On Iranian and Jewish Apocalyptics, Again

Author(s): Domenico Agostini

Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 136, No. 3 (July-September 2016),
pp. 495-505
Published by: American Oriental Society
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 On Iranian and Jewish Apocalyptics, Again
Domenico Agostini
The Polonsky Academy at the Van Leer Institute of Jerusalem

The relations between the Iranian, in particular Zoroastrian, and Jewish apocalyp-
tic literature as well as their mutual influences have, since the beginning of the
twentieth century, constituted a rich and exciting battlefield for the scholars of
these respective traditions. This article aims to present some topics concerning the
definition of Iranian apocalyptics and its relation with its Jewish counterpart, as
well as to establish an updated starting point for a new scholarly debate.

zoroastrian apocalyptics or apocalytptic eschatology?

It is first necessary to set in place the methodological parameters for defining this religious
and literary phenomenon1 conceptually and chronologically.2 According to J. J. Collins, two
main types of apocalypses can be recognized in Judaism:3
The better known of these might be described as historical apocalypses. In these apocalypses,
the revelation is given in allegorical visions, interpreted by an angel. The content is primarily
historical and is given in the form of an extended prophecy. History is divided into a set number
of periods. The finale may include the national and political restoration of Israel but the empha-
sis is on the replacement of the present world by one that is radically new. The second type of
Jewish apocalypse is the otherworldly journey.

With regard to Iran, defining this term is a more complicated task. This is mainly due to
the paucity of texts and passages that might be classified as apocalyptic. Even though some
Pahlavi texts can easily be included under this category, an attempt to draw precise borders
between the contexts of Iranian apocalyptics and eschatology is almost immediately a source
of controversy. Indeed, if we also add speculations concerning the creation of the world,
collective and individual eschatology, and resurrection in the context of a mythical history
to Iranian apocalyptic, we could define this phenomenon as apocalyptic eschatology and
consider its inclusion in the discussion.4 On the other hand, if we consider apocalypticism

1. For recent scholarly research comparing Iranian and Jewish apocalyptics, see D. Flusser, The Four Empires
in the Fourth Sibyl and the Book of Daniel, in Judaism and the Origins of Christianity (Jerusalem: The Magnes
Press, 1988), 31744, and V. Dobroruka, Persian Influence on Daniel and Jewish Apocalyptic Literature, paper
given at the Dead Sea Scrolls Project Seminar, Princeton Theological Seminary, October 10, 2011. https://www.
academia.edu/1026516/Persian_influence_on_Daniel_and_Jewish_Apocalyptic_Literature.
2. A new and complete survey on the current state of apocalyptic studies, mostly in Jewish studies, is found in
J. M. Silverman, Persepolis and Jerusalem: Iranian Influence on the Apocalyptic Hermeneutic (New York: T&T
Clark, 2012), 8ff.
3. J. J. Collins, Apocalypse, an Overview, in The Encyclopedia of Religion, ed. M. Eliade (New York: Collier
Macmillan, 1987), 234.
4. M. Boyce (On the Antiquity of Zoroastrian Apocalyptic, BSOAS 47 [1984]: 57) was the first to apply this
definition to an Iranian context, borrowing it from R. H. Charles, Religious Development between the Old and the
New Testament (London: Williams & Norgate Ltd., 1914), 17.

Journal of the American Oriental Society 136.3 (2016) 495

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496 Journal of the American Oriental Society 136.3 (2016)

just as an historical phenomenon, we should not ignore the clear and convincing analysis
proposed by Ph. Gignoux:5
Dans le monde iranien, tout en maintenant la parent des termes, il me semble adquat de dfinir
leschatologie comme un ensemble de doctrines qui sont au centre de la religion mazdenne,
en relation avec la gense du monde et son histoire, formant ainsi partie dune mythologie ou
dune cosmogonie qui peut remonter Zoroastre, et a en tout cas marqu profondment toute la
pense et lthique mazdennes. Aussi pourrait-on rserver le terme dapocalypse un domaine
plus restreint, celui des prdictions faites aprs leur ralisation, dvnements historiques qui
prfigurent les catastrophes de la fin des temps. En ce sens, lapocalypse a une certaine prise
sur lhistoire, mme sil sagit dune rvlation prophtique, tandis que leschatologie pourrait
dpendre plus foncirement du mythe.

Regarding Jewish apocalyptic literature, we know that its apogee can probably be located
between the second century b.c.e. and the second century c.e. The history of the Jewish com-
munity at that time is characterized by the persecutions of the Seleucid king Antiochus IV
Epiphanes (175163 b.c.e.) and then by the persecutions of the Romans. Among these apoc-
alyptic texts, the Book of Daniel, which will be the object of our comparative analysis with
the Iranian tradition, was written circa 166 b.c.e.6
We do not have the same certitude when we try to assign a date to Iranian apocalyptic
literature. In fact, beyond some Pahlavi texts written during the Islamic period (ninth-tenth
centuries), notably the Zand Wahman Yasn,7 the Jmsp-Nmag,8 chapters thirty-three and
thirty-four of the Iranian Bundahin,9 and a few passages in Dnkard VII: 71110 and in
Dnkard IX,11 we do not have any pre-Islamic evidence.12 Most of the apocalyptic passages

