Prayer Book) on the Feast of the Annunciation (March 25) we find

juxtaposed as the Old and the New Testament lessons Genesis

3:1-15 and Romans 5:12-21. If Christ corresponds to Adam, then
implicitly Mary corresponds to Eve.
Thus we find ourselves profoundly grateful for Canon de Satg's
theological insights, and encouraged to develop a distinctively An-
glican Mariology, not of course in opposition to that of Rome or of
Eastern Orthodoxy, but as one of pluralistic possibilities of our
common Christian faith.

James Dallen

The Imposition of Hands in Penance:

A Study in Liturgical History
This article studies the evolution of the ritual gesture of the imposi-
tion of hands in the historical development of the Church's peniten-
tial system in an effort to ascertain its liturgical function and
theological significance.1 The essay originates from a presumption
that in liturgy, as in other areas of human living, gesture precedes
the verbal expression of meaning and that the evolution of this litur-
gical gesture may serve as a convenient focus of attention for inter-
preting the significance of the changes in sacramental penance
through the centuries. It is my conviction that the importance of the
past liturgy of penance for theological understanding cannot be
overemphasized. Historians of dogma and systematic theologians,
however, have frequently failed to make adequate use of liturgical
sources or even to make use of them at all, reflecting on past
theologies instead. An analysis of the doctrinal content of the peni-
Fr. Dallen, of the diocese of Salina, Kansas, is assistant professor of religious
studies at Rosemont College, Rosemont, Pennsylvania.
1
Godfrey Diekmann has suggested that the laying on of hands, viewed as a ges-
ture of conferring the Spirit, was the basic sacramental gesture of the early Church
and that the sacramental reform inaugurated by Vatican II has as a principal objective
the restoration of this rite so as to recover the pneumatological significance of the
sacraments. See his "The Laying On of Hands: The Basic Sacramental Rite," Proceed-
ings of the Catholic Theological Society of America 29 (1974) 339-351. As will be seen, the
conclusion needs to be slightly nuanced when penance alone is considered.

Reginald H. Fuller
224
tential euchology through the ages is needed as a foundation for any
synthesis of the theology of penance. It is hoped that this study can
contribute to that analysis.
It is also my conviction that ritual is a significant indicator of the
state of a social body and that the evolution of bodily gesture in
liturgical worship is an index to the changing self-understanding
and cohesiveness of the Christian community in its varying sociocul-
2
tural contexts through history. Again, while such a study and corre
lation is beyond my powers and the scope of this article, I hope that
it can provide useful data for such a study.

3
ANCIENT PENANCE
Early References. As early as the third century Timothy 5:22 was
taken to refer to a rite of reconciliation. The common recent interpre
tation has referred it to ordination, but the present state of scripture
scholarship appears to regard the text as a possible reference to a
reconciliation through the imposition of hands. 4 Since no firm con
clusion is possible at this time, we cannot claim with certainty to
have in Scripture such a rite associated with forgiveness of sin.
Our first sure reference to the laying on of hands for forgiveness is
in the Philosophoumena (Contra haereses) of Hippolytus, written be
tween 222 and the author's death in 235. Hippolytus refers to a sec
ond baptism in the Valentinian sect consisting of the imposition of
hands and presumably derived from the Church. 5 Origen, writing
shortly after 244, provides us with the first clear reference to such a
2
See, for example, Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction
of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge (Garden Qty: Doubleday Anchor
1966) and Mary Douglas, Natural Symbols: Explorations in Cosmology (New York: Ran
dom House Vintage 1973). While I would not accept in toto these authors' comments,
Douglas's insights are particularly provocative.
3
We will follow the historical divisions suggested by Cyrille Vogel, Le Pcheur et la
pnitence dans l'glise ancienne (Paris: Editions du Cerf 1966) 10-11. He advises against
using such terms as "public" penance in the ancient period as that would imply the
simultaneous existence of a "private" form.
4
The question is whether the whole of 1 Timothy 5:17-22 is treating one topic
exclusively. Joseph Coppens, L'Imposition des mains (Paris: Gabalda 1925) 125-131, dis-
cusses the exegesis of this passage and concludes that it refers to ordination. The
Jerome Biblical Commentary states that it is not a reconciliation rite, but the general state
of the question seems to be that it is possibly such. See Jerome Murphy-O'Connor,
"Sin and Community in the New Testament," in Denis O'Callaghan, ed., Sin and
Repentance (Staten Island, N.Y.: Alba House 1967) 31-33.
5
VI, 41 (Patrologia graeca [PG] 16:3260).

