Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
1. For this basic definition, see E. Jombart, Les monastres doubles, section 3 in
Cohabitation, historique, Dictionnaire de droit canonique 3:97273 (henceforth
DDC); H. J. Schroeder, Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils: Text, Transla-
tion, and Commentary (New York: B. Herder Books, 1937), 15354; Philibert
Schmitz, Histoire de lordre de Saint-Benot (Liege: Editions de Maredsous, 1948),
7:4546; and Micheline de Fontette, Les religieuses lage classique du droit canon
(Paris: J. Vrin, 1967), 17 note 20.
2. See G. Cyprian Alston, Monasteries, Double, Catholic Encyclopedia; Jean
Gribomont, Monasteries, Double, NCE; Jombart, Les monastres doubles,
DDC 3:97274; H. Leclercq and J. Pargoire, Monastre double, DACL; E. V.
Severus and S. Hilpisch, Monasterio doppio, Dizionario degli istituti di perfezione;
Aim Solignac, Monachisme, DS 10:1604; and A. Hamilton Thompson, Double
monasteries, in The Monastic Orders, Ch. 20 of vol. 5, Cambridge Medieval History
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1926), 68082.
Journal of Early Christian Studies 6:2, 269312 1998 The Johns Hopkins University Press
270 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
Such a normative and persistent manner of monks and nuns sharing their
monastic life together warrants historical investigation and appreciation.
For brevity sake, this study is limited to the fourth through eighth
centuries.9
Greek double monasticism is discussed here under the following
headings: 1) Definition, 2) Historical Context, 3) Basil and Monasticism,
4) Organization, 5) Theological Ideology, 6) Masculine and Feminine
Identity, 7) Operation, 8) Governance, 9) Monastic Office, 10) Economic
Structure, 11) Subsequent History, and 12) Conclusion. I have attempted
to approach and to present this material in its lived functional experi-
ence: men and women joined together in their search for God via
asceticism.
Once assembled, they needed to clarify the theological basis for their
manner of life. This theological ideology, in turn affected the institu-
tional expression of their shared experience. I am presuming the
following sequence: initial experience, subsequent reflection, institution-
alization, further experience and reflection leading to modification. The
life and writings of Basil of Caesarea as well as those of his brother
Gregory (of Nyssa) and his sister Macrina (the younger) afford an
invaluable window into this process.
DEFINITION
9. I plan to write on double monasticism in the Greek east from the eighth through
fifteenth centuries; also on double monasticism in Egypt, Palestine and Syria during
the early church period.
10. See Penelope D. Johnson, Equal in Monastic Profession: Religious Women in
Medieval France (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 7; Penny Schine Gold,
The Lady and the Virgin: Image, Attitude, and Experience in Twelfth-Century France
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), 10102; and Sharon K. Elkins, Holy
Women of Twelfth-Century England (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1988), xviii.
11. Recent entries for Monasteries, double are supplied by Alice-Mary Talbot in
the 1991 Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium and by Jean Gribomont in the 1992
Encyclopedia of the Early Church.
272 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
HISTORICAL CONTEXT
The roots and causes of the ascetic movement and subsequent cenobitic
form of monasticism have received much analysis. At first, ascetic
women fell primarily into two categories: agapetescelibate male and
female ascetics dwelling together under one roof, at times even sharing
the same bed (while allegedly remaining celibate),18 and virgines
subintroductaewomen who sought refuge and guidance from priests.19
Both practices were widespread before cenobitic monasticism devel-
17. My own research had led me to the same distinction and terminology before
coming across Leclercqs nomenclature. Hilpisch likewise argued that one must not
confuse neighboring monasteries with double monasteries; see Hilpisch, Doppelklster,
1 and 4.
18. See H. Hemmer, Agaptes, DTC; E. Magnin, Agaptes, DDC; Antoine
Guillaumont, Le nom des Agaptes, VChr 23 (1969): 3037; and Gillian Cloke,
This Female Man of God: Women and Spiritual Power in the Patristic Age, AD 350
450 (London: Routledge, 1995), 7781.
19. See Melchiorre di Santa Maria and Jean Gribomont, Agapte (Mulieres et
virgines subintroductae), Dizionario degli istituti di perfezione, and H. Achelis,
Virgines Subintroductae: Ein Beitrag zum VII. Kapitel des I. Korintherbriefes
(Leipzig, 1902).
