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Robert Desjarlais1 and C. Jason Throop2
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011.40:87-102. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
2
Department of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles,
California 90095-1553; email: jthroop@ucla.edu
87
AN40CH06-Desjarlais ARI 20 August 2011 10:9
and to heal, and to live among others. exive (what Schutz termed prephenomenal
constitution of
and Merleau-Ponty termed preobjective) ex-
by Universidade de Sao Paulo (USP) on 02/17/14. For personal use only.
88 Desjarlais Throop
AN40CH06-Desjarlais ARI 20 August 2011 10:9
displacement (Desjarlais 1997, Jackson 1995); insights anthropologically was Clifford Geertz
social exclusion (Willen 2007a,b); morality (1973), who used a Schutz-inspired discussion
by Universidade de Sao Paulo (USP) on 02/17/14. For personal use only.
Desjarlais 2003; French 1994; Lock 1993; Pinto For instance, as we foreground the sound of
2008; Scheper-Hughes 1993; Throop 2010c). a bass in a jazz quartet, the sounds produced
by Universidade de Sao Paulo (USP) on 02/17/14. For personal use only.
Central to the temporal and embodied struc- by the pianist, drummer, and sax player fade
ture of human experience is the existential fact imperceptibly into the background horizon of
that we are emplaced in a world that always our experience of the music. If we then shift to
outstrips the expanse of our being. As beings, listen to the chord progressions played by the
we are always oriented or positioned toward pianist, however, then the sound of the bass
aspects of an ever-broader potential world of guitar shifts from foreground to background,
experience. It is not possible for us to expe- all the while remaining potentially available
rience the world in its entirety. We must al- for once again returning to the focus of our
ways focus on particular aspects of it. Our con- attention (Berger 1999, 2009; Duranti 2009).
sciousness, phenomenologists argue, is always Our modes of engaging with reality are
directed or oriented toward particular objects of further dened not only by the dynamic ux
experience. Following Franz Brentano, Husserl of our embodied attention from one aspect to
termed the toward-which orientation of our another, from one perspective to another, from
being intentionality (compare Duranti 1993, one activity to another, and from one moment
2011). It is precisely because of our necessar- to the next. They are further patterned both by
ily situated emplacement in the world that the ongoing engagements with others, in complex
world is given to us as an indeterminate phe- and ever-shifting negotiations of attention, and
nomenon (Csordas 1994b). This does not mean by particular existential modalities that range
that the world is structureless or a mere inco- from imagination to memory to dreams to per-
herent ux of sensations, movements, and qual- ception to various other sensory registers (e.g.,
ities. It means instead that we are never able to tactility, kinesthesia, smell, audition, and taste).
exhaust our experience of the world in which we As Husserl taught, there are always distinctive
are emplaced because there is always something intentional act-phases (noesis) mediating par-
more yet to come, a side yet to see, an aspect, ticular intentional objects (noema), that each
quality, action, or interaction yet to experience. afford some distinctive possibilities for experi-
An ever-shifting horizon to our experience sug- ence, while foreclosing others. For instance, to
gests a beyond from which we have come and a wakefully imagine a chair is phenomenologi-
toward to which we could be headed. A more- cally distinct from dreaming of a chair. And the
than is always woven into the fabric of existence acts of either imaging or dreaming of a chair
that constantly shifts as we attend to particular are each distinct from the acts of perceiving
aspects of reality, while ignoring others. Un- it, touching it, or sitting on it. The emerging
certainty, ambiguity, and indeterminacy are the eld of sensorial anthropology (Classen 1993,
norm here. 2005; Desjarlais 2003; Geurts 2002; Howes
90 Desjarlais Throop
AN40CH06-Desjarlais ARI 20 August 2011 10:9
1991, 2003; Ingold 2000; Porcello et al. 2010; ( Jackson 1998, Kleinman 1999). They have also
Stoller 1997; Synnott 1993; Throop 2010c) inspired a growing number of thinkers to argue
is a generative site in which the cultural and for the merits of approaching intersubjectivity
Lifeworld:
historical patterning of these various modalities as a core foundational theoretical construct for the unquestioned,
of experience is currently being explored. anthropology and the human sciences more practical, historically
To focus on sensorial aspects of experience broadly dened (Csordas 1990, 1994a, 2008; conditioned,
from a phenomenological perspective is not Duranti 2009, 2010; Jackson 1996, 1998). pretheoretical, and
familiar world of
to focus myopically on subjective experience, Phenomenologically inuenced orientations
peoples everyday lives
however. Phenomenologists argue that even to intersubjectivity have also been generatively
our most basic experiences of physical objects employed in the context of recent ethno-
both evidence and entail a foundational inter- graphic studies of violence, pain, and suffering
subjectivity. The facts that the world before us (Desjarlais 1992, 1997; Jackson 1998, 2002;
is held to be the same sharable world that we Kleinman 2006; Throop 2010c); morality and
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011.40:87-102. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
mutually inhabit, that others are recognized as ethics (Garcia 2010; Geurts 2002; Kleinman
experiencing beings who orient to and abide by 1999, 2006; Throop 2010c; Zigon 2007,
by Universidade de Sao Paulo (USP) on 02/17/14. For personal use only.
