Andean Soldiers of Christ Tristan Platt

THE ANDEAN SOLDIERS OF CHRIST.
CONFRATERNITY ORGANIZATION, THE MASS OF THE

SUN AND REGENERATIVE WARFARE IN RURAL POTOSI (18TH-20TH CENTURIES)
Author(s): Tristan PLATT
Source: Journal de la Socit des amricanistes, Vol. 73 (1987), pp. 139-191
Published by: Socit des Amricanistes
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THE ANDEAN SOLDIERS OF CHRIST.
CONFRATERNITY ORGANIZATION, THE MASS OF THE SUN

AND REGENERATIVE WARFARE IN RURAL POTOSI
(18TH-20TH CENTURIES)
Tristan PLATT*
" Be thou praised, my Lord, for ail thy cratures,

above ail for Brother Sun, who gives the day and
lightens us therewith; he is beautiful and radiant
with great splendour, and to thee, Most High, he
bears similitude",
Saint Francis (attrib.).
"Vi infinitos procesos que formaban una sola

felicidad, y, entendindolo todo, alcanc tambin a
entender la escritura del tigre".
Jorge Luis Borges.
The author examines recent doubts about the missionary efficacy of colonial Christianity
in the South Andean region, and presents the ethnic organization of the Catholic festiv
cycle in the Macha valley parish of San Marcos de Miraflores (Charcas Province, Bolivi
Here Franciscans were involved in evangelization at least by the early 17th century. A
detailed account of the solar feast at Corpus Christi is based on : 1) a text from a lost par
Libro de Fbrica (reproduced here from the author's field-notes and photographs), which
gives details of confraternity organization in 1779; and 2) the ethnographic description
the same feast in 1971 (which includes ceremonies not mentioned in the 18th century
account). The comparison suggests that confraternity organization has not only served t
inculcate the Christian "text", but is also involved in its Andean exegesis through the
" commentary " articulated by extra-liturgical rites. The final analysis of the tinku (" rit
battle ") highlights the strength of an original Andean configuration of Christianity, und
renewed attack today from Church liturgical Reform and the " modernizing " efforts of mo
of the Catholic clergy (as well as by Protestants).
Les soldats andins du Christ. Les confrries, la Messe du Soleil et les batailles rgn
ratives dans le Potos rural (XVIIIeXXe sicles).
L'auteur s'interroge sur l'efficacit missionnaire du christianisme colonial dans les Ande
du Sud et prsente l'organisation ethnique du cycle des ftes catholiques dans une paroiss
* Centre for Latin American Linguistic Studies, University of St Andrews, Scotland.
J.S.A. 1987, LXXIII : p. 139 192.
140 SOCIT DES AMRICANISTES
de la valle de Macha, San Marcos de Miradores (province de

L'vanglisation de cette rgion a t effectue par les Franciscains
L'analyse de la fte solaire de Corpus Christi est fonde sur : 1) un t
Fbrica local, aujourd'hui perdu, qui donne un rcit dtaill de l'org
en 1779 (ce texte est inclus dans cet article et a t reconstitu parti
des photographies de l'auteur ; 2) sur les descriptions de la mme f
en 1971 et qui inclut quelques rites non dcrits dans la vers
comparaison met en vidence que les confrries ont servi non seule
texte chrtien mais aussi pour interprter ce texte par un comme
rites extra-liturgiques. L'analyse finale du tinku, la bataille rituelle
configuration proprement andine du christianisme qui aujourd'hu
par les rformes liturgiques de l'glise et les efforts modernisants
clerg catholique comme du clerg protestant.
Los Soldados Andinos de Cristo. Las cofradas, la Misa del Sol,

ra! ivas en el Potos rural (siglos 18-20).
El autor examina algunas dudas recientes sobre la eficacia misio

colonial en la regin surandina. Presenta la organizacin tnica del
una parroquia valluna de los Macha : San Marcos de Miraflor
Bolivia). En Macha los franciscanos se encargaban de la evangelizac
siglo 17 temprano. Se analiza la fiesta solar de Corpus Christi en ba
Libro de Fbrica local (hoy perdido), que ofrece detalles de la orga
1779 (se imprime este texto aqu, extrado de los apuntes de camp
autor); y 2) la descripcin etnogrfica de la misma fiesta en 1971 (qu
mencionados en la versin del siglo 18). La comparacin sugiere que
derivados, los alferazgos modernos) han servido, no slo para inculc
sino adems para interpretar ese texto mediante un comenta
ritos extra-litrgicos. El anlisis final del tinku ( batalla ritual )
configuracin propiamente andina del cristianismo, que hoy est
con extirpacin por las Reformas litrgicas de la Iglesia
modernizantes de la mayora de los clrigos catlicos (adem
One day in 1970, as I was trying to do ethnography for a

ruined parish-town set amidst scattered maize-plots on a hig
Potosi's valley rgion, I met an eccentric ex-priest, a local Q
took me on one side. " No one realises it, no one will believe
wild look in his eye ; " but these indians don't believe in G
really Christians. It's the Sun they worship the Sun ! Th
bit like the end of Ibsen's Ghosts. But I recalled how, shortly
in this area of Macha indian territory, a neighbour had seen
and commented : "Ah! You're warming yourself in Our
The ex-priest could be right. Yet if (as he said) this realizat
resign the priesthood, could it be that he himself shared th
guilty about it... ?
More recently I was led back to the question while consid
dilemmas faced by proponents of liturgical Reform in Boli
THE ANDEAN SOLDIERS OF CHRIST 141
almost embattled reactions to Protestant pressures. Em

" modernization local priests continue to reject as " s
established forms of South Andean Christianity. More tho
asking themselves about the nature of Aymara " tradition
ting and assessing its beliefs and practices, and wonderin
indians can be considered " Christians The discussion has
Most indians, except in a few well-defined contexts, w
themselves cristianos : by what criteria, then, can the
Catholicism has tolerated many doctrinal variants within i
should Andean Christianity be interrogated so closely? Can
Sun and still particpate in "Christian civilization"?
This essay ofTers one anthropologist's perspective on a B
is closely bound up with prsent political debates about th
identity ", as well as having significant implications for th
In what sense can Andean peoples be said to have been con
as a resuit of Spain's missionary efforts? To what extent i
irremediably smeared by its own brutal colonialist record
now taken such firm root in the South Andean soil that
with political demands for the autonomy of its fold ? But
to assess the persistence of a solar theology in its mid
Andean studies have long emphasised a distinction be
forms and an underlying concrete logic of pre-Colombian
pagan mythic thought, accompanied by many practical co
been able to survive unobtrusively till today, beneath the
a dominantly European public aesthetic (Murra (ed.) 19
1968; Wachtel 1971; Martnez 1976; Cereceda 1978; Urt
Poole 1982; Platt 1986a; Abercombie 1986; etc.). The p
specific structures through time (whose most extreme pr
Zuidema) can be profitably compared to those levels of lo
located by Fernand Braudel (1975 [1949]) beneath other
cycles of change. Nevertheless, although unexceptionable a
as a component in a more "total" Andean history still
approach has sometimes been misunderstood as a phi
immobility. Taken in this way, it might even appear t
evangelistic reflections among those present-day priests wh
"efficacy" of earlier missionary efforts1. Can any serious
nance such a trivialization of the indian historical expe
Christ ?
An important corrective can be found in the writings, not of an anthropologist,
but of an historian of art. In a meticulously constructed argument, George Kubler
(1962) has carefully rejected the study of symbolic meanings in culture-history in
isolation from changes in the formai infrastructure that sustains them. Returning
our gaze to the aesthetic appearances of things, Kubler anticiptes what has indeed
been missing in some structural approaches to meaning. In the Andean context, he
has insisted that "rituals of conversion" amounted, sensuously as well as
intellectually, to an irrevocable historical experience for Amerindians. This
suggests that anthropological accounts which seek only to disinter the supposedly
pristine " deep meanings " of colonial and Republican And

throwing out the baby of sensory perception with th
progressive view of historical sequence. For the unique, ev
power of some South Andean Christian images can be att
interaction between their visual appearance and the coloni
able to medate.
Kubler's analyses are not ail equally convincing. In an earlier account of the
Andean experience of Christianity (Kubler 1946), he suggested, first, that
" divinity " had been gradually withdrawn from pagan cult-objects, as a corollary
of the indians' growing acceptance of " Christianity's system of divine essence".
Any pagan cult-objects (huacas) whose vnration may have continued were by
this time dead or dying. Second, he argued for the efficacy of the annual fiesta
system as a catechetical drill, insofar as it "invoked ail the major events of the
genealogy and life of Christ" and commemorated "each and every one of the
Apostles... The parishioners learned the contents of the New Testament through
direct participation in its festivals ". These two points seem contradictory, for it is
unclear why the causal priority of ritual over belief, assumed for the process of
Christianization, should not be extended to the pagan context as well. More
generally, the supposed incompatibility between two " Systems of divine essence "
may be questioned as fresh (or freshly read) studies emphasise the points of
convergence that could be established between the two transatlantic worlds of
religious experience (eg Puma 1980 [1615] ; cf. Gisbert 1980 ; Gisbert & Mesa 1985 ;
MacCormack 1985).
But Kubler's argument correctly emphasises the hgmonie character of
imposed State religion (cf. Barnadas 1976; Harris 1982; Abercrombie 1986). To
understand what was involved in this imposition, we must consider more fully the
precise impact of that catechetical drill. Wiraqucha might lend legitimacy to
diusninchis (" Our God " among the modem Macha), as the lightning-god Illapu2
might to Santiago of Spain, or (in Charcas) the triple deity Tanga-tanga to the
Trinity (Gisbert 1980, Rostworowski 1983); but only in moments of extreme
political radicalization would late colonial and Republican indians wish publicly to
deny that they were Christians (compare persistent loyalties to the King), or show
themselves insensitive to the emotional claims of the Christian story as enacted in
Church images and feasts (Hidalgo 1982). The 17thcentury indian messiah,
Miguel Acarapi, who emerged in the Audiencia de Charcas to take the name of
Jsus Christ (Saignes 1985a : 43) was anticipating an Andean religious trend which
would become assimilated to many routines of everyday life from the 18th century
on.
This does not mean that a coagulating sediment of Christian sentiment

stifle ail attempts at a historical reversai of the process. Memories
Tawantinsuyu, though constantly transformed, were not expunged. Hopes f
officiai restoration of the Inka, and even of the Cuit of the Sun, can be seen
end of both 18th and 19th centuries, and are by no means extinct today (
(ed.) 1987). Moreover, the Tragedy of the Death of Atawallpa was still acted
living memory in Northern Potos (the od Potos Province of Chayanta) : w
it in San Pedro de Buena Vista and Espritu Santo de Chayanta (Lara 19
well as a similar reprsentation in Colquechaca in the late 19th century3. W
immdiate pre-Republican origin lying probably in the rep

late-colonial religious confraternities (cofradas)4, it conc
Spain's rcognition of himself in the dead face of Atawallp
and his consquent vengeance on Pizarro for regicide. The
dramatic clarity what the intellectual and artist Waman Pu
an illustrated epistle namely, the Andean perception o
inaugurating a New Dispensation which crowns a sequence
pre-Colombian past.
Setting up convergences (Urton 1980) between disparate
vital aspect of this will to understand the European invasio
The effort could lead to misunderstanding : signs and im
particular areas of religious experience can be read differ
cultural universe of the perceiver (we may recall CG Jung
the "Jesuitical translation of the Tao as 'God'"). For ex
pointed out by Jess Lara between poetic laments for the
God in the Tawantinsuyu, and dramatizations of the C
Passion in mediaeval Europe, can be taken to indcate the
from which the Tragedy of Atawallpa could be experienced
symbolism at the roots of both Inka-Hapsburg and Constan
(Pease 1973; Puma 1980 [1615]; cf. Fox 1986) suggests a
Andean and European expriences of State-backed convers
were, in any case, well-acquainted with the expectations o
from their previous experience under the Tawantinsuyu,
legitmate (despite local error and abuse) the ensuing e
Majesty (Puma 1980 [1615]). Nevertheless, Kubler is right
Spain whose religious forms and aesthetic had to be
intellectuals (including the invaders' use of very powerful
spindly, but highly regulated, flows of black dye on white pap
proceed to articlate new theological reflections on Christi
end of the continually transforming bridge straddling th
Modem Macha runa (Que. = "human being"), still locat
the old Province of Chayanta (Potos), consider themselve
agricultural and herding calendars still unfold under the
range of saintly mamas and tatas, whose images are m
representational " style of Europe, rather than any o
"material idioms" (Fraser 1982; cf. Reid 1979)5. But these
sufficiently intmate with their flocks to tolrate a world
practices, which have repeatedly (and to no avail) been den
by the officiai Church6. Should the existence of such prac
essentially flawed the success of the entire missionary en
rather try to see this expression of South Andean Ch
achievement in intercultural religiosity, which parallels t
Andean conomie structures to respond creatively to the
mercantilism (cf. Saignes 1985b; Platt 1982b, 1987)?
Ethnie reproduction and transformation in colonial circu
slective assimilation by native Americans of key elements
repertoire. In the context of Spain's programme of religi
1970; Trexler 1982; MacCormack 1985; Clendinnen 1987),

is the Andean adoption and lgitimation of confrate
sponsorships which have succeeded them7. Without deny
continuities between pre-Colombian and colonial tradition
(Abercombie 1986), we must also emphasise what was new
form of conversion ritual : confraternities were, afte
responsible for staging Kubler's calendrical catechism. But
did not content themselves with dutifully supporting Tri
late as 1773, the Synod of Charcas, meeting in the Ar
expressed disquiet at the " superstitions " which acco
activities8. Such extra-liturgical rites can be seen as a char
major world-religious tradition, developed in South Ame
alphabetical writing, when faced with an Old World Jud
which justified its own military and historical ascendanc
Divine Word transcribed in the Sacred Book (Firth 1966
compare these rites to a running commentary, a series of
Andean theologians, on the problems of decoding the Ch
I here hope to establish the outlines of one such text, and "
of its accompanying ritual "annotations". This reading m
the precise theological content of the catechetical drill or
cycle of Church feasts. Our example will be the Feas
celebrated in the main valley parish of the Macha ethnie
Miraflores9. I discuss first a late 18th century account o
calendar, largely orchestrated by a panoply of confraterni
the parish capital and its surrounding annexes. The so
beginning in 1779, was generated by the dcision that year
richest annex, the miraculous shrine of Nuestra Seo
transformation of this sanctuary into a parish capital in it
old capital impoverished ; and the incoming priest, Do
Cardona y Fagle, therefore decided to lay out the constit
the parish confraternities, for the benefit of his success
attempt to balance the parish's remaining income aga
production (Table 2). This late-colonial point of refe
recognise the alferazgos (ritual sponsorships) active while
the modem heirs of the old confraternity organization. D
material collected in 1971 during the Corpus Christi feast,
the " superstitious " marginalia absent in the 18th centu
Little is known of the Macha experience of Christi
17th centuries; in general, studies of the early colonial co
Audiencia de Charcas are still in their infancy (see, h
Meiklejohn 1984; MacCormack 1985). However, no referen
(both documentary and ethnographie) can ignore clea
Christianization of this ethnie group was, from an early
Franciscans11. The doctrinal peculiarities of Franciscan m
World are wellknown since the study of John Phelan
[1985]); and I suggest that the interprtation of the la
illuminated by reference to these peculiarities in part
Franciscans of the visionary thories of history associate

century Italian biblical scholar, Joachim of Fiore (Reev
First, however, we should distinguish the ritual text of
those multiple occasions on which Macha indians offer cu
Earth. Indeed, it is Andean humanity's liminal positi
(" upper world ") and ukhupacha (" inner world ")12, and in
"secret" (sajra) sources of energy residing in ukhupacha (P
weight both to the doubts of orthodoxy and to Macha insis
cristianos. Living in a dualistic universe, in which pagan " d
inner darkness must be fed and propitiated no less than th
Andean heavens, indian religious beliefs sometimes s
monotheistic premise of orthodox Christianity. The fulcrum
displaced from a centre in the divine light to a shadow
supremacy of the light is achieved only at the cost of con
forces of darkness. These forces were consigned by incom
(MacCormack [1985]).It would be important to know whet
gnosticism had reached the Andean debate on dualism
period13 ; however, South Andean Christians do not
" absolute evil " (Parkin (ed.) 1985) to a seprate realm of be
emanating from the Godhead.Macha theology strikes
note : the inner deities are invoked and placated as potentia
hostility, pestilence, accident and death, but which also promis
cared for) the rnovation of prosperity and desire, an
individual and collective life (Nash 1979; Taylor 1980; H
Boyusse & Harris in press).
A vital metaphor that links the two Worlds, bindin
complementarity, is one of rooted vgtation u. Libations
are widespread during Macha crmonies, and express ind
the communicative channels between "upper" and "in
network of "roots" radites outwards from the tower
tower-with-authority "), which rise up above parish chur
condense into a central symbol the scattered crosses (tata w
hamlet Calvary-shrines (calvarios) (Platt 1986a). The resuit
system " of central and peripheral shrines : the parish chu
annexes, and both are similarly surrounded by their c
shrines. The Tower is maie in relation to the female Square
lying beneath, also associated with the Virgin (wirjin) in he
(pachamama), who likewise condenses the wirjines of a
cultivable land in the parish. And the fertility of wirjin
therefore, on a conjunction with their corresponding tow
From the base of each tower the roots are thought to spread
its jurisdiction, nourishing and sustaining ail living things
the buried roots is close to that of the Earth "devils"
invoked as vital sources of regenerative increase (cf. H
between Tower and Square becomes one of cosmic fertility,
of the entire parish. In San Marcos de Miraflores a living s
used to exist in the form of a fruit-bearing tree (sawku).
1971) used to grow in front of the churchdoor, exem