274 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
Unfortunately only one Greek monastic rule for double monasticism has
survivedBasils. In order to construct an idea of what such an
institution was like in the Greek east, one must depend heavily upon his
Rule. In fact, Basils Rule was seen as paradigmatic. The Rule, however,
is more exhortatory and exemplary than juridic and legislative. It does
not necessarily provide an accurate picture of lived reality, but rather an
ideal to which one strove. Nevertheless, because the Rule of Basil was
utilized from the fourth through eighth centuries, it does afford one a
glimpse into the operative model which was widely embraced.
Building on the work of previous scholars, Elm has reconstructed the
formative period in Basils ascetic life.25 In the light of this historical
research, insight can be gained into Basils formulation of double
monasticism. After returning from his studies in Athens and pursuing a
career in rhetoric at Caesarea in 355, Basil was persuaded by his sister
26. See Gregory of Nyssa, v. Macr. 6, ed. Pierre Maraval, SC 178 (Paris: Editions
du cerf, 1971), 16062.
27. For observations concerning Macrina, see Domenico Devoti, Alle origini del
monachesimo femminile: Tra follia e santit, in La donna nel pensiero cristiano
antico, ed. Umberto Mattioli (Genoa: Marietti, 1992), 193203; Elena Giannarelli,
Macrina e sua madre: Santit e paradosso, SP 20 (1989): 22430; Albrecht, Leben
der hl. Makrina; and Elm, Virgins of God, 78105.
28. See Gregory of Nyssa, v. Macr. 89, SC 178:16470, and Elm, Virgins of God,
8083 and 91. Elm states that Naucratius was the leader of a band of brothers living
with him in solitude; see Virgins of God, 8384 and 105. Such a conclusion, however,
is unwarranted and seriously in error. The passage in question speaks of a group of
old people living together in poverty and infirmity, see the Greek text v. Macr. 8.24
25, SC 178:168. This is a matter of charitable relief work for the elderly and no more.
The text says nothing of his living with them, either; he supplied them with food. The
Greek likewise does not mean that the group was only old men. Thus Elms further
supposition that Basil became the new leader of this group of brothers is equally
incorrect (pp. 8384). Nothing suggests that this group was monastic or even ascetic.
They were poor people (probably men and women) pooling their resources together,
recipients of Naucratius beneficence.
29. See Maraval, SC 178:52.
30. See Basil of Caesarea, ep. 1, Saint Basile: Lettres, ed. Yves Courtonne (Paris:
Les Belles Lettres, 1957), 1:35, and ep. 223.2, Courtonne 3:1011. For the
connection between Basil and Eustathius, see Jean Gribomont, Eustathe le Philosophe
et les voyages du jeune Basile de Csare, RHE 54 (1959): 11524.
31. See Basil of Caesarea, ep. 223.5, Courtonne 3:14.
32. See Jean Gribomont, Eustathe de Sbaste, DS, 1711, and his Le monachisme
au IVe sicle en Asie Mineure: De Gangres au Messalianisme, SP 2 (1957): 404; S.
Salaville, Eustathe de Sbaste, DTC, 1568; as well as Elm, Virgins of God, 189.
276 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
33. See Clarke, Ascetic Works, 37, as well as his St. Basil the Great, 36 and 117.
34. Concerning Basilian monasticism in general, see Paul Allard, Saint Basile (Paris:
Librairie Lecoffre, 1929), 2345; Stanilas Giet, La socit des moines, in his Les
ides et laction sociales de saint Basile (Paris: Librairie Lecoffre, 1941), 183216;
Lon Lbe, Saint Basile: Les rgles monastiques (Maredsous: Editions de Maredsous,
1969), 1130; Yves Courtonne, Un tmoin du IVe sicle oriental: Saint Basile et son
temps daprs sa correspondence (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1973), 42455; Mario
Mazza, Monachesimo basiliano: Modelli spirituali e tendenize economico-sociali
nellimpero del IV secolo, in Basilio di Caesarea: La sua et, la sua opera e il
basilianesimo in Sicilia (Messina: Centro di Studi Umanistici, 1983), 5596; Benot
Gain, La vie monastique, chapter 4 in his Lglise de Cappadoce au IVe sicle
daprs la correspondence de Basile de Csare (330379) (Rome: Pontificium
Institutum Orientale, 1985), 12361; and Elm, Virgins of God, 6077. Also see Jules
Pargoire, Basile de Csare (saint) et Basiliens, DACL.
35. Elm, Virgins of God, 206.
36. See Elm, Virgins of God, 20723.
37. For comments on Macrinas community, see Elm, Virgins of God, 92105 and
page 91 note 47.