the same sharable world as we do, that the bod- 2010a,b); religious experience (Csordas 1994b,
ies of others, which are objects and subjects for Jackson 2009a, Seeman 2009, Stoller 2008);
us, are often the zero point of their experiential empathy (Briggs 2008, Desjarlais 1992, Frank
elds and vice versa, are all deemed by phe- 2000, Gieser 2008, Hollan 2008, Hollan
nomenologists to be necessary intersubjective & Throop 2008, Kirmayer 2008, Throop
building blocks to the very possibility and con- 2010b); and the ethnographic encounter itself
stitution of social life (Csordas 2008, Duranti (Benson & ONeill 2007, Frykman & Gilje
2010, Jackson 1998). 2003, Throop 2010b,c). Along similar lines, in
With that said, phenomenologists recognize anthropological studies of subjectivity, the best
that intersubjectively constituted possibilities work has detailed the ways in which subjectivity
for orienting to a sharable world are not ever itself is deeply intersubjective in nature (Biehl
based simply on isomorphic interpersonal ex- et al. 2007; DelVecchio Good et al. 2008;
periences. For instance, in one sense, this con- Desjarlais 2003; Hollan 2001; Kleinman 2006;
cept is reected in the fact that our lifeworld or Lurhmann 2004, 2006; Throop 2010c). Given
Lebenswelt (see below) is variously populated by this nding, some phenomenological anthro-
other experiencing beings with whom we coex- pologists have given priority to the concept
ist in differing and shifting degrees of temporal of intersubjectivity over that of subjectivity in
and spatial intimacy [what Schutz (1967) distin- trying to make sense of the lives and concerns
guished by means of his distinctions between of people (Desjarlais 2003, 2011; Jackson 1998;
predecessors, contemporaries, consociates, and Throop 2010b,c).