5. Ph. Gignoux, Apocalypses et voyages extra-terrestres dans lIran mazden, in Apocalypses et voyages
dans lau-del, ed. Cl. Kappler (Paris: Les ditions du cerf, 1987), 35152. For a different evaluation of the relation
between Zoroastrian apocalypticism and eschatology, see M. V. Cerutti, Tematiche encratite nello zoroastrismo
pahlavico, in La Tradizione dellenkrateia, ed. U. Bianchi (Rome: Edizioni dellAteneo, 1985); A. Hultgrd, Per-
sian Apocalypticism, in The Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism, vol. 1, ed. J. J. Collins (New York: Continuum,
1998), esp. 6578; Sh. Shaked, Eschatology in Zoroastrianism and Zoroastrian Influence, in Encyclopaedia Iran-
ica 8, ed. E. Yarshater (London/New York: Routledge/Kegan Paul, 1988), esp. 56769; J. M. Silverman, Persepolis
and Jerusalem.
6. Parts of Daniel must have been written before 166 b.c.e. (see in particular D. Flusser, The Four Empires,
324, 342; id., Daniel and the Book of Daniel, in Judaism of the Second Temple Period 2 (Grand Rapids: Wm. B.
Eerdmans Publishing, 2009), 2.
7. See C. G. Cereti, The Zand Wahman Yasn: A Zoroastrian Apocalypse (Rome: IsMEO, 1995), philological
edition and translation.
8. See now D. Agostini, Aydgr Jmspg: Un texte eschatologique zoroastrien (Rome: Pontifical Biblical
Institute, 2013), 17992, philological edition and historical and religious commentary. Cf. also G. Messina, Libro
apocalittico persiano: Aytkr i mspk (Rome: Pontificio Istituto Biblico, 1939); . Benveniste, Une apoca-
lypse pehlevie: Le msp-nmak, RHR 106 (1932): 33780; and H. W. Bailey, To the Zamasp Namak III,
BSOS 6 (193032): 5585 and 581600.
9. See B. T. Anklesaria, Zand ksh: Iranian or Greater Bundahin. Transliteration and Translation in
English (Bombay: Rahnumae Mazdayasnan Sabha, 1956), 27293; and D. Agostini, Lescatologia zoroastriana nei
capitoli XXXIII e XXXIV del Bundahin iranico (Rome: University of Rome La Sapienza, 2003), 7399, philologi-
cal edition and translation.
10. M. Mol, La lgende de Zoroastre selon les textes pehlevis, ed. J. de Menasce (Paris: Peeters, 1967),
70105, transcription and translation.
11. See D. M. Madan, The Complete Text of the Pahlavi Dinkard (Bombay: Fort Printing Press, 1911), vol. I,
792, manuscript facsimile. See C. G. Cereti, The Zand Wahman Yasn, 17071.
12. The account found in two inscriptions in Fars (Iran) of the afterlife vision of Kerdr, a prominent Zoroastrian
priest in the second half of the third century c.e., is to be considered an example of an eschatological text.

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 Agostini: On Iranian and Jewish Apocalyptics, Again 497

suggest, after an initial analysis, that this literary phenomenon was a relatively widespread
genre in late Sasanian and early Islamic times.
Nevertheless, it is necessary to underline that some passages that present a strong eschat-
ological conception can already be found in the Young Avesta. Indeed, Yat 19.8896,13 or
the Zmyd Yat, of which the final composition is to be placed in Achaemenid times, can
be considered a precursor of some topics that belong to Pahlavi apocalyptic literature. These
passages deal with the coming of the future savior and his companions who will fight for the
restoration of Truth against the forces of Druz, or Falsehood.14 This text proves the antiquity
of an Iranian eschatological tradition. However if we presume a diachronic development of
some motifs (e.g., the future savior, the restoration of Truth/destruction of Falsehood) from
the time of composition of Yat 19 to the time of the writing down of the Pahlavi texts, it
is not irresponsible to consider this Young Avestan text an example of early apocalyptic
eschatology.
At present, it is evident that the question dealing with the antiquity of Iranian apocalyptics
is the pivot around which any speculation regarding relations with the other apocalyptics
should be posed.
Before comparing sections of Iranian apocalyptic literatureparticularly passages from
the Zand Wahman Yasnwith the Book of Daniel and with the Oracles of Hystaspes, a
further comment on the Iranian apocalyptic tradition should be made. Besides the above-
mentioned Pahlavi texts, we do not have in our possession any kind of Iranian or Zoroastrian
apocalyptic literary evidence that might prove the antiquity of an apocalyptic tradition. Even
though the Zand Wahman Yasn claims to be based on the Sdgar Nask15one of the lost
books of the Sasanian Avestathe apocalyptic narration is strongly related to the period fol-
lowing the Islamic conquest. This apocalyptic depiction of the upset of the status quo ante,
with the loss of Iranian identity and of the previous social and religious pattern as well as
the preservation of some eschatological and mythical materials, is all quite common in the
Pahlavi texts of the same genre.16
Moreover, even while we can detect in the above-mentioned passage of Yat 19 some
mythical topics that were later developed by subsequent apocalyptic literature, a close read-
ing of this text raises an important set of questions: Where are the anxiety, distress, and
unconditional hope that issue from the tragic, real historical events traditionally related to the
end of the millennium of Zoroaster, normally present in the late Pahlavi texts?