38. Jean Gribomont, Le pangyrique de la virginit, oeuvre de jeunesse de
Grgoire de Nysse, Revue dasctique et de mystique 43 (1967): 251. Also see his
Le monachisme au IVe sicle en Asie Mineure: De Gangres au Messalianisme, SP 2
(1957): 412.
39. Gregory of Nyssa, v. Macr. 37, FC 58:189.
STRAMARA/DOUBLE MONASTICISM 277
51. Palladius, h. Laus. 49, Cuthbert Butler, Lausiac History of Palladius (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1904), 2:14344. For the dating see Elm, Virgins
of God, 186. While this monastery could have been mixed, this seems unlikely since
Palladius lauded Pachomian monasticism for its separation of men and women, a
recurrent theme in Egyptian and Palestinian asceticism.
52. Jean Gribomont, Histoire du texte des asctiques de s. Basile (Louvain:
Bibliothque du Muson, 1953), 54. Also see page 222.
53. Pontus is the region of North Asia Minor which during this period was divided
into three provinces: Diospontis (capital Amasea), Pontus Polemoniacus (capital
Neocaesarea), and Armenia Minor (capital Sebaste); see M. Forlin Patrucco, Pontus,
Encyclopedia of the Early Church.
54. See Elm, Virgins of God, 11112.
55. See Sozomen, h.e. 4.20.2, ed. Joseph Bidez, GCS 50 (Berlin: Akademie Verlag,
1960), 170, and Elm, Virgins of God, 111.
56. Socrates, h.e. 2.38, ed. Gnther Christian Hansen, GCS (Berlin: Akademie
Verlag, 1995), 164; trans. A. C. Zenos, Ecclesiastical History in NPNF 2.2 (Grand
Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1978), 66.
STRAMARA/DOUBLE MONASTICISM 279
57. While Elm nowhere calls these communities double monasteries she implies
as much when she groups those founded by Marathonius with those under the
auspice of Basil of Ancyra; see page 133 and compare it with 131 and 14748.
58. See Elm, Virgins of God, 112 and 125.
59. See Fedwick, A Chronology of the Life and Works of Basil, 8, and Lbe,
Saint Basile: Les rgles monastiques, 1516.
60. These will be designated as LR and SR instead of by their Latin abbreviations
(RF = regulae fusius tractatae and RB = Regulae brevius tractatae) since RB can easily
be confused with either the Rule of Basil or the Rule of Benedict.
61. See Fedwick, Church and Charisma, 12 note 62.
62. Hilpisch, Doppelklster, 10.
280 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
ORGANIZATION
63. For a passing reference to this monasterys containing nuns, see Gaudentius of
Brescia, serm. 17 (340), PL 20:965A. For the Pachomian influence, see Clarke, St.
Basil the Great, 117.
64. See Margaret Gertrude Murphy, St. Basil and Monasticism (Washington, DC:
Catholic University of America, 1930), 33 and 95.
65. Numerous examples will be supplied in this article; also see Elm, Virgins of
God, 14 and 69, as well as Gain, Lglise de Cappadoce au IVe sicle, 132 note 37.
Basil also used the term to designate the monastic communities founded by Eustathius
of Sebaste; see Basil of Caesarea, ep. 223.5, Courtonne 3:14.
66. See my article, AdelfthwTwo Frequently Overlooked Meanings, VChr
51 (1997): 31620.
67. G. W. H. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961).
STRAMARA/DOUBLE MONASTICISM 281
75. The Synod of Ancyra in 314 ruled against this practice in canon 19 as did the
Council of Nicaea I (325) in canon 3. Sometime between 330 and 358, Basil of
Ancyra decried such cohabitation in his virg. 43, PG 30:753B756C.
76. Other passages, both explicit and implicit, will arise in the course of thematic
presentations.
77. See Basil of Caesarea, ascet. 2.2, PG 31:888C. While the authenticity of ascet.
2 is questioned by some scholars, yet upheld by others, it nevertheless bears witness
to Basilian monasticism; see Fedwick, Chronology of Basil, 19.
78. I employ the monastic term superioress to highlight the Greek: proesto\sa, the
feminine form of proesto\s, superior. An abbess is a major superior over a large
juridical enclave of monastics, whether female or male. Not every superioress was an
abbess. The rapport between the male and female superiors as well as other elders in
the community will be examined under the section Governance.
79. See Gregory of Nyssa, v. Macr. 7, SC 178:164, and Elm, Virgins of God, 84
85 and 9798.
