Transport Policy 20 (2012) 3646

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Transport Policy
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Evaluating the spatial equity of bus rapid transit-based accessibility patterns

in a developing country: The case of Cali, Colombia
Elizabeth Cahill Delmelle a,n, Irene Casas b
a
University of North Carolina at Charlotte, Department of Geography & Earth Sciences, 9201 University City Blvd., Charlotte, NC 28223, United States
b
Louisiana Tech University, Department of Social Sciences, Ruston, LA 71272, United States

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Available online 11 January 2012 The development of Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) systems world-wide has witnessed tremendous growth in
Keywords: recent years, most notably in cities throughout the developing world. These large, city-wide
Spatial accessibility transportation projects are often central to larger urban revitalization plans intending to foster
Bus rapid transit economic growth and alter city images to both residents and to outsiders. Crucial to the success of
Spatial equity such ambitions is a system that provides equitable access to all residents and one that provides access
Santiago de Cali to a large number of urban opportunities. The purpose of this paper is to explore the spatial
Colombia accessibility landscape created by newly implemented BRT system in Cali, Colombia in terms of both
access to the system itself and access to three distinct activities around the city. In particular, the
equitable distribution of accessibility patterns is explored in relation to neighborhood socio-economic
strata. Findings indicate that walking access to the BRT system is greatest for middle income groups and
most limited for neighborhoods in the highest and lowest socio-economic strata. Accessibility values to
activities are largely bound to the spatial distribution pattern of activities; most equitable for
intentionally dispersed recreation site, and least for spatially clustered hospitals.
& 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction issues. A combination of rapid population growth, increased

The development of Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) systems world-
wide has witnessed tremendous growth in recent years. Many of
these new implementations are taking place in cities throughout
the developing worldattributed largely to the relative inexpen-
sive cost and greater exibility as compared to rail systems, and
their promise to foster economic revitalization (Levinson et al.,
2003). Santiago de Cali (from here on referred to as Cali), the third
largest city in Colombia, is among the latest South American cities
to adopt a BRT system. Following the lead of other South
American cities, most notably, Bogota, Colombias capital, Cali is
in the process of replacing its traditional bus public transit system
in favor of an integrated mass transit system. This city-wide
transportation project is central to a larger urban revitalization
plan intended to encourage economic growth and to alter the
image of both the city and the country to residents and outsiders.
Crucial to the success of such ambitions is a system that provides
equitable access to all residents and one that provides access to a
large number of urban opportunities (Metrocali, 2003).
Calis BRT system was inspired by the success of Bogotas
Transmilenio, implemented beginning in December of 2000 in
response to a number of critical transportation infrastructure
n
Corresponding author.
E-mail address: edelmell@uncc.edu (E.C. Delmelle).
automobile ownership, an excessive and obsolete transit eet,
and inefcient road space allocation created a situation of very
long commute times (an average speed of 10 km/h), high air
pollution levels, and a very high accident rate (Hidalgo, 2002).
Similar conditions can be found in many other cities in the
developing world especially as urbanization increases at a faster
rate than infrastructure. Given this situation, the city of Bogota
invested in a new transit system aimed at increasing city
livability, efciency, competitiveness, and contributing to the
overall sustainability goals of the city. By 2004, travel time for
users of the city declined by 32%, there was a drop in particulate
matter pollution in some parts of the city by 9%, and impressively,
accident rates along route corridors decreased by 90% (Echeverry
et al., 2004). By following in Bogotas example, Calis new
integrated mass rapid transit system, MIOMasivo Integrado de
Occidente, aims at mimicking or exceeding these results.
Given Latin Americas history of extreme income inequality, it
is encouraging that one of MIOs stated ambitions is to provide an
equitable system, which provides a high level of accessibility to
all residents (Metrocali, 2003). Realizing this goal will be one
large stride towards overcoming class differences and improving
the lives of all citizens. In order to assess the accessibility of the
MIO and its potential to create such an equitable landscape, there
are two critical components that need to be evaluated: access to
the MIO itself, and access to urban activities throughout the city.
Often, spatial accessibility studies will focus on either of these,