regenerative power which (it is hoped) will invade every f
ceremonial cycle for sky and earth is correctly performed. T
received libations in 1971 through a stone-covered hole in
trunk and branches had been eut down by a priest in a fi
which he is said to have died in Sucre, probably in th
Roots are also celebrated at a household level (together w
that is symbolized by the leaves, flowers and fruits o
married couple (casamintu ; cf. Sp. casamiento, " marriage
house " like a tree " (sach'a jia) : henee libations are some
the domestic " roots " (saphis). In the triennial household c
deities in their relation to agricultural produce (asunt
before a domestic mesa (altar) for pachatata and pachama
with two shrubs represented by sprigs of vgtation at
(small carrying-cloth for food, used also as the tablecoth w
prepared). These dishes are later buried as offerings a
(saphis) of neighbouring mountain-spirits (jurq'u), locate
hills (Platt 1983).
Again, in the high Puna Sanctuary of Pumpuri (an a
Macha), libations offered to Santiago of Spain include inv
higher glory (the lightning) " (tata gluryanpaj) and to " hi
and the latter was glossed as "to his lower glory in u
comparison between the bifurcations of roots and those
In 1986, when I attended Santiago's feast at Pumpuri on
commenting on a priest's refusai to celebrate mass for the tw
San Felipe and San Gabriel, on Easter Saturday (when
Hell"). As in the destruction of the cosmic tree at San
observe a growing confrontation between Andean Christianity and Church
liturgical reform (cf. Wagner 1985). For the latter, the objectives include a renewed
insistence on trinitarian monotheism as the only true foundation of Christian belief
(converging here with many Protestant sects) : from this perspective (as in earlier
periods of evangelical Catholicism) crmonies for ukhupacha may smack of devil
worship. But for Andean Christians, the relation between the two Worlds is
mutually nutritive. Social and divine reproduction is maintained by ritually
nourishing the channels of communication between external foliage and inner
roots. Without the collaboration of ukhupacha, the annual "rsurrection" of
organic life symbolized by the Saints' " children " (nio ; Sp. " Christchild ") would
be impossible15. Although we shall here be concentrating on the parish
microcosmos from the perspective of the church calendar of feasts, with its
sustaining confraternity organization, the underlying existence of ukhupacha must
be born in mind if we are to appreciate certain nuances of the Corpus Christi
sequence.
SAN MARCOS DE MIRAFLORES :

VALLEY CONFRATERNITY ORGANIZATION
IN THE LATE 18TH CENTURY
Created in the 1570s by Viceroy Francisco de Toledo as a reducci

fiscal and doctrinal supervision for the Macha valley population, Sa
situated at around 2800 mtrs above sea-level on the upper slop
massif in the higher reaches of the valleys, which is washed on thre
Rio Grande as it sweeps down from its high Puna sources. Here the m
Macha Puna (Alasaya and Majasaya) and their ten constituent ay
descending to the warm lowlands of Carasi and Mizque, merge and in
classic "archipelagical" style. The interdigitation of ayllu "enclav
levels of segmentation16 raises an immdiate problem for the
confraternity organization. It is generally assumed that Andean rur
ties were organized by ayllu (Celestino & Meyers 1981), and Christi
(1983) has argued that in the late 18th century confraternities were
rebellious vigour to decaying indian organization by merging homol
the old ayllus. In San Marcos de Miraflores, we might therefore expe
confraternity organized by turns among the scattered membres of
since territorial cohsion is conspicuously absent from the valley rsi
In fact, there is an alternative solution which makes each confrate
dpendent on a System of turns among the members of diffrent
ayllus (Table 1). This solution has the advantage of allowing the two
their constituent ayllus, to share in the balanced rotation of certai
exceptional importance for the wellbeing of the entire parish.
TABLE 1
The Moieties and Ayllus of Macha
Alasaya Majasaya
AlaQuyana MajaQuyana
Alapicha Majapicha
Waraqhata Wakhuata
Taphunata Kunthawata
Sullkhawi Sullkhata
San Marcos consiste of a core area around the capital church

organization differed from that of the peripheral annexes, wher
were attended by the immediately surrounding ayllus (Map 1). T
focus of parish politico-religious organization (doctrina y pulic
functions that need not be replicated in each dpendent an
Mayors Ordinary" (alcaldes ordinarios del pueblo), with the
(alguaciles), emerged each year from the mass of indian tribut
System of tums among contenders for prestige in a ladder of
posts (cf. Abercrombie 1986). The duplication, here an

corresponds to the division of the indian population betw
moieties (Alasaya and Majasaya), each of which must play
parish activities. Within each moiety further turns would
households of its constituent ayllus. This rotating execut
year after Christmas (probably at Epiphany, cf. Platt 1986
of the ten ayllus and the two moiety lords (kurakas), wh
down from the Puna for this purpose. Together with
lieutenants representing the two moiety kurakas), these t
authorities " hasen la personera de los Gobernadores ", su
the local reprsentatives, within the dpendent valley pari
town Cabildo of chief ayllu authorities based in the Puna
de Macha.
In the annexes, on the other hand, one (in some cases two) Mayors (alcaldes)
serve for three years each, unless the priest and the Governors agree otherwise :
they are formally subordnate to the town Mayors (probably each to the Mayor of
the corresponding moiety), and are responsible for " sending their people to mass,
Sunday School, and confession, controlling disturbances, reporting everything to
the priest, arranging confession for the sick, and maintaining the roads " (f. 3r).
Together with the chapelwardens {fabriqueros), they also see to local burials,
" informing the priest so that he can celebrate mass, and persuading the relatives to
get ready the priest's fee so that he can be paid when he goes down to celebrate the
feasts of the Mayu Grande (Que. mayu = "river"), as they call them" (ibid.).
These " river Feasts " (also referred to as the " Feasts of the ayllu ") may have
been associated with pleas for the return of the rains, which would naturally be
symbolized by the renewal of the river's summer spate. We are told that they occur
after Corpus Christi and " before the indians go back to the Puna " (f. 4r). Now,
for Corpus itself, the Annexes corne into town bearing with them the images of
their patron Saints (10a Nota). But this centripetal motion is instantly followed by
a centrifugal response, as the Host and monstrance issue forth from the town after
Corpus to do the rounds of the Annexes (muyu ; f. 140v). The natural route would
be along the riverbed itself, and it is in fact during this second movement that the
" river Feast of the ayllu " is celebrated for each individual Annex. At this climax
of the annual calendar, then, convergence on the divine centre is immediately
followed by the centre's reciprocal expansion to irradate the farthest periphery of
the parish ; and we may suggest that these Annex Feasts (at which local accounts
were settled with the priest) also functioned as a " farewell " to the Puna visitors
prsent in the valleys for the maize-harvest.
The capital church itself was attended by two Cantors, one for each moiety.
The Cantor for Alasaya was funded with 50 pesos rent from lands set aside for this
purpose by the Governor of ayllu AlaQuyana, with an additional 20 pesos from
the Governor of Alapicha ; the Cantor for Majasaya was paid 33 pesos annually
by the Governor of Majapicha, and given lands as a "silverman" 17. Note that
these lands are not actually " owned " by the Cantorships, but are reserved for
their benefit by spcifie ayllus. This income was applied after 1783 to the costs of
hiring an organist (the Alasaya contribution) and a harpist (the Majasaya
contribution, increased from parish funds by a further 17 pesos, plus the
occasional costs of new strings). We also hear of two

(monasillos), as well as three Sacristans, who (with the ot
make up the non-confraternity attendants of the church
But in this rural parish world the distinction between
posts is so blurred as to become artificial. Thus we find th
the priest money collected from their corresponding jila
which is used for acquiring palms for Palm Sunday f
hacienda of Fini, with the Segundas themselves paying for
(f. 5r ; 21a Nota). The Segundas also fulfill important ritua
Week (22a Nota). Likewise, the six town authorities, n
attendants and the chief stewardesses (priostas) of th
forbidden to leave San Marcos without the priest's permiss
help "sweep the altar on Thursdays and Saturdays wit
flowers, set up arches for the renovaciones, and accompa
(Santsimo Sacramento) with lights and canopy when it goe
3r ; 7a Nota). Here, political authority finds its ultmate ju
the indians' Christian round of death and rsurrection. T
presided over by a little round mirror, surrounded by pain
which is fixed to the back wall of the wooden monstrance ; an
called tata santsimo. If this was the case in the 18th centu
this Mirror of Perfection was shielded, by political and re
from direct contact with the solar source of divine light
relation between the Sun, the Host, the senior confraternit
the feast of Corpus Christi itself, is of fundamental impor
how the capital church could be converted into a centre of
whole of San Marcos de Miraflores, radiating outwards to t
regular rounds (muyu) of priest and monstrance.
Nevertheless, we can distinguish two main Unes of autho
the moiety kurakas and ayllu Governors on the Macha Pun
from the priest within the parish. For the system to funct
harmony : although the local ayllus allocate a rotating bo
priest (the vallesrunas ; f. 3r, 9a, Nota ; cf. f. 46r), any
resources for religious ends is impossible without the col
authorities (as a later priest, Matas de Hermosilla, found w
parish income in 1823; f. 65v). Table 2 itemizes the monet
to Church and priest in 1779. The royal synod and rent f
Guancarani,Elele and Ichurata) made up around 50% of
(totalling some 1500 pesos after the loss of Surumi). Renta
the cultivation of maize-producing " common-lands " (com
priest in Ychurata (19a Nota). But the other half of paris
from the indian parishioners in the form of paymen
supplemented with additional dues for occasional masses,
deaths (which were sometimes commuted to labour on ch
5r ; f. 46r). And the organization of this lucrative cycle of
of the confraternities, whose posts were filled by turn fr
through the approval of kurakas and Governors given " o
feasts of Corpus Christi at the door of the church" (f
TABLE 2
Fixed Income of the Parish of San Marcos de Miradores
Pesos Revised
Source Comment
Income
600 Royal Synod In the Potosi

Potos Treasury 600
25 Synod for Llanquiri 25
78 12 renovaciones " 8 pesos
1 renovation
renovacin for Llanquiri 78
48 6 aguinaldos * 8 pesos 5 only 40
16 4 masses for the Confrater
nities " 4 pesos 16
60 5 Feasts for Ail
All Sols
Souls in the
town 0 12 pesos 60
40 5 Feasts for Holy Week with
Easter Procession " 8 pesos 40
165 5 Feasts for Corpus in the
town " 33 pesos * 30 pesos only 150
70 7 Feasts for Ail
All Sols
Souls in the
Annexes"" 10
Annexes 10 pesos
pesos with
with birds
" 8 pesos only plus 8 birds
birds 56
20 5 Feasts for Annex Confra
ternices
ternitiesin Perasani,
in Perasani,
Yarea,Yarea,
Guaranga,
Guaranga, Chuquibamba
Chuquibamba
& &
Huancarani
Huancarani " 4"pesos
4 pesos Add
AddLluchu
Lluchu" 4"pesos
4 pesos 24
198 6 Feasts in the mayu grande for
Macha Annexes " 33 pesos " 30 pesos only 180
48 2 Feasts in the mayu grande for
K'ulta Annex
K'ulta Annex(Llanquiri)
(Llanquiri)" 24
" 24
pesos 48
9 Rent for lands at Elele 6 pesos only as the river washed
some away 6
50 Rent for lands at Ichurata 42 pesos only due to deterio
dtrio
ration 42
100 Rent for lands at Guancarani 80 pesos only due to deteriora
dtriora
tion 80
1527 1527 14211421
"These 1527 [1421] pesos are ail the fixed income of this living apart from the
irregular income from burials, funeral honours, marriages, masses and some
voluntary Feasts. From this sum should be deducted annually, according to the
tariff, the following items in favour of the Fabric" :
Revised
Pesos Source Comment
Income
100 Rent for lands at Guancarani 80

9 Rent for lands at Elele 6
70 5 Feasts for Corpus in the town " 14 pesos (the other 16
pesos correspond to the priest) 70
10 cosinaje of 5 standard-bearers " 3 pesos (less 5 pesos for
the cook) not since 1786
84 6 Macha Annex Feasts in the mayu grande " 14 pesos (the
other 16 pesos correspond to the priest) 84
12 cosinaje for these 6 Feasts a 3 pesos (less 6 pesos for the
cook) not since 1786
16 2 K'ulta Annex Feasts (Llanquiri) in the mayu grande " 8
pesos (the other 16 pesos correspond to the priest) 16
301 256
"These 301 [256] pesos are those which are fixed annual contributions to the
Fabric, apart from some alms which they rarely give, and the costs of burial which
figure in the Libro de Entierro^, where the reaies applied to the Fabric by the priest
are noted in the margin. These amount to little for the tariff exempts originarios
from this contribution. 2 reaies are paid for the children's masses, 4 reaies for the
adults' with prayers, and 1 peso for the sung masses, and this is paid to the priest
according to the tarifT, and where there is a dduction or the mass is given from
charity this is noted in the margin..."
Source : Libro de la Fbrica de esta Santa Iglesia de San Marcos de Miraflores, que corre desde
el da siete de septiembre del ao de 1779... Nota 20.
Nevertheless, we can distinguish two main lines of authority, one coming from
the moiety kurakas and ayllu Governors on the Macha Puna, the other stemming
from the priest within the parish. For the system to function, both must work in
harmony : although the local ayllus allocate a rotating body of servants to the
priest (the vallesrunas; f. 3r, 9a, Nota; cf. f. 46r), any major mobilization of
resources for religious ends is impossible without the collaboration of the Puna
authorities (as a later priest, Matas de Hermosilla, found when he tried to collect
parish income in 1823; f. 65v). Table 2 itemizes the monetary resources available
to Church and priest in 1779. The royal synod and rent from church lands (in
Guancarani, Elele and Ichurata) made up around 50% of fixed parish income
(totalling some 1500 pesos after the loss of Surumi). Rental arrangements included
the cultivation of maize-producing " common-lands " (comunes) set aside for the
priest in Ychurata (19a Nota). But the other half of parish income carne directly
from the indian parishioners in the form of payments for church feasts,
supplemented with additional dues for occasional masses, births, marriages and
deaths (which were sometimes commuted to labour on church buildings) (fif. 4v
5r ; f. 46r). And the organization of this lucrative cycle of feasts was in the hands
of the confraternities, whose posts were filled by turn from below, but validated
through the approval of kurakas and Governors given "

feasts of Corpus Christi at the door of the church " (
The confraternity year thus begins and ends with Cor
Puna inhabitants and their authorities are in the valleys f
may contrast the appointment of the six moiety reprsent
months earlier after Christmas, when Puna presence in th
ebb because of the rainy season.
The way in which Puna authorities intervene in the af
parishes is, of course, expressive of the institutionalizat
Province of Chayanta, of the ancient practice of " vertica
Harris 1978; Godoy 1981 ; Masuda, Izumi & Morris (eds.)
can here recognise a long-durational level of historical st
constant new initiatives and institutional reformulation
enduring problem of achieving the perceived benefits of
ty. In the confraternity context, our clearest example is
maize-cultivators from the llama-herding parish of Cult
Oruro altiplano (f. 3r-v, lia Nota; f. 44v; cf. Abercrombi
in 1971 surrounded by Machas (ayllu AlaQuyana) in San M
the 18th century (as today) these forasteros ("aliens
highlands occupied their own annex of San Pedro de Llanq
organized into two confraternities, each consisting of a st
steward (mayordomo) and two stewardesses (mayordomos).
for the patron Saint of the annex was on June 29th (St Pe
on February lst (the Virgin of the Purification). Both
beaches of the Rio Grande. The first coincided with the
in the valleys for the maize-harvest, and may have been t
both sets of confraternity officiais, which was directed " by
or Culta" with the help of the local annex Mayor18. However, the second
confraternity held its feast when the green maize-shoots were being tended by
annex residents alone. Today the feast for San Pedro is organized by a visiting
Puna standard-bearer (alferez), while the earlier feast is held among Valley indians
alone. Ecological complementarities are thus reflected in the distribution of festive
responsabilities, which may also have been the case in the 18th century.
Turning now to the Macha confraternities, we should first note the absence of
any reference to their ownership of land. The Cantors have rights to the produce
of certain lands reserved for them by spcifie ayilus ; but not even they can be said
to "own" land. Only the church itself enjoys the property of three haciendas,
whose rental made up an important part of church income : ail other access to
land is mediated by the ayllu organization itself. It seems probable that
confraternity members had to count on their own resources to see them through
this most onerous of parish religious " obligations " (as is the practice today). This
again emphasises the need to distinguish clearly between confraternities and ayilus
in San Marcos : the latter constitute the land-holding groups, and their
contribution to the confraternities was worked out through a system of turns
among the tributaries and ayilus of the two moieties (cf, below, section II).
We shall here examine the confraternities which correspond to the capital
church itself (see documentary appendix for Macha Annex confraternities). Each is
named after a Saint's day or church feast : the Holy Sa