the book of daniel in zoroastrian context

It is time, then, to compare one of the most important books of Jewish apocalyptic lit-
erature, the Book of Daniel, with the most complete epitome of Zoroastrian apocalyptic
literature, the Zand Wahman Yasn.
In Daniel 2:3145, the young Daniel interprets a dream of the Babylonian king Nebu-
chadnezzar. In this dream, a large stone destroys a statue possessing a golden head and a

13. A. Hintze, Der Zamyd-Yat: Edition, bersetzung, Kommentar (Wiesbaden:Reichert, 1994), 36467 and
37099, philological edition and translation.
14. This account seems present already in Plutarchs Isis and Osiris, 47. However, the absence of any reference
to the future savior could mean that this account refers to the final battle between good and evil forces at the end of
the eschatological process. Notably, the description of this battle is found later in the Iranian Bundahin 34:2730.
15. On the nonexistence of an Avestan Bahman Yat, see Ph. Gignoux, Sur linexistence dun Bahman Yasht
avestique, JAAS 32 (1986): 5364. On the other hand, see W. Sundermann, Bahman Yat, in Encyclopaedia
Iranica 3, ed. E. Yarshater (London and New York: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1988), 49293.
16. See the appendix for an example of the description of apocalyptic times in Jmsp-Nmag:126.

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498 Journal of the American Oriental Society 136.3 (2016)

body composed of four different metals: silver (composing the breast and the arms), bronze
(belly and thighs), iron (legs), and iron mixed with clay (feet).
According to Daniels interpretation of this dream, the destruction of the statue stands for
the birth and the fall of four kingdoms following Nebuchadnezzars reign, which is repre-
sented by the golden head.
This idea of metallic ages represented by branches of a tree, similar to the one behind the
statue in Daniel, can be found twice in the Zand Wahman Yasn. The first occurrence is in
chapter 1:311,17 where the four metallic branches of gold, of silver, of steel, and of mixed
iron or iron and earth represent respectively the reign of King Witsp, of Kay Ardaxr,18 of
Khosrau of immortal soul (531579), and of parted-hair demons, who can be identified
with the Arabs or the Turks.
The second occurrence is found in chapter 3:1929,19 where the kingdoms and metal-
lic ages become seven: gold for King Witsp, silver for Kay Ardaxr, copper for Kings
Ardaxr (224241) and buhr I (241272), brass for the Arsacid dynasty, lead for Wahrm
Gr (420438), steel for Khosrau of immortal soul, and mixed iron or iron and earth for
parted-hair demons, who can again be identified with Arabs or Turks.
For a long time, this common idea was debated by scholars, who sought to understand
which of the two literary traditions influenced the other. Before dealing with this debate, it
is necessary to become acquainted with the origin of this myth of metallic ages. It has often
been claimed that this topic had an Iranian origin, since in Daniel it is easy to distinguish
the four kingdoms: Assyria, Media, Persia, and Greece-Macedoniaor better, Alexanders
empire and the Hellenistic kingdoms. Moreover, the preponderance given to the iron king-
dom, that of Achaemenid Persia, and its following destruction by a kingdom having an iron
core and destined to crumble as claythat is, Alexander and the Hellenistic kingdomssug-
gest an Iranian point of view.20
However, as J. Duchesne-Guillemin observed, the topic of metallic ages is known to us
already from classical times, especially from the Works and Days of Hesiod.21 It should also
be stated that the quadripartite division of the world characterizing apocalyptic traditions
is quite common in the ancient world. In fact, the representation of the world is commonly
based on four empires representing the four cardinal points and the four directions pointing
to the relationship with neighbors.22
In Daniel, the last kingdom is represented by feet of iron mixed with clay. This is the
same alloy that we find in the fourth and seventh branches of the Zand Wahman Yasn,
if we accept the reading of Gignoux, fer ml de terre23 in contrast to mixed iron, as

17. See C. G. Cereti, The Zand Wahman Yasn, 133 and 149.
18. According to Zoroastrian tradition, King Witsp was the first ruler to accept and to promulgate the religion
of Zoroaster. For a tentative identification of Kay Ardaxr, see The Zand Wahman Yasn, 173.
19.See The Zand Wahman Yasn, 135 and 15152.
20. Cf. J. W. Swain, The Theory of Four Monarchies. Opposition History under the Roman Empire, Classical
Philology 35 (1940): 121; and J. M. Silverman, Persepolis and Jerusalem, 15859.
21. J. Duchesne-Guillemin, Apocalypse juive et apocalypse iranienne, in La soteriologia dei culti orientali
nellimpero romano, ed. U. Bianchi and M. J. Vermaseren (Leiden: Brill, 1982), 756. For a detailed overview of the
four ages of the world in Indo-European culture, see G. Widengren, Les quatre ges du monde, in Apocalyptique
iranienne et dualisme qoumrnien, ed. G. Widengren et al. (Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve, 1995), 162.
22. Ph. Gignoux, Apocalypses et voyages extra-terrestres, 356. In this context it is correct to stress that the
concept of a quadripartite division of the world and of the successive four ages is not fully the same, since the former
is synchronic and the latter diachronic.
23. See Ph. Gignoux, Sur linexistence dun Bahman Yasht avestique, 5758. Gignoux has here emended
/abar/ on, with to /xk/ earth, dust. He believes that a misunderstanding between the phonetic form of /abar/
[pl] and the heterographic form of /xk/ [APLA] took place here.