Imposition of Hands
225
 rite in the Church, applying James 5:14 to the penitential system,
"where too what the apostle James said is fulfilled: '. . . and let
them impose hands on h i m / " 6
We have evidence, then, that such a rite was known in Rome and
in Alexandria in the second quarter of the third century and that it
was understood as the Church's prayer for the penitent's forgive-
ness. While the evidence for this is minimal, we have very little data
regarding the penitential process during the first two centuries. Yet
when penance was formally institutionalized and canonically regu-
lated in the mid-third century, the rite of imposing hands was
sufficiently traditional to be taken for granted. Since much of this
legislation developed out of the controversy over the manner of re-
conciling apostates and heretics, we will examine this data before
analyzing the development of the penitential system proper.

Reconciliation of Apostates and Heretics. Cyprian's writings at the time

of the Decan persecution (250) provide abundant evidence that the
imposition of hands was already associated with penance and recon-
ciliation at Carthage. This can be seen from his matter-of-fact refer-
ence to it as the way both for penitents and for apostates and heretics
to return to pax cum Ecclesia (peace with the Church) or to pax
Ecclesiae (peace of the Church).
Cyprian's absence during the persecution (and Rome being with-
out a bishop at the same time) made the reconciliation of penitents
problematic because this reconciliation was reserved to the bishop. As
Cyprian complains,7 his absence did not deter the martyrs, confes-
sors and priests from making alternate arrangements which did not
include the imposition of the bishop's hand. In laying down the pro-
cedures to be followed pending his return 8 Cyprian again witnesses
to the use of the rite both for receiving a person as a penitent and for
granting the ius communicationis, with the latter usage even more
6
In Leoit., horn. 2, 2 (PG 12:419). Note that where James calls for the presbyters to
"pray over" the sick man, Origen applies this to the penitent sinner, diseased by sin,
and calls for the imposition of hands. The gesture is thus the Church's prayer for the
penitent.
7
Ep. 15,1 (Corpus scriptorum ecdesiasticorum latinorum [CSEL] 3/2:514), ad-
dressed to the martyrs and confessors, and Ep. 16, 2 (CSEL 3/2:518), addressed to the
priests and deacons.
8
p. 17, 2 (CSEL 3/2:522); Ep. 18, 1 (CSEL 3/2:523-524); Ep. 19, 2 (CSEL 3/2:525);
Ep. 20, 3 (CSEL 3/2:528).

James Dallen
226
dosely linked to the eucharistie sacrifice in the De lapsis.9 This ius
communicationis is a right to share the community's life in the Spirit,
reaching its summit in the Eucharist.
It is not to our purpose here to enter into the rebaptism con-
troversy, but it is of interest that the rite of imposing hands was to
be used both for reconciling a baptized Christian who had gone over
to the heretics and now wishes to return 10 and for reconciling some-
one baptized outside the Church. 11 Like Tertullian, Cyprian rejected
the efficacy of initiation rites performed by heretics because of the
impossibility, as he viewed it, of receiving the Spirit outside the
Church. The problem, then, is whether the imposition of hands on
those baptized outside the Church is the reconciliation of penance or
confirmation, but in either case it does have both an ecclesial and
pneumatic significance. By 256 the rite was sufficiently established
to be traditional and Pope Stephen could say, "nihil innovetur nisi
quod traditum est" (no innovation; remain with tradition).12
Cyprian appears to know a three-stage penitential process consist-
ing of exomologesis (acknowledgment), paenitentia (doing of penance)
and recondliatio (reconciliation).13 If, as would seem to be the case,
the laying on of hands was used ritually to mark both the beginning
(exomologesis) and the completion (recondliatio) of paenitentia, this
would account for the fact that his references to this rite can be in-
terpreted either as an exorcism or as the granting of peace with the
Church through the communion of the Holy Spirit.14 It should be
noted that the primary significance of this rite for Cyprian does not
seem so much to be the direct giving of the Spirit as the giving of
peace with the Church through the communion of the Holy Spirit.
Only when he is speaking more directly of the rite which we would

9 16 (CSEL 3/2:248).
10
"Satis sit in paenitentia manum imponere"; Ep. 71, 2 (CSEL 3/2:772-773). See
also the Sententia episcoporum of the Council of Carthage, 8, 30, 63, 77.
11
Ep. 73, 6 (CSEL 3/2:783)
12
In Cyprian, Ep. 74, 1 (CSEL 3/2:799).
13
In addition to the above references, see Ep. 16, 2 and De lapsis 28.
14
Karl Rahner notes that the imposition of hands in reconciliation can be inter-
preted in Cyprian either as the final exorcism (which, I would add, takes place
through the action of the Spirit) or as the grant of pax cum Ecclesia, which is the
communication of the Spirit. He considers the latter more probable. See his "Die
Busslehre des heiligen Cypriani," Zeitschrift fr katholischen Theologie 74 (1952)
257-276, especially 266.