Sacramento), whose day is the Thursday of Corpus Christi it
Conception (December 8th) ; Saint Mark (April 25th) ; Saint
4th); Saint Michael (September 29th). Each celebrates it
appropriate day, but must also intervene in a complex di
labour throughout the festive year. At the head of each
(priosta) and a maie standard-bearer (alferez), accompani
(mayordomos) and four stewardesses (mayordomos). The prd
over men among these officiais is striking, and may be relat
laundry (f. 3r, 8a Nota) and festive banquet functions of th
well as to the fact that the priest himself is always maie.
The distribution of these major feasts conforms closely t
tions of the Constituciones Sinodales issued by the Archb
1773. Four major complexes emerge : Ail Saints' Day, Ch
Corpus Christi. In ail of these the confraternities particpate
order", with that of the Holy Sacrament at the head. But th
see to the day-to-day upkeep of the church throughout the
pounds of beeswax for candies at Easter, and the same ag
making a total of 150 pounds annually (sufficient for 600 can
provided daily by each confraternity in turn (supplemented
Tuesdays and Fridays two days which today are associ
"devils"). Finally, the confraternity of the Holy Sacrament
for maintaining the church lamp, changing the candie when i
priest notes a "singular dvotion", suggesting that this
regarded as a holy spark of the same solar fire which the Ho
Our source offers some dtails on each of the major Fe
concntrate on the maximal feast in the calendar, Corpus Ch
annex Machas converge on San Marcos for the maize-harves
Valley festive year.
The five confraternities enter the town on the eve (
Thursday. Each standard-bearer gives 12 pesos for the evenin
and the procession, as well as 4 pesos for the " mass of healt
also gives 3 pesos for the prparation of the priest's ban
" voluntary " prestation (rikuchiku) of the corresponding ing
wheatflour, half a pig, a lamb, a leg of beef, a little jug of Ch
of wine, a pot of lard, a pound of mat (hierba), another of
sweetmeats (colacin), twelve chickens, twelve doves and
bread. But the woman tending the kitchen in fact received only
two were retained by the priest for church funds (14a N
"dancers" provided by the stewards (13a and 24a Notas). M
stewardess and her stewards provide 12 pesos of alms, one for
instrumental strings, fifteen pounds of beeswax for the chur
chickens.
Five key elements in the Corpus Christi sequence are thu
18th century : Vspera-, the Mass; the Procession; the rikuch
appointment of the confraternity functionaries for the follo
day of the Feast. Although the priest's account is geared only
parish finances, it is already clear that the Holy Sacrame

christi, the " Body of Christ"), together with its solar rsona
parish organization and at the climax of the festive y
achieve membership of the senior confraternity are thus
prestigious and sacred rites in the parish calendar, designe
(and Macha) processes of organic reproduction, socia
temporality with the life-giving solar "light" of their d
degree, the four other town confraternities are also par
Christ's " Solar Body The simultaneous presence in the to
Annex confraternities (and probably at least one K'ulta c
emphasises the splendour and intensity of this cuit, which
of the Host from Annex to Annex for the clbration of the " River Feast of the
Ayllu".
But, for ail the pre-eminence of the Holy Sacrament, South Andean Catholic
thought does not allow any maie principie to remain without its female
counterpart. Henee, a later source from 1795 shows a two-year cycle, shared by the
two Macha moieties, in which responsability for the confraternity of the Holy
Sacrament alterntes with responsability for the confraternity of the Virgin of the
Conception19. Nevertheless, dtails on the actual staging of the Feast are scanty
for the 18th century; and there is no mention of any accompanying "supersti
tions". We shall now try to enrich our understanding by introducing dtails of
festive organization, as well as of the extra-liturgical marginalia on this nuclear
Catholic text, which were observed during the clbrations for Corpus Christi for
1971 in San Marcos de Miraflores.
THE FEAST OF CORPUS CHRISTI

AND THE MASS OF THE SUN (1971)
Today there is no talk of confraternities in San Marcos de Miraflores, and their

formal disappearance can be dated to 1796, when the mayordomias were abolished
by the Intendent of Potos, Francisco de Paula Sanz, during a dispute between
Church and mining interests over the availability of indians for a new labour
presttion in the Potos refining-mills (the Nueva Mita; cf. Buechler 1981;
Tandeter 1980). 1796 is also the last year in which they are mentioned in the San
Marcos parish accounts. The dtrioration of both cuit and church buildings in
San Marcos can be followed in our Libro de Fbrica (but see Buechler 1981 : 227),
laying the ground for the emergence of the reduced ritual sponsorships which
today act out their roles amidst the ruins of the old parish capital. These
sponsorships still bear the old confraternity names, and have a dominant part to
play in the parish Feast of Corpus Christi. If we first examine the way in which
they are rotated among today's parish population, we can note some modifications
of 18th century practice, together with hypothses on how the gaps in our late
colonial evidence might be completed.
Only three ritual sponsorships were fully prsent in 1971 : Santsimo (the Holy
Sacrament), Saint Mark and Saint Michael. The Holy Sacrament still alterntes
each year between sponsors from each moiety in turn (alt

Conception no longer shares the cycle). Saint Mark c
alone, and Saint Michael to Alasaya alone. But each of th
limited to spcifie ayllus within each moiety. The Holy S
by valley residents from the two "chief" ayllus of
MajaQuyana20. Saint Mark, on the other hand, alternte
Wakhuata and Sullkhata within Majasaya, and Saint Mich
the Alasaya ayllus Sullkhawi and Waraqhata (with T
providding "dansers" probably the jaachus, see be
only vestigially prsent in the clbrations at San Marcos
other two sponsorships, the Virgin of the Conception and
to correspond respectively to Majapicha and Alapicha
balanced distribution of the five sponsorships among th
moieties21.
The hierarchy between the rotating sponsorships thems
sed in the association between each and the days of the f
the day when the Holy Sacrament celebrates its mass, F
Virgin of the Conception, Saturday to Saint Mark and S
to Saint Michael. Of these, I only saw the Holy Sacramen
Michael celebrate their masses on the appropriate day
If we now look more closely at the groupings within th
annual sponsors for the Holy Sacrament emerge, we
confined to the inhabitants of the core area of the parish
its sponsors from one core locality alone (Amutara), Maj
load beyond the core locality (Yuqhuna) to include f
(Mathariri, Waykhuta, Chuqepampa and Qayanqa) in a
these internai turns into account, a cycle beginning wit
wil today take ten years before Yuqhuna members can aga
post of standard-bearer for the Holy Sacrament. Mor
members must also celebrate their own annex feasts; th
does not exempt them from passing the sponsorship of th
Marcos as well.
One important implication of this is that rearrangements within one moie
need not necessarily concern the other : MajaQuyana can modify its inter
distribution of the sponsorship as it chooses, provided the general principie
moiety equilibrium with AlaQuyana is maintained. On the other hand, today'
situation in MajaQuyana prevens us from simply assuming that in the 18th ce
ry the sponsors for the Holy Sacrament were necessarily limited to core inhabitants
alone, while annex Feasts were the only responsabilities of peripheral parishione
Indeed, it may have been thought appropriate that, for this major feast at leas
candidates should be drawn from the farthest reaches of the parish periphery, thus
helping the divine light to radate to the limits of the parish jurisdiction. Un
further evidence emerges, however, we can only conclude that the principie
alternation between the senior ayllus of the two moieties is probably a deep-sea
practice reaching back at least till the 18thcentury.
Becoming a fully titled ayllu-member in San Marcos de Miraflores is
acquired status which is only complete once a man has married and had childre
TABLE 3
The Corpus Christi Sequence in San Marcos de Miradores (1971)
Day/Sponsorship Holy Sacrament Saint Mark Saint Michael
Sunday (Espiritu)
(Espritu) aqhawi
Monday
Tuesday
Wednesday
Thursday aqhawi
Friday aqhawi
Saturday
Sunday sawku
Monday ch'isiraya [mundu paloma]
uywa naka'aku
aka'aku pasacalle
Tuesday
Wednesday Vispera
Vspera sawku
Thursday (Corpus) alba rikuchiku ch'isiraya sawku
Mass & Procession mundu paioma
paloma ch'isiraya
ISKUYLA
qurpa uywa iiak'aku

ak'aku mundu paloma
kunwidu uywa iiak'akuak'aku
jaachus pasacalle
janachus
Friday pasacalle Vspera
Vispera
Saturday ch'allas alba Mass Vispera
Vspera
qurpa Procession
kunwidu
Sunday ARRIVAL OF TATA WILAKRUS
ch'allas alba rikuchiku

rikuchiku Mass qurpa
jaachus Procession
janachus
kunwidu ch'allas
Monday ch'isiraya jaachus

janachus
Tuesday alferez
alfrez ch'isiraya ch'isiraya
alfrez alferez
alferez alfrez
TINKU
Note : Elments in normal print correspond to the 18th century "text"; e

"ritual marginalia".
buried his (social) father (and therefore completed the di

among the brethren), and held a series of political and ri
Platt 1982b; Abercrombie 1986). The sponsorship of
Corpus Christi is today thought to be the final confirm
growing land for AlaQuyanas and MajaQuyanas the cu
posts which, as each rung is reached, mark the growing s
by each indian tributary. Men of these two ayllus who h
feast of the Holy Sacrament become wallerunas, "men o
recall that the rotating servants of the 18th century priest w
were they precisely those tributarles who had complete
duties?).
But the task is costly : one man who felt unable to make the necessary outlay
complained that he was abused by others rich enough to do so. Such abuse reflects
the opinion of past sponsors that he was still, technically, a squatter on ayllu land,
and that in case of need it could still revert to the collectivity. Once passed,
however, the triumphant ex-sponsor brags during other rural feasts and in the
town maizebeer-parlours (chicheras) qharisitu kaniy!, " I'm a real machito ! "
for having sponsored the feast of the Holy Sacrament. Full adulthood for the two
senior ayllus is therefore subject to participation in a church feast regulated by
intermoietal turns (turnos), and necessary for the well-being, not only of each
man's moiety, or even of the valley parish as a whole, but of the entire ethnie
group of Macha (Puna and Valleys) as well.
Table 3 shows a summary of the entire ritual sequence for the three active
sponsorships, as I was able to observe it in 1971. I have picked out the five
elements of the orthodox text which we have already met with in the 18th century
account : other elements represent the ritual marginalia on the liturgical nucleus.
Each of the three sponsorships active today repeats the full sequence (with minor
modifications) one after the other, the last to start (Saint Michael) overlapping
with the final stages of the first (the Holy Sacrament). Though things may
previously have been more orderly, Corpus Thursday in 1971 saw each sponsors
hip occupied in that bit of the sequence it had currently arrived at, producing a
synchronie " dissonance " of frenetically contrasted ritual activity which reminded
me of the thrillingly uncoordinated playing of collective mlodies on julajulas
(warriors' panpipes) by many diffrent fighting groups during the ritual battle
(tinku) with which the entire festivity culmintes. I will describe the events making
up the sequence for the Holy Sacrament : the interplay of rhythms produced by ail
the sponsorships together can be observed in the Table.
The standard-bearer for the Holy Sacrament in 1971 was a man from Amutara
(AlaQuyana), who was keenly aware of the need to put on a good show and avoid
despective comments that might besmirch his hardwon arrivai at the top of the
parish ladder. However, for the rikuchiku, he was hoping to get away without
presenting a sheep (which, as people remembered, had replaced the old half-pig).
He need not have worried : the priests were two Spaniards fresh from Africa, who
tried vainly to refuse the prestation altogether, which they saw as a sign of an
obsolte paternalism. The two major sacrificial animais, a llama and a bull, had
been bought among his Puna kin : people commented that the bull was a small as
could be expected of a Puna animal, but recognized that the standard-bearer had
lost his own stock to vampire bats (pikadura). Other stray

of the Feast also reveal constant attempts at belittlemen
opposing moiety.
The Preliminaries : Entry, Sacrifice of the Animais and
1. aqhawi (or aqhaku) prparation of maizebeer (Que.

first " Amutaras " (as they were referred to by the Yuqhunas
lived) were the envoys (kamachis) of the standard-bea
Marcos on the Sunday of Pentecost. They collected firew
pots (p'uus), and built a small stockade at a site reser
sponsorship behind the town. There brewing (and shortl
several days before the feast itself.
2. sawku (a fruit-bearing tree). The envoys were sent t
site of the " cosmic tree " (eut down, as we have seen, by
Ritual elements were placed below the covering stone, m
down by the standard-bearer's highland kin : cummin se
cinnamon and alfeiques (sweets) ; wine and maizebeer ; a
to encourage animal increase ; ground white maize-flour
flour; saphirara, urqu-urqu, and winaywayna (valley med
leaves. Libations were poured for the maie tower (torre m
square (plasa t'alla), and to the corners of the square (iskin
would attract the wrath of the unfed Earth deities (such
visited on the offending priest). The ceremony was direct
shaman (yachaj) from the same ayllu as the standard-bear
indian "priesthood" here intervenes, in prparation for a
the favourable presence of the inner deities of organic r
3. ch'isiraya23. In the early morning of the Monday
exploding dynamite boomed and echoed from the standard
other side of the ravine separating Amutaras from Y
drinking continued there, until in the evening he, his wife an
processed in a slow dance up the steep path below San Ma
usual, the llamas (deianturus) from the Puna came first, la
and other ingrdients for the sacramental banquet. They w
standard-bearer's Puna kin, playing panpipes (sikus) and
brought from the stockade, the group took up their posit
the town : the Alasayas' ch'isiraya. There, as the shadows
bearer and his wife genuflected to the East before danci
the rest of the company.
Meanwhile libation utensils were laid out a poncho o
with sprigs from the evergreen pepper-tree {molle), and two
was poured into bullcups (turuwasus : wooden bowls with
bu'ls wading in the middle) before being served to the as
other spectators (regardless of moiety affiliation). Another dy
the bull came up the slope dressed like the standard-beare
its back, hatbands (k'anas) wound round its horns, and
round its neck. As the musicians played unceasingly, maiz

it and the sponsoring couple danced round it. Finally up th
and a sheep for slaughtering (a Majasaya man sniffed that
sponsors had slaughtered 8 goats, but that this year's inc
These were also danced round, before the llamas led the w
moon rose, they passed through with musicians still playin
the stockade.
4. mundu paloma (" dove of the world "). The rite was (incorrectly) omitted by
the party of the Holy Sacrament, but was duely performed by the other two
sponsorships. Before the animais were slaughtered, the standard-bearer eut the
throat of a kid-goat, calling out the name of the following year's sponsors, before
throwing it towards the East to be ripped in pices with their knives by the men
prsent. The rite sounds like a sacrificial libation to the absent Sun (perhaps as an
apologetic " genuflection " for the sacrifices to the Earth-deities which follow), and
the " Dove " could be taken as referring to the sacrificial " release of Spirit " from
the kid; but I met with no clear gloss on this rite.
5. uywa ak'aku ("slaughter of domesticated animais"). The town mestizos
(mosus) were waiting near the stockade for the standard-bearer for the Holy
Sacrament and his party. After dancing round the animais, they threw them to the
ground (each struggling beast's feet were bound before the next was tackled), and
the sacrificial llama was separated from the troop and laid beside the other victims.
Drops of maizebeer were scattered around for the awathiris (Aymara = "her
ders " here the mountain-spirits themselves in the form of wild animais), and
molle sprigs and maizebeer were thrown over the prostrate beasts. The mestizo
butchers were offered maizebeer too, but complained when it wan't given them in
bullcups. The bull was killed first, very messily as everyone was drunk ; the neck
was not cleanly severed, and the animal took a while to die. As the blood flowed
into the ground, drops were likewise sprinkled around for the awathiris, and
everyone came forward to have their cheeks smeared with blood. The neck of the
bull was divided among the slaughterers, and the diaphragm (tela wira) was draped
over the standard-bearer's head. Women helped gut the animais and wash its
edible entrails. After skinning, the hide was picked up and carried around in a
dance to simlate a living animal. The llama and other animais were more cleanly
killed, and as they were being quartered the standard-bearer, with the bull's
diaphragm flapping on his head, called out the name of the following year's
sponsors " Mathariri ! " , although the next year's standard-bearer had not
yet arrived.
In relation to this sacrificial rite, we should note that later, during the rite of the
jaachus (see below), the mestizos openly adopt the rle of wild animais which
attack the indian sponsors disguised as domesticated animais. Here at the sacrifice
of the animais, the mestizo slaughterers may similarly be seen as personifying the
pumas and foxes, and therefore, in some sense, the predatory mountain-spirit
"herders" themselves; just as, inversely, these spirits may themselves take the
form of a mestizo mounted on a white mule with silver trappings (Platt 1983). The
sacrifice is clearly directed to the Earth deities, providing a counterbalance to the
church cuit of the Sun.
6. pasacalle ("procession through the streets"). The Am