0967-070X/$ - see front matter & 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.tranpol.2011.12.001
 E.C. Delmelle, I. Casas / Transport Policy 20 (2012) 3646
while neglecting the other. Providing access to the transport
system itself is an important rst step; however, if the system
does not enable residents to reach essential activities or oppor-
tunities throughout the city, its objectives will not have been met.
The purpose of this paper is therefore to evaluate accessibility
both to and from MIO, during its second phase of implementation,
across socio-economic groups to assess how close the system
comes to meeting its objective and to identify measures that can
be taken to bring it closer to its goals. Specically, pedestrian
access to BRT stations and stops is determined according to the
network-based walking travel times, and next, potential accessi-
bility, via the MIO, to three distinct urban activities representing
health care, education, and recreation opportunities is computed.
For both of these measures, access according to socio-economic
strata is evaluated. Finally, in order to demonstrate how these
analyses can be used to evaluate future policies towards increas-
ing accessibility, the impact of a new trunk line is evaluated.
The remainder of the paper is structured as follows; Section 2
presents a short literature review on urban spatial accessibility.
Section 3 describes the study area and the MIO. The data and
methodology used are outlined in Section 4. Section 5 evaluates a
new BRT expansion and discusses policy implications of the work,
followed by conclusions in Section 6.
2. Spatial accessibility
Spatial accessibility is one of the most commonly used terms and
measurements in the transportation geography literature. Fundamen-
tally, it is a measure of the ease of traveling from an origin to a
specied destination via a given mode or set of modes of transport
(Guagliardo, 2004). In an urban context, accessibility to certain
amenities or services has been the focus of several different research
realms including, among others: access to affordable or healthy food
or supermarkets for underprivileged or inner-city populations
(Wrigley, 2002; Apparicio et al., 2007); access to health care
(Andersen, 1995; Brabyn and Skelly, 2002; Buchmueller et al., 2006;
Fosu, 1989; Luo and Wang, 2003); access to social services (Allard,
2004) such as parks (Talen, 1997) and playgrounds (Talen and Anselin,
1998); and access to other urban opportunities (Kwan, 1999).
Theories of spatial mismatch between employment opportu-
nities and residential locations, housing options, and public
transportation for the urban poor or auto-less is another area
tied to accessibility measurements. Initially presented as a pro-
blem tied to residential segregation, spatial mismatch research
has spread to encompass the roles of transportation, labor market
skills, and social networks (Carlson and Theodore, 1997; Hess,
2005; Ommeren and Rietveld, 2006; Perle et al., 2002; Weber,
2003; Arnott, 1998; Kawabata and Shen, 2006; McLafferty and
Preston, 1996; Kain, 1992). Policy remedies have been just as
diversied, leading to debates such as how to overcome the
physical spatial separation between employment and low income
housing. One policy solution, for example, has been to disperse
affordable housing options, moving residents closer to suburban
job opportunitiesaddressing the land use aspect of the problem
(Freeman, 2004), while on the other hand, Shens (2001) analysis
on accessibility of job openings in Boston suggests that residential
dispersion is unlikely to be effective in this endeavor and that a
transportation policy solution would be a better option in linking
people with jobs. This land use versus transportation policy
debate has also been addressed by Kawabata and Shen (2006),
who sought to highlight the important role of land use or urban
structure in the accessibility of job opportunities city-wide.
In addition to specic activities, opportunities, or services,
accessibility to transportation systems from population centers
has also been explored in relation to spatial equity and patterns of
37
access. Murray et al. (1998) proposed the creation of buffers
around bus stops to determine walking access to a public bus
system while Vandenbulcke et al. (2009) measured average driving
time from city centers to train stations in Belgium to illustrate
spatial patterns of public transit access. Alternate methods for
evaluating access to public transportation specically to those with
the greatest need for the service includes a public transport
accessibility level (PTAL) approach identied by Wu and Hine
(2003) and a needs gap assessment proposed by Currie (2010),
which spatially compares locations with high public transport
supply based on service quality, frequency, and coverage with
locations of high demand estimated by socio-economic factors.
Interwoven throughout each of these research agendas is a focus
on the identication of population groups with limited access to
opportunities, transportation systems, or both bringing the studies
under the banner of transport-related social exclusion a term
referring to the notion that individuals are physically unable to
participate in everyday activities including employment or neces-
sary services to participate in society (Cass et al., 2005; Church et al.,
2000). This exclusion may be caused by scal reasons; individuals
are unable to afford transportation (Olvera et al., 2003), it may be
due to poor public transportation infrastructure or coverage (Stanley
and Lucas, 2008), or to physical limitations such as a disability that
prevents access to the transportation system (Church and Marston,
2003; Hine and Mitchell, 2001; Casas, 2007).
Despite a prolic literature on accessibility studies, focus on
cities in developing countries, especially in Latin American is
minimal (Kneeling, 2008). While North American cities struggle
with inner-city poverty concentrations and a suburbanizing,
automobile dominated landscape affecting access to opportu-
nities for those restricted to public transportation, in the devel-
oping world, the impoverished reside and sprawl at the city
boundaries, forming shanty towns around the periphery. Public
transportation plays a much more prominent role in the everyday
lives of individuals, so a complete overhaul of this system could
have signicant consequences on the entire city population.
Further, the implementation of bus rapid transit systems in the
developing world also differs from North American BRT counter-
parts by the size of the projectswhile developing countries have
implemented city-wide systems, often as part of larger integrated
urban revitalization and mobility plans, North American cases
tend to be corridor-focused, supplementing an existing bus
system with one high speed line, but rarely, if ever, replacing an
entire mass transit system (Cain et al., 2007). Kneeling (2008) has
argued that more case studies, including Geographic Information
System (GIS)based accessibility analyses are needed for the
Latin American region to aid in understanding how transport
infrastructure can impact socio-economic development in this
understudied part of the world. Several recent studies have
addressed accessibility to BRT systems in Latin America to
evaluate the effect on land values (Munoz-Raskin, 2010;
Rodriguez and Mojica, 2009; Rodriguez and Targa, 2004) and on
automobile ownership and use (Zegras, 2010). This paper there-
fore contributes to the growing literature on the subject by
evaluating accessibility both from and to the BRT system and
exploring how both the transportation system and land use
patterns, inuenced by a traditional Latin American urban growth
pattern, help shape the accessibility landscape of Cali, Colombia.
3. Study area
3.1. City of Cali
Cali, Colombia, with 2006 population of 2.1 million people, is
the third largest city in the country (Cali, 2008). Between 1994
38 E.C. Delmelle, I. Casas / Transport Policy 20 (2012) 3646
and 1999, the city grew at an average pace of 1.8% a year,
attributed largely to internal migration of settlers displaced by
armed conicts in the country. This large inux of new city
residents has resulted in increasing social tensions as competition
for scarce jobs has increased. Accompanied by this large popula-
tion growth between 1994 and 1998, was an increase in poverty
from 30 to 39%, an increase in those living in the poorest
conditions, unable to purchase a basic basket of food, from just
over 5% to 10%, and nally, an increase in income inequality. Cali
was the only large city in Colombia to experience an inequality
increase during the 1990s, with a Gini Coefcient rising from 0.51
in 1994 to 0.54 in 1999 (World Bank, 2002).
The city of Calis economic structure is organized based on a
stratication system from one to six, one being the lowest or
poorest and six the highest or most prosperous (Cali, 2008). The
stratication is not based on peoples income per se but on the
housing characteristics, including: physical characteristics of the
house, its immediate surroundings, and the urban context
(Departamento de planeacion, 2011). Fig. 1 illustrates the spatial
distribution of neighborhood stratication and shows a clear
clustering pattern of poorest neighborhoods on the eastern and
western extremities and wealthier neighborhoods following a
linear, northsouth path.
Consistent with the urban structure of most colonial Latin
American cities, Cali features a main center plaza built close to a
water source, the Ro Cali (see Fig. 1 inset), which served as the
focal growth area of the city until the mid 1960s when urban
developed peaked in preparation for the Pan-American games of
1971. It is important to note that at the beginning of the 20th
century the city had 20,000 inhabitants distributed in two main
urban areas: the upper and lower zones. The upper zone consisted
of two neighborhoods, La Merced and San Antonio, located
upstream from the Ro Cali. The lower zone, focused on the San
Nicolas neighborhood downstream of the same river (see Fig. 1
inset). These zones were the center of social and economic activity
for half of the century and continue today to be part of the central
Fig. 1. Neighborhood stratication.
business district (CBD). Service and transport infrastructure devel-
oped around these areas establishing it as the urban core.
City population growth combined with an inefcient existing
bus system, a collection of privately owned and operated busses,
which compete with one another for customers, motivated city
authorities to propose a BRT system intended in time to fully
replace the pre-MIO system. The intention of the city to eliminate
the traditional bus system is a notable distinction between Bogota
and Cali; in Bogota the BRT must compete with private traditional
busses undermining some of Transmilenios progress (Ardila,
2007).
3.2. Calis BRT: Masivo Integrado de Occidente (MIO)
Bus rapid transit is a system of elements that enable on road
busses to operate with a higher efciency and level of service than
is possible with traditional bus systems, with a quality closer to
that expected from rail systems (Hidalgo and Graftieaux, 2008).
BRT systems are generally comprised of running ways, stations,
busses, intelligent transportation systems, and an image or
identity branding strategy (Levinson et al., 2003). Each of these
elements can vary in sophistication and cost from city to city, and
play a signicant role in the overall success of the system.
The MIO system consists of the following infrastructure: three
types of corridorstrunk, pre-trunk, and feeder or complemen-
tary; stations and stops; pedestrian access; intermediate and main
terminals; and a control center. Trunk corridors are those where
demand is estimated to be greater than 60,000 passengers per day,
require separate dedicated lanes, and are served by articulated
buses, which accommodate 160 passengers. Pre-trunk corridors
require conditioned preferred lanes where demand is expected to
be around 40,000 passengers per day, and are serviced by normal
size buses or padron busses, accommodating 80 passengers. Feeder
or complimentary corridors can be understood as servicing neigh-
borhoods; they integrate with the main corridors in the system,
and make use of feeder busses, smaller busses accommodating 48
passengers. Fixed stations are located on corridors every 500 m and
on pre-trunk corridors every 400 m. Special consideration, from the
design perspective, is given to passengers access to the station by
guaranteeing easy and secure mobility. This includes building
pedestrian tunnels, bridges, crossing signals, and sidewalks. Inter-