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 Agostini: On Iranian and Jewish Apocalyptics, Again 499

proposed by C. G. Cereti.24 In antiquity, so it seems, an earth or clay core was necessary

for building a metallic statue. Usually, parts of this clay mold were mixed with the metal
and were not removed in order to strengthen the structure. This could explain the alloy in
Daniel, but would it make sense to apply this explanation to a tree? Moreover, if the idea of
the four metallic ages was based on an ancient Iranian tradition, how might we explain the
presence of two different models in the same book? This latter question could be answered by
suggesting that the model of four metallic ages belonged to the Zoroastrian clergy, whereas
that of seven ages belonged to the Sasanian court, which sought to adapt the kingdoms to
the number seven, along the lines of the seven regions (kiwar), the seven planets, the seven
days, and so forth.25
Returning to Daniel and in particular its fourth chapter, Nebuchadnezzars dream about a
great tree full of leaves, fruits, and birds should draw our attention. In the dream, the tree is
cut down and just the stump and the roots, bound by iron and bronze chains, are left. Daniel
interprets this dream as the apogee, the exile, and the restoration of Nebuchadnezzar, point-
ing out that the tree is the symbol of Nebuchadnezzars kingship and his power as a king.
Although at first it may seem improbable, it is worth considering whether the presence of this
tree in Daniel may have operated as a source of inspiration for the Zand Wahman Yasns
authors, or even betteras a cause of their misunderstanding in replacing the statue by a tree.
Nevertheless, the choice of a tree could be also related to the function of the cosmic tree, as
already proposed by A. Hultgrd, who sees here reflections of an Indo-European religious
world in an Iranian context.26

a further look at the oracles of hystaspes

Another important text, which is very useful in arguing for the antiquity of the Iranian
apocalyptic tradition, is undoubtedly the Oracles of Hystaspes. Its existence is already
attested from 150 c.e. by the Christian author Justin Martyr in his First Apology. Some pas-
sages of this text, which first existed in Greek, can be found in the seventh book of Divinae
Institutiones and its epitome by Lactantius, written at the beginning of the fourth century c.e.
Lactantius writes that Hystaspes (that is, Witsp), a king of Media, had a marvel-
ous dream which was interpreted by a child as announcing the fall of the Roman Empire.

24. C. G. Cereti, The Zand Wahman Yasn, 133.

25. If the number four is more commonly found in classical antiquity, the number seven was an important
number particularly in the area of Mesopotamian culture. In this context, for possible Babylonian influence, see M.
Boyce and Fr. Grenet, A History of Zoroastrianism (Leiden: Brill, 1991), vol. III, 386. Seven saecula are also men-
tioned in the Oracles of Hystaspes. Ph. Gignoux (Lapocalyptique iranienne est-elle vraiment la source dautres
apocalypses? AAASH 31 [1988]: 6778) remarks that apocalypses are often composed of seven sections; moreover,
he states that the seven metals correspond to those assigned to the planets in a Syriac source (see Ph. Gignoux, Sur
linexistence dun Bahman Yasht avestique, 59 n. 22).
It is necessary to add that the subdivision of historical time into seven ages is found in Sasanian thought uncon-
nected to discussions of apocalyptic. For example, in a very well-known passage of Dnkard IV presenting the
transmission of religious knowledge, seven kings are mentioned. See D. M. Madan, The Complete Text of the
Pahlavi Dinkard, vol. I, 411.17ff.; Sh. Shaked, Dualism in Transformation: Varieties of Religion in Sasanian Iran
(London: SOAS, 1994), 99103; and C. G. Cereti, The Zand Wahman Yasn, 18183. Furthermore, the apocalyptic
chapter thirty-three of the Iranian Bundahin lists the calamities striking rnahr as taking place across seven
millennia. Moreover, the vision journey to the afterlife of the pious Zoroastrian Wraz takes place over seven days
and nights. On millennia and millenarianism, see Ph. Gignoux, Hexamron et Millnarisme: Quelques motifs de
comparaison entre Mazdisme et Judasme, in Irano-Judaica II, ed. Sh. Shaked and A. Netzer (Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi
Institute, 1990), 7984.
26. A. Hultgrd, Mythe et histoire dans lIran ancien, in Apocalyptique iranienne et dualisme qoumrnien,
12029.