through San Marcos to the square, where they poured li
churchtower (torre mayku), at the other three corners (i
t'alla), and at the sawku (where molle-sprigs were first la
The square was here referred to as huerta pampa ("
suggesting its symbolic function as a locus of fruitful c
example, in San Juan Bautista de Pocoata) this procession
intersections of the streets (cruce calle), associated with
diffrent ayllus (cf. Platt 1983); this probably occurr
before it fell into its prsent state of decay.
These libations developped into a late night brawl, as
afterwards went off to drink in the house of a mestizo w
(" their moso ", as it was explained to me), before reemer
Puna men from MajaQuyana who where also drinking a
close by.
7. Vspera (" eve "). This is the first of the elements we can also recognise in the
18th century account. On Wednesday evening the newly arrived Spanish priests
celebrated the eve of the Holy Sacrament in the church : candies and incense were
set up before the altar and reredos, which were strewn with molle-sprigs, and the
Puna musicians (arriving late for the mass) played at the churchdoor.
The Mass of the Sun : Renewal of Cosmic Fecundity.
8. Alba (" dawn"). At dawn on Corpus Thursday the musicians for the Holy
Sacrament returned to the churchdoor to play for the rising sun : " Our Father"
(tatanchej), " Lord Sun " (tata inti), " Holiest Father " (tata santsimo). As his rays
burst over the horizon ail doffed their hats and genuflected towards the East. The
band then moved off to play for the Provincial Subprefect, the priests, and the
parish Corregidor, in that order.
9. rikuchiku ("prestation of food"). At around 10 o'clock in the morning of
Corpus, after beating the priests down to $bs. 100.00 for the alms (limosna), the
standard-bearer and entourage came down from their stockade, carrying gifts for
the priests : a leg of the sacrificed bull (another " apology " to the attendant of the
solar Christ?), a bowl of white maize (pelado), another of ch'uu (freezedried
potato), some potatoes, bread, and a dish with mo/Ze-sprigs under which was
concealed a $bs. 100.00 note for the alms. Clearly the massive prestation given in
the 18th century has been discreetly whittled away over the years. They were
followed by the Puna musicians playing their panpipes and drum, and, as the gifts
were grudgingly accepted by the priests, the music changed from a solemn march
to a celebratory wayu.
10. The Mass and Procession. The mass for santsimo (the Holy Sacrament
and, at the same time, the Sun) was celebrated at 12 a.m., followed by a procession
around the square with the standard of the Holy Sacrament and the monstrance of
the host (replacing the Saints' images carried by other sponsorships). The Puna
musicians accompanied the procession, only falling silent briefly at each corner,
where the priests sang a " Gloria ". Then the company returned to the church.
11. iskuyla (Sp. escuela, "school") Although a scho

without distinction by moiety, had first been establis
Alasayas had resented being forced to attend it as th
surrounded by Majasayas (Yuqhunas of MajaQuyana).
therefore set up their own school in their own territory at Ch
Sullkhawi children came marching in, under the supervisio
carrying the Bolivian national flag. Another was hastily fo
local Majasaya children. Here moiety rivalry is translated
duplication of the suprme symbol of Bolivian national u
12. qurpa ("banquet"). This rite can be related to a story

violent descent from heaven of the satiated fox, who had
(qurpa) on the back of the condor. Finding that his mount
to descend on a rope of twine, but the rope was eut halfw
parrot (the fox had called him " gourdmouth ", mathisimi
crying " God is coming down ! Prepare a blanket to recei
any notice, however, and he fell on a cactus, burst open,
eaten spilled out to become the seeds of the major cultigen
At Corpus Christi, two Puna relatives of the Standard-b
tower of the church, each with a bag of little loaves, wh
scatter on the female square below. There they were scram
and were said by indians to be the " blessing " (bendicin) o
tata santsimo (the solar Sacrament). In the first place, thes
projection of the Host for distribution upon the sacred squ
represent a seminal flow from the sky-reaching tip of th
symbolically fertilizes the suzqare with solar seed, thu
microcosm of ail the parish wirjines and fields, to bring fo
the following year (cf. Platt 1986a). In this context, the Bod
same powers of rgnration that can also be attribute
On the other hand, the mestizos said the loaves brought
suerte) in selling bread and maizebeer a reference to th
post-Conquest prosperity, and perhaps to the stamped dis
wafer as the sacred coin of the Sun (cf. Platt 1986, in
13. kunwidu (cf. Sp. convite, " banquet "). The square was
the afternoon of Corpus Thursday, as the Amutaras were
libations in their stockade. Only the bandmaster (mayura)
standard-bearer ") and his wife cooked food for the Puna m
the square.
Then a hut of ponchos and mo//e-branches was built ther
the incoming MajaQuyana standard-bearer from Waykhuta
Amutaras had earlier supposed). He had now arrived, and w
to ask tata santsimo to bless his sponsorship. Meanwh
played continuously, as a molle annex to the hut was made f
At the entrance to the hut was placed the standard of
(Santsimo) ; and finally the new sponsor entered in and to
seat, accompanied by ex-sponsors (wallerunas) of both moie
the wives of the ex-sponsors sat down on the ground i
The acting standard-bearer and his wife were not prsent

the prparation of food and drink at the stockade. Soon
(cooked without sait) were brought to the square, one fo
(misa) and another for the women's. The Amutaras filled
standard-bearer and his wife with choice morsels of mea
the same for the ex-sponsors and their wives. Bowls of
(mot'e) and chili-sauce (uchu) were also brought, and as
Puna musicians were told to start playing, and another d
the banquet, the Amutara standard-bearer and his wife
the door of the hut, while two more bowls of food were
women of the assembled Alasayas.
Meanwhile, a great bone was split by the AlaQuyana s
was presented to his predecessor and half to his success
na). The same was done by and for their wives. The actin
rle of independent mediators in time between their coll
moiety. In the triennial unit thus isolated,past and futur
hands of the opposing moiety are linked by the prsent whi
binding past with future stages in a moiety-alternating
Relations between the participants of the two mo
harmonious : I heard one man inside the hut shout
AlaQuyanas!" during a moment of tension. Yet this
annual rythm of inter-moietal relations : the acting spo
food in honour of the following year's couple from the o
for their immdiate predecessors, the whole body of ex-
their own moiety). The metaphor of a runner in a relay
bton to his successor is not entirely inappropriate :
referred to as jap'ij, " he who takes hold " (compare the
baton). But here comptition between the moitis is sup
standard-bearers from each merge within a single, com
Smith 1889). On the other hand, Majasaya sneers at the
the banquet can now be understood in relation to th
generosity to the Alasayas the previous year : mutual c
single commensal team, instead of being reinforced by e
hosting of the other, is constantly under threat from t
accountancy of the food received, in comparison with t
previous years.
14. jaachus ("maie stud-llamas" u). In the stockade of
the company were yoked together like ploughing oxen,
(monteras) crowned with sprigs of molle. Behind each a
(chumpi) attached to the yoke : these were called t
children "). Other men acted the part of Hamas, with litt
ch'uu, purple maize, white maize and wheat flour) str
foremost wore a little bell (sinsiru ; cf. Spanish cencerro,
is worn by real lead-llamas on the journey between vall
was told) to ensure that the nimo (" spirit ") of the maize a
Puna. Others covered their backs with the sheep and goat
of those animais. And still others acted the part of l
holding woollen ropes (waskhas) with which to whip the " d

(uywas)" into line (as they were continually frisking a
bystanders). The ritual thus "resurrects" the very anim
sacrificed to the Earth-deities, while simultaneously affirmin
and human sources of organic reproduction.
Ail danced round the playing musicians, and drank like an
water placed on the ground (called quchas, " lakes "), as they
Then they proceeded to the square, where the " lakes " and t
were set down at the corner beneath the tower. Here the tow
acting the rle of wild animais (foxes and pumas), grabbing a
or at the sheep and goat skins (I was also invited to act the r
The "herders" then whipped the domesticated animais aw
lants, who sometimes tumbled on the ground amid gen
" resurrected " troop is not prey to the death also threaten
"devils" of the Earth.
Then, to the sound of panpipes and drum, the jaachus danced at each corner
of the square, the " oxen " bellowing and the " llamas " spitting as they pranced
around, while libations were poured for the iskinas. Afterwards the yoke of
"oxen" were driven up and down the square by the standard-bearer for the
Sacrament as though they were ploughing it (cf. Platt 1986a) : here the square's
function as a symbolic condensation of the fertility of ail parishioners' lands is,
once again, affirmed. The jaachus thus add their own maie contribution to the
forces for cosmic renewal, whose successful conjunction was symbolized in the
(now destroyed) sacred tree (sawku).
Finally ail the skins and loads were dumped on the site of the tree before the
church. Libations were poured over them and the standard-bearer and his wife
danced round them to the music of panpipes and drum. Ail were "for sale",
though in fact they were retrieved in exchange for " receipts " (recibos) given by an
Amutara patron named by the standard-bearer. I was unable to get a clear
explanation of the meaning of the " receipts " (mestizos prsent called the whole
business a "game", pujllay), but they may serve as rcognition of the Puna
contribution to the Feast, which gives Puna men rights to take home with them the
maize they have acquired from San Marcos farmers during their annual visit to the
valley.
That night there was another brawl between Amutaras and MajaQuyanas
while they were drinking in the town
Libations, Arrivai of the Calvary Crosses, and Exit.
15. ch'allas (" libation-pouring "). Ail Friday was dedicated by ail sponsorships
to drinking and pouring libations in their stockades. The Amutaras of the Holy
Sacrament also went to visit the other sponsorships in their stockades and pour
libations with them. They then continued drinking and pouring libations in their
own stockades until Sunday, as they waited for the other sponsorships to finish
their ritual activities and return the visit. During their libations they invoked the
" corner " (iskina) of their stockade, that of their locality of rsidence (called krus
q'asa = " pass of the Cross"), and a third iskina correspo

highland territory (also invoked, I was told, at Epiph
16. tata wilakrus (cf. Latin vera crux, "true cross"
Saint Michael standard-bearer was celebrating his mass
set of ritual sponsors from both moieties began to app
taking their local turn in caring for the Calvary cross of
crosses were brought into town to hear mass at the parish c
sometimes seen a model of the black-bearded face of the crucified Christ the
tata wilakrus himself ; and most are painted with flowers, livestock or rain-drops.
They were dressed up like men with ponchos, sashes (chalonas), belts (chumpis) and
hats or fighting helmets (monteras), and were said to be the " fathers " (tata) of the
approaching ritual battle (tinku). Another title given them is tata pachaqa, " father
'of the place' (del lugar)", a reference to their essentially local significance in
relation to (and in defense of) the wirjines of the surrounding fields.
As Gary Urton (1980) has pointed out, crosses were already part of the
Andean symbolic repertoire before the arrivai of the Europeans, and various
aspects of the Christian Cross were frequently assimilated to diffrent Andean
semantic fields. The most commonly found Quechua words for "cross" are
drivations from the stem chaka- (in Macha we sometimes find chakata), which
relates such apparently diverses notions as cross, bridge, lintel, ladder and
woman's hip. Urton argues that the Latin cross was assimilated to this concept,
whose "underlying principie concerns the balancing of forces and fines of
movement (tinkuy) : in short chaka is an axis along which a state of equilibrium is
established and maintained ". I would add that tinku also includes the notions of
"ritual battle" and "amorous encounter", thus reinforcing the relevance of
Urton's discussion for our understanding of the Macha tata wilakrus. Although
the Macha cosmology differs from that analyzed by Urton in that the little hills of
Calvary are distinguished from the higher peaks associated with the mountain
spirits (jurq'u), the enshrined tata wilakrus is clearly associated with balanced ritual
encounters (tinkus) between the two moieties, and is painted with symbols of plant
and animal increase during the rainy season. Henee we can see Macha ritual
warfare, from one vital perspective, as enacting in the language of inter-moietal
rivalry the balanced relation between complementary forces that is necessary for
organic reproduction.
However there is one aspect of Urton's analysis which returns us to the main
argument of this essay. He suggests that the Andean reinterpretation of the Latin
cross has cancelled its European association with Christ's crucifixion, replacing
this with the meaning corresponding to a " Quechua cosmological symbol ". He
implies that Christ's Passion is necessarily incompatible with cosmic fertility, and
that we can therefore assume the survival of " non-Christian cross-symbolism "
until the prsent. I suggest, however, that the relationship between the Passion and
fertility has in fact defined a theological problem for Macha thought, which seeks
rather to pose the mysterious union of the two. It is equally possible to see the
march of ayllu warriors into the parish capital, beneath the sign of the "true
cross ", as a meeting between the " Soldiers of Christ " from each moiety, out to do
battle for the balanced justice (tinku) implicit in the union of opposing
cosmological forces (cf. Platt in press). A fundamental element in ensuring this
balance is the sacrificial letting of blood : as the blood of th

was offered to the earth deities, and daubed on the faces of the assembled
participants, so the blood of enemy victims falls on the earth and is licked by
warriors during tinkus. This allows them to assimilate the dead man's " spirit " (Sp.
nimo) and protect themselves against vengeance by witchcraft from his kin and
ayllu-mates. In this context, the rephonologization of vera as wila (meaning
" blood " in Aymara) may have supplied a further semantic bridge between the two
religious universes.
Indeed, cases of exophagous cannibalisni between fighting groups are not
unknown in Northern Potos : select organs of the victim (eyes, tongue, heart, liver
and testicles) may be eaten in a state akin to "Dionysiac frenzy" (cf. Nietzche
1967 [1886]; Dodds 1963), while the remains will be buried for the mountain
spirits and their "roots". We are therefore returned to the meanings of the
Eucharist in South Andean Christianity, and its relation to other forms of sacrifice.
If the fertility of the " bread-seed " of Christ's solar body is implicit in the Mass of
the Sun and in the "banquet" of Tower and Square (qurpa), so the power of
Christ's blood and flesh is invoked both in the Communion wine and in the
balanced bloody violence of the tinku. The "salvation" for which Christ was
crucified seems to have been interpreted, at this level, as the renewal of cosmic
reproductive processes and the " rsurrection " of organic growth after the harvest.
There is therefore no necessary incompatibility between Christ's crucifixion and
cosmic fertility. Only when we seek the theological relation between the two can we
move beyond the methodological sparation of Andean and European cross
symbolism, and ask how Andeans have in fact provided a lived interprtation of the
Christian Eucharistie message to which they have been exposed (cf. Salomon
1981).
17. ch'isiraya. On Monday the company sponsoring the Holy Sacrament
finally made their exit from the town. Again they took up position at the ch'isiraya
of their moiety and set up the ritual " table " (misa) for pouring their last public
libations to "our father" and "our mother" (the Sungod, and his mate the
Moongoddess often associated with the Virgin of the Conception) : tantanchej
pusaykuwanchej, tatanchej pusarqamuwanchej, they said, " our father led us in, our
father now leads us out". The same nexus of solar holiness (tata santsimo) thus
presides over the final exit of the company, as it had done over their entry and
throughout the feast.
18. alferez (standard-bearer). As in the late 18th century, the new incumbents
formally take up office " on the last day of the feasts of Corpus Christi at the door
of the church". On the Tuesday after Corpus, the incoming standard-bearers for
the following year arrived in the town with pots of maizebeer. They paused to
chew coca-leaves at the ch'isiraya of their moiety, and then poured libations at the
corners of the square, at the site of the sawku, and at the base of the tower (against
which each threw a slop of maizebeer).
The Final Synthesis : Battling for Reproduction.
19. tinku ("union, meeting, balance, convergence

localities bring in their Calvary crosses to the parish ch
Holy Cross on May 3rd, when a particularly enthusiastic
in the Puna parish capital of San Pedro de Macha. Why
crosses be postponed till Corpus Christi in the Valley
Miraflores? It is significant that, in our 18th centur
mention of the Feast of the Holy Cross ; nor is it includ
Feasts laid out in the Constituciones Sinodales of 17
people in San Marcos why they did not bring in their C
Christi, instead of celebrating the Holy Cross on M
important on the Puna at least since the late 19th centur
priest did not corne to San Marcos for the Feast of the
wait till Corpus for their crosses to hear mass. But
Marcos de Miraflores of the ritual battle from May 3rd
allows Puna men to particpate in this general confront
Christi feast as a whole ; whereas on the Puna the Feast
formai signal for the annual migration to the valleys t
Although we find no explicit mention of this ritual battle
there is one reference to a clbration which follows im
Christi. This is (as we have seen) the Feast of the Ayllu
Feast of the mayu grande), celebrated on the beaches of
Grande. I have suggested that this Feast may have been a
rains : with them will reappear the full volume of wat
establishing at the same time the physical sparation of
during the period of growth. It is probable that today's
under the aegis of Calvary crosses explicitly marked w
considered, at least in part, as a functional quivalent o
Ayllu.
The early stages of inter-moiety tension were marked by spontaneous brawls
between ayllus. Flirting accompanied the men's playing of charangos- (instruments
with six pairs of double-strings and an armadillo-shell sounding box) and the
songs of surrounding girls ; but when a group strayed " innocently " into the area
in front of a rival ayllu's drinking-base, inter-ayllu tension bristled and sudden
fights were the frquent resuit. In 1971 brawls had broken out sporadically
throughout the Feast between AlaQuyanas (the Amutaras, acting sponsors for the
Holy Sacrament) and MajaQuyanas. On the Monday after Corpus, the Kunthawa
tas (Majasayas acting for the sponsorship of Saint Mark) and Sullkhawis
(Alasayas acting for the sponsorship of Saint Michael) fought along the street
leading into the square, after provocative dancing sallies by each into the other's
drinking-territory. Puna and Valley men fought shoulder to shoulder on each side.
But disputes do not always reflect the system of turns for the three
sponsorships among the ayllus involved. Conflicts over land-limits (ch'ajwas) can
echo among the fighting-groups at festive tinkus26. In 1966 the Sullkhawis had
fought with the Waraqhatas with stones and slings on the Sunday following
Corpus, in sympathy with a violent land-battle on th