mediate terminals allow transfers between the different corridor
routes and also enable transfers to inter-municipal busses. At the
stations, an automatic fare collection system is in place via
intelligent cards. The control center monitors bus headway, busses
following their assigned route, and speeds assigned (Cali and
Metrocali, 2008; Metrocali, 2003). The entire system is owned
and operated by MetroCali, a partnership between municipalities,
public companies, and the nation. The implementation of the MIO
was planned in three phases. The rst phase is currently com-
pleted, construction of the second is underway, and nally, phase
three is anticipated to be completed in 2011. This analysis there-
fore focuses on the system as of midway through the second phase
of operation, and also evaluates some expected changes in access
following the completion of a new trunk line.
4. Data and methodology
In order to assess the spatial accessibility of the new BRT
system, the following data are required to conduct the analyses:
the city of Calis street network, the MIO routes and station
locations, neighborhood stratication, and an opportunity/activ-
ity database. The street network, MIO routes, and station and stop
locations were all obtained from MetroCali in GIS format. How-
ever, there were topological inconsistencies between the street
 E.C. Delmelle, I. Casas / Transport Policy 20 (2012) 3646
network and the MIO routes making it necessary to manually
digitize all of the routes and stations. The neighborhood strati-
cation and the addresses for the activity database were obtained
from a report produced yearly by the municipal government of
Cali (2008). The activity database was created by geocoding
activities to the corresponding street intersection based on their
address. The following activities are included in the database: art
galleries, health care providers including hospitals and smaller
health clinics, libraries, markets, movie theaters, theaters,
museums, and recreational facilities (water parks and parks). Of
these, hospitals, libraries, and recreation facilities are selected for
the accessibility analysis because they represent diverse functions
and exhibit contrasting spatial distributions throughout the city.
As stated, two measures of accessibility are calculated: (1) acces-
sibility to stops and stations and (2) accessibility to activity
opportunities. The rst measure evaluates the level of access of
the population to the transportation system. Network-based cover-
age areas around stations are calculated using the service-area
function within ArcGIS, as it provides a more accurate pedestrian
service-area portrayal around stops as compared to Euclidean-
based buffers (Gutierrez and Garcia-Palomares, 2008). To obtain a
sense of the equitable distribution of walking access to the MIO, the
population covered within different walking time bands, by neigh-
borhood strata, is calculated by proportional areal interpolation
between the service area and neighborhood polygons.
The measurement of spatial accessibility to activity opportu-
nities can be achieved through the use of a number of metrics,
which have been thoroughly reviewed in the literature (Geurs and
Van Wee, 2004; Vandenbulcke et al., 2009; Kwan, 1998). In terms
of evaluating city-wide access to opportunities, Geurs and Van
Wee (2004) note that gravity-based measure of potential acces-
sibility provide a suitable framework as they combine two
essential elements of land use and transportation. These mea-
sures consider the potential attractiveness of destinations using
an attribute weight in addition to their separating distance. The
original potential model was developed by Hansen (1959) and can
be dened as the accessibility A at location i:
X
n
b
Ai Sj dij 1
j1
where Sj is the attraction of destination j, dij is the travel time or
distance between locations i and j, b is a distance-decay para-
meter controlling the importance of distance, and n is the total
number of destinations. According to the formula, the potential
for interaction between two places is positively related to the size
of the attractiveness of the place, and negatively related to the
travel impedance between them. The measure offers an advan-
tage over simply measuring travel time to the closest facility in
that it does not assume that individuals travel to the closest
facility, but rather considers the full distribution of activities, and
accounts for the fact that larger facilities, or those offering more
services, will attract people from farther away.
While frequently used, gravity-based measures do suffer from a
number of limitations. For instance, resulting values are not uniform,
but can vary from one study to another depending on the units of S,
d, and the value of b, so comparisons cannot be made between
studies; all values are relative to the particular case. Another critique
of this potential model is that it does not consider demand to
activities, just supply. This led to the creation of a modied model by
Weibull (1976) to incorporate both supply and demand. The for-
mulation of this model makes it possible for accessibility to decline
between a given origin and destination when the ease of traveling
between those two places increases, due to increased demand.
Similarly, Shen (1998) developed a variation on the Hansen model
that incorporated a demand function specically in relation to
39
employment accessibility, as only one job is available for one person.
While the three activities examined in this study: hospitals, libraries,
and recreation facilities all theoretically have capacity constraints
and competition for services, a number of complexities in this work
as compared to employment access prevent their inclusion in this
study including: the temporal dimension of demand (not all resi-
dents need to use a hospital at once) or the variation in desired
services (not all residents go to each facility for the same purpose).
Given these challenges, for the purpose of this study, the Hansen
gravity model is selected and is implemented in ArcGIS through the
Python programming language. In order to model pedestrian and
MIO trips, a multi-modal network structure1 is constructed in ESRIs
ArcGIS with street networks serving as pedestrian only travel on
one level of connectivity, and the MIO system on a second
connectivity level. The two levels are then linked together by xed
stations (MIO stations), which serve as the only entrance and exit
points between the two travel models. Specifying connectivity
levels enables this separation between transportation modes;
otherwise all street/BRT junctions would serve as on/off points
between the BRT and the street. Thus, this multi-modal structure
calculates travel time as the walk time from the neighborhood
centroid to the closest MIO station plus the MIO travel time to the
stop closest to each activity, and nally the walk time from that
stop to the destination. If the shortest path between an origin and
destination is by walking only (not involving public transportation),
then the pedestrian travel time only is recorded in the origin-
destination matrix (OD matrix). In estimating travel times, the
following speeds are assigned to each transport mode: Walking,
4.5 km/h, MIO Trunks and Pre-Trunks, 18 km/h, Express Routes,
22 km/h, and MIO Feeders, 12 km/h (Barrera, 2009; Cali, 2009),
additionally, a 2 min stop impedance is assigned to account for the
fact that the bus must stop to allow passengers on and off, thus
delaying continuous travel time. One limitation of the transit-based
travel time estimations is that wait and transfer times are not
included in the analysis, meaning that travel times are generally
under-estimated, and more so in the case of feeder routes, which
have a slower headway as compared to trunk and pre-trunk lines
(58 min vs. 715 min). Centroids of municipally designated neigh-
borhood zones serve as origins (i), and so dij is calculated as the
travel time between each centroid and activity location (j) (both
centroids and activity locations have specic x, y coordinates).
Attractiveness, Sj is measured as: the number of hospital beds,
the class of each library, a score assigned by the city, which
evaluates a librarys holdings, its documentation center, informa-
tion center and services, and data bank, values range from 50 to
100, with the latter representing the most comprehensive library
facilities. Finally for recreation sites, the acreage of each facility is
used as a measure of attraction. A beta value of 1 is used in each
case2 (Gutierrez, 2001).
5. Analysis
5.1. Spatial distribution of BRT routes and activities
The spatial distribution of MIO routes are shown in Fig. 2,
below. The major trunk line of the system extends north/south
through the main business district and central core of the city,
1
Multi-modal in this instance refers to the GIS data structure, theoretically;
however, the trip modeled could be considered inter-modal.
2
No local data is available to calibrate the Beta value; however, a sensitivity
analysis was performed on the results using values ranging from 0.5 to 2.0, and
found standardized accessibility values to be the same up to the 2nd decimal
place, and produced identical spatial patterns. A value of 1 is most commonly used
in accessibility studies.
40 E.C. Delmelle, I. Casas / Transport Policy 20 (2012) 3646
while pre-trunk routes serve eastern and northern areas, and
feeder lines extend to the outer extremities of the city. An
additional trunk line is under construction that connects the
main north/south line to eastern neighborhoods.
The location of activities in Cali represents two contending
forces: a land use policy in the 1950s, which attempted to
establish an ordered, hierarchical system for the distribution of
Fig. 2. Spatial distribution of MIO routes.
Fig. 3. Distribution of activities: (a) Hospitals, (b) Recreation sites, (c) Libraries and neighborhood population density (classied by natural breaks).
activities, and rapid, informal growth at the edges and surround-
ing areas of the city. Ofcially, the city intended neighborhood
units of approximately 6000 residents to contain schools, day
cares, a library, retail, theaters, and recreation sites. Serving
several neighborhood units would be larger theaters, green spaces,
and stadiums, and nally linking these units together would be a
city-wide civic center with government activities, conference
centers, museums, and cultural spaces. As migration and squatter
settlements continued to populate the outskirts of the city, a
major north/south road was constructed in the city in the early
1970s as part of the original urban development plan. This road
was supposed to serve as an outer belt limiting the city to the east;
however, it created a physical barrier separating the formal from
informal settlements, leaving the most vulnerable residents with-
out ofcial consideration for the placement of infrastructure and
services (Restrepo, 2006). Remnants of these early policies to both
create an organized, hierarchical urban structure and to separate
the formal from the informal portions of the city are apparent in
the distribution of several essential services and activities today.
Hospitals, representing the highest health care service levels
with overnight beds for patients, are shown to be largely
clustered along the central, commercial spine of the urban core,
and are noticeably absent from the eastern, poorer, and populous
neighborhoods (Fig. 3a). This highly clustered pattern is similar to
other activities in the database including movie theaters and
other cultural activities such as art galleries, museums and
theaters. The highway barrier effectively halted the spread of
placement of these higher order services past the originally
planned urban core.
Serving to contrast this highly clustered pattern, public recreation
sites, shown in the center map of Fig. 3, play an important role in the
city of Cali, especially for lower-income neighborhoods, and repre-
sent a privategovernment partnership aimed at providing opportu-
nities throughout the city. The Corporation for Popular Recreation
was established in 1978 following a city opinion poll where the
lack of available recreation opportunities was listed as one of the
top priorities for city residents. The organization helped establish
neighborhood parks throughout the city, paying particular attention
to lower income neighborhoods, and as a result, the majority of
recreation activities are located in socio-economic strata one through
three. Entrance and membership fees are contingent upon loca-
tion, with the government subsidizing the poorest neighborhoods
 E.C. Delmelle, I. Casas / Transport Policy 20 (2012) 3646 41