STRAMARA/DOUBLE MONASTICISM 283
supplying them with game from his hunting and fishing expeditions on
the family estate.80 As early as 357 other women joined Macrinas
community.81 The ascetic household now became a broader ascetic
community. Basil first joined them at this stage but then soon left. When
famine struck Cappadocia in 368 and 369, Macrina and Peter worked
side by side to take care of the needy who sought refuge at their eremitic
abode.82 Macrina took in those who were orphaned and some of these
permanently joined the community.83 This group must have included
orphaned boys as well, even though they are not mentioned.84 Thus, by
368 the community at Annesi was no longer a familial ascetic retreat, but
a fully functioning double monastery capable of absorbing new female
and male members as well as of tending girls and boys.
During the period from 365 onward, Basil was back in Caesarea
carrying out his priestly duties. He was raised to the episcopate in the fall
of 370.85 As archbishop of Caesarea, Basil became responsible for the
supervision of monasteries in all of Cappadocia. Between 370 and 376
he experienced the need to give formal articulation to his monastic
directives, expanding them into the final versionthe Long and Short
Rules. These form the basis for reconstructing what double monasteries
were like in the Greek east during the last quarter of the fourth century,
extending into the fifth. Unfortunately, no typika or Foundation Charters
for other double monasteries exist by which one may gain a broader and
more complete perspective.
Like the double monastery at Annesi, a majority of Basilian monaster-
ies were composed of family members who embraced the ascetic life.86
Cappadocian women played a prominent role in such conversions.87
91. See Julianus Garnier, Basilii Caesareae Cappadociae: Opera Omnia (Paris:
Gaume Fratres, 1839), vol. 2.1, 49495 note f.
92. See Clarke, Ascetic Works, 173 note 7. Clarke mentions the synod of Gangra,
but nothing in its decrees directly applies here. Canon 14 is only against a wife who
leaves her husband because she despises marriage; it does not preclude a spouses
entering a monastery with mutual consent; see NPNF 2.14:98 with Hefeles comment.
93. See also SR 286, PG 31:1284B where there is a question of a [non-gender
specific] resident (tn znta) of the adelphote\s being admitted to a hospital.
94. See SR 112, PG 31:1157B; Clarke 271. Clarke might have been using man
in an inclusive sense but given the nature of the Rules he should have translated more
precisely.
95. See Basil of Caesarea, reg. fus. 2.3, PG 31:913C; 5.3, PG 31:924C; twice in
33.1, PG 31:997BC; 45.2, PG 31:1033A; reg. br. 82, PG 31:1141B; 113, PG
31:1157B, twice in 208, PG 31:1221AB; once in 210, PG 31:1224A; twice in 220,
PG 31:1228C; twice in 245, PG 31:1245C; 276, PG 31:1276B; 282, PG 31:1280C;
and 307, PG 31:1301B; as well as ascet. 2.2, PG 31:885C.
96. See Basil of Caesarea, reg. fus. twice in 33.1, PG 31:997BC; reg. br. 82, PG
31:1141B, twice in 208, PG 31:1221AB, once in 210, PG 31:1224A, and twice in
220, PG 31:1228C; as well as ascet. 2.2, PG 31:885C. Only reg. br. 208, PG
286 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
THEOLOGICAL IDEOLOGY
31:1221AB, is not explicit, though the context and a quote referring to women
speaking in church strongly implies that proso\pon here as well embraces both sexes.
97. See my dissertation Unmasking the Meaning of Prsvpon: Prosopon as
Person in the Works of Gregory of Nyssa, Ph.D. diss., Saint Louis University, 1996.
98. See Harrison, Male and Female, 44171, as well as my dissertation, chapter
3.3.2, pp. 16061.
99. Some scholars question the authenticity of this work; see Fedwick, Chronol-
ogy of Basil, 19. Nevertheless, it does reflect Basils attitude; see Clarke, Ascetic
Works, 9.