successors; compare Geertz (1973)]. In yet an- In the context of his later writings, Husserl
other sense, phenomenologists hold that there (1970) radicalized his earlier analysis of in-
is always an irreducible asymmetry and insta- tersubjectivity in his articulation of the notion
bility of perspectives and experiences assumed of Lebenswelt or lifeworld. Closely associated
in even the most mutually attuned, empathic, with the natural attitude, Husserl dened
and intimate of intersubjective encounters the lifeworld as the unquestioned, practical,
(Desjarlais 2011; Heidegger 1996; Husserl historically conditioned, pretheoretical, and
1962, 1970; Jackson 1998; Throop 2010b). familiar world of our everyday lives. Although
In anthropology, these insights have often the lifeworld is always necessarily structured in
informed critical reections on the nature of particular ways, phenomenologists argue that
subjectivity, self-experience, and personhood in it is not to be mistaken for a static, objective
an attempt to demonstrate the limits of purely entity. It is instead a dynamic, shifting, and
subjectivist approaches in the social sciences intersubjectively constituted existential reality
that results from the ways that we are geared same time, anthropologists have tended to
into the world by means of our particular situ- shy away from the more general, categorical,
atedness as existential, practical, and historical culture-free pronouncements often sounded
beings. Accordingly, while necessarily serving by phenomenological philosophers, preferring
as both the basis for, and the object of, scien- instead to couch their ndings within specic
tic scrutiny, the lifeworld is never reducible cultural and historical settings ( Jackson 1998,
simply to theoretical efforts at xation and 2009b). Anthropologists have also rooted much
typication. Over the past few decades, the of their research less in philosophical reasoning
concept of the lifeworld has become a largely than in ethnographic research and so in effect
taken-for-granted construct in social theory. In have undertaken eldwork in philosophy
phenomenological anthropology, however, a (Bourdieu 1990) to get at more precise, em-
number of thinkers have sought to employ the pirically grounded understandings of human
term in a more explicitly phenomenological existence in its many formations. In effect, in
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011.40:87-102. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
and rigorous way (Bidney 1973). This literature attending to William Jamess (1996) call for
includes Goods (1994) studies of the lifeworlds a radical empiricism, anthropologists have
by Universidade de Sao Paulo (USP) on 02/17/14. For personal use only.
of chronic pain sufferers, medical students, worked to introduce more fully the historical,
and physicians, Desjarlaiss (2011) portrait of the cultural, the variable, and the relative
the lifeworlds of chess players, and Durantis into phenomenology. They have also given
(2009) work on issues of aesthetics and impro- priority, at times, to peoples own formulations
visation in the context of language socialization of the world and their place within it as they
and the performance of jazz music. have sought to detail the contours of local
phenomenologies (Halliburton 2002). Several
distinct orientations to phenomenological
ANTHROPOLOGICAL thought and inquiry have emerged out of these
APPLICATIONS AND considerations.
ARTICULATIONS In a prescient passage Geertz (1973)
Many anthropologists have found great utility prefaced his famous application of Schutzian
in phenomenological methods in anthropolog- social phenomenology to Balinese lifeworlds
ical inquiry. The focus on life as lived and with a call for anthropologists to develop
human consciousness in all of its lived realities; a scientic phenomenology of culture
a mistrust of overly theoretical thought and (p. 364). Despite Geertzs occasional (and
ideological trappings ( Jackson 1996, p. 2); often ambivalent) forays into phenomenology,
the call for a radical empiricism ( James he was not the only, or even the rst, anthro-
1996, Jackson 1996, p. 1) and the bracketing pologist to attempt to apply phenomenology to
of cultural and natural attitudes; an attention ethnographic concerns. Indeed, in pioneering
to the indeterminate and ambiguous character writings of Hallowell (1955), Bidney (1973),
of everyday life; and a priority given to em- Bourdieu (1977), Watson (1976), and Turner
bodied, intersubjective, temporally informed (1982, 1986) we nd attempts to critically
engagements in the world: These and other import insights from phenomenology into
orientations have offered fruitful avenues of anthropology.
thought and analysis. These perspectives have Starting in the mid-1980s, several anthro-
enabled anthropologists to step beyond, on pologists inspired by such work began to advo-
the one hand, anthropological considerations cate for an anthropology of experience, nding
of cultural discourses, social relations, and that anthropology had come to focus unduly
political economy alone and, on the other, on questions of meaning, discourse, structural
psychological considerations of selfhood, psy- relations, and political economy to the neglect
chodynamics, and subjectivity (Abu-Lughod of the everyday experiences, contingencies, and
1991, Biehl et al. 2007, Jackson 1998). At the dilemmas that weigh so heavily on peoples
92 Desjarlais Throop
AN40CH06-Desjarlais ARI 20 August 2011 10:9
lives (Desjarlais 1992; Jackson 2005; Kleinman than it is in any real way in the world itself.