(Davila, 2000). The spatial distribution of recreation sites is therefore Table 1

more evenly dispersed throughout the city, with a greater presence Percent of population in each strata within walking distance to MIO stop/station.
in the eastern, poorer neighborhoods than along the prosperous
Strata Population 05 min 510 min 1015 min 1520 min Total
urban core where such facilities are less in demand. Other activities
within the database that follow a similar distribution pattern include 1 391,489 22.1% 27.5% 14.9% 9.8% 74.5%
mobile food or farmers markets, and low level health centers. 2 648,457 32.7% 31.2% 13.4% 8.4% 85.7%
Finally, the spatial distribution of libraries features a cluster in 3 671,021 45.4% 37.8% 9.8% 1.6% 94.7%
4 125,546 58.6% 28.5% 4.2% 1.9% 93.2%
the urban core, but also a number of larger facilities in eastern 5 137,873 45.5% 45.4% 5.9% 0.9% 97.9%
neighborhoods, with the fewest libraries in terms of location and 6 21,816 3.1% 11.9% 17.1% 23.8% 56.0%
services, in the centermost neighborhoods of the city. The spatial
distribution of both the BRT lines and the three activity types Total 1,996,202 37.1% 33.3% 11.4% 5.7% 87.5%
constitutes the two major components of the accessibility analysis.