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500 Journal of the American Oriental Society 136.3 (2016)

D. Flusser suggests that the Oracles of Hystaspes was a Jewish pseudepigraph of the first
century c.e., probably composed before the destruction of the second temple.27 However,
in his rich and detailed discussion of a Zoroastrian literary precursor on which this text was
based28 he argues that only the Jewish content of Hystaspes is clearthe Persian Vorlage
is impossible to reconstruct. 29
Many years before Flussers article, H. Windisch30 and later Fr. Cumont31 similarly
pointed to the nonexistence of a genuine, clear Iranian source for this book. In a very inter-
esting article published a few years ago,32 Fr. Grenet again brought the Oracles of Hystaspes
and its presumed Iranian original source to the center of the debate.
By means of an intertextual comparison between some parts of the Oracles of Hystapes
given by Lactantius, Book VIII of the Sibylline Oracles (composed in 180 c.e. in a Jewish
milieu), and the Zand Wahman Yasn, Grenet points out some impressive parallels between a
number of parallel passages dealing with the natural calamities of apocalyptic times. Grenet
suggests that the Oracles of Hystaspes was written in a Jewish or a Jewish-Christian milieu
that was acquainted with Iranian doctrines. Furthermore, the Iranian core is indeed visible.33
It is no doubt important to recognize the merits of Grenets research for understanding
one of the most relevant problems for the determining the birth of Iranian apocalyptics,
namely, the need to find the missing link, more specifically, the text that might bridge from
the eschatological traditions of the Avesta to the historical apocalyptics of Pahlavi literature.
In addition, we are acquainted, through short Pahlavi commentaries, with a text, now lost
though probably included in the Sasanian Avesta, called Witsp sst,34 which describes the
journey of King Witsp in the afterlife.
It is true that we cannot know for certain whether there existed an Iranian tradition that
gave an eschatological role to King Witsp; on the other hand, if we suppose that the Zand
Wahman Yasn follows an ancient source still visible in the Oracles of Hystaspes, we should
state that in Sasanian times this role could have been transferred to Zoroaster in order to
assign a greater authority to the text. It is essential to point out that in the Iranian tradition,
and especially in Zoroastrianism, Jmsp, who was one of the first disciples of Zoroaster,
is considered as the medium par excellence because he received omniscience as a gift from
Ohrmazd. In the well-known Middle Persian Aydgr Jmspg (The Memorial of Jmsp)
the prophetic skills of Jmsp are celebrated. Jmsp himself foretells to King Witsp the
apocalyptic events present in chapter sixteen of the Aydgr Jmspg.
From the above, several questions arise: is it possible that the alleged Zoroastrian source
of the Oracles of Hystaspes, and perhaps of the Zand Wahman Yasn, had Jmsp himself
as the interpreter of Witsps dream? Is it possible that the presence of a child, like the one
Lactantius refers to, is just a borrowing from Daniels tradition with which the author or
authors of the Oracles of Hystaspes were acquainted?

27. D. Flusser, Hystaspes and John of Patmos, in Irano-Judaica: Studies Relating to Jewish Contacts with
Persian Culture throughout the Ages, ed. Sh. Shaked (Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute, 1982), 70.
28. Hystaspes and John of Patmos, 15.
29. Hystaspes and John of Patmos, 66.
30. H. Windisch, Die Orakel des Hystaspes (Amsterdam: Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, 1929).
31. Fr. Cumont, La fin du monde selon les mages occidentaux, RHR 103 (1931): 2996.
32. Fr. Grenet, Y a-t-il une composante iranienne dans lapocalyptique judo-chrtienne? Nouveaux regards
sur un vieux problme, Archus 1112 (20078): 1536.
33. Y a-t-il une composante iranienne, 35.
34. M. Mol, La lgende de Zoroastre selon les textes pehlevis, 5859 and 12021.

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 Agostini: On Iranian and Jewish Apocalyptics, Again 501

It is well known that except for the epitomes of the Oracles of Hystaspes given by Lac-
tantius, there is no further proof that might lead us to think that such a work was known in
Iran. Furthermore, we should not forget that in the Greek-speaking world it was common to
place works of astrological and magic material under the authority of Zoroaster, Ostanes,
and other alleged magi.

final remarks
Although scientific speculation around Iranian apocalyptics and its relations with Jewish
as well as Christian apocalyptic traditions are a fundamental element for the progress of our
discipline, it seems clear that from the point of view of the Iranian world and especially that
of Zoroastrianism, there is a clear problem in defining this religious and literary phenomenon.
This challenge has been approached by two different schools. Boyce employed the con-
cept apocalyptic eschatology, stating that most of the apocalyptic-eschatological tradi-
tions were born in Hellenistic times just after the fall of Achaemenid empire. In contrast,
Duchesne-Guillemin, Gignoux, and Cereti35 have supported the idea of a late historical
apocalyptics, although they never disclaim the antiquity and the originality of the Zoroastrian
eschatological message.36
It is critical to revisit the texts of the Zoroastrian tradition, both Avestan and Middle
Persian. Since we believe that in the Iranian tradition apocalyptic events may be an inde-
pendent stage of eschatology, we support the concept of a late historical apocalyptics. It is
indisputable that the apocalyptic narration found in Pahlavi texts is full of historical realia
and characters who can be provided with an historical identity.37
Other relevant phenomena arising from the analysis of Iranian apocalyptics are the
inconsistency and diversity of the narrative patterns as well as of the choice of apocalyptic
mediums.38
It is well known that the presence of Zoroaster in the narration and his affiliation with
some topics present in lost Avestan books were often good ploys for granting authority to
the text. Moreover, the apocalyptic chapters sixteen in the Aydgr Jmspg and thirty-
three in the Iranian Bundahin do not contain any reference to the metallic ages.39 We may
explain this by suggesting that Iran was influenced by two different apocalyptic traditions.
The first may have been conceived for the religious and court milieu while the second was