1995, 1999; Seeman 2009; Stoller 1997; Turner There is a need for a more apersonal, discor-
& Bruner 1986; Wikan 1990). Subsequent dant phenomenology, one that steers clear of,
inquiries along these lines have offered reec- and moves us beyond, conventional notions
tions on the cultural, genealogical, ontological, of consciousness, selfhood, embodiment,
and epistemological dimensions of the concept subjectivity, and experience.
of experience itself, leading to the somewhat Along with efforts toward an anthropology
paradoxical understanding that the category of of experience, a number of orientations have
experience is, at once, highly needed in anthro- emerged out of interest to map out how
pological thought and deeply charged, overde- phenomenal processes take form in particular
termined, and culturally constituted (Desjarlais cultural and historical settings. At times
1997; Mattingly 1998; Throop 2003, 2010c). inspired by, and yet often critical of, Geertzs
Indeed, on the one hand, phenomenological an- (1973) pioneering writings, hermeneutic
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011.40:87-102. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
research generatively to the complexly tempo- and complex practical, historical, and cultural
ral, at times ambiguous, and deeply ambivalent forces inuencing the interpretative efforts and
realities of human existence. On the other hand, intersubjective engagements of anthropologists
when used in an unreexive way, the category and the people they work with and learn from
itself at times presumes and promotes unexam- in the eld (Crapanzano 1992; Desjarlais
ined cultural assumptions concerning articula- 2003; Good 1994; Mattingly 1998, 2010b). In
tions of self, subjectivity, and social action that undertaking inquiries along the lines of a cul-
may blind us to other possible forms of life and tural phenomenology, anthropologists have
ways of being. examined how questions of selfhood, sociality,
Much of this ambiguity relates to the dif- temporality, agency, pain, and morality, among
culties and challenges posed by the language others, tie into social and cultural formations
we use and on which we have come to rely. It is in specic sociocultural settings and lifeworlds
important to avoid creating or reafrming any (Csordas 1990, 1994a,b; Geurts 2002; Pinto
false dichotomies or problematically conven- 2008; Throop 2009b, 2010ac). Advocates of a
tional ways of categorizing the world. Using critical phenomenology, in turn, have stressed
terms that invoke clear and rigid differences the need to attend to the many, and often
between, for instance, subjective and objective, highly charged, political, social, and discursive
subjectivity and intersubjectivity, experience forces that contribute to life in particular set-
and political economy, interiority and exte- tings (Biehl et al. 2007, Good 1994, Desjarlais
riority, culture and experience, the particular 1997, Scheper-Hughes 1993, Willen 2007b).
and the general, or the phenomenal and the Other anthropologists have worked toward
psychological runs the risk of suggesting that an existential anthropology ( Jackson 2005),
these elements are quite distinct in life, when in which ethnographic and phenomenological
in fact they are words we use to categorize sit- methods attuned toward a radical empiricism
uations that are terrically complicated, uid, have offered compelling insights into the
and manifold in their features. When it comes existential demands, constraints, dilemmas,
to ideas of an anthropology of experience, for potentialities, uncertainties, and the struggle
instance, or a theory of subjectivity, the danger for being ( Jackson 2005, p. x) that gure into
is that any work along these lines may cleave what it means to be human (Dalsgaard 2004;
out, conceptually as well as ethnographically, Desjarlais 2011; Jackson 2005, 2009a; Kapferer
a particular domain, known as experience 1997; Kleinman 2006; Lucht 2008; Weiner
or subjectivity, that in its presumed features 1992, 1993, 2001; Zigon 2007, 2010b). In gen-
more fully reects those doing the cleaving eral, this work, while attending to particular
situations faced by people in specic sociopo- Good et al. 1994, Hollan & Wellenkamp 1994,
litical settings, often inquires into ostensibly Jackson 1999, Throop 2010c); aging, death,
universal dimensions of human experience. and dying (Cohen 1998, Desjarlais 2003,
The more general orientations noted above Mimica 1996); embodiment and bodiliness
have weaved their way into a number of (Csordas 1990, 1994a; Desjarlais 1992, 1997,
conceptual and topical inquiries in anthro- 2003; Halliburton 2002); emotion (Desjarlais
pology. Anthropologists and other scholars 1992, Geurts 2002, Throop 2010b,c); imag-
in the human sciences have drawn on phe- ination (Crapanzano 2004; Csordas 1994b,
nomenological modes of analysis in person- 1996; Lurhmann 2004; Mittermaier 2010;
and subject-centered approaches (Briggs Murphy 2004, 2005); dreams (Groark 2010,
1998; Frank 2000; Desjarlais 2003; Hollan & Hollan 2009, Mittermaier 2010); religious
Wellenkamp 1994; Wikan 1990, 2008; Zigon experience (Crapanzano 2004; Csordas 1994b;
2010a,b), in practice-oriented approaches Jackson 2009a; Lurhmann 2004, 2006; Lester
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011.40:87-102. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
(Bourdieu 1977, 1990, 2000; Throop & 2005; Mittermaier 2010; Seeman 2009; Stoller
Murphy 2002; Wacquant 2003), in discourse- 2008); art, aesthetics, and creativity (Desjarlais
by Universidade de Sao Paulo (USP) on 02/17/14. For personal use only.