economic strata, 6, has the lowest percentage of its population

5.2. MIO access
The street-network based service area around each bus stop
and xed station provides a conservative estimate on pedestrian
access to the BRT system, and is shown in Fig. 4. Four walking
time bands are shown: 5, 10, 15, and 20 min to reach a station or
stop. As is illustrated in the map, the large majority of the city
area is covered by at least a 20 min walk, except for several
neighborhoods on the western edge of the city. These neighbor-
hoods represent former informal or squatter settlements on a
landslide prone hillside, and thus represent an infrastructure
challenge to expanding coverage as existing roads are not suitable
for bus transport. An estimated 85% of the city area is covered by
the four walking distance bands.
To further evaluate walking access to the BRT by socio-
economic strata, Table 1 provides a breakdown of the estimated
population percentage for each of the 6 strata within the 4 time
bands, and nally overall. Results indicate that the highest socio-
Fig. 4. Walking access to stations/stops.
within a 20 min walk of the system, with just 56% covered, the
majority of which is in the farthest two time bands. This distance
of the most well off neighborhoods from the transport system
may partly be a reection of the fact that higher income
residences are larger and of lower density than other residential
buildings in the city, so achieving a higher population percentage
covered is more difcult. Walking access to the MIO is greatest for
those in the middle and upper-middle socio-economic strata 35,
as these neighborhoods are most centrally located where transit
access is most developed. Poorest neighborhoods face the second
lowest percentage of population covered at approximately 75%,
due in large part to the hillside area discussed in the previous
section. Overall, an estimated 83% of the total population is within
a 15 min walk of a MIO station, and 88% falls within a
20 min walk.
5.3. Accessibility to activities
Given the large percentage of the population with walking
distance to the MIO, accessibility to the three activities is
examined next. Fig. 5 shows standardized accessibility scores
(z-scores) for the three activities so that results may be compared
between maps. Utilizing standardized scores helps to overcome
one limitation of the gravity-based measure discussed in the
previous section, that resulting values vary with input parameters
making it difcult to assess what constitutes high versus low
accessibility, and making comparisons between activities with
different units of attraction challenging. According to the stan-
dardized values, a score of 0 is equivalent to the average
accessibility of the entire city; if all neighborhoods have scores
of 0, accessibility would be completely equivalent throughout the
urban area. Values above and below the mean then represent the
distribution of values, with positive numbers indicating a neigh-
borhood has accessibility larger than the city average, and
negative values showing lower than average accessibility. Values
are assigned to an entire neighborhood based on calculations
from its centroid. Hospital accessibility, shown in the rst map of
Fig. 5, shows higher than average accessibility values concen-
trated throughout the urban core, and fading to below average
values towards the periphery; reecting of the high concentration
of both transit lines, including the articulated bus lanes, and of the
largest hospitals along the central core.
Recreation facilities exhibit a very different spatial accessibil-
ity pattern compared to hospitals, as shown in the center map
of Fig. 5, with high access values shown throughout the center
of the city and extending into the eastern-most neighborhoods.
Lowest values are concentrated to the south of the city in
a number of high-socio-economic strata neighborhoods, but also
in neighborhoods on the outer eastern and western periphery.
These are areas resulting from squatter settlements and no
planning. Finally, results for libraries reveal a high cluster of
values in the central core, but show a greater reach towards
42 E.C. Delmelle, I. Casas / Transport Policy 20 (2012) 3646