Imposition of Hands
227
 be inclined to call confirmation, in the case of reconciling those bap
tized outside the Church, does he speak explicitly of the conferral of
the Spirit. In all other cases it is the pax which is uppermost in his
mind, although this is obviously closely related to his pneumatic
view of the Church.
De rebaptismate, written after 256 and probably before Cyprian's
death in 258, connects in a more direct fashion the imposition of
hands and the conferral of the Spirit in the reconciliation of apos
tates and heretics, noting its traditional character.15 But it raises
again the question of whether penance or confirmation is being re
ferred to, since it calls the rite both "penance" and "spiritual bap
tism." 1 6 The Didaskalia, originating in northern Syria before the
middle of the third century, shows that the rite was not confined to
Rome, Alexandria and Carthage. 17 Its references make no clear dis
tinction between the laying on of hands for penance and for reconcil
iation, but two important characteristics should be noted. There is,
first, a more explicit reference to the public nature of the ritual and
the intercessory role of the gathered community. Second, there is a
clear paralleling of baptism and the imposition of hands and there is an
explicit statement that both confer the Spirit. On the basis of this
parallelism it is likely that the laying on of hands to make a
catechumen and the laying on of hands in penance ("making a peni
tent") function in the same way as a rite of exorcism. Thus the im
position of hands both at the beginning and at the end of penance
was interpreted as the conferring of the Holy Spirit through the
prayer of the Spirit-filled community and the imposition of hands by
the Spirit-filled bishop and clergy.18 This helps to further clarify
Cyprian's sometimes ambiguous usage. 1 9
In the fourth and fifth centuries it becomes even clearer that the
imposition of hands on apostates and on those baptized outside the
Church is regarded as a ritual conferring the Spirit, although in this
15
De rebaptismate 1 (CSEL 3/3:69).
16
De rebaptismate 1 (CSEL 3/3:69); 4 (CSEL 3/3:74); 10 (CSEL 3/3:82).
17
Didaskalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum, ed. F. X. Funk, (Paderborn: Schoeningh
1905) , 8, 7; II, 4i, 2; , 42, ; Didaskalia Apostolorum, ed. R. . Connolly (Oxford:
Clarendon Press 1929), pp. 56, 104, 106-107.
18
The same emphasis on the Spirit in the community and in the bishop is found in
Hippolytus' Apostolic Tradition, although we find there no reference to the laying on of
hands in penance.
19
See n. 14 above.