centered approaches (Desjarlais 2003; Hanks 2011, Feld 1990, Gell 1998); music (Berger
1990, 1995), and in ethnographic and interpre- 1999, 2009; Duranti 2009; Feld 1996); dance
tive approaches (Benson & ONeill 2007, Katz (Downey 2005, Throop 2009a); technology
& Csordas 2003). Neurophenomenology, an (Ingold 2001); digital gambling (Schull 2005)
approach that seeks to productively combine and virtual reality (Csordas 2000); scientic
phenomenological and ethnographic insights practices and explorations (Fischer 2003,
into the human condition with neuroscientic Helmreich 2009); narrative and storytelling
investigations into the workings of the brain, (Garro & Mattingly 2000; Jackson 2002;
has also emerged as a growing eld of inquiry Mattingly 1998, 2010b); time and temporality
(Downey 2010, Laughlin et al. 1992, Laughlin (Bourdieu 1977, 2000; Hage 2003; Gell 1992;
& McManus 1995, Laughlin & Throop 2009, Lindquist 2000; Munn 1990); senses of place
McNeal 1999, Reyna 2002, Winkelman 2000). (Casey 2009, Feld & Basso 1996, Munn 1990,
Anthropologists and other scholars have Persson 2007, Weiner 2001); and globalization,
also drawn on phenomenological methods migration, and illegality ( Jackson 2008, Lucht
in attending to a diverse range of topics of 2008, Willen 2007a,b). At times, anthropol-
perennial and recent interest to anthropolo- ogists draw explicitly from phenomenological
gists, including studies of social life, relations, concepts and methods. At other times, the anal-
and intersubjectivity (Benson & ONeill 2007; yses are implicitly phenomenological and are
Duranti 1993, 2010; Garcia 2010; Helliwell often conjoined with other forms of anthropo-
1996; Jackson 1998; Weiner 1992, 1993); logical inquiry. At still other times, they are like
agency, volition, and will (Duranti 2011, Barthess (1981) borrowing of phenomenol-
Mattingly 2010a, Murphy & Throop 2010b, ogys project and something of its language
Throop 2010a); language, semiotics, gesture, in Camera Lucida, resulting in a vague, casual,
and discourse (Duranti 2009, 2010; Goodwin even cynical phenomenology, so readily did
1994; Hanks 1990, 1995); political relations it agree to distort or to evade its principles
and violence (French 1994, Jackson 2002); according to the whims of my analysis (p. 20).
psychopathology ( Jenkins & Barrett 2004,
Saris 1995); memory (Csordas 1996, Desjarlais
2003); morality (Kleinman 1999, 2006; Parish CRITIQUES, RESPONSES,
1994; Throop 2010c; Zigon 2008, 2010a,b); AND FUTURE HORIZONS
illness and healing (Desjarlais 1992, 1997; Several important critiques have been raised
Garcia 2010; Good 1994; Kapferer 1997; against phenomenological approaches in an-
Stoller 2008); pain and suffering (DelVecchio thropology. Each of these critiques highlights
94 Desjarlais Throop
AN40CH06-Desjarlais ARI 20 August 2011 10:9
Given that Husserl viewed phenomenology do so in trying to account for the complicated
as a philosophy of continual beginnings, it is constructions and processes of consciousness
by Universidade de Sao Paulo (USP) on 02/17/14. For personal use only.