Fig. 5. Standardized accessibility values for (a) Hospitals, (b) Recreation sites, (c) Libraries.

Table 2
Hospital accessibility by population according to strata.

Standard deviations from the mean

Strata o  1.5  1.5 to  1.0  1.0 to  0.5  0.5 to 0 0 to 0.5 0.5 to 1.0 1.0 to 1.5 41.5

1 5.54% 31.48% 39.13% 12.02% 7.97% 1.72% 1.29% 0.85%

2 1.38% 22.25% 58.87% 8.58% 5.26% 2.27% 0.12% 1.27%
3 0.00% 11.80% 25.91% 28.43% 14.05% 11.83% 5.06% 2.91%
4 0.00% 0.00% 12.12% 13.66% 13.16% 19.38% 9.07% 32.62%
5 0.00% 0.00% 8.20% 20.59% 17.72% 25.10% 9.35% 19.05%
6 0.00% 15.75% 6.43% 57.43% 9.16% 11.23% 0.00% 0.00%

Total 1.53% 17.51% 36.78% 17.66% 10.18% 8.16% 3.23% 4.95%

eastern neighborhoods as compared to hospitals. It should be
reiterated that these values represent accessibility via network-
constrained walking distances and/or BRT travel times. Therefore,
neighborhoods with poor street connectivity, such as those in the
southern-most neighborhoods, tend to have lower accessibility
scores as walking to either a BRT stop or a facility is greater than
in neighborhoods with better connectivity. In addition, in the case
of hospital accessibility, in the southeastern portion of the city,
one neighborhood has very high accessibility (a hospital is located
within it), but an adjacent neighborhood has low accessibility.
This again is a result of poor walking access between the two
neighborhoods, which although physically in proximity to one
another, are separated by a large highway and shopping center,
limiting walking access. As these neighborhoods are of higher
socio-economic strata, residents are likely not as dependent upon
walking or transit access to reach facilities, and probably experi-
ence high automobile accessibility, which we are not measuring
in this study.
Overall, the three maps taken together serve to reinforce the
importance of both transport and distribution of activities in
shaping accessibility. Neighborhoods excluded from the transport
system such as those to the far west of the city, have lowest
access to all three types of activities, regardless of their spatial
pattern. However, in the case of hospitals, the accessibility land-
scape is largely dictated by highly clustered pattern within the
city. Additionally, in the case of recreation sites where the
placement of facilities was intentionally spread throughout lower
income neighborhoods, the spatial pattern of values shows far
fewer neighborhoods with accessibility values greater than
1.5 standard deviations from the mean (the highest class in the
map), suggesting a more equitable distribution of values through-
out the city.
In order to better assess the equity of accessibility values
across the three activity types, Tables 24 illustrate how the
accessibility values for each activity is distributed across the
population by socio-economic strata. Consistent with the maps
in Fig. 5, z-values of the calculated accessibility scores are used
to show the percentage of population within each stratum that
fall within half standard deviation increments. In the tables, an
accessibility value of 0 indicates accessibility that is equivalent to
the city average, while positive values show the population
concentrated within each stratum above the city average, and
negative values indicate lower than average accessibility scores.
For example, Table 2 shows the distribution of hospital accessi-
bility scores across the population in each strata and reveals that
the large majority of the population in the lowest two strata has
accessibility values lower than the mean of the entire city,
whereas the opposite is true for strata 4 and 5 where the
population is largely concentrated in neighborhoods with acces-
sibility values greater than the mean. Thirty three percent of strata
4s population and 19% of strata 5s population have accessibility
scores greater than 1.5 standard deviations above the city mean.
These results therefore illustrate a positive relationship between
socio-economic strata and hospital accessibility scores.
 E.C. Delmelle, I. Casas / Transport Policy 20 (2012) 3646 43

Table 3
Library accessibility by population according to strata.

