends behind (I
didnt want to leave my best friend behind) and most had been worried about
490 P. Dixon and M. Hayden

making new friends, with some recalling having felt physically ill at the prospect of
moving. Real concerns referred to here included: Was I going to make new friends?
and leaving my old friends and making new ones.
Responses to an open-ended question about what could have been better
handled about their move fell largely into two categories: making contact with
someone in advance to find out more about what it is like to live in Thailand (To see
what its like in Bangkok for a child like me and know what their life was like there
and to know somebody that lived there) and being given more time to prepare for
the move (It would have been easier if the move was not so sudden). Reassuringly,
while recalling initial apprehensions about the move, many children were keen to
point out that after arrival things had got better, and to offer constructive advice to
others in similar positions. Typical of the many comments were Bangkok is a nice
place to be once you get used to the heat and the culture. Keep in touch with your
good friends. Go and visit them and try not to be sad. Many children also spoke
positively about what they had been looking forward to in the new location,
including making new friends, meeting their new teacher and finding out about local
culture, sights and attractions. In addition to local features (I was looking forward
to tuk-tuks and elephants), some were clearly anticipating a positive change in
family lifestyle (I was terribly looking forward to seeing my dad almost EVERY
night).

Directly after the move; Arriving in your new class

When asked what they had missed directly after the move, the childrens most
common response was missing friends, followed by missing their previous school,
missing grandparents and missing pets. Every child commented on at least one thing
missed, such as I worried about leaving my dad and my brother, I worried about
leaving my pet behind and I miss my sister. Open-ended responses to a question on
their biggest surprise when arriving in Bangkok included the large size of the school,
how friendly people were, and various aspects of local conditions (such as the size of
Bangkok, the hot weather and pollution). While it would clearly not be feasible to
prepare children for every aspect of a new destination, some of these responses
highlight areas where better preparation might have been possible. Many children
identified initial worries which had turned out to be real concerns, with the most
common relating to making new friends. Many also admitted to feeling lonely on
their first day at school, while some had felt happiness and others had felt
embarrassment as their strongest emotion: I felt really stupid because I kept
forgetting peoples names. Of concern was the small number who felt that no-one
understood what they were feeling in their first week of school. Physical symptoms
(My stomach kept churning) were described by some, and in a strange location
there was evidence of vague fears being blown out of proportion (I heard that if
you are on your own sometimes people take you away).
All but two of the children had been assigned a buddy from among their more
established classmates, so such responses raise questions about the effectiveness of
the buddys role. In response to further questions about the buddy system, only a
minority claimed to have been looked after very well, while a small number claimed
their buddies did not look after them at all (My buddy wasnt there and I wasnt
sure if I could play the game everyone was playing). This apparent weakness in the
 Cambridge Journal of Education 491

buddy system was reinforced by comments in the parental interview such as one
parents observation that The buddy system did not work for my daughter.
Comparing the perceived helpfulness of the buddy and the time taken to settle did
not suggest any clear relationship: while the three who had not yet settled suggested
their buddies had helped a little, two who had settled in the first term claimed their
buddies were no help at all. Nor did there appear to be particular benefit from being
matched with a buddy from the same country of origin. Having similar interests
seemed to be more influential in the helpfulness of a buddy, a suggestion which
points to the need for more information being gathered about incoming children in
advance of their move. Parents expressed similar views, as illustrated by one who
said If you want to get a hand on which buddy you need some more information
on them (the new child). You need more input and discussion with the child.
Interestingly, only a small number of children when asked felt that the school
knew what sort of person they were before they joined. While many children had
known their class name before arriving, fewer than half had known the name of their
teacher in advance: most knew no other child at the school on arrival. The vast
majority had visited Patana before joining, although many may have simply
attended the induction day for new parents and children held shortly before the start
of the new academic year.

Talking about changes

The changes to routine and life most frequently noted were in types of food eaten
since coming to Thailand, speaking a different language and having more homework
(though the quantity of homework at previous schools would presumably also have
increased as children got older). A small number referred to other changes, including
waking up at a different time, using a different mode of transport to travel to school,
and the amount of time spent playing with friends. A number of comments about
good moments since arriving in Bangkok related to making friends or acts of
kindness (When I walked into class and a girl gave me a Freddy the Frog), while
some related to school activities (such as When my class won the swimming gala).
Comments about worst moments at home or school since arriving made reference to
loneliness or breaking up with friends, such as not knowing who to play with and
my buddy left me alone on the first day. Others referred to a range of different
worst moments including not knowing where things were at home and school and
walking by myself not knowing what Im doing or where Im going. In response to
a question as to how the school could help, constructive suggestions were made such
as school could put more teachers on duty or tell people not to make fun of
anything to do with the new kids. Some felt that the school could do nothing to
help, although responses such as school could not do much because most of them
were my own problems suggested the need for support from a skilled teacher or
counsellor.
Most children indicated having felt some degree of homesickness since arriving,
with many having felt it substantially. Reassuringly, the overall level of intensity
appeared to have decreased when asked about homesickness now (approximately
nine months after arrival), although many indicated still experiencing a certain
degree of homesickness at this stage of the year. The very notion of homesickness is
an interesting one in the context of globally-mobile children for whom the concept of
492 P. Dixon and M. Hayden

home itself, as already noted, may not be well defined: further research in this area
would be interesting to pursue. Constructive ideas for combating homesickness were
made by many children, including keeping occupied and, from a number of those
responding, keeping contact with the past: as one child suggested, keep a picture of
your friends and relatives by your bed.