100. See Basil of Caesarea, inst. ascet. 3, PG 31:625A.
STRAMARA/DOUBLE MONASTICISM 287
and women who were gathered around the Lord himself. Understand-
ably, the apostolic community of men and women in Acts chapters two
through four is also seen as paradigmatic for the adelphote\s. It serves as
the justification for a cenobitic way of life as opposed to an eremitical
one.101 The Rules of Basil are permeated by citations from Acts chapters
two and four.102
But there is one particular Scriptural passage which inspired early
double monasteries: In Christ Jesus there is neither male nor female
(Gal 3.28). This verse is cited by Palladius regarding the adelphote\s of
men and women in Cappadocia and their mastering of sexual im-
pulses,103 and by Basil of Ancyra in his treatise for female ascetics. Not
only has the virgin embraced the angelic life by means of her asceticism
and thus transcended gender, but she, as well as her male counterpart,
has been transported into Christ in whom there is neither male nor
female.104 Accordingly, they may associate with each other: virgins with
monks or priests.105 The bishop of Ancyra, however, castigates agape\tes.106
While Basil of Caesarea nowhere in his Rules cites Galatians 3.28, he
does so in his Moralia.107 Here he employs it referring to the transforma-
tion wrought by baptism.108 Basil understood monasticism as a deepen-
ing of ones baptismal vows.109 The transformation of the masculine and
the feminine in Christ is, however, attested in his Rules. This will be
examined below.
Gregory of Nyssas De virginitate, written at Basils request to
monastics who followed his Rules, bears witness to the Basilian mindset.110
Basils brother reasoned that spiritual marriage to Christ through
asceticism is common to men and women alike, for as the apostle says:
There is neither male nor female, and Christ is all things for all human
beings.111 Thus, Gal 3.28 functioned as the theological ideology for the
equality of men and women pursuing the same goals in Basils double
monasteries.
Given the above testimonies, one may safely propose that this
statement (In Christ Jesus there is neither male nor female) formed a
theological foundation upon which double monasticism arose. In fact,
Gribomont makes the same claim, albeit more resolutely: The enthusi-
asm that accompanied the origins of monasticism tended to promote the
condition of women in accordance with Gal 3.28, which suppressed the
inequality of the sexes; double monasteries took rise in this perspec-
tive.112 The above historical data substantiates Gribomonts conclusion.
Furthermore, recognizing Eustathius of Sebastes agenda regarding the
equality of male and female ascetics, one may infer that this ascetic
principleneither male nor female in Christpermeated the monastic
spirit throughout Asia Minor in the fourth century.
Likewise, Matt 12.50 (Whoever does the will of my heavenly Father
is my brother and sister and mother) appears to have been another
biblical justification operating as a basis for Basilian double monasticism
since it is quoted four times in the Rules.113 It also appears once in
Gregory of Nyssas treatise On Virginity written for Basils monastics.114
Male and female ascetics were seen as brothers and sisters in the Lord,
members of one spiritual family.
But what biblical verses justify their dwelling together? The reasoning
can be divined from Basils response to the question whether there should
be more than one adelphote\s in a single parish or locality. He speaks of
the pooling of resources and the sharing of spiritual gifts; there should be
only one monastery. Basil then argues:
The maintenance of separate establishments would surely constitute
manifest disobedience to the precept of the Apostle: each one not
considering the things that are his own but those that are other mens. I
think, indeed, that it is impossible for this injunction to be observed where
there is separation, inasmuch as each section is privately occupied with the
care of its own members and is without solicitude for the others, a state of
affairs which is, as I said, clearly opposed to the apostolic precept. And
since the saints mentioned in the Acts frequently testify to its observance,
now by the words: And the multitude of believers had but one heart and
one soul, and again: All they that believed were together and had all
things common, there very evidently was no dwelling apart for any of
them nor did each individual lead an independent life, but all were governed
under one and the same supervision, even though their full number was five
thousand.115
The Scriptural context makes it clear that Basil had in mind men and
women devoted to the Lord, because the same section in Acts from
which he quoted specifies that More and more men and women
believed in the Lord and were added to their number.116 The original
three thousand plus of Acts 2.41 grew to five thousand (Acts 4.4) which
was further augmented in Acts 5.14, the above-quoted verse. According
to Basil, having totally separate communities for men and for women
within one locality would be counterproductive both economically and
spiritually, and indeed a denial of what he understood to be the apostolic
pattern of Christian community.117 For the renowned bishop of Caesarea,
double monasticism was the concrete living manifestation of the biblical
precepts and the continuation of the apostolic way of life.
138. See Richard A. Baer, Jr., Appendix I: Philos Description of the Therapeutae
in v. contemp. in Reference to the Categories Male and Female, in Philos Use of the
Categories Male and Female (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1970), 98101.
139. Verna E. F. Harrison, The Allegorization of Gender: Plato and Philo on
Spiritual Childbearing, in Asceticism, eds. Vincent L. Wimbush and Richard
Valantasis (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 521.
140. Harrison, Male and Female, 445.
141. Harrison, Male and Female, 453.
142. See SR 210, PG 31:1221D1224A. Also confer LR 22.3, PG 31:980CD for
an implicit reference to feminine clothing. All of LR 22 deals with monastic garb.