quite possible to argue, however, that there and subjectivity in careful, informed ways.
are as many phenomenologies as there are In fact, these efforts highlight the fact that
phenomenologists. Equally troubling in this analytic approaches that do not consider the
regard is the fact that many anthropological place of the subjective or intersubjective, or
critiques of subjectivism in phenomenology of experience or consciousness, in cultural or
fail to acknowledge the direct inuence that political realities are missing out on something.
phenomenological approaches have had on the Another critique claims that phenomenol-
development of a range of so-called poststruc- ogy offers a limited methodology: It is good
turalist perspectives in philosophy and social only for understanding peoples subjective
theory. These include perspectives that range experiences of life at a surface level. Also, in its
from Derridas deconstructionism to Fou- very design, it is a method of describing, not
caults genealogical historicism to Bourdieus one of explaining or analyzing. A phenomeno-
practice theory. Such critiques also often fail logical approach risks missing the big picture
to recognize the impact that phenomenology when it comes to anthropological insights, or
has had on the reexive turn in anthropology so the thinking goes. This mindset may come
that emerged in the 1970s and 1980s. about because the descriptive mandate of phe-
One of the most pressing critiques, however, nomenology may seem, for some, to be too de-
holds that phenomenology as a whole, and tailed, dynamic, and complex to allow adequate
phenomenological approaches in anthropol- access to so-called broader historical, social,
ogy, ignores the political and socioeconomic economic, and political processes. And yet it
determinants of life and peoples living is precisely just such attention to descriptive
conditionsthat, as the apotheosis of bour- and analytic detail that makes phenomenology
geois individualism (Moran 2000, p. 21), as such a powerful approach that may be gen-
Marxist thinkers have cast it, phenomenology eratively extended to other methods, modes
attends merely to the qualia of the subjective of analysis, and theoretical perspectives in the
and the experiential and, as it were, the epiphe- social sciences, including discourse analysis,
nomenal. Phenomenology focuses on the realm political economic analysis, and considerations
of mere appearance and sensation without of psychophysiology, for example.
serious consideration of the broader political, Epistemological concerns have also often
structural, and social forces really at work in been raised by thinkers critical of the phe-
peoples lives. Phenomenology, one critique nomenological tradition. Can we ever really
ventures, gives undue and nave priority to con- know what another person is thinking or
siderations of consciousness and subjectivity. feeling, especially when that person lives in
a cultural reality distinct from ones own? no matter how theoretically nuanced and his-
Anthropologists have often responded to torically contextualized the argument may be,
this key epistemological question by skirting runs dangerously close to forms of Othering
considerations of personal experience alto- that anthropologists have been combating for
gether. Rather than engage with the difculties decades as ethically, epistemologically, and on-
of reconciling their theoretical assumptions tologically problematic.
with the complexities and vicissitudes of What is at stake for phenomenologically
experience, they have found it better, and safer, inclined anthropologists are precisely the
to focus on aspects of social lifepolitical limits of approaches that seek to disarticulate
systems, kinship structures, cultural histories, unrecognized historical, political, economic,
symbolic meaningsthat have the air of being and cultural inuences from the concrete
capable of being known in clearer, more overt, engagements, concerns, and experiences of
and more secure ways (Geertz 1973; compare particular social actors acting in particular
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011.40:87-102. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
Wikan 1990). This strategy often has the effect places and spaces in particular times. It is not
of neglecting important aspects of peoples unrecognized biases that phenomenological
by Universidade de Sao Paulo (USP) on 02/17/14. For personal use only.