Standard deviations from the mean

Strata o  1.5  1.5 to  1.0  1.0 to  0.5  0.5 to 0 0 to 0.5 0.5 to 1.0 1.0 to 1.5 41.5

1 6.05% 10.82% 48.24% 22.48% 0.00% 6.79% 1.62% 4.00%

2 1.38% 8.81% 42.76% 39.93% 3.75% 3.19% 0.17% 0.00%
3 0.00% 6.70% 23.16% 42.05% 12.81% 7.35% 3.03% 4.90%
4 0.00% 0.00% 12.12% 14.97% 37.46% 14.93% 11.16% 9.38%
5 0.00% 0.00% 17.94% 24.13% 21.72% 15.38% 14.59% 6.24%
6 0.00% 0.00% 25.26% 39.78% 27.59% 7.37% 0.00% 0.00%

Total 1.64% 7.23% 33.36% 34.53% 9.72% 6.94% 3.12% 3.47%

Table 4
Recreation accessibility by population according to strata.

Standard deviations from the mean

Strata o  1.5  1.5 to  1.0  1.0 to  0.5  0.5 to 0 0 to 0.5 0.5 to 1.0 1.0 to 1.5 41.5

1 0.96% 26.70% 50.74% 14.40% 6.35% 0.85% 0.00% 0.00%

2 0.00% 2.79% 18.86% 36.48% 28.58% 10.07% 1.27% 1.96%
3 0.00% 0.00% 9.10% 26.38% 41.41% 15.13% 3.96% 4.02%
4 0.00% 12.12% 32.75% 45.47% 9.66% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%
5 0.00% 1.84% 33.29% 53.60% 6.47% 4.80% 0.00% 0.00%
6 0.00% 15.75% 63.95% 20.29% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%

Total 0.19% 7.23% 24.22% 30.29% 25.48% 8.85% 1.75% 1.99%

The same analysis is done for libraries and shown in Table 3. In
this case the large positive skew of values for strata 4 and
5 exhibited by the hospital scores is diminished, although the
population within those two strata does have the highest library
accessibility scores as well. Strata 1 has the lowest overall library
accessibility scores as nearly 88% of the population within that
group have values below the city average, although compared to
the hospital results, the population is not as far below the mean.
Similarly, for the second lowest strata, the population is largely
concentrated between the mean and one standard deviation
below, and the percentage of the population below  1 is lower
than it was in the case of hospitals.
Finally, for recreation sites, shown in Table 4, the population
concentration with accessibility values above 1 standard devia-
tion are largely absent, except for a small portion of the popula-
tion of strata 2 and 3. The population in strata 2 and 3 has
accessibility values to recreation sites concentrated around the
mean of the city, as compared to results for libraries and hospitals
where the majority of the population had values below the city-
wide average. The lowest strata, 1, continues to be underserved
compared to the rest of the city in terms of recreation sites, given
its peripheral locations and low levels of walking access to the
MIO. The highest strata, 6, also has comparatively lower levels of
accessibility to recreation sites as compared to libraries and
hospitals, a result of both the intentional placement of these
recreation sites in lower strata neighborhoods, and lower levels of
walking access to MIO.
5.4. Policy evaluation and discussion
Given the results of the previous analysis, which showed that
the greatest inequality in accessibility scores was in the case of
access to hospitals, a reection of the fact that hospitals are
largely clustered around the higher socio-economic urban core
where transit access is greatest the impact of a new trunk line
extending towards eastern neighborhoods is analyzed on its
potential for reducing this inequality. The rst map in Fig. 6
shows the location of the new trunk route, which links the highly
connected central core to the eastern edge of the city limits.
Standardized accessibility scores are computed and shown the
central map of Fig. 6 while the change in standardized values is
illustrated in the last map in the gure. Again, utilizing the
standardized scores enables a comparison of the relative change
in accessibility, or the change in the distribution of values across
the city. While all neighborhoods either remained the same or
increased in absolute accessibility, the change in standardized
access map shows some neighborhoods with a decline in relative
accessibility. Clearly, the neighborhoods along the new trunk line
corridor benetted the most from the new implementation. It
should also be noted that mapping the absolute potential acces-
sibility changes generates nearly the identical spatial patterns as
mapping the change in relative values. Compared to the initial
hospital accessibility map shown in Fig. 5, the new trunk line does
little to change the overall pattern or spatial distribution of
potential accessibility values.
To next explore how the distribution of values changed in
relation to the population within each socio-economic stratum,
Table 5, the results of the analysis including the new trunk line,
can be compared with Table 2, the results prior to the trunk line.
Overall, a larger percentage of the total population after the trunk
line was around or just below the mean of the city (20.41% vs.
17.66%), indicating a slight increase in overall equity. According to
strata, the largest upward shift toward the mean was experienced
by strata 2, which went from 8.5% to 16.9% of the population
around or just below the mean, a result of a decline in population
further below the mean.
In this example, the new trunk line had a small effect on
altering the distribution of accessibility values across the popula-
tion, most likely attributed to the highly clustered nature of
facilities. Another policy that could be evaluated is the placement
of a new facility along the new trunk line to see if the two
strategies together are able to generate a larger change in
accessibility. In fact, accompanying the planning of the MIO is a
new city plan that recognizes the uneven distribution of facilities
44 E.C. Delmelle, I. Casas / Transport Policy 20 (2012) 3646

Fig. 6. Evaluation of new trunk line, resulting hospital accessibility map, and change in standardized access.

Table 5
Hospital accessibility by population according to strata after new trunk route.