143. See Hefeles comments in NPNF 2.14:9798, as well as Elm, Virgins of God,
10811.
144. See Basil of Caesarea, ascet. 2.2, PG 31:888AD.
STRAMARA/DOUBLE MONASTICISM 293
161. See David Amand, Lascse monastique de saint Basile: Essai historique
(Maredsous: Editions de Maredsous, 1948), 24648, for homosexuality in Basilian
monasticism and SR 242.
162. See Basil of Caesarea, renunt. 5, PG 31:637BC.
163. Basil of Caesarea, renunt. 5, PG 31:637C; FC 9:24. Sayings from the desert
fathers likewise attest to monks wrestling with homosexual desires; in the alphabeti-
cal collection of the Apophth. Patr., see the following sayings: Eudemon, John the
Dwarf #4, IssacPriest of the Cells #5, and Poemen #176. In the anonymous series,
see #49. Also see Graham Gould, The Desert Fathers on Monastic Community
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 125 note 81.
164. See Basil of Ancyra, virg. 29, 45, 62 & 66; PG 30:728CD, 757C, 797AC
& 804B. Elm only cites chapter 62; see her Virgins of God, 121.
165. See Basil of Ancyra, virg. 45, PG 30:757C.
166. See especially Basil of Ancyra, virg. 66; PG 30:804B.
167. SR 108, PG 31:1156C; Clarke 270.
296 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
GOVERNANCE
180. Clarke, Ascetic Works, 38. Also see his Basil the Great, 117.
181. See Elm, Virgins of God, 7475.
182. See Clarke, Ascetic Works, 39.
183. See Hilpisch, Doppelklster, 1314, 16 and 18.
184. See Konstantinos G. Bonis, Basilios von Caesarea und die Organisation der
christlichen Kirche im vierten Jahrhundert, in Basil of Caesarea: Christian, Human-
ist, Ascetic, ed. Paul J. Fedwick (Toronto, 1979), vol. 1, 292300.
185. See Elm, Virgins of God, 104.
186. See Gregory of Nyssa, v. Macr. 15.2428, SC 178:192.
187. See SC 178:24 note 2.
188. See Lampe.
300 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
198. See Clarke, St. Basil the Great, 73. Also see his Ascetic Works, 17 and 38.
199. See Pargoire, Basile de Csare (saint) et Basiliens, 504.
302 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES
MONASTIC OFFICE
The two choirs sang antiphonally with the response in unison.203 Under
Marthanas supervision, the monks and nuns at Saint Theclas likewise
prayed the hours together. Decades later, the local bishop, Basil of
Seleucia (d. 459), remarked that the male and female monastics contin-
ued to celebrate the liturgical offices in common at the church.204 The
adelphote\s of men and women at Sannabodaeformerly governed by
the blessed Leucadiospresumably worshipped together, for Gregory
of Nazianzus wrote them:
200. For general background, see J. Mateos, Loffice monastique la fin du IVe
sicle: Antioche, Palestine, Cappadoce, OC 47 (1963): 5388.
201. See Gregory of Nyssa, v. Macr. 22, SC 178:212. Note that Gregory joins them
and thus must be with the monks.
202. Gregory of Nyssa, v. Macr. 33, SC 178:248; FC 58:186. Maraval argues that
this vestibule was the churchs; see SC 178:248 note 2.
203. Such a practice was recorded in Philos account of the ascetical Therapeutae.
See Philo, v. contemp. 8389, and Baer, Appendix I: Philos Description of the
Therapeutae, 99101.
204. See Basil of Seleucia, v. Thecl., PG 85:617AC, as well as A. Lambert,
Apotactites et Apotaxamnes, DACL 2612.
STRAMARA/DOUBLE MONASTICISM 303
What we desire, in fact, is that each monk and nun [kaston ka ksthn],
model himself and herself on the life of this blessed one to such an extent
that when you look at each other, you may be convinced that you have
before your eyes that which characterized him.205
Apparently the monks and nuns had occasion to see each other, most
probably when they prayed the monastic offices. Such was the custom in
the Pontic double monastery which sprang up in the sixth century
around Alypius the Stylite.206 To my knowledge, there is no evidence that
monks and nuns in any of the double monasteries throughout Asia
Minor did not celebrate the monastic offices in common.