lives. As a result, the most compelling cares anthropologists are critical of, however. It
and concerns of individuals, families, and is, rather, tendencies toward abstraction,
communities are often passed over or at times ossication, and totalization that are held to
missed altogether. Although investigating the be problematic, unless, of course, such pro-
existential richness of peoples lives is a delicate cesses are examined in concrete moments of
and forever challenging endeavor, this should interaction and engagement. As Good (1994)
not stop anthropologists from trying to do so. contends, one of the main questions facing the
Yet another line of argument is that no- development of phenomenological approaches
tions of subjective experience are themselves in anthropology (in this case, he is particularly
the product of a distinct genealogy of thought interested in critical phenomenology) concerns
in the modern West, making any anthropo- how one can recognize the presence of the so-
logical method that attends to such experience cial and historical within human consciousness,
problematic at the least. Yet it is clear that recognize forms of self-deception and distor-
many non-Western cultural heritages include, tion, without devaluing local claims to knowl-
within their horizons of thought, ideas of phe- edge? (p. 42). Such concerns evidence some
nomenological inquiry and awareness. The re- of the main points of tension between phe-
ligious and philosophical thoughts associated nomenological and sociopolitical approaches
with Buddhism and Hinduism are two such ex- (and also discursive/semiotic/linguistic and
amples (Halliburton 2002). Moreover, no mat- psychodynamic approaches) in anthropology.
ter how historically or culturally determined Whether such tensions reveal unbridgeable
the concept of subjective experience might be, epistemological aporias or whether there are
any simple rejection of subjective experience still possibilities for integrating phenomenol-
as a relevant site of inquiry for anthropology ogy with what are otherwise considered to be
also entails with it a deeply troubling inatten- competing and antithetical approaches will
tion to individuals lives as lived. In such cases, continue to be centrally problematic in the
what ends up getting overlooked, or in some development of anthropological theorizing
more radical cases even outright denied, are in- and practice in the years to come. We hope
dividuals existential possibilities for taking up that phenomenological anthropologists will
complexly textured, variegated, and, at times, continue to engage such tensions seriously and
conicted and deeply ambivalent orientations productively contribute to these debates and
to their worlds of experience. Somewhat ironi- conversations.
cally, the denial of such existential possibilities Many critiques of phenomenological an-
for others, while claiming them for ourselves, thropology fail to recognize the ways in which
96 Desjarlais Throop
AN40CH06-Desjarlais ARI 20 August 2011 10:9
FUTURE DIRECTIONS
1. What is the relation between the phenomenal and the discursivebetween, that is,
experience, being, and sensate perception, on the one hand, and language, aesthetic and
rhetorical forms, and communicative practices more generally on the other hand?
2. How should anthropologists and other social scientists attend to the relation between
the particulars of individual lives and settings and more general observations of strands
of existence that weave through all peoples lives?
3. How do we draw on phenomenological methods and analysis to go beyond conventional,
and often overly generalized, understandings of experience, perception, subjectivity, in-
tersubjectivity, language, and life itself?
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The authors are not aware of any afliations, memberships, funding, or nancial holdings that
might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011.40:87-102. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
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A Century of Feasting Studies
Brian Hayden and Suzanne Villeneuve p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 433
Biological Anthropology
Menopause, A Biocultural Perspective
Melissa K. Melby and Michelle Lampl p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p53
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of Links Between Ethnicity/Race and Risk of Type 2 Diabetes and
Associated Conditions
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From Mirror Neurons to Complex Imitation in the Evolution
of Language and Tool Use
Michael A. Arbib p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 257
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Sociocultural Anthropology
Substance and Relationality: Blood in Contexts
Janet Carsten p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p19
Hallucinations and Sensory Overrides
T.M. Luhrmann p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p71
Phenomenological Approaches in Anthropology
Robert Desjarlais and C. Jason Throop p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p87
Migration, Remittances, and Household Strategies
Jeffrey H. Cohen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 103
Climate and Culture: Anthropology in the Era of Contemporary
Climate Change
Susan A. Crate p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 175
Policing Borders, Producing Boundaries. The Governmentality
of Immigration in Dark Times
Didier Fassin p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 213
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Anthropology of Movement
Sophie Bava p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 493
viii Contents
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Indexes
Errata
Contents ix
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