35. See J. Duchesne-Guillemin, Apocalypse juive et apocalypse iranienne, 75361; Ph. Gignoux, Nouveaux
regards sur lapocalyptique iranienne, Comptes rendus de lAcadmie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (1986):
33446; id., Apocalypses et voyages extra-terrestres, 35174; id., Lapocalyptique iranienne est-elle vraiment la
source dautres apocalypses? 6778; C. G. Cereti, The Zand Wahman Yasn, 1127.
36. For the concept of Iranian apocalyptics as related to an ancient Indo-European world, see G. Widengren,
Leitende Ideen und Quellen der iranischen Apocalyptik, in Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the
Near East, ed. D. Hellholm (Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1983), 77162. Again on the antiquity of Iranian apocalyptics
and its importance to the ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern worlds, see A. Hultgrd, Forms and Origins of
Iranian Apocalypticism, in Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the Near East, 387411.
37. See D. Agostini, Aydgr Jmspg, 15360.
38. Cf. D. Agostini, Eschatological Seers and Otherworldly Travellers in Zoroastrianism, Journal asiatique
302.1 (2014): 4773.
39. In the Iranian Bundahin two definite and highly important metal moments within Iranian eschatology
are preserved. The first (34:1819) is about the molten metal river through which the resurrected walk. The second
is about the metal that closes the gap in the sky through which Ahreman had entered. The concept of molten metal
is early Zoroastrian, being found in the Gthas 51.9, 30.7, and 32.7. In the Young Avesta (Yat 13.2) the sky is
described as of shining metal/bronze.

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502 Journal of the American Oriental Society 136.3 (2016)

conceived for a popular audience.40 The latter was the one that was related to the seer par
excellence, Jmsp, and was known among the Parsees of India at least up to the beginning
of the twentieth century. This inconsistency of some patterns of Iranian apocalyptics could
be an element proving its dependence on other apocalyptic traditions.
In this light, we can suggest some final comments regarding the relations between Daniel
and the Oracles of Hystaspes: With regard to the relation between the metallic ages of Daniel
and those of the Zand Wahman Yasn, it is more likely that Daniel influenced the compila-
tion of the Zand Wahman Yasn than vice versa. Concerning the Oracles of Hystaspes, the
absence of reliable textual sources casts doubts on the existence of an original Iranian model.
Nevertheless, the attempt of Grenet to identify an Iranian background in this text can be a
valid starting point for a new methodological approach.
Beginning from the Religionsgeschichte Schule, represented by W. Bousset, R. Reitzen-
stein, R. Otto, etc., at the beginning of twentieth century, scholars repeatedly tried to dem-
onstrate the antiquity or lateness of Iranian apocalyptic traditions in order to define their
independence or dependence from other traditions. That said, it seems rather obvious that
before such attempts should be made, it would be profitable to define the methodology for
dealing with the Iranian apocalyptics and eschatology relationship.
Supporting the idea of a clear-cut separation between Iranian apocalyptics and eschatol-
ogy, we have avoided considering any kind of speculation regarding Iranian influences on
the Jewish world in regard to topics concerning eschatology. In this context, the Qumranic
revolution was a new and important stage for the field.41 Nevertheless, we always have to
consider the strong influence that the classical and Hellenistic world exerted on the Judeo-
Iranian world.
In this mare magnum of hypotheses and ideas about the possibility of mutual influences
or parallels, it would not be inappropriate to mention the ancient proverb about the egg and
the hen. Similarly, as unscientific and philosophical as it may at first seem, we might also cite
Jungs theory of the collective unconscious for understanding the use of similar numerical
patterns or symbolic motives. Moreover, it seems too complicated to define which type of
transmission and contacts we are faced with: whether a cultural and religious interaction
which of course is very common in human historyor an interpretive literary influence, or
a discrete borrowing adapted to religious exigencies.42 We think that it is more useful to
evaluate the extent and the importance of these contacts rather than seeking to trace the pres-
ence of any direct or indirect influence.43 Indeed, going after further speculations may reduce
this important field of studies to an otiose debate.
To sum up, we can say that beyond the influences or parallels that are more or less vis-
ible, any apocalyptic tradition maintains its own originality due to the particular causes that
pushed the authors to conceive it. These causes would definitely vary diachronically within