respective highland counterparts. In 1968, Sullkhawis and
at the churchdoor on the Tuesday following Corpus, conce
by Sullkhawis of an AlaQuyana woman who had prev
enclave of land in Sullkhawi territory. In this way, inter
landrights can fracture the ritual unity of the moiety.
In 1971, however, the Tuesday battle resolved previous in
a general confrontation between the moieties. Slings were s
flying between both moieties along the street leading int
occasion, Alasayas occupying the entrance into the square
retreat beyond the town and take up a dfensive position
behind. But I was told that what " ought " to happen was
itself : Majasayas should fight from the churchtower end
Alasayas at the other end, with the site of the sawku ma
boundary across the middle of the ritual "orchard" of
woman added that a further division between the sexes sho
boundary, ranging men and women of each moiety against
of the same sex. In this "ideal model" we can again se
sprouting at the interface between opposed but complem
expressed by the battling moieties, where before it emer
between tower and square as mediators of sky and earth
The tree as symbol of cosmic reproduction is, again, the ce
the entire Feast concentrtes its propitiatory efficacy.
The mestizos had felt acutely the clash between their bur
battle on the side of " their " respective indians, and the
dignity to be shown by members of a "superior civiliz
priests and the Provincial Subprefect (as well as with a
prsent at the Feast). One had pleaded in vain with the Sub
to join in on the side of his Sullkhawi clients. But
"civilization" won, and they sallied forth to seprate
indians were now dubbed), arrest a rcalcitrant leader, and
Spanish priests (who had been cowering astonished in the
Subprefect) to re-enter the church and celebrate baptism
sponsors of the tata wilakrus left the town, stopping again at
respective moiety before accompanying each Cross back t
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
Our 18th century and ethnographie source-materials are distant fr

other in time, yet their juxtaposition raises essential questions for an an
cal history of the South Andean conversion process. The reading of th
Christi text in the light of the Macha valley marginalia suggests certain
thmes : can they help us to evalate the nature of the Christianity pr
South Andean indians?
Andeati ecology, sacred space and ritual time.
The Libro de Fabrica from San Marcos de Miraflores

full account of confraternity organization and the Catho
parish inhabited by two ethnie groups (Macha and K
control " from distant parishes on the high Puna (San
Barbara de Culta). The specificities of valley social
reflected in local religious institutions : rural confraternitie
were tailored in such a way as to take account of Andean
the ethnie organization of ecological complementarit
nature of the original consultations between priest
permitted the installation of confraternities in this fo
Marcos; but it is clear that, by the 18th century, the s
System had fallen almost entirely into the hands of the ayll
it with important modifications until today.
Our analysis of the Corpus Christi feast for 1971 sugg
able to appropriate the forms of spatial organization
resettlement programme implemented by Viceroy Franc
ting them in the light of their own ideas of sacred spa
town of San Marcos de Miraflores expresses, in its arch
ethnie, valley perspective on the spatio-temporal relatio
reproduction. We may isolate the following characteris
1. Its spatial structure condenses into a microcosm th
tion of the ayllus : the outskirts are marked by the dual
ch'isirayas, the street-crossings are assimilated to inter-
two halves of the square are again associated with the tw
and the occupation of the remains by mestizos, we can
have been divided into two halves, each associated with o
themselves would have occupied spcifie houses and str
2. At the centre we find the solar altar of the church, ten
with the assistance of his lay sponsorships. The church is its
relationship between tower and square, whose archetypa
(sawku) growing before the church door : this also
convergence between the battling moieties during the tin
and "lower" in both horizontal (moiety) and vertical
3. Like a living mandala, this complex centre represent
a wheel of lesser annex centres. Around both central chu
are distributed the Calvary shrines as local reprsentat
ready to fertilize the wirjines of the cultivated fields beneat
congrgations of local farming households. The annual
Marcos should be placed in the context of the other Feas
the year among the annex "planets" of the parish "s
Although with many parallels in Spain (Christian 198

represents an important reformulation of its European
spatio-temporal context emerges if we relate the ceremo
valley parish to the spcifie calendars followed in ot

parishes, and in other parishes where Macha indians share
indians from other ethnie groups (eg Surumi, inhabited by
or Carasi, point of convergence for Machas, Pocoatas, Lay
we would find ourselves at the macro-level of segmentar
alliances are formed by meshing together the politico-reli
components. From any inter-ethnic point of departure, int
outwards, weaving ever wider areas and an increasing nu
into a single social and religious design, whose outlines, in
knowledge, can only dimly be perceived. Finally, this " sac
1982) is marked at intervais by the great "miraculous" cui
at the od Macha annexes of Surumi and Pumpuri), which
the convergence of pilgrims from great distances, in som
prsent frontiers of Bolivia herself.
Calendrical catechism, solar theology and complementary

Corpus Christi itself is situated crucially at the momen
harvest, when the gilded plants bear cobs ripened by the b
It represents the climax of San Marcos' annual system of
George Kubler's hypothesis reflects an essential aspect of t
But the merging of the Andean solar cuit, celebrated by th
sponsors of the Holy Sacrament, with that of the in
invalidtes Kubler's assumption that Andean notions of
replaced by "Christianity's system of divine essence". Rat
exegesis of key elements of the Christian myth in terms draw
tradition of Andean solar theology. There is little reas
attribute this simply to an " early stage " in the conversio
transitional period between such a stage and that of the " t
Such a historicist conclusion (based on an extrapolation fr
ce) would imply the political denigration of a rival " world
any serious awareness of a possible Andean contribution t
or can we assume that Christianity replaced the Andean
world " by banishing them (with other defeated gods) to u
of the Devil. Rather, the Macha exegesis of Christianity in
of Christian-derived elements to an Andean model : the Sun becomes an icon of
God, and the Devil merges into the Earth deities. Yet the advent of Christianity
was simultaneously recognised by Andeans as a "New Dispensation", which
should surpass (rather than defraud) the standards of the previous Dispensation
(cf. Puma 1980 [1615]). Here the theological debate becomes a crucial aspect of the
Andean valuation of the entire " heliocentric State " in which the King of Spain
was himself assimilated to the rle previously performed by the Inka.
A fundamental contribution to this debate can be seen in the Macha treatment
of the recurring problem of dualism. Let us first recall its institutional expression in
the relation between Alasaya and Majasaya. Throughout the Feast of Corpus
Christi the boundaries between the moieties are symbolically " pared and refined "
(Platt 1986a) : various degrees of ecumenism and exclusion are explored in the
ways in which the acting moiety shows largesse or clo

alternating partner food and drink at diffrent mome
ch'isiraya, drink is offered to ail corners ; the Mass of t
by the general public; but at the standard-bearer's ban
offered to ail past sponsors and the incoming standard
general public was only offered food if they were fro
moiety.
In the division of the " bone-baton the rite succeeds in overcoming the most
overt forms of mutual antagonism between the moieties : both particpate in
renewing successive rounds in the spiral of calendrical time. But a constant
truculence is prsent in the sniping between moieties over perceived imbalances in
the " generosity " shown by each. I have elsewhere argued that this antagonism can
be seen as an essential aspect of the endogamy of the vertical moiety which, in
Macha today, still constitutes a brake on the dissolution of vertical kin and ayllu
relations by purely local forms of "community" (Platt 1986a; cf. Molini
Fioravanti 1986). In this respect, confraternity organization in San Marcos can
again be seen to reflect the problems of maintaining, within the Christian order,
the old South Andean model of "vertical control".
However, the Feast leads up to an overt explosion of inter-moietal violence in
the tinku, where sources of conflict override ail other considrations, transforming
the interannual exchange of food and drink into a simultaneous exchange of
bloody blows and stones. Here the institutional expression of complementary
dualism merges with the relation between "upper" and "inner" cosmic forces.
During tinkus, warriors aim to acquire the strength and fearsomeness of wild
animais : and in the remoter land-battles (ch'ajwas), far from the rpressive
presence of State authorities, they are even said to assume their form and nature
(Platt in press; cf. Puma 1980 [1615] : I. 52). This transformation may be
contrasted with the adoption of the rle of domesticad animais during the rite of
the jaachus. How are we to understand this apparent contradiction?
While the ambivalent affiliations of ayllu-members are clear, we can see here an
effort to intgrate the opposing forces into a living embodiment of Andean
Christian "wholeness". In the first place, as a Solar Christian "flock" they are
threatened by wild animais, impersonated by the mestizos, from the margins of
Andean social organization. At the same time, the jaachus also embody a maie
generative power issuing from ukhupacha (to which offerings are also made for the
increase of herds and flocks). On the other hand, a similar ambiguity is visible in
the tinku, where the grappling indians may be seen from one perspective as
" Soldiers of Christ ", who nevertheless incarnate the same " devilish " regenerative
power in the course of the inter-moietal "battle for reproduction". Taken
together, these two ritual contexts represent complementary "moments" in the
ritual transformation of ambivalence into integrity, of the undefined potentialities
at the ambiguous boundaries between dual forces into a sacred unity which
overcomes the opposition between divinity and humanity.
Indeed, the sexual symbolism surrounding the relation between Alasaya and
Majasaya (cf. Platt 1986a, in press) makes their fruitful confrontation, beneath the
aegis of tata wilakrus, an appropriate climax to a Feast which, through celebrating
above ail the lifegiving powers of the Sun and its Sacrament, also propitiates the
return of the rains and recognises the vital part played by th

processes of future reproduction. In this sense, then, th
Christian warrior offers the same intgration of opposi
organic whole which we observed in the fruit-bearing saw
of "meeting" (tinku) for the battling moieties at the
The critique of Manichaeism, cannibalism and the spiral
This possibility of fruitful union between " inner wor

may be seen as a specifically Andean contribution to the
shadowed Christian monotheism since its beginnings.
channel the regenerative powers of ukhupacha through
whose outer surfaces bear leaves and fruit that ripen be
janajpacha. Here we find explicitly rejected any attempt
the Earth deities to the realm of " absolute evil Rather,
beings to propitiate the intgration in " this world " (kay
" upper" forces of sacred power. Henee the standard-bear
deities as well as to the Sun, although " genuflections " t
patronage of the Feast as a whole. Far from holding to a
interprtation of the "problem of evil" (Runciman 19
[1977]; cf. Parkin (ed.) 1985), South Andeans see "evi
concept, which is understood as the secret, inner counte
public reality (Platt 1983).
South Andean views of dualism can help us better t
convergence with European thought. Take, again, the co
body and blood of a sacramental victim. In the Feast of
solar " Body of Christ " which is eaten in the Mass, just
seed " which merges with the energy arising from the Earth
converting her into an "orchard" of precious Andean ar
1982). On the other hand, while the South Andean Euchar
of the "upper" world into a fruitful relation with th
anthrophagy expresses the internalization of the voraciou
world by the "Soldiers of Christ". Again, the two "move
the possibility of incarnating the union of divine energie
the universe.
But the situation can be analyzed more precisely by taking into account the
spcifie doctrinal content of early missionary teachings. The relation between the
Eucharist and Andean Christian cannibalism is illuminated, for example, if we
recall that the Feast of Corpus Christi was not introduced to the Catholic ritual
calendar until shortly after the 4th Lateran Council, convened by Pope Inno
cent III in 1215, which officially incorporated the doctrine of transubstantiation
into the body of Catholic dogma. Corpus Christi is, essentially, a Feast of the
Transubstantiation. We can therefore understand how the 4th Lateran Council
may indirectly have offered the doctrinal lgitimation for " cannibalistic " acts by
Andean Christians which many in Bolivia would agree with the San Marcos
mestizos in assigning to the "ignorant brutality" of a horde of "degenerate
savages" (Saavedra 1901; cf. Demelas 1981; Platt 1982a; Stern (ed.) 1987).
Cannibalism as such clearly predates the European in

burial-sites examined on the Macha Puna yield trophy
ceramic vessels, but without the corpse, which may have
victorious ayllu). In assessing the significance of Christian
we should consider, not only the pre-Colombian traditio
which the doctrine of transubstantiation could be interp
Andean dualist view of cosmic processes (cf. Tannahill
Equally striking is the convergence between European a
on the nature and direction of historical time. We have
interannual alternation of the sponsorship of the Holy Sac
moieties : each time one moiety completes its annual cyc
sponsorship, a new ring is formed in a " spiral " of calend
documented elsewhere in South Andean thought : for ex
seed, kuti waynitu (literally, " the child which doubles ba
analyzed as an Aymara image of temporal sequence (Cu
1986; for kuti as a pre-Colombian temporal concept, cf.
press). A similar image is also part of Joachimite theory
missionaries in the New World, where, as Marjorie Reeves
more spiritual movement of the Church's pilgrimage is em
geometrical figure, a spiral. Year by year the Church
liturgy, yet ail the time she is tending towards her goal
In Macha, however, the moieties' annual oscillations con
a dynamic intimation of the nature of historical change.
Andean ages is thought to emerge from a series of " rvo
which janajpacha and ukhupacha change places : the ensui
" world turned upside down " (Osio 1973 ; MacCormack [1
in press). The sharing-out of the "bone-baton" by the Al
for the Holy Sacrament between his predecessor and his
Majasaya) defines a triennial minimal unit which condense
process into a microcosm : successive inversions of the r
and " lower " pachas is telescoped into a similar series of a
the two sayas. Historical change appears, then, as the pr
screen of the ritual alternation between the moieties whic
the years leading into the future.
The tree of Ufe.
Let us note, finally, that Joachim of Fiore himself proje

to an organic metaphor we have repeatedly met w
Miraflores : a sacred Tree (Reeves 1976 : 5, 19-20 and
Dispensations of his historical vision unfold in the recip
branches stemming from Shem (the Jews) and Japhet (t
First Dispensation (God the Father), Shem's white branch
and the Gentiles on the right are stunted ; in the Second
black branch crosses over to the left and overshadows the Jew
foliage; only in the future Third Dispensation (God th
branches return to their original position and their foliag
Here the convergence involves a sequence of ages gener

inversions, just as in the Andean model. However, the spira
into its moiety-dominated yearly components ; nor is any im
complementary opposition between external branches and in
Andean views on dualism appear to have intervened to c
propounded by their Franciscan teachers. Nevertheless, this
only get under way once Macha indians had recognized a gene
between their own and Christian beliefs. With such conver
Andean theologians could then analyze the Christian " text
marginalia which would make it comprhensible to their fe
How, then, should we answer the questions with which thi

obvious from our evidence that elabrate mechanisms of "
ron" have been institutionalized for centuries through
calendrical catechism organized by the colonial confraternit
can drivations. On the other hand, our analysis of the Corp
ritual suggests that, in completing the State-sponsored faith,
reading of Christianity has evolved which intgrtes those d
psychology traditionally discounted (or condemned as devil-w
monotheism.
Some authors have distinguished " Christianization "
baptism) from " Evangelization " (the interiorization of C
today Macha children are in fact thought to be cristianos e
received church baptism, from the moment they have been
with sait by their parents. The association of sait with the offici
of saintly mamas and tatas is clear, too, from its omission
witches and shamans before a sance involving the Earth de
recall the absence of sait from the banquet prepared by the
Sacrament in San Marcos : this is appropriate given th
sacrificial animais to the mountain spirits. Again, both w
handed treatment from their human devotees. No wonder th
of Charcas expressed its concern about the "superstition
confraternity ceremonial.
On some occasions, North Potos indians will even put thei
deliberately behind them : in Sacaca we hear of witches warn
to feel themselves Christian"28 that is, to abandon for t
ceremony their sense of belonging to the solar flock. The ess
Christianity is that it recognises a space for those secret, i
Sungod cannot illumine. In this sense, Macha believers are r
the other side of the solar coin they profess. If the Sun provided
made icon of Christian divinity, the Earth deities allowed t
Christians' Devil to the shared task of nurturing the cos
common Macha metaphor, the two worlds are like the two
plough with the " upper" or State-fostered world playing the
lead-bull.
South Andean Christians are aware of officiai attitudes towards the attention
they give to the "inner"world and its "devils". I have earlier indicated some
recent clashes between Andean Christianity and Churc

content with denying the roots, many "modem" pr
cutting down the tree as well. By thus denying the frui
and condemning it to a " pre-modern " past, modem ev
itself enmeshed in the 19th century dogma (itself a ref
16th century debate) concerning the historie superi
Barbarism (Pagden 1982; Platt 1982a, in press). With it
perfection, the liberal-progressive tradition finds itself
the past. South Andean Christians, on the other han
escape from a past which refuses to die (or which, lik
powerfull emotional presence through its death), pref
future through the propitiation of prsent reproducti
Andean Christianity has incorporated both God an
unifying critique of Manichaeist dualism. Can the Chu
enough to embrace the creative content of this critique ? O
both the Sun and the Earth continue to be harrassed
undying guilt?
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I am grateful to the participants in two Confrences where an earlier

this paper was presented : the seminar on "Civil Administration,
Indoctrination, and the Transformation of Polities in Colonial Per ", co
Thomas Abercrombie at the VII Congress of the American Society for
tory (Chicago, November 1985), and the Confrence on " Confrate
Colonial America " convened by David Brading and the Centre of Latin
Studies of Cambridge University in Corpus Christi Collge (Cambri
1986). Spcial thanks are due to Thomas Abercrombie, Josep Barnad
Brading, Tudor Griffiths and Sabine MacCormack ; and, in particular, to
in San Marcos de Miraflores for helping me note down and gloss three
diffrent but overlapping versions of the Corpus Christi " text and marginal
1971, during fieldwork financed by the (then) Social Science Research
(UK). Work between 1985 and 1987 has been greatly facilitated by a
grant from the Economie and Social Research Council (UK) for th
British Project "State Control and Social Response in the Ande
20th centuries ", of which this text is one product : my affectionate tha
colleagues in the Project Thrse Bouysse, Olivia Harris and Thierry
NOTES
1. See Monast (1972), as well as various articles in Yachay. Revista de Cultura. Filosofa y Teologa
(1984- ), published by the Instituto Superior de Estudios Teolgicos of the Universidad Catlica
Boliviana in Cochabamba. For new efforts by the Orders to investgate Aymara religious beliefs and
practices, see van der Berghe 1985.
2. Commonly known as IUapa, this deity is called Illapu by the Jesuit