James Dallen
228
latter case there is still the problem whether this was regarded as
penance or as the partial repetition of the rites of initiation.20 Rebap-
tism as such was almost universally rejected by the end of the
period, but the efficacy of initiation rites outside the Church in terms
of giving the Spirit was still in question. Thus the imposition of
hands for giving the Spirit is called for by the First Synod of Aries
(314),21 Pope Siricius (384-398) , 22 and by the Luciferian in Jerome's
Contra luciferianos,23 whether interpreted as penance or as confirma-
tion.
Like Cyprian, Augustine emphasizes the "peace of the Church" 24
and offers a comment which may reflect a clearer distinction be-
tween reconciliation and confirmation.25 But he too stresses the need
for union with the Church if the sacraments are to be effective and
the Spirit is to be given.26 Optatus of Milevus similarly refers to the
inconsistency of the Donatists using the rite to signify forgiveness in
their Eucharist.27
In 404 Pope Innocent I repeats that those baptized by heretics are
not to be rebaptized but only to receive the imposition of hands, 28
20
The distinction of seven separate sacramental signs is, of course, a development
which came much later and which can perhaps itself be associated with the disinte-
gration of initiation and a corresponding dissolution of community cohesiveness. Gal-
tier examines the problem in "Imposition des mains," Dictionnaire de Thologie
Catholique [DTC], ed. A. Vacant et al. (Paris: ditions Letouzey et An 1930fr) 7:1398;
Coppens notes the confusion of the two, especially in the East: L'Imposition des mains
(. 4 above) 384, 387-392. For a study of texts to the modern period, see C. E.
Pocknee, "Confirmation and the Reconciliation of Heretics and Apostates," Church
Quarterly Review 166 (1965) 357-361.
21
Canon 8 (Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, ed. J. D. Mansi,
2:472. Cf. Canon 8 of the First Council of Nicaea (Mansi, 2:680).
22
Ep. 1, 2, ad Himerium (PL 13:1133), addressed to the Spanish bishops regarding
Arians, and Ep. ad episc. Africae 5 (PL 13:1159-1160). In a perhaps exaggerated state
ment this is regarded by him as the universal custom of East and West.
23
Contra luciferianos 6 (PL 23:160).
24
De baptismo 2, 7, 11 (CSEL 51:186).
25
De baptismo 3, 16, 21 (CSEL 51:213). Although he is speaking directly of the rec
onciliation of apostates and heretics, the statement is general.
26
De baptismo 5, 20, 28 (CSEL 51:285-286); 3, 16, 21 (CSEL 51:212); 5, 23, 33 (CSEL
51:290); Sermo 269, 2 (PL 38:1235-1236).
27
De schismate Donatistarum 2, 20 (PL 11:975). See also 1, 24; 2, 25; Contra Parmen. 2,
25. Presumably the Donatists placed this rite prior to the liturgy of Eurcharist as did
the Catholics.
28
Ep. 2, ad Victricium (PL 20:475).

Imposition of Hands
229
 and in 415 he appears to relate this more directly to penance than to
confirmation.29 But Pope Leo the Great in 458 again speaks of both
paenitentia and confirmation0 Pope Vigilius (537-555) carefully distin
guishes: "Their reconciliation does not take place through that im
position of hands which is done through the invocation of the Holy
Spirit but rather through that [imposition of hands] by which the
fruit of penance is acquired and restoration of the holy communion
is perfected/' 31 In 601 Pope Gregory the Great summarizes the vari
ous ways in East and West of reconciling those baptized outside the
Church. 32
To this point we have seen something of the development of pen
ance in relation to the reconciliation of apostates and heretics and
the role of the imposition of hands. We have seen that this rite, as
early as Cyprian, appears to have been used both at the beginning
and at the completion of penance as well as in the reconciliation of
29
Ep. 24, 3, ad Alexandrum (PL 20:550-551): "sub imagine paenitentiae ac Sancti
Spiritus sanctificatione per manus impositionem suscipimus; we receive them as by
penance and the sanctification of the Holy Spirit through the imposition of hands."
30
Ep. 159, 6-7, ad Nicetam (PL 54:1138-1139); Ep. 166,2, ad Neonem (PL 54:1194); Ep.
117, 18, ad Rusticum (PL 54:1209).
31
Ep. ad Eutherium, 3 (PL 69:18). ". . . quorum tarnen recondliatio non per illam
impositionem manus quae per invocationem Sancti Spiritus fit, operatur sed per illam
qua paenitentiae fructus acquiritur et sanctae communionis restitutio perficitur."
32
Ep. 67, ad Quiricum (PL 77:1205-1206). He refers to the Eastern practice of recon
ciling by means of anointing. The same practice may be found in the West: Aries ,
canons 17, 26 (Mansi 7:880-881); the seventh century Spanish Liber Ordinum (ed. M.
Ferotin; Paris: Librairie de Firmin-Didot 1904), XXXVII, 102; Isidore of Seville, De ec-
cles. officiis II, 25, 9 (PL 83:822) in II, 27 he refers to confirmation; Hildephonsus of
Toledo, De cognitione baptismi 121 (PL 96:121), who explains trie importance of the
imposition of hands in 128 (PL 96:164-165). The oil used in the East was generally the
oil of the sick rather than chrism; see Coppens, L'Imposition (. 4 above) 377, and his
references.
When used in the reconciliation of apostates and heretics anointing is a further
indication of the uncertainty whether theriteis confirmation or penance. As it comes
to be used in penance for the dying it indicates a close relationship between penance
and the anointing of the sick. Near the end of the period penance was generally
postponed until this point. A study of the significance of the two oils in East and
West, and of which one was used in penance, could be valuable. It seems likely that
the uncertainty about which one to use resulted from the twofold significance of the
laying on of hands in the full system of penance exorcism and the giving of the ius
communicationis and the abbreviation of the full system which was required in the
case of the dying. In either case, whether in relation to confirmation or in relation to
the anointing of the sick, anointing is functionally equivalent to the laying on of
hands.