Getting settled
Asked about settling in and feeling at home in Bangkok, most had settled in less
than a term after arrival, although three felt that they had still not settled after nine
months: interestingly, all three claimed that some children had been unkind to them.
For those who replied positively when asked if they would like to move again to
another country, reasons given fell into two categories: the positive (I think it is fun
having changes in your life and I want to travel the world) and the more negative,
where they wanted to return to a former country of residence (I would like to move
back to my home country because it is my real home and I would like to go back to
Switzerland because I have more friends there than anywhere else in the whole
world). Similarly, responses from those who would prefer to stay in Thailand fell
into two categories. Positive responses were reflected in the comment I enjoy
Thailand so much, while a number wanted to stay because of negative perceptions
about the alternative (Because I will have to make new friends, Because I did not
enjoy moving to Thailand, and Because its not fun waiting until you have found a
friend).
By choosing from a number of suggested possibilities, children were asked to say
which factors would help them settle in quickly to a new school, with the single most
important factors emerging as being shown around the new school by a pupil, and
meeting up with others also new to the school. Other factors mentioned frequently
included hearing from a buddy at the new school before going there, receiving in
advance a booklet with names and photographs of staff at the school, having a
website with all the information they needed, seeing a photograph of their new class
in advance, and knowing about clubs at the new school.
A final block of questions relating to adjustment focused on the degree of
difficulty experienced in adapting to different aspects of life in Thailand. Learning
the language was noted as difficult more frequently than any other factor, while
more than half had experienced various levels of difficulty in getting used to the
school. Many, however, claimed to have found making new friends easy.

Discussion and conclusions

One notable feature of the 30 children questioned in this study was that for the vast
majority, this was at least their second international move. The fact that seven had
moved four or more times by the age of 11 confirms that such mobility is not
uncommon. If moving is considered a major stress factor, then these children had
experienced more stress of that nature than many adults experience in a lifetime.
Much of the anxiety experienced by children is likely to be linked to that felt by
parents and to reasons for the move. Clearly international schools and Patana is
not unusual among international schools in this respect are catering for children
arriving at school for different reasons from a variety of different contexts, and have
a responsibility to provide support for such children in the transition process.
 Cambridge Journal of Education 493

The ability of the children to identify with the five stages of Pollocks model
suggests that the model does indeed have relevance within the international school
context. Childrens feelings on arrival in Thailand describe recognisable symptoms of
culture shock, while settling in was clearly found easier by some than by others. The
different lengths of time taken to settle is consistent with the concept of transition as
a process which is individual and can thus take varying amounts of time (Adams
et al., 1976). As with stages of grief, a child may become stuck in the process, which
is when they particularly need help. A sense of loss came through strongly in some
children referring to missing family, friends and pets. Paradoxically, perhaps, many
identified a sense of loss or grief at the same time as feelings of excitement and
happiness, comments such as I felt sad but excited being typical. The question of
homesickness in this context raises the question of what such globally-mobile
children have in mind when the concept of home is raised, and of the long-term
effects of such a childhood if the notion of place and place attachment is as essential
to self-definition and self-identity as claimed by, for instance, Brown (1992).
References to friends losing them and making them ran through childrens
questionnaire responses. Their biggest worry when told of the impending move was
leaving their friends behind, and making new friends was also clearly a concern for
many. Naming of best and worst moments since arrival included many references to
friends. Interestingly, those who had moved more than three times tended to worry
less about leaving friends than did others, thus appearing to support Pollocks (in
Pollock and Van Reken, 1999) belief that such children develop strategies to cope
with parting, and that after multiple moves they learn strategies for developing less
deep friendships. Levels of worry about making new friends, however, did not seem
to decrease with frequency of moves.
Some unexpected and worrying points were highlighted with respect to the
buddy system, which is clearly an area where further exploration is merited. Perhaps,
rather than class teachers selecting buddies at their own discretion, more central
organisation is needed, with clearer criteria for selection and support for the buddies
in understanding their role. As one parent suggested, buddies need training in order
to be effective. Monitoring of the system is clearly also needed. Linked to the buddy
system, but also of more widespread relevance, was the issue of ensuring both that
the child knows as much as possible in advance about what to expect, and that the
school knows as much as possible in advance about the child. Making contact at the
earliest opportunity would appear to be vital, with information about the school,
teachers, new class, all aimed at the child rather than only at parents. The use of
email and the internet could facilitate such contact, as indeed could a child-friendly
questionnaire designed to ask children about themselves (including hobbies,
favourite books and so on) and thus to provide useful advance information for
the class teacher.
The web-based questionnaire design, notwithstanding limitations already
acknowledged, appears to have been successful in the context of this study. Not
only was it effective in allowing all children to respond anonymously and
concurrently; the design also appeared to motivate and stimulate them. While poor
typing skills on the part of children could perhaps be a problem when using such a
questionnaire, allowing sufficient time for all to finish (the slowest took less than
40 minutes) appeared to overcome this potential problem and nearly all questions
were answered by almost all respondents. Acquiring information from parents
494 P. Dixon and M. Hayden