Standard deviations from the mean

Strata o  1.5  1.5 to  1.0  1.0 to  0.5  0.5 to 0 0 to 0.5 0.5 to 1.0 1.0 to 1.5 41.5

1 6.05% 34.03% 36.75% 13.91% 5.40% 1.72% 1.29% 0.85%

2 1.35% 24.90% 48.32% 16.90% 5.32% 1.85% 0.12% 1.25%
3 0.00% 13.45% 24.98% 27.78% 13.99% 11.83% 5.06% 2.91%
4 0.00% 0.00% 12.12% 13.66% 13.16% 20.56% 7.89% 32.62%
5 0.00% 0.00% 8.20% 22.31% 15.99% 26.59% 7.86% 19.05%
6 0.00% 15.75% 22.00% 41.85% 9.16% 11.23% 0.00% 0.00%

Total 1.63% 19.45% 32.87% 20.41% 9.52% 8.17% 3.03% 4.92%

and prioritizes the needs of each community. This plan, while not
specic in nature, identies trunk corridors as serving rst order
urban services and lower order activities should be away from
these lines in local neighborhoods, again stipulating a hierarchical
structure, but striving for a more inclusive policy than the
segregating highway of the 1970s. As was seen with the plan
from the 1950s, adhering to the goals and objectives of a master
plan is not a given. The precedent set forth by the distribution of
recreation facilities where a public opinion survey identied the
most desired services, and a publicprivate partnership enabled
the placement of these facilities throughout the city including in
lower socio-economic neighborhoods, serves as a successful
model for other essential services within Cali, and for other cities
investing in large scale public transportation projects. The acces-
sibility landscapes created in this study can further help guide the
placement of essential services to maximize accessibility in a way
that is most equitable throughout the city.
On the transportation side, access to the BRT system in
neighborhoods currently excluded from the system, including
those on the far western, hillside edge of the city should be
expanded to provide those residents a link to major services within
Cali, especially given their low socio-economic status. Challenges
to this expansion include updating basic infrastructure that will
safely allow bus transport to travel to those locations. Currently
underway is the construction of a cable car that will provide a
connection from the hillside neighborhoods to the main city, so
progress is advancing on the transportation end of access to those
neighborhoods. In addition, the ability of Calis government to
prohibit private bus companies from continuing service will aid in
increasing the efciency of MIO by reducing congestion on the
roads, and prevent the undermining of many other objects of the
new BRT including improving air quality. In the case of Bogotas
struggle between the traditional bus system and Transmilenio,
Ardila (2007) concluded that a stronger government role in super-
vising and regulating the traditional system would have helped
relieve some of the problems faced in that city. Cali can certainly
learn from the case of Bogota, and to an extent has by prioritizing
employment opportunities for bus drivers of traditional busses to
work for MIO in hopes of easing the transition between systems.
6. Conclusion
As developing countries around the world increasingly invest
in large, city-wide BRT projects, often accompanied by lofty goals
for invigorating economic development and overcoming a legacy
of income inequality, this analysis has served to highlight the
importance of both designing an accessible transportation sys-
tem, and also considering the distribution of essential opportu-
nities and services throughout an urban area. It has also provided
a framework for analyzing new policies and their potential for
improving accessibility for all segments of the population.
An analysis of walking distance to the BRT has revealed that
approximately 80% of the total population is within a 15 min walk
of the MIO system, and 87% of the population is within a 20 min
walk. Evaluating this access by socio-economic strata has shown
 E.C. Delmelle, I. Casas / Transport Policy 20 (2012) 3646
that the second highest strata (5) has the greatest overall access
to MIO with an estimated 90% of the population within a 10 min
walk. Following that group, the two middle strata, 3 and 4, have
an estimated 93 and 95% population covered, respectively
(Metrocali claims that the system will benet, when fully imple-
mented, 100% of the population in strata 1, 2, and 3 (Cali and
Metrocali, 2008)). The highest strata (6) results in the lowest
population covered by the system, with 56% of the population
within a 20 min walk, and only 32% within a 15 min walk. Finally,
those in the lowest socio-economic strata had an estimated 75%
of the population covered. Basic infrastructure problems are
present in some of these neighborhoods preventing bus service
expansion, while other neighborhoods should experience an
increase in accessibility as a new trunk line under construction
expands towards outlying poorer neighborhoods, and a cable car
connects the hillside regions.
Results of the access to activities analysis have varied for each
of the three activities examined: hospitals, libraries, and recreation
facilities. Placed in the historical growth context of Cali featuring,
on one hand a planned central city with a main spine of commer-
cial and government activities, and a large inux of migrants
forming unplanned, squatter settlements on the outskirts of the
city on the other, the analysis has revealed that the most equitable
accessibility landscape was achieved in the case of recreation
facilities, and was least equitable for hospital access. The place-
ment of recreation facilities in Cali represents a successful partner-
ship in providing services to residents in lower socio-economic
neighborhoods; beginning with public participation in determining
residents needs, and ending with a government and private sector
solution to disseminating facilities throughout the city. Some effort
has recently been made to address the provision of services in
underprivileged and underserved neighborhoods, especially in the
eastern half of the city by opening a new hospital specically to
serve that population (Casas et al., 2010). Policies such as these
should utilize the accessibility landscapes developed in this analy-
sis to identify locations where the provision of services in under-
privileged neighborhoods can be enhanced through the placement
of new facilities. Future research should also evaluate the tradeoff
between decreasing the distance impedance between neighbor-
hoods and services via improvements to the MIO or improvements
on the supply of activities, given the costs of each improvement
and the expected return in accessibility gains.
One limitation of this transport system accessibility approach
is its aggregate nature, which here was intended to establish
general spatial patterns of access, but does not provide detailed
information on how specic segments of the population have
experienced the system. For instance, it does not consider
individual time schedules, whether or not the system is designed
to accommodate the disabled, or if walking distance to stations is
too far for the elderly. As data becomes more available in
developing countries, these micro-level details can be examined.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Dr. Alejandro Varela M.D for
his help with data acquisition and scheduling meetings with
MetroCali ofcials, Luis Eduardo Barrera, Director of MetroCali
for his time, and the two anonymous reviewers for their com-
ments which helped shape the nal version of this manuscript.
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