(1956 [1613]), who prefers to translate illapa as "arquebus", thereby con
perceived the bangs and flashes of Spanish gunfire as a manifestation of th
lightning (cf. Gisbert 1980).
3. El Tiempo, Potos, I. 40, 17/10/1885.
4. See, however, Lara (1957) and MacCormack (1985), for more dis
5. Compare the paintings of rural life by Andean parish artists publi
(1962 : 58), speaking of Mexico, points out how indian masons had to lea
sculptors Christian iconography, and painters the principies of one-point p
of forms in graduated colour to simlate their appearances in light and sha
on Aymara aesthetics (in press) suggests, however, that in learning to
Andean "perceptive inheritance" will have stood them in good stead
(1978 : 40-42) have also indicated that in Altiplanic Pukara sculpture we fin
to human and animal anatomy, which rarely recur in the pre-Colombian h
South Andean sculptors recovering a representational option which earli
not to develop?
Fraser's contrast between the " unified representational " style of Spain
pre-Columbian artists and craftsmen can be compared with the conom
Conquest function of money as a "universal quivalent" and the sep
characteristic of Andean Systems of distribution. Cf. Platt in press.
6. For the late 18th century, see the Constituciones Sinodales issued for t
by the Archbishop of La Plata in 1773 (Argandoa Pasten y Salazar 1854)
1773 Synod of Charcas.
7. Waman Puma (1980 [1615] : 669 [683] indicates the transfer of land
divinities (huacas) to the new confraternities, as well as other dtails on th
their foundation (my thanks to Carlos Sempat Assadourian for this rf
1981). But in 1779 we find no lands mentioned as "belonging to" the con
Miradores : their support-costs are shared out instead between the mem
moieties, and this practice continues for today's ritual sponsorships. The
other hand, were allocated the proceeds of land belonging to spcifie ay
Notas of documentary appendix). Contrast the central importance of lan
the colonial Maya (Farriss 1984).
8. The Synod of Charcas, which was designed to abolish abuses and re
down by the Council of Trent, made spcial rfrenc to such rites : see, f
y Salazar 1854 [1773]; Titulo 5, de Confirmatione ; Cap. 4, Que prohiban l
los indios para embriagarse por los gravsimos inconvenientes de supersti
resultan : " ...en sus juntas y bailes... los ms supersticiosos que son los Am
traen a la memoria a los dems sus ritos jentilicos con relacin circunstanci
su veneracin y culto con ceremonias y cnticos lgubres a su usanza... ". Al
Andean oral tradition can still be expected among 18th century Charcas e
(sabios)" referred to may be compared with the yachajkuna prsent a
below section II.
9. Once the dominant diarchy among the " 50,000 sols" of the Qaraqara Fdration (Platt 1986a, in
press). Macha was divided in the late 16th and early 17th centuries between four parishes : 1. San Pedro
de Macha in the highlands, stretching from the mining town of Aullagas/Colquechaca to the saltmines of
Salinas, embracing the smaller silver mines of Titiri and Choquecayara with their refineries, and reaching
up alongside the neighbouring and rival parish of San Juan Bautista de Pocoata to the high Puna
borders of Oruro ; 2. Santiago de Chayrapata, dominated by the minor ayllus Alapicha and Majapicha,
on the Chuquisaca side of Macha, which included the mining camps at Ocur and Maragua, as well as
their adjacent chawpirana ("middle regin" between Puna and Valley) where the parish capital was
situated ; 3. San Marcos de Miradores, situated in the higher maize-growing valleys, and reaching across
the Rio Grande up to Surumi, a chawpirana annex ; 4. San Pedro de Uruy Carasi, a low valley parish
where red peppers, cotton, sugar cane and squashes can be grown, which is shared between Machas and
Pocoatas, as well as Laymis and Purakas from the provincial capital of Espritu Santo de Chayanta, and
an important mestizo and crole population.
These administrative and parish boundaries have suffered various modifications, of which the most
important for prsent purposes was the sparation of Surumi from San Marcos in 1779, and the
incorporation in 1880 of San Marcos de Miraflores (less Surumi) and San

newly-created Province of Charcas. The other two parishes have been s
are still iocated in a drastically reduced Province of Chayanta, and t
frontier between the two Provinces. See Platt 1982.
10. In 1971 I consulted and photographed parts of this Libro de Fbrica in the Parish Archive of San
Pedro de Buena Vista (capital of Charcas Province). Today the Parish Archives of the Department of
Potos have been centralized in the Bishop's palace in Potos but the San Marcos Libro de Fbrica is
not there. I therefore publish key extracts from this lost document at the end of this article, drawn from
my notes and photographs.
The miracle at Surumi was presumably recent, or suddenly burgeoning, in 1779 significantly, just
prior to the major uprising in 1780 of the Katari brothers, Macha "justicialists" from minor ayllu
Majapicha.
11. The evidence is still indirect ; however, we know that by the early 17th century Macha was in the
hands of Franciscans; that already by 1570 Franciscans were in charge of the Potos parishes in which
Macha mitayos were rsident; and that Pedro de Hinojosa, the encomendero of Macha (and other
repartimientos from Gonzalo Pizarro's original encomienda) from 1549, was founder of a Franciscan
convent in Potos before his death in 1553 (Medina 1953 : 155), and would probably have encouraged
Franciscan activity among his encomienda indians as well.
12. These terms have been conflated with the Christian " Heaven " and " Hell ", aithough the second
term seems originally to have referred to the underground home of the dead, and this sense is retained in
some Macha readings of the situation. See Taylor 1980; Harris 1982; Platt 1983; Izko 1985.
13. Izko (1985) correctly rejects the imputation of Manichaeism for the South Andean religious
universe. But it is still instructive to compare, for example, Runciman 1984 [1947], or Rudolph 1983
[1977], on the diffrent forms of dualist heresy. In fact, it could be argued that Andean Christian dualism
does not, in the last resort, exelude monotheism, insofar as the concern is to bring together the two
Worlds as a living unity. Cf. the Chavin bisexual "cosmic monster" engraved on the Tello Obelisc
(reproduced in Lang, Lavalle & Lumbreras 1978 : 38-39).
14. I return to such convergences between Andean and European tree-symbolism (see Conclusion).
15. For the notion of "child" (qallu) as a textile symbol of rebirth and increase, see Cereceda 1978;
Harris 1982. Today "Jsus Christ" himself is less important for Macha Christians than the
" Christchild " (nio), which has multiplied almost beyond rcognition as a symbol of the regenerative
powers of important Saints.
Bertonio (1956 [1613]) indicates an initial ramification from the tunu (base of the trunk or stem) into
two sapas ( = Que. saphis), each offering a starting-point for further ramifications, which it is tempting
to associate with the two moieties or with the man-woman couple. For example, he shows that such
European metaphorical extensions such as the " family-tree " or the semantic " tree-diagram ", are shared
with quivalent Aymara images. In the genealogical context we find sapaca = " semen, seed of animais
and plants", and tunu achachi o apachi = "man or woman who is the origin of a family"; while the
elements of an Aymara theory of meaning are implicit in sapachanqui (= "it means...") and
yananif man-woman couple " or " synonym "). If the two sapas branching out from the tunu can indeed
be seen as a " man-woman couple " (yanani) at the head of their subsidiary ramifications, we can suggest
that, as the family subdivides, so the " significance " of its social presence grows among both living (the
upper branches and foliage) and dead (the subterranean roots).
I thank Olivia Harris for drawing my attention to another entry in Bertonio : " root, or foot of
mountain, of walls, and suchlike, Manccarana [lower rgion] ", which confions the wider relevance of the
Macha beliefs here summarized.
16. The geological metaphor of an " archipilago " has been popularized by John Murra (1972) ; but
in Macha a vegetational metaphor may be more appropriate (such as that of rooted plants reproducing
themselves by " runners "). In San Marcos de Miraflores single houses of one moiety may even be found
completely surrounded by members of the opposing moiety. For the four-level hierarchy of ayllu-groups,
see Platt 1986a. However, I here limit myself to the tenfold ayllu and twofold moiety levels of
segmentation, whose colonial importance is clear from the existing documentation, omitting dtails of
cabildo organization below the level of the ten ayllus : these two levels are confused in the valley (Platt, in
prparation). However, see section II below for the distribution of an ayllu's turn between various of its
component hamlets.
17. qullqeruna = "silverman"; the word commonly refers to those able to commute their mining
labour-prestations (mit'a) to a money-payment, and henee remain in thei

26; Buechler 1981.
18. Our document does not explicitely state that the Governor (se. of ayl
Oruro to make this nomination, but the Macha evidence suggests tha
19. I thank Thomas Abercrombie for sending me a photocopy of the T
Ecclesiastical Visita of Chayanta Province, Archivo General de la Naci
9.6.5.6.
20. Bertonio (1956 [1613] Segunda Parle : 50) gives collana excelente, cosa prima, el primero ". Cf.
documentary appendix, f. 44r, for "the two great ayllus of Alacollana and MajacollanaToday the
Macha kollanas are phonetically distinguished as "Quyanas" from the K'ulta "Kollanas" they
surround, although the etymology in both cases is the same.
21. The exact ranking order is not clear, although the Quyanas seem to be followed by the Pichas of
both moieties, and the Sullkhawis (Alasaya) and the Sullkhatas (Majasaya) may be the " youngest " of
their respective moieties (Quechua sullk'a = "youngest sibing"). Cf. note 16.
22. In our Libro de Fbrica, f. 7r, we find a reference signed 1790 to " quatre capillas con sobrelecho
de paja a las quatre esquinas de a plasa, que sirven para las procesiones ", showing that San Marcos de
Miraflores should be added to the list of churches with atrio and posas mentioned in Gisbert & Mesa
1985 [1974] : 123-144. These authors emphasise the importance of this style of ceremonial centre for
open-air Christianization, though without excluding pre-Colombian antcdents; Platt (1986a) analyzes
the contemporary emphasis on "corners" (iskinas) in terms of a pre-Colombian logic of forms,
suggesting that the four corner-chapels may have had a diffrent significance for the priest than for his
flock.
23. The etymology of ch'isiraya is still unknown, although there are indications that it should be
related to ch'isi (Quechua = "evening"). In Sucre Quechua-speakers gave me ch'isirayashan ("it is
getting dark") and pedir ch'isiraya ("ask [a priest] for an evening mass (Vspera)"). In Macha, glosses
related the word to " a place for saying farewell " when starting on a journey. These dues, together with
the spatial significance of ch'isirayas (one for each moiety can be found on the outskirts of most Macha
towns and ceremonial centres), suggest the notion of a "frontier" between two states of spatial or
temporal being.
24. Such was the gloss I was given in Macha, which is supported by Bertonio (1956 [1613] Segunda
Parte : 119) : "haachu Garan. Y tambin uno muy deshonesto, y luxurioso" ("stallion, stud. And
also someone very dishonest and lustful"). But see Abercrombie (1986 : 241) for an inverse meaning
among the Puna K'ultas.
25. Charangos are retuned for the Feast of the Holy Cross for a spcial wayu (the walle mayu,
"Valley River"), played during this Feast and also while walking down to the Valley.
26. An examination of the early encomienda lists suggests that the Toledan reduciones were generally
based on important pre-existing settlements in each area. See Platt (T), Saignes (), Bouysse () and
Harris (O) (in prparation).
27. According to Tannahill, Jews and Christians view cannibalism "with a fundamentally
disproportionate horror that has no real parallel in any other of the world's great religions" : they alone
consider cannibalism worse than murder. Yet, with the 4th Lateran Council, " Christianity adopted into
its most sacred ritual an act of pure cannibalism".
28. According to Izko (1985), Sacaca witches will tell their clients : ama kristyanus sintikunkichejchu,
"do not feel yourselves Christian", before beginning their crmonies.
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DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX
Libro de la Fabrica de esta Santa Iglesia de San Marcos de Miraflores, que cor
dia siete de septiembre del ao de 1779 a cargo del Doctor Don Gernimo de C
Fagle, Abogado de la Real Audiencia de Charcas, Cura proprio y Vicario
Doctrina.
[This text was transcribed in the Parish Archives of San Pedro de Buena Vista, Province of
Charcas, in 1971 from an original which has since been lost. TP]
[f. Ir] Se divide en quatro partes, la primera que corre desde foxas dos, hasta foxas
cinquenta, contiene las notas de los entables, que he hallado puestos a favor de la Santa
Iglesia, y el Ynventario de todo lo que tiene assi la Capital co

se va agregando quanto va obrando para su decencia. La segu
foxas cinquenta y una hasta ciento contiene el cargo que me
por sus entradas. La tercera que corre desde foxas ciento y
ochenta contiene el descargo que doy en lo que se ha gastad
desde mi ingreso a esta Doctrina, que fue el referido dia sie
aos. [La] quarta, que corre desde foxas ciento ochenta y una
y cinco contiene las ditas a favor de la Fabrica.
Advierto que no se me ha entregado libro alguno de Fabr
aunque hise quatro representaciones sobre esto al Yllustrisim
pude conseguir el efecto que corresponda, por alegar dicho m
de esta Yglesia corra en un mesmo libro, con la del Santuar
Surumi, y que siendo esta de maior consideracin, no poda en
lograr [se] sacasse un tanto de lo perteneciente a esta Capit
atencin solo formo este libro con arreglo a lo que la esperie
que es conforme a razn y al Arancel, pues he carecido de o
Doctor Gernimo de Cardona y F
[f. lv]
[f. 2r] Parte primera del Libro de Fabrica, que contiene las Notas de los entables de
esta Doctrina a favor de la Santa Yglesia, y el Ynventario de todo lo que tiene assi la
capital como los siete Anexos, con sus respectivas advertencias de lo que halle en mi
ingreso, y lo que se va obrando, en mi tiempo, con las entradas de la Fabrica.
Atendiendo a que no tiene esta Doctrina Libro alguno por el que puedo constar lo
perteneciente a los derechos que corresponden a su Fabrica, ni documento por que los
Seores Curas sepan de los entables, Yo el Doctor Don Gernimo de Cardona y Fagle,
primer Cura desde la divicion del Curato del Santuario de Surumi, he tenido por
conveniente, anotar en esta primera parte quanto la esperiencia me ha demostrado, y
sacar en limpio los ramos de que con arreglo al Arancel le corresponden sus derechos a la
Fabrica, para que en todo tiempo hayga con que ocurrir a la decencia de los Templos y
Sacrista, [para] que mis Sucesores tengan por donde saver lo que han de demandar, y no
se expongan a que talves les oculten algunos entables, prometiendo por la verdad a que
se me obliga mi e[...] proceder con toda sinceridad en quanto asentare en las Notas; y
para que hagan la fe que haya lugar las firmo en mi conclucion.
Notas de los entables y derechos a favor de la Fabrica
la Nota. Despues de la divicion de este Curato han quedado para esta Parroquia dos
Cantores pagados por los Governadores, al uno paga anual el Governador del Ayllu
Alacollana cinquenta pesos producidos de los arriendos de las tierras de Lupe, separadas
desde tiempo immemorial p[ara] este cantoraje : y ademas a este mesmo Cantor, que es el
que sirve para la Parcialidad de Anansaya, le paga veynte pesos el Governador del Ayllu
Alapicha, y con estos son setenta pesos con los [que] entre ambos Governadores deven
acudir al Cantor, que el Cura pusiere por la Parcialidad de Anansaya. La otra
parcialidad de Majasaya tiene otro Cantor al que el Governador de Majapicha ha de
pagar anualmente treynta y tres pesos con el Yndio que nombre para este fin, el dia de
Corpus, dndole tierras, y con el titulo de Colloque Runa, y estas pagas deven ser
efectivas, cuydando el Cura de que no se les deven resagos a los Cantores que nombrare
y asistieren con la Msica las distribuciones de Yglesia.
2a Nota. Haviendose puesto Organo para la mayor desencia de [