James Dallen

230
apostates and heretics. We must now attempt a further analysis of
this rite's significance within the penitential system proper.

The Structures of Penance. Ancient penance reached its institutional

height in the fifth century, but even prior to that we find that its
liturgical structures have become well defined: a ceremony wherein
the repentant sinner begins his paenitentia, special intercessions by
the assembly and blessings by the bishop during the time he spends
in the order of penitents, and then, at the completion of the paeniten
tia, recondliatio by which he is restored to communion with the
Church. The rite of imposition of hands is central to all of these.
The rite of being received into penance or of the giving of pen
ance, frequently termed the "blessing of penance," 3 3 was given in
dividually to the penitents in the context of the liturgical assembly.
We find evidence for this as early as the Council of Laodicea in 350
where it is commanded that after the prayer of the catechumens and
their dismissal, the prayer of those in penance takes place. "After
these have come up under the hand" and are dismissed, the prayer
of the faithful is made and the Eucharist is celebrated.34 Augustine
also speaks of the individual blessing of penitents at the community
Eucharist. 35 While it is frequently difficult to distinguish the initial
blessing of the penitent from the later ones he is to receive, it is clear
that the person subject to the discipline of ancient penance receives
these blessings publicly.36 Leo the Great explains the significance:
"they can be cleansed by fastings and the imposition of hands," 3 7
and Felix III shows how long this can take: "for seven years let them
as penitents receive the laying on of hands from the priests." 3 8 He
also brings out an aspect of the rite's significance: "they should not
33
Aries III, canon 24 (Mansi 9:18); Vita Hilarii 13, 16 (PL 50:1233). Cf. Praedestinatus
3/ 8 (PL 53:644).
34
Canon 19 (Mansi 2:567).
35
Ep. 149, 16 (CSEL 44:363); Sermo 232, 7, 8 (PL 38:1111).
36
Hippo, canon 30 (Mansi 3:923); this is almost identical to Carthage , canon 32
(Mansi 3:885). See also Jerome, Ep. , 4 (PL 22:692).
37
Ep. 167, inq. 19 (PL 54:1209). Leo is speaking of those baptized as infants but
captured and raised by pagans and responding to an inquiry as to what is to be done
if they seek entrance to the Church. He adds that if they have taken part in idol
worship or are guilty of murder or fornication, "they should not be admitted to com
munion except through public penance."
38
Ep. 13, 3, 6 (Epistolae Romanorum Pontificum Genuinae, ed. Andreas Thiel
(Brunsberg: Peter 1868) L263).

Imposition of Hands
231
 be upset to bow down before God if they were not afraid to deny
h i m . " 3 9 The significance of the rite during this period is seen from
the fact that it becomes a technical term for the state of penance, as
evidenced by Felix commanding that no one reconcile "a penitent or
one who is under the priest's hand" without authorization. 40
The Council of Agde (506) commands penitents to receive this
blessing 41 and reserves it to the bishop. 4 2 According to the Synod of
Gerona (517) one who receives the blessing by means of viaticum in
serious illness and recovers does not again receive the imposition of
hands. 4 3 Thus, as the Synod of Barcelona (540) also says, one who
receives penance and then recovers is to live for the appointed time
as a penitent, "except for the imposition of hands." 4 4 The Council of
Toledo is even more explicit on the regular repetition of the blessing
during the period of penance, 4 5 and the Gallican Statuta Ecclesiae
Antiquae have the same requirement. 46
In fifth century Rome this took place after the postcommunion
prayer of the mass. There was a "prayer over the penitents," fol
lowed by the individual laying on of hands in blessing while the
penitents knelt. Then the congregation stood with bowed heads
while the bishop, hands extended, blessed all the people. 4 7 The Sy
rian Apostolic Constitutions (c. 400), following on the Didaskalia, also
have a blessing of penitents in the community liturgy. 48
39
Ep. 13, 3, 6 (Thiel, 263-264).
40
Ep. 13, 6 (Thiel, 265). In Ep. 13,4, 7 (Thiel, 264), he comments that "communion
is to be restored to youths after they have remained under the imposition of hands for
a while."
41
Canon 15 (Mansi 8:327).
42
Canon 44 (Mansi 8:332).
43
Canon 9 (Mansi 8:550).
44
Canon 8 (Mansi 9:110