40. Cf. D. Agostini, Popular Apocalyptics in Pahlavi Literature Context: The Jmsp-Nmag Revisited, Stu-
dia Iranica 42 (2013): 4356.
41. See Sh. Shaked, Qumran and Iran: Further Considerations, IOS 2 (1972): 43346; id., Iranian Influence
on Judaism: First Century b.c.e. to Second Century c.e., in Cambridge History of Judaism, ed. W. D. Davies and
L. Finkelstein (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1984), vol. I, 30825; M. Philonenko, La doctrine qoumrni-
enne des deux Esprits, in Apocalyptique iranienne et dualisme qoumrnien, 163211.
42. For a detailed study of these different categories of transmission, see J. M. Silverman, Persepolis and Jeru-
salem, 3438. On the notion of influence, see J. M. Silverman, Iranian Influence on Judaism, Trinity College,
October 2011. http://www.bibleinterp.com/articles/sil358017.shtml.
43. Similarly, Sh. Shaked, Iranian Influence on Judaism, 309.

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 Agostini: On Iranian and Jewish Apocalyptics, Again 503

each religion tradition as well as synchronically across contemporary religions. No narrative

or thematic comparative analysis is able to tarnish this simple independence.

appendix
Jmsp Nmag 126: DS - :5. 44

1) pursd witsp h k n dn abzag and sl rawg bawd <ud> pas az n wm

ud zamnag rasd 2) guft-i jmsp bidax k n dn [] hazr sl rawg bawd pas awn
mardomn andar n wm bawnd +hamg mihrdrujh stnd k abg did kn ud +arek
ud dr kunnd ud pad n im rnahr tazgn abesprnd ud tazgn har rz pad rz
+nrgtar +bawnd ud ahr [] ahr frz grnd

3) mardm abrnh ud dr wardnd ud har i <> n gwnd <ud> kunnd az-n

xw-tan sdmandtar u-n [ud] rawin <> frrn azi appr bawd 4) pad abddh <>
n rnahr *dahibedn br garn rasd ud mr *zarrn ud *asmn <ud> *was-iz ganj
[] ud xwstag *anbr kunnd 5) ud hamg wany <ud> a-paydg bawd ud *was-iz ganj []
ud xwstag <ud> +hgn dast ud +pdixyh <> dumenn rasd ud margh <> ab
zamnag was bawd 6) ud hamg rnahr dast <awn> dumenn rasd ud anrn *dar
rn gumzhnd dn k rh az anrh paydg n bawd n <> *rh abz anrh stnd
7) ud pad n wad wm n tuwngar n driy farrox drnd n <> driy xwad far-
rox n bawd ud zdn <ud> wuzurgn +zndagh <> ab-mizag *rasnd u-n margh
dn xwa sahd iyn pid ud md wnin frazand ud mdar duxtar pad kbn be bawd
8) ud duxt *k- azi zyd pad wahg be frxd ud pus [ud] pidar ud mdar zand u- andar
zndagh az kadag-xwadyh jud kund ud keh brdar [ud] meh brdar zand u- xwstag
azi be stnd u- <+xwstag> ry zr ud a-rstag abar gwd ud zan y <> xw pad
margarzn be dahd
9) ud *xwurdag ud a-paydg mardm paydgh rasd ud zr ud gugyh [ud] <> +a-rst
ud dr frx awd 10) ab k abg did nn ud my xwarnd ud pad dsth rawnd ud rz
<> dudgar pad gyn k dudgar rag sznd ud wad +handnd 11) ud andar n <> wad
wm n k- frazand nst pad farrox drnd n <> k- frazand ast pad am xwr drnd
ud was mardom +uzdehgh [pad] <ud> bgnh ud saxth rasd
12) ud +andarwy ftag ud sard wd ud garm wd wazd ud bar urwarn km be
bawd ud zamg az bar [] b awd. 13) ud bm-andag wasyr be bawd ud was awranh
be kund ud wrn ab-hangm wrd ud n k *wrd ab-sd ud wad bawd ud abr abar
<asmn> gardd 14) ud dibr az [pad] nibit <> wad yd ud har kas az guft ud gwin <>
nibit ud paymn abz stnd 15) ud har mardm k-<> andak wehh - zndagh ab-
mizagtar <ud> wattar bawd ud kadzag <> be *kard xnag bawd
16) ud +aswr *pad payg ud payg pad +aswr <bawd> ud +bandagn pad rh zdn
rawnd [ud] b-n zdh pad tan mehmn n bawd 17) ud mardm <> n <> w
afssgarh ud abrn kuninh wardnd ud mizag a-rst be dnnd u-+n mihr ud dram
ry pad [ud] *dehg 18) mardm +aburny zd pr awnd ud har kas <> az wad kuninh <>
xw d bawd pad abar-mnd drnd 19) ud ahr [] ahr ud deh [] deh ud rstg [] rstg
k abg did kxin krezrh kunnd <ud> az dudgar i pad abar stnnd
20) ud +sturg ud +ruzd ud stahmag mard pad nw drnd ud fraznag ud wh-dn mardm
pad dw drnd ud kas-iz kas pad abyist xw pad kmag n rasnd 21) ud mardm <>
pad n <> wad wm +zynd az hen <ud> ry [saxt] saxttar bawnd {b ham xn ud gt
bawnd *eny az sang +saxttar bawnd} 22) ud afss ud riyahrh payryag bawd ud har kas

44.See Aydgr Jmspg, 34251.