aplicar los setenta y cinco pesos del Cantor de Anansaya al Org
que con los treynta y tres pesos que la Parcialidad de Majasaya p
estava suficientemente rentado el Harpista, y que los otros Gov
pagavan en la parte del Santuario iguales pensiones, dispuse el a
mes de Abril, en que empeso el uso del Organo, se le diesen anu
las entradas de la Fabrica, dies y siete pesos que con los treynt
Ayllu Majapicha son sinquenta pesos, con los que queda rentado
de poner cuerdas, pesos para ellas devera darle el Cura lo n
3a Nota. En el Pueblo hay cinco Cofradas, la del Santsim
Nuestra Seora en su immaculada Concepcin, la de San Marcos,
la de San Miguel. Cada una se compone de una Priosta, un Alfr
hombre, y ocho Mayordomas de muger. Este servicio de Yglesia
que nombran los Governadores, segn su turno, y el nombramie
de las fiestas del Corpus en la puerta de la Yglesia, quedando el p
en poder de su Priosta, para que esta cuyde todo el ao de que
prontos en sus pensiones y asistencia, siempre que el Cura
4a Nota. Estas Cofradas costean la cera para el gasto de la Ygle
la semana santa, cada Cofrada trae al Cura quinse libras comput
tres quartas de largo, y un grosor regular por cada libra, y assi e
dan setenta y cinco libras, que hasen trescientas ceras. En las f
otro tanto, y assi tiene al ao la Yglesia por todo ciento sinque
seiscientas ceras y con ellas, y alguna economa, es suficiente pa
fabrica de este gasto ; y los Yndios no sufren mayor gravamen e
producir estos lugares la cera que ellos la benefician.
5a Nota. En el gasto del incienso, se guarda este entable. El Dom
de San Marcos. El Lunes la de San Miguel. El Martes el Cura. El
de Santa Barbara. El Jueves la del Santsimo. El Viernes el Cura. El Sabado la Cofrada
de Nuestra Seora, de suerte que con este orden siempre que ocurra misa cantada,
Nombre, Salve, Entierro, u otra funcin, que nesesite incienso, lo pone el del dia, a
excepcin de las renovaciones y fiestas del Corpus en que pone el Cura en qualquier dia
que se hagan, y en los Aguinaldos, fiestas de finados, y das de los Patrones de Cofradas,
en que cada una costea en su fiesta.
6a Nota. La lampara corre a cargo de la Cofrada del Santsimo Sacramento todo el
ao, y su Priosta con sus Mayordomos cuydan de que no falte la bela, con que la
mantienen, deviendo el Cura estar al cuydado de que los Sacristanes, Mayordomos y
Monasillos, segn su turno, muden la bela a sus horas, aunque en esto jamas he notado
descuydo, antes si una devocin singular, que edifica.
7a Nota. Ademas de estos Yndios tiene la Yglesia dos Monasillos, para que acoliten, y
tres Sacristanes, que acompaen a las Confeciones, y todos estos, las Priostas, y los seis
Alcaldes del Pueblo no pueden salir de el sin licensia, y los Jueves y Sbados deven
cuydar de asear el Altar con flores del campo de que hasen sus ramilletes, [f. 3r] de
limpiar de continuo la Yglesia, poner arcos para las renovaciones, y acompaar con
luces y el palio a Santsimo Sacramento quando se lleva viatico.
8a Nota. Cada mes se laba la ropa de Yglesia, a lo que por turnos siguen las
Cofradas, poniendo su Javon, y su asistencia, para que ayuden a la que el Cura encarga
esto, y los Mayordomos de los Anexos tambin se siguen a este turno.
9a Nota. Ademas de estos Yndios que son del servicio de la Yglesia, tiene el Cura para
el suyo un Ylacata, un Mulero, un Pongo, un Obejero, una Mitani de cada Ayllu, estos
asisten los dias que tocan a su Ayllu, y quedan para el siguien

asistir en lo que el Cura necesite. Se turnan entre estos
renovaciones, dando por ellas 8 pesos y 6 gallinas, y assi esto
del Pueblo y Anexos ocurren a las obras que se ofrezcan en la
dndoles los dias que travajan el Cura sus raciones, coca
Capillas de los Anexos la obra, corre a cargo de los Alc
havitadores, y los del servicio [del] Pueblo no estn obli
10a Nota. En los Anexos de San Francisco de Perasani, San Cristoval de Yarea,
Espritu Santo de Guaranga, Santa Barbara de Chuquibamba, Seora de Llucho, y San
Roque de Guancarani, en cada uno hay una Cofrada del Santo Patrn respectivo,
compuesta de Alferes, un Mayordomo de hombre, y quatro de muger, este servicio corre
por un ao y se mudan el da de la fiesta del Anexo, en que sus respectivos Governadores
hasen el nombramiento y el Padrn queda en poder del Fabriquero, para que cuyde de
que los Mayordomos ocurran al Pueblo llevando la efigie del Santo Patron por la
semana santa y Corpus, y limpien la Capilla, y cumplan los dems oficios que les
corresponden, de lo que tambin est encargado el Alcalde de Anexo, que en cada uno
hay uno, a excepcin de Yarea, Llucho y Guancarani [donde] asisten dos en cada uno, y
estos con el Fabriquero cuydan de dar sepultura a los cuerpos, y dar parte al Cura, para
que les aplique el oficio, reconviniendo a las partes para que apronten los derechos del
Cura, y se los paguen quando baja a haser las fiestas del Mayo Grande que llaman. Assi
mesmo es obligacin de dichos Alcaldes echar su Gente a Misa, Doctrina y Confeciones,
ze[lar] los desordenes, dar quenta de todo al Cura, haser llamar a [Con]fecion para los
enfermos, y aderesar los caminos. Estos Alcaldes estn subordinados a los dos ordinarios
del Pueblo, a sus dos Alguaciles, y a los Segundas que hasen la Personera de [los]
Governadores. La eleccin de dichos Alcaldes toca a sus Governadores y Principales.
Los del Pueblo se mudan cada ao [...] de Navidad, y los de los Anexos sirven por tres
aos, si el [Cura] no tiene por conveniente que entren otros, pues en este caso manda al
Governador que nombre otro aun antes de los tres aos.
lia Nota. En el Anexo de San Pedro de Llanquiri hay dos Cofradas [compuestas de
un Aljferes, un Mayordomo de hombre, y dos [de muger, que son la Cofrada de San
Pedro y la de Nuestra Seora de la] [f. 3v] Purificacin. Este servicio viene mandado por
el Governador de Condo, o Culta, y el Alcalde del Anexo entriega los Padrones al Cura
en las fiestas grandes. A este Alcalde nombra el Governador de Condo, y corre por tres
aos, carga la pension de una de las tres renovaciones del ao, y la paga el dia de Pascua
de Resurreccin con 6 pesos y 6 Aves.
12a Nota. Las 5 Cofradas del Pueblo contribuyen con sus fiestas en esta forma. El dia
del Patron de la Cofrada dan quatro pesos entre todos los Mayordomos para la misa
cantada del Santsimo y sus ocho ceras, a excepcin de la del Santsimo Sacramento que
no da esta misa, porque la fiesta grande se hase en su proprio dia. El dia 20 de Diciembre
entra la Cofrada del Santsimo con su arco de plata labrada y ocho pesos y se le dise la
misa de Aguinaldo, y su Salve essa noche, y siguen por su orden las dems con estos
Aguinaldos, hasta el 24 vspera de Navidad, y esse dia dan otros 8 pesos entre los dos
Segundas del Pueblo por el Aguinaldo del dia de Navidad y hasta el dia de Reyes
continan los arcos puestos en la Yglesia. En la Semana Santa desde el Lunes hasta el
Viernes por su orden entran las Cofradas trayendo la cera, como se dixo arriba en la
Nota 4a, y da cada uno quatro pesos por los oficios del dia, y las dichas quatro noches
dan los Ylacatas, a quienes les corresponde el turno, otros quatro pesos para la
procesin que pasa el que llaman tuta Alferes. El dia primero de Noviembre empiesan a
entrar las dichas Cofradas trayendo cada una dose pesos para la fiesta de Almas, con
Vsperas, Vigilia y Misa, a quatro pesos por cada oficio. Estas son las fiestas menores que
pagan las Cofradas, en que la Yglesia nada tienen de fabrica.

pasa otra fiesta grande, de que trata la siguiente.
13a Nota. Desde la Vspera del Corpus entran las Cofradas a
lo siguiente. El Alferes da dose pesos por Vsperas, Misa y proc
por la misa de salud, que se le aplica al dia siguiente, mas 3 pe
y su Micuchicu que es voluntario, y regularmente se compone
trigo, medio puerco, un cordero, una pierna de baca, un cant
otro de vino, una ollita de manteca, una libra de yerva, otra de
dose gallinas, dose tortas, y treynta y dos panes, y el dia de su f
La Priosta, y sus Mayordomos entre todos dan dose peso
incienso, otro para cuerdas, y las quinse libras de cera, con ma
forma pasan todas las dems Cofradas advertiendose que cog
Alferes por [...] [Ma-] [f. 4r] yordomos a favor de la fabrica,
14a Nota. Que los tres pesos que da el Alferes con titulo
contribucin que solo la he dejado correr a favor de la fabrica
los Templos, pues estos los dan para la que cocina el dia de la f
un peso, y sobra dos en cada fiesta, que aplico a la fabrica en
como de los Anexos.
15a Nota. En todos los Anexos, sus Cofradas contribuyen con las fiestas en est
forma. El dia del Santo Patron, si va Sacerdote, dan quatro pesos por la misa entre
Alferes y Mayordomos. En el Mayo de Finados dan 8 pesos en plata y dos pesos e
Aves, si las tienen, y si no, las dan en plata, que es lo mas comn, son por todo dies pes
con cargo de misa, vsperas y vigilia. Luego que se acavan las fiestas del Corpus en el
Pueblo, con anticipacin, antes que la Gente se retire a la Puna, se sale al Mayo Grande
y despues de cobrado todo lo que el Anexo deven a[l] ovencional, y no antes, se hase la
fiesta del Ayllu, por la que pagan todo del mesmo modo que queda dicho de la
Cofradas del Pueblo en la Nota 13a a excepcin de Llanquiri, en el que se observa lo
que se dise en la siguiente.
16a Nota. En el Anexo de Llanquiri, por ser Yndios Forasteros de Condo, pagan
veynte y cinco pesos de Synodo al Cura, en el Mayo Grande hay dos fiestas, de San
Pedro y la Purificacin, y las pagan en esta forma. El Alferes [...] dies y seis pesos por
vsperas, fiesta, procecion y misa de sa[lud] con sus ricuchicu, en que hay poca diferenc
de los de [...]. Los Mayordomos dan entre todos 6 pesos de limosnas, una [...] cuerdas y
otro de Yncienso, y no pagan cosinage.
17a Nota. Los Anexos en sus fiestas ponen muy pocas ceras [en] su Altar, y n
contribuyen con cera al Pueblo, pero en semana santa en lugar de ella da cada Anexo
cinco belas al Cura, a excepcin de Llanquiri, aunque ofrecieron darlas.
18a Nota. Que por auto proveydo por el Yllustrisimo Seor Arzobispo Don
En[...]mon de Herboso y Figueroa en 16 de Octubre de [..., que] esta inserto a principio
de este Libro, estn aplicadas a favor de la fabrica de esta Santa Yglesia las tierras de
[Elele] y las de Guancarani con sus Molinos, y las de Elele [...] arriendan por nueve pesos
anuales, y las de Guancarani con el Molino por cien pesos que tocan a la Fabrica
anualmente.
19a Nota. Las tierras nombradas Ychurata dan [cinquenta] pesos de arriendo anual, y
le hasen al Cura los Arrendaros] su comn de mays. Estas son de Capellana de E[...]
[f. 4v] tan donde est colocada Santa Barbara, la que se aplica por la comunidad, y
aunque de esto no hay documento, pero assi me lo han informado generalmente sujetos
de experiencia y carcter, y entre ellos el Doctor Bernardo de Ocampo, cura que fue de
esta Doctrina.
20a Nota. [See summary in Table 1] [f. 5r).
21a Nota. Una semana antes del Domingo de Ramos trae cad
junten de los Ylacatas, y con estos ocho pesos se manda por 7
a 4 pesos a los dos Ylacatas que van, y las dos Muas las pon
palmas, que suelen traer de la Hacienda de Fini, se bendisen
Feligrecia que asiste este dia a Misa.
22a Nota. Por la semana santa el un Segunda saca la lla
limosna, esta, y la que se junta en la adoracin, se gasta en lo
Viernes Santo visten las Cofradas, [y] en darles a 2 pesos en
de los Monasillos, y fobregu[ar]t a los Cantores los tres da
Viernes Santo a lo que les alcansare, partida con proporcin e
Monasillos y los Sacristanes. El otro Segunda pasa el dia de
con 4 pesos para enterar [f. 5v] a las cinco procesiones, que d
correspondientes a las cinco Cofradas, y dicho dia de Pascu
Alcalde de Llanquiri la renovacin con 6 pesos, y con esta s
23a Nota. El sabado de pacin, ponen el luto para cubrir el A
Vallesrunas, y cada Ylacata entera sinquenta adoves, que dis
monumento pero el Cura los destina a alguna obra de Y
24a Nota. Estando las cosas en este pie, vino Don Francisco
y de acuerdo entre ambos se quitaron los Micuchicus aun vol
belas, y se ordeno que los Mayordomos no sacassen Dan
Priostas pusiesen fuegos, ni arcos de plata para Aguinaldos.
Cofradas del Pueblo, se sercenaron un Mayordomo y tres M
Governadores alegaron que les faltava gente para el servicio
quedan en el mismo pie que antes, quitados solos los tres
inserto en este libro el plan que se formo en dicha revisita, p
exaccin de las Fiestas, que consta del auto proveydo por dich
ocho de Agosto de 85 aos.
25a Nota. Que aviendo representado los Yndios Mayord
gravamen que sentan con haver sercenado quatro Mayordo
Jues revisitador, mando este por carta circular dirigida a l
Cofradas todas en el antiguo plan expuesto en las Notas
inovacion mas que la declarada en auto de 8 de Agosto de 85
assi.
Estas son las Notas que he tenido por conveniente poner en este Libro, para govierno
de mis successores, y para que como formadas segn el establecimiento antiguo de este
Curato hagan la fe que haya lugar, para obligar a los Casiques y comunidad a su
cumplimiento jurando iti vervo Sacerdotis ser verdad quanto en ellas declaro haver
hallado establecido, lo firme en La Plata en onse de Septiembre de mili setecientos
ochenta y seis aos en que por promocin mia al Curato rectoral de la Villa de
Cochabamba, se provey este Beneficio en el Doctor Don Marcelo Callao, quien en
adelante continuare si tuviere por conveniente anotando lo que ocurre.
[firma] Doctor Gernimo de Cardona y Fagle.
[Del Auto sobre la division de los bienes entre las iglesias de San Marcos y Surumi, ff. 6r
sgg]
[f. 6v] Frente de la casa parroquial hall dos quartos, que se han compuesto de sala y
quadra para los Ayudantes, y el contorno de esa casa, y otro retaso bajo de la plasa, son
tierras del Cura ([f. 7r] para sembrar sebada, y en este lado mande h
siete arcos de adove, que sirve de cabildo, y su carsel en una e
corriente. Quatro Capillas con sobretecho de paja a las quatro esqu
sirven para las procesiones.
[f. 7v] ...una anda vieja de San Marcos, mas otras tres que ma
Patrones de las Cofradas, y otra para el Santissimo Sacrament
[f. 12r] ... y viendo como son conforme... todos los havidos hasta
setenta y nueve en que se efectu la division de la antigua Doctrina
erigi la nueba de Surumi...
[Del Inventario de lo que tienen los siete Anexos de esta Doctrina,

ff. 42v sgg.]
[f. 44r] Santa Ana de Lluchu : ...en este Anejo residen muchos Yndios de los Aillos
grandes de Alacollana, Majacollana y otros ; ellos son indolentes y poco inclinados a los
reparos y refacciones de Yglesia aun siendo en utilidad de ellos por la distancia de mas
de cinco a seis leguas que ai de esta capital para que tengan alli Sepoltura Eclesistica ;
para que cumplan con la anual confesin y comunin los muchos que se vienen de la
Puna sin cumplir con este precepto a que se les estrecha por el Muio de Corpus...
[f. 44v] San Pedro de Llanquiri : ...donde residen los Yndios Collanas de la Doctrina
de Culta, distante cinco leguas de esta capital : corre igual desgracia y aun peor...
[f. 45r] La hermosa Capilla de San Roque de Guancarani viceparroquia de esta
Capital, y tres leguas distante de ella ; sin embargo de que hice componer y techar el ao
de 789, despues de la visita, casi la mitad de ella... El ao pasado de setecientos noventa y
seis mand tambin reparar y techar assi al Presbtero tres Tijeras que se caieron por
descuido de los Yndios de aquella parte... Esta ahora segura; aunque es menester
notificar y encargar a los Principales y Segundas a cuio cargo anda esta repaja anual, que
no se descuiden en convocar a la Gente de su parcialidad para que concurran en el
tiempo sealado a hacer esta diligencia que el Cura no les faltara, como no ha faltado,
con el pre correspondiente para su coca y chicha... [f. 45v]
La Capilla del anejo de Santa Barbara de Chuquibamba, mas de cuatro leguas distante
de esta Capital, la encontr cada; mand desatar hasta los simientos y., la reedifiqu de
nuebo... [para que] no se meta con la maior indesencia... como en otros anejos... llenos de
telas de araas, de sabandijas y de binchucas... [f. 46r] Tom el arbitrio de ir en persona
con mis vallesrunas (en la Nota 9a de f. 3 de este libro se da razn quienes son estos) ;
con estos buenos Peones cuidados bien por su Cura con el almuerzo, comida y cena, coca
y chicha, aiudados de algunos que trabajaban por las obenciones que devian ; de algunos
Yndios de buena voluntad del lugar que eran tres; y de otros de los aillos que residen en
este anejo que venan cuando queran a la hora que la gana les daba logr abreviar y
concluir...
[Hereafter my notes only recorded the initial foja of each text. TP]
La Capilla de San Francisco de Perasani quatro leguas distante de esta Capital la demol
enteramente por su mala, devil e indesente construccin, que exacion[...]nuales
refacciones, y anunciaba poca firmesa aun con [...] no solamente por que su techado era
semejante al que tengo referido de la de Lluchu, sino tambin por que estaba simentada
sobre la superficie de un terreno carcajal y arenisco no situado en piso llano sino en el
bagio de un serr que era lo peor. Este defecto fundamental viendo que era irremediable
emprend fabricar la capilla que o se ve, con la solides y desenc