Basil of Caesarea presumes this arrangement in one of his letters:
I wish you to know that we profess to have orders of men and women
whose conduct of life is heavenly, who have crucified the flesh with its
passions and desires, who are not solicitous about food and clothing, but,
being free from distractions and constantly waiting on the Lord, continue in
their prayers night and day. Their mouths do not speak idly of the works of
men, but they chant hymns to our God continuously.207
While this passage does not explicitly refer to double monasteries, the
ascetic practices Basil described would, nevertheless, apply to such
communities. In fact, a few lines later Basil wrote, Among us the people
[law] come early after night-fall to the house of prayer, and in labor and
affliction and continual tears confess to God. Finally, rising up from their
prayers, they begin the chanting of psalms. And now, divided into two
parts, they chant antiphonally.208 The term people (law) is vague.
J. Mateos argues that this refers to the male and female ascetics
assembled together, the terminology being purposely inclusive.209 Even if
this word only refers to the laity (Basilian monasticism was urban and
attracted numerous people from the parish),210 it is worth noting that
they divided into two choirs for praying the monastic psalmody, just as
was done in Macrinas church. SR 312 possibly deals with the laity
joining the monastics for prayer.
Given what is known concerning the practices of Pontic double
monasteries and Basils own account in his letter, indications regarding
the liturgical hours in his Rule can justifiably be read in this light. While
Basil nowhere in his Rules explicitly mentions the monastic office being
prayed in common by the monks and nuns, there are, however, six
sections which suggest such a practice:
1) Consider the following:
Again at the third hour we must rise to prayer and collect the brotherhood
[delfthta], should they happen to be scattered to their various
occupations and, remembering the gift of the Spirit given to the apostles at
the third hour, we must worship all together that we too may become
worthy to receive sanctification.211
In other words, not all of the male ascetics could always participate in
the monastic office because of the extraordinary demands of work. Basil
consoles these brothers, telling them that they are all of one soul and
one mind with their fellow monastics who are present at the office, for
even though they cannot be there physically, they are nevertheless joined
spiritually with the sisters (SR 154). This text is important, for it testifies
to the spiritual unanimity which existed between the nuns and monks.
This concrete concord in Basilian double monasticism took as its basis
and model the original apostolic community of men and women which
was of one heart and mind, praying together in the Temple (Acts 2.42
46 and 4.2332).
3) Concerning the admittance of someone (tiw) into the community,
Basil stated that this necessitated the knowledge of all the brothers and
sisters (pntvn tn delfn) so that they may rejoice together and
The antiphonal style of chanting the psalms is implied and once again the
gender-inclusive term person (prsvpon) is utilized. Significantly, this
rule does not exclude sisters from leading the prayers and intoning the
psalms.
ECONOMIC STRUCTURE
Not only did the Basilian double monastery form a single spiritual entity,
The major superior looked out for the economic welfare of the whole
community (LR 41). Officers were set in charge to oversee various
workshops (LR 53). Presumably the men were in charge of building,
carpentry and smithing (LR 38). The women were devoted to textiles (SR
153). Clarke remarks that the senior sister in charge of this industry
occupies a position parallel to that of the master of the workshops, weaving
for women taking the place of the many trades for men. . . . We are led to
imagine the women making clothes for the men as well as themselves.219
SUBSEQUENT HISTORY
In the sixth century, the Emperor Justinian attempted to regulate the
widespread practice of double monasticism. His actions, however, need
to be contextualized historically.225 The canonist E. Jombart points out
that There were in Constantinople several monasteries where monks
and nuns lived together under the same roof. This cohabitation was
forbidden by Justinian.226 Such monasteries were in fact mixed and
not double. Pargoire remarks that Justinian condemned mixed monaster-
ies because of their sexual misconduct.227 The same historical interpreta-
tion is maintained by Leclercq.228 If Elms conclusions are correct, the
monasteries of men and women founded in Constantinople in the mid-
fourth century by Macedonius and Marathonius probably followed the
Eustathian model which involved cohabitation. Had some of these
mixed monasteries survived to Justinians day? Had new ones sprung up?
Justinians first legislation in this regard, issued in 529, addresses the
problem of cohabitation.
We forbid all men dwelling in monasteries to live with women who are
nuns or to contrive any pretext for having any association with them (for
this introduces a just suspicion of meeting with them continually and
whenever they wish), but so to be segregated that they shall have no
participation with one another for any reason whatever and that no pretext
of a course of life with one another should be sought either by the latter or
by the former. But men alone by themselves should live in each monastery,
segregated from the nuns who are near-by for any reason whatever, and the
women alone by themselves, not mingled with men, for the purpose that all
Mount of Olives by Rufinus and Melania the Elder had a scriptorium; see Francis X.