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504 Journal of the American Oriental Society 136.3 (2016)

<> bgnagh ud [dm ohrmazd be kund] ud az xwh <> ahreman druwand rasnd ud
*mihrdrujh <> winh andar n wm was kunnd 23) tz ud zd-dast passox rasnd iyn
b-tzin drayb 24) ud taxn rnahr *hanjmin <ud> afsrin rasnd ud xr ud
xwstag dast anrn <> druwandn rasd ud +hamg ag-dn be bawnd 25) ud xwstag
was gird *kunnd u- bar n xwarnd ud +hamg dast <> slrn <> ab-sdn rasd 26)
ud har kas kard kunin y did n passandnd ud saxth ud angh <ry> -n az awn
abar rasd [ud] zndagh ab-mizag ud margh <pad> pnagh drnd
1) King Witsp asked: How many years will this pure religion be current? And after
that which epoch and which time will arrive? 2) Jmsp, the bidax (viceroy, constable),
answered: This pure religion will be current for one thousand years; then all those men
living in that epoch will commit perjury; they will perpetrate against each other revenge,
jealousy, and deception, and on account of that they will deliver rnahr to the Arabs and
the Arabs will become stronger day by day and they will seize cities one by one.
3) Men will turn to sin and deception and everything they say and do <will be> that which
is most advantageous for themselves; and they will mock the good conduct (lit., and the good
conduct will be taken away from them). 4) Due to the anarchy this rnahr will become a
heavy burden on the princes; and they will amass an immense quantity of gold and silver as
well as many treasures and properties. 5) And everything will be destroyed and disappear,
and many treasures, properties, and royal palaces will also fall into the hands of the enemies
and will be under their authority. And premature deaths will abound. 6) And all rnahr will
fall into the hands of those enemies and non-Iranians will mix with Iranians so that Iranic-
ness (the Iranian being) will become indistinguishable from non-Iranicness: Non-Iranicness
will overtake (lit., will proceed) Iranicness.
7) And during this evil age, rich men will deem lucky poor men <but> those same poor
men will not be lucky. And the nobles and the grandees will proceed along a disgusting life,
and they will deem death as sweet as the look of a son for a father and a mother, and of a
daughter with <her> dowry for a mother. 8) And she will sell <her> daughter, whom she
conceived, for a price; and the son will hit <his> father and mother and will deprive them of
family authority during their life. And the younger brother will hit the elder brother and will
rob him of his property and he will tell lies against him and will slander <him> because of
his property. A wife will commit a mortal sin against her own husband.
9) Plebeians and obscure men will become famous, and false testimonies (perjuries), slan-
ders, and lies will abound. 10) At night they will eat bread, drink wine together, and walk as
friends, and the day after they will conspire against each others lives and will think badly.
11) And during this evil age, whoever will not have sons will be considered lucky, and who-
ever will have sons will be considered despicable in the eyes <of the others>, and many men
will go into exile and leave to foreign lands where they will fall into poverty.
12) The atmosphere <will be> upset and cold winds as well as hot winds will blow, and
fruits of trees will decrease and the earth will be barren. 13) <There will be> many earth-
quakes that will cause a lot of destruction. Rain will fall off-season and that which will fall
will be profitless and harmful; and clouds will swirl in the sky. 14) And the scribe will arrive
with bad writings, and everybody will abandon uttered and written words, as well as pacts.
15) And for every man who will be <enjoying> a little happiness in this age, life will <still>
be most insipid and disgusting; and a built hovel will be like a house.
16) The horseman will become a pawn and the pawn a horseman; slaves will march along
the road of the nobles, but the nobility will not reside in their body; 17) and men will con-
stantly turn to derision and bad deeds, and they will know the taste of slander, and friendship
and love will appear vulgar to them. 18) Young men will soon become old, and whoever

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 Agostini: On Iranian and Jewish Apocalyptics, Again 505

will be happy of his own evil deeds will have privileges. 19) And every city, every village,
and every district will struggle and fight against each other and will loot the goods of others.
20) And violent, greedy, and despotic men will be regarded as brave, <while> wise men
and the disciples of the Good Religion will be regarded as demons. And nobody will achieve
what his own desire wished for. 21) And during this evil age, the men born will be harder
than iron and bronze {although they will be also of blood and of flesh, they will be harder
than stone}. 22) And mockery and taunt will be an ornament; everyone will approach for-
eigners and <will be> the propriety of the evil Ahreman. And during this evil age they will
commit the sin of perjury.
23) The answers will come fast and violent like the flowing of water into the sea. 24) Fires
of rnahr will cease to burn and will go out, goods and property will fall into the hands of
the wicked non-Iranians, and everyone will be infidel. 25) And they will raise a lot of goods,
and they will not eat <their> fruits, <but> everything will arrive in the hands of incompetent
governors. 26) And everyone will disapprove of actions done by others. On account of the
poverty and the harm which will arrive to them by those, they will consider life disgusting
and death will be considered as a shelter.

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