through the group interview proved invaluable, providing great insights into their
own and their childrens depth of feelings. Parents gave useful guidance in planning
the questionnaire, together with constructive suggestions for improvement of the
induction process, especially concerning the question of buddies and the depth of
feelings of their children.
While generalisations beyond the context of this study cannot be made with any
confidence, it is anticipated that some of the findings will be of interest and relevance
to other schools catering for globally-mobile children. It would appear that
formalised induction programmes are likely to be most helpful to incoming pupils,
with particular attention paid to the buddy system. Increasing the profile and
recognition of buddies (perhaps through school assemblies and newsletters),
providing training and on-going support for those volunteering to take on this
role, and selection according to agreed criteria (including, for instance, shared
interests and/or cultural backgrounds) would leave less to chance in ensuring new
pupils receive appropriate peer support. Selection of a suitable buddy would also be
aided by inviting each child, at the earliest opportunity after acceptance by the
school and before arrival, to complete a short questionnaire including details of their
interests. Ideally, the buddy would then make email contact with the new pupil prior
to arrival. Monitoring on an on-going basis would also be important, perhaps by the
class teacher. More broadly, understanding of the experiences and needs of new
pupils would be aided, among the new pupils, fellow pupils and teachers, by
introducing into the curriculum the notion of transition (what it means and what its
effects can be). Akram (1995) gives some useful recommendations for classroom
practice in this respect, including books, games and personal biographies.
The very different circumstances and individual needs of each child came
through strongly in this study. Some schools clearly already maintain a personal
portfolio for each child as a record of their individual achievements, into which
children place their own favourite pieces of work, certificates and other indicators of
achievement. One possibility would be to extend this concept into an international
portfolio which would be carried by the child throughout their school life, from one
school to another, thus better informing the new class teacher about the childs
previous activities and circumstances. International schools could also perhaps do
more along the lines proposed by McKillop-Ostrom (2000) of forming transition
support teams, to consolidate what is being done, increase expertise throughout the
school, be proactive in planning for transition and reach out to the child
experiencing the transition process. Transition could, similarly, be a focus of staff
professional development activities, leading to better awareness for all of strategies
for supporting children in transition.
Undertaking this study has raised the possibility of a number of further areas for
research. It would be of interest, for instance, to compare the effects of moving between
very different cultures with those arising when the cultural contexts are similar. As
noted earlier, further exploration of the notion of homesickness might yield some
interesting outcomes within a context where the notion of home is not as well defined
as it would be for those with less mobile childhoods. This study involved a small
number of children within a particular age range, and it would be of interest to explore
these issues with a wider range of ages. Also of potential interest is the issue of sibling
support: do children moving with the ready made support of siblings adjust more or
less easily than children unaccompanied by sisters or brothers? It would certainly be
 Cambridge Journal of Education 495

illuminating to undertake a longitudinal study to evaluate more clearly how transition

affects pupils over a period of time. An analysis of the varying lengths of time spent in
transition, from entry through loss to re-involvement, would be especially helpful in
targeting help for pupils at different stages, should they need help in moving on.
It is hoped that the data collected from this study will help to generate discussion
and encourage further research, thus adding to a better understanding of how the
lives of children are affected by the lifestyles of their parents. It is hoped, too, that
this study will help schools better to address the needs of children on the move. In
this way the positive aspects of an internationally mobile lifestyle can be enhanced
and the negatives, such as unresolved grief and sadness, can be lessened. By
recognising some of the consequences of such a lifestyle, teachers can ease the pain
and be patient with the symptoms. Providing a foundation of help through the
grieving stage may help to ensure that, in retrospect, internationally mobile children
will look back on their experience of living in different cultural contexts in a positive
light. These children, rapidly increasing in numbers, could well have an important
part to play in a world increasingly influenced by the forces of globalisation.
Understanding of their needs at this crucial stage of development is essential.

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