quatro aos de trabajo con bastantes molestias, desperdicios y g
esto. La poca esperiencia que tube de trabajar semejantes obras co
tienen doble domicilio en Puna y Valle me meti en este empeo
de estos se facilitasse todo, se abreviasse, y susediesse lo mesmo y
capilla que edifiqu en el paraje de Mulo, Anejo de la Doctrina de
de Santa Crus de la Sierra en el tiempo que la servi de Cura Coadju
lo contrario; all los Yndios ni eran de aillos ni de Parcialidad
pocesiones se hacia la capilla, sino asistentes y arrenderos en tie
Espaoles; con todo, luego que supieron como quera hacer capill
insinuasse con los Dueos de Hasiendas para que aiuden en los d
sino que ellos mesmos llenos de recocijo se comidieron a hace
pensado hiciessen; tal fue la madera de techo y tirantes que cor
labraron sin esperar fuessen los madereros; las instancias con qu
raciones para aprontar los palos, ya los abios para conducirlos a
causaban no s que gusto ; ellos mesmos apuraban a los adoveros,
y dems oficiales, ansiosos de ver la capilla acabada; no omit
menester aiudassen ; assi logre en breve y a poca costa hacer no so
vivienda para el Aiudante, y tambin para el Sacristn, y tube el c
un Sacerdote para la pronta administracin de Sacramentos,
aquella Gente, de cuio beneficio logran hasta la ocacion presente,
han mantenido Aiudantes los coadjutores succesores; pero los de
hacer la menor demostracin de regocijo, a excepcin de tal quai, y
forsados con una lentitud y tibieza los unos cerca del medio dia y
chicha o comida, y esto por un dia y dos o tres quanda mas, y l
fingan viaje a la Puna : no fueron bastantes los repetidos choco
hicieron para abreviar las paredes (que en la portada trabajaban
quatro maiordomos y algunos otros en pago de las obenciones qu
personal concurrencia, ya embiando a mi Aiudante Fray Ramn
Pedneo don Xavier Carrero, ya a don Norberto Urquieta, y
Albail asalariado : Nadie dira que me aiudo con un adobe, que m
y en muchas tareas s, y esto despues de la dificultad con qu
hiciessen, aun cogiendo por cada tarea la plata adelantada ; ni con
que antes se desparecieron los de la capilla vieja, y otros que deje
Por un palo que trajeron del lindero del curato, despues de ao y
botado cerca de la capilla, espero un Yndio que mandasse poner e
para venir y hacerme cargo de tres o quatro pesos; otro Yndio p
costanera que trajo, que no valdra nada o medio real quanto
quatro reales, esto fue despues que acabe de perdonarle quatro pes
muger : assi es el manejo de estos Yndios; por cuia causa y el no
Vallesrunas como hice para la obra de Chuquibamba porque estab
de adobes y ladrillos para esta Yglesia Parroquial, fue tanta
desperdicios en los materiales, como que muchas tareas de adobe
llubias en cada ao ; prese que la poca residencia y continuo traj
y Valle los hace desamorados a sus Yglesias, pues mui poco se les
lebanten, pero que mucho haia sucedido assi en esta capilla, si par
Parroquial con dos Providencias libradas sucesivamente por los S
don Miguel de Toro y Villalobos y don Pedro Arizmendi para qu
segn su turno, no pude conseguir su execusion ni por solo un d
trabajos se pudo concluir y techar ; pero aun despues de concluida
con tal desgracia, que [no] pude conseguir tejas, y las mande hacer
cinquenta pesos, salieron inservibles fen exudesidadesf en el hor
mande repajassen por aillos segn acostumbraban, y por no haverse

corto recinto de ella por descuido y omisin del Governador Cobra
cuio aillo pertenesia aquel pedaso, y que me asegur repetidas veses
no hubiera echo) y aun deje providencia para ello de coca y chich
desrrumbado con las presentes lluvias un buen quadro de pared al
quedan rendidas y pendientes sobre el palo grueso que se puso de
Yndios que hubiesse mandado en tiempo oportuno vaian con s
hubieran llenado y remediado el gueco, y no que ahora ncessita d
pesos su compocision; por lo qual antes de pasar a ella se abona
corresponde, por los gastados hasta que se concluio y techo, quinien
aunque fueron muchos mas; omito hacer menuda relacin de e
estarme deviendo la fabrica varios miles. Toda esta relacin valga
fuesse de esta Doctrina vea como ha de emprender semejantes
[f. 52v] [A cow with its calf were worth 10 pesos in San Marcos de
3]
[f. 56r] ... tendr la Yglesia muchas mas dentradas por lo que hace a roturas y derechos
de Sepoltura si su Seora Ylustrisima manda como es de justicia que paguen este ramo
todos los Yndios que son agregados, y aun los mestizos; pues los Aranseles nicamente
exceptan a los Yndios que son Originarios, y no a estos; quienes indevidamente han
estado en pocesion de no contribuir cosa alguna ; pues aun los quatro reales que en los
Cuerpos maiores y dos reales en los menores que se hallan a borrador en el Libro de
Entierros hemos aplicado a la Yglesia mi antecesor y yo de nuestros propios derechos.
Este mal entable espero se remedie en la presente visita que sera a beneficio de mi Yglesia
pobre. [1789].
[Cf. f. 114v : response of the Archbishop of La Plata] ... Y por quanto en esta Doctrina
ha prevalecido el abuso de que los Yndios Agregados, los mestisos, y otras clases de
gentes, fuera de los Yndios originarios, no paguen el derecho de sepultura, sin embargo
de que la Yglesia no tiene otra renta, asi para su conservacin material, como para
fomentar el culto divino : mandamos al Cura y Vicario que en adelante, exceptuando
solo a los Yndios originarios, que no deben pagar este derecho segn Arancel, lo exija de
todos los dems con arreglo a el =. [1789],
[f. 59r] ...me hago cargo de veinte y tres pesos que algunos maiordomos dieron de
limosna a la fabrica en las fiestas del Santo Patrn de los anejos de Perasani, Guaranga,
Yarea y Chuquibamba : los de este Pueblo y dems Anejos no han dado cosa alguna.
[1797],
[f. 59v] ...con advertencia que quitados los Mayordomos, ha quedado esta Yglesia
enteramente destituida sin las entradas regulares que tenia y que constan de las notas al
principio de este libro, trese, catorse, quinze y dies y seis ; solamente ha quedado con los
arriendos de Guancarani y Elele, y lo muy poco que se deja cobrar los Yndios de rasgos
de Sepulturas. [1797[.
[f. 140v] Rason de los gastos ympendidos en la refaccin de esta Yglesia Parroquial de
San Marcos, y sus respectivos Anejos que este Pueblo havia estado enteramente
destruido por este motivo, havian solamente cosa de seis vecinos : en

los Santos que estavan en el Templo, guardados por la total ruina de
Casa Parroquial, por que la que havia corrio la misma suerte de ruina,
el Cura Dr Loria, dizen los vesinos que hizo su avitacin en la V
Guancarane, que hallndome en estos Conflictos y sercioradome de s
Beneficio para ver si poda remediar, y ponerme en obra a la refacc
me dijeron que no havian si no es dose fiestas en todo el ao de a 1
manera, sinco fiestas por Corpus, funciones de Tabla, la primera d
segunda de Nuestra Seora de la Consepcion, la tersera de San Mar
Santa Barbara, y la quinta del Arcngel San Miguel, y cada fiesta tie
que da el Alferes, dando el estipendio de quatro pesos; y conclu
acostumbrado a salir a los Anejos, al Muyo, que comunmente denom
siete anejos hazen una fiesta de 12 pesos en donde cobran sus e
correspondientes fabriqueros dan razn de los muertos y entonses pa
Cura para todo el ao, y cerciorado de esta miseria, sin poder arbitra
necessaria obra del Templo, di quenta al Ylustrisimo Seor Doctor
Mojo, y al mismo tiempo haziendo renuncia de este Beneficio la que n
por obedeser sus superiores ordenes, con mi ciega obediencia, segu e
de los Sacramentos...
[firmado] Matas de Hermosilla [1814].
[f. 65v] ... En este ao sac [4 pesos] por su devosion el Cantor Mariano Moscoso,
viendo que no havia quien huviese y diese esta corta limosna para esta pobre Yglesia,
que no tiene fondo ninguno para el servicio del altar, por que los Hilacatas o sus
Segundas de ambas parcialidades havian acostumbrado dar corta limosna, como consta
de este Libro, desde la Ereccin de este Beneficio; pero estos Curacas, por su propia
autoridad abusiva, han abolido aun las funciones o Prosesiones que comunmente
denominan Tuta Alferes, que havian sido sinco, las han quitado, que solo algunos por
debosion pasan dando quatro pesos y las acostumbradas heran dose pesos que estas
siguen en su division de Surumi, Macha, Chairapata, y solo en este pobre Beneficio de
San Marcos se han sealado de perjudicarlas sin atender que de este Curato tienen sus
alimentos por los sembrados de Mais y Trigo, con cuios frutos pagan sus Tributos y
dems pensiones que tienen en los Curatos de Macha, Chairapata y Surumi por la
doblada residencia. Asimismo han abolido que despues de las sinco fiestas del Corpus,
que solo son de dose pesos, pasadas estas hacan sinco exequias por las Animas asimismo
Juradas de a dose pesos por turno, sealaban sus mandones a los Yndios de sus
respectivas parcialidades, y haora caresen de estas, y asimismo en sus Anejos : De modo
que los que sirven de Prrocos no tienen con que subsistir, es yncongruo que ni tienen ni
gosan del Snodo que antes tenan en las Cajas de Potos, por los desgraciados tiempos
de Guerras, con Justsima rason, por las Urgentsimas nesesidades del Exercito del Rey y
de la Nasion, que son notorias, ya no cuentan con este Ramo que es notorio que de su
propio peculio tienen que desembolsar nesesariamente para los gastos del servicio del
Altar, que ya se refiere, refacciones de Yglesia y sus siete Anejos como yo el actual cura
tengo ympendidos, que este Pueblo estava desierto desamparado, que aun los Santos de
este Templo, por no haver lugar donde guardarlos, estavan en las pocas chosas que
havian quedado por que aun las funciones de las cinco fiestas del Corpus referidas se
selebravan en el Bautisterio, y aun este con medio techo, ni Casa Parroquial, que con la
ynjuria de los tiempos se havian arruinado, que el Cura que fue el Doctor Loria solo
avitaba por estos incombenientes de yncomodidad en la Vize-Parroquia de Guancarani,
y aun esta Capilla solo estava con medio techo, que solo cubr
notorio. Que viendo estas lastimosas fatalidades y solo movido
aquel Divino y eterno remunerador, tube que hazer revivir est
destruido que aun muchos vesinos se havian ausentado a otros
de la Casa Parroquial, y asimismo la Yglesia que segunda ves s
temblor que acaesio, que ya hasta la salva puerta o serca de ella
a mi costa, sin que ningn Curaca ni vesino de este Pueblo m
sentavo ; que son tan yndevotos dichos mandones, que solo co
Yntereses como son Tarachi, el Curaca de Majasaya, y su Com
de Anansaya Pirapi, que solo para sus utilidades con empeo y
yntrodusidas por ellos los hazen travajar sin atender que en la
Yndias expresamente mandan que paguen sus respectivos Jor
Prrocos quando los ocupen a los Naturales de sus Parcia
derogado estos Leyes. Y por la suma pobreza de esta Doctrina n
renuncian los ynterinos y los propietarios, remedian con pon
Concurso = Y para que a los que entrasen en este Curato pong
sirva de gobierno = a los dies y nuebe das del mes de Septiem
del Curato de San Marcos, y para que conste lo firmo.
[firmado] Matas de Hermosilla [128
[f. 69v] [San Francisco de Perasani changes its ame to San

[1849].
[f. 70r] [In an inventory corresponding to the chapel of Llanquiri we read : " obras
puestas por los naturales de Clta"]. [1849].
[f. 70v] [concerning Church lands] ...una hacienda que se llama Ychurata que da
cuarenta y cuatro pesos de arriendo y se paga el 16 de Agosto. Un resto muy pequeo de
tierras en el Anejo de Cayanga como son sembrado de media olla de mais que da un
peso de arriendo. [1849].
[Summary of Church income 1779-1823]

1779-1786 : 2515 pesos
1786-1787 : 713 pesos
1788-1797 : 2647 pesos 3 reales [last mention of confraternities in 1796]
1798-1801 : 542 pesos 6 reales
1802-1803 : 245 pesos 1 real
1804-1806 (May) 213 pesos 6 reales
1806-1808 : 11 pesos 11/2 reales
1808 (April-September) : 4 pesos 6 reales
1808 (September)-1809 (November) : 87 pesos 4 reales
1810 (February-September) : 53 pesos 5 reales
1810 (September)-1823 (September) : 18 pesos

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THE ANDEAN SOLDIERS OF CHRIST.

CONFRATERNITY ORGANIZATION, THE MASS OF THE

CONFRATERNITY ORGANIZATION, THE MASS OF THE SUN

" Be thou praised, my Lord, for ail thy cratures,

"Vi infinitos procesos que formaban una sola

* Centre for Latin American Linguistic Studies, University of St Andrews, Scotland.

J.S.A. 1987, LXXIII : p. 139 192.

de la valle de Macha, San Marcos de Miradores (province de

Los Soldados Andinos de Cristo. Las cofradas, la Misa del Sol,

El autor examina algunas dudas recientes sobre la eficacia misio

One day in 1970, as I was trying to do ethnography for a

almost embattled reactions to Protestant pressures. Em

pristine " deep meanings " of colonial and Republican And

This does not mean that a coagulating sediment of Christian sentiment

immdiate pre-Republican origin lying probably in the rep

1970; Trexler 1982; MacCormack 1985; Clendinnen 1987),

Franciscans of the visionary thories of history associate

1971) used to grow in front of the churchdoor, exem

SAN MARCOS DE MIRAFLORES :

Created in the 1570s by Viceroy Francisco de Toledo as a reducci

The Moieties and Ayllus of Macha

San Marcos consiste of a core area around the capital church

posts (cf. Abercrombie 1986). The duplication, here an

occasional costs of new strings). We also hear of two

Fixed Income of the Parish of San Marcos de Miradores

600 Royal Synod In the Potosi

1527 1527 14211421

100 Rent for lands at Guancarani 80

through the approval of kurakas and Governors given "

named after a Saint's day or church feast : the Holy Sa

parish finances, it is already clear that the Holy Sacrame

THE FEAST OF CORPUS CHRISTI

Today there is no talk of confraternities in San Marcos de Miraflores, and their

each year between sponsors from each moiety in turn (alt

The Corpus Christi Sequence in San Marcos de Miradores (1971)

Day/Sponsorship Holy Sacrament Saint Mark Saint Michael

qurpa uywa iiak'aku

Sunday ARRIVAL OF TATA WILAKRUS

ch'allas alba rikuchiku

Monday ch'isiraya jaachus

Note : Elments in normal print correspond to the 18th century "text"; e

buried his (social) father (and therefore completed the di

lost his own stock to vampire bats (pikadura). Other stray

The Preliminaries : Entry, Sacrifice of the Animais and

1. aqhawi (or aqhaku) prparation of maizebeer (Que.

round its neck. As the musicians played unceasingly, maiz

6. pasacalle ("procession through the streets"). The Am

The Mass of the Sun : Renewal of Cosmic Fecundity.

11. iskuyla (Sp. escuela, "school") Although a scho

12. qurpa ("banquet"). This rite can be related to a story

The acting standard-bearer and his wife were not prsent

holding woollen ropes (waskhas) with which to whip the " d

Libations, Arrivai of the Calvary Crosses, and Exit.

q'asa = " pass of the Cross"), and a third iskina correspo

balance is the sacrificial letting of blood : as the blood of th

The Final Synthesis : Battling for Reproduction.

19. tinku ("union, meeting, balance, convergence

Corpus, in sympathy with a violent land-battle on th

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

Our 18th century and ethnographie source-materials are distant fr

Andeati ecology, sacred space and ritual time.

The Libro de Fabrica from San Marcos de Miraflores

Although with many parallels in Spain (Christian 198

valley parish to the spcifie calendars followed in ot