Murphy, Melania the Elder, NCE, and his Rufinus of Aquileia (345411): His Life
and Works (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1945), 5355.
225. For the state of monasticism during Justinians reign, see Asterios Gerostergios,
Justinian the Great: The Emperor and Saint (Belmont, NY: Institute for Byzantine and
Modern Greek Studies, 1982), 16875.
226. Jombart, Cohabitation, historique, 973.
227. See Pargoire, Monastres doubles, 22.
228. See Leclercq, Monastre double, DACL, 2184.
STRAMARA/DOUBLE MONASTICISM 309
Justinian gave them one year to comply, dividing equally the resources
the male and female ascetics held in common. Arguably, double monas-
teries following Basils model do not fall into this category since they
were not mixed nor were they twin, built nearby one another. The
decree of 529 appears to have been ineffective, for a similar decree was
issued in 539. Presumably problems persisted because in 543 Justinian
promulgated another decree regarding the same matter, but this time
explicates double moansteries. Once again cohabitation was the focus:
In all monasteries which are called cenobia, we order that canonical monks
all dwell in a single building and eat in common, and in a similar manner
all are to sleep separately in the same building, so that in turn they might
bear witness to chaste conduct with each other. . . . All of these things are
likewise to be observed carefully in monasteries and ascetical institutes of
women. In not a single region of our empire do we permit monks and nuns
to dwell in the same monastery or for there to exist so-called double
monasteries. Wherever such monasteries are found we absolutely order that
the men be separated from the women, and that the women remain in the
monastery where they are and that the men build another monastery for
themselves.230
233. It is difficult to date this but Alypius died during the reign of Heraclius (610
41) after spending sixty-seven years as a stylite; see Delehaye, Saints stylites, lxxix.
Soon after he became a stylite a double monastery arose around him. If he died in
611, the double monastery arose as early as 544, one year after Justinians decree. If
it arose after Justinians death in 565, this would place Alypius death in 633, which
is possible. Even if Alypius died in 641 this means the double monastery arose in 574
thirty years after Justinians decree.
234. In 536 Babylas was the priest and archimandrite over three monasteries
centered around Daniel the stylite: 1) Daniel, 2) St. John the Baptist and 3) St Andrew;
see Raymond Janin, La gographie ecclsiastique de lempire byzantin: Premire
partie, Le sige de Constantinople et le patriarcat oecumnique: Tome III, Les glises
et les monastres (Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1969), 86. Was
one of these three monasteries for women like that at the base of Alypius column? As
Janin points out, we know nothing concerning the members. If this was a double
monastery, Justinians first decree was not obeyed.
235. See Pargoire, Monastres doubles, 2223.
236. See Janin, Gographie ecclsiastique, 1.3:12. Nothing in the vita clarifies the
matter.
237. See Paul Peeters, S. Romain le nomartyr ( 1 mai 780) daprs un document
gorgien, AB 30 (1911): 394.
238. C Nic. (787) can. 20, Tanner 15354.
STRAMARA/DOUBLE MONASTICISM 311
CONCLUSION
Although typika, foundation charters and further documentation are
lacking for double monasteries of the fourth through eighth centuries
that would enable scholars to construct a socio-economic analysis, some
tentative conclusions may be drawn from the evidence cited above
regarding the existence of double monasteries. They appear to be
founded for the following reasons: 1) to emulate the early apostolic
community of men and women, 2) to gather around a charismatic leader,
3) to provide for family members who embraced monasticism, 4) to
provide for the needs of the socially displaced such as orphans, 5) to live
out effectively the equality and integration of men and women in Christ,
6) to provide for the economic needs of both male and female monastics,
and 7) to provide for the spiritual and sacramental needs of nuns.
In the Greek east, these factors gave grounds for the perennial
necessity of establishing double monasteries as well as the system of twin
neighboring monasteries. Whatever the theological ideology, mundane
and practical concerns required functional solutions. Basil of Caesarea
was a theologian of vision who not only provided for the experiential
needs of monks and nuns, but supplied the theological and spiritual
inspiration for their lives shared chastely together in one community
mirroring the apostolic body of believers. Men and women who
consecrated their lives to following the Gospel precepts found a canoni-
cally approved and time-tested institution in Basils system of double
monasticism. The dangers of cohabitation were guarded against by
239. As mentioned earlier, I plan to write another article dealing with the eighth
through fifteenth centuries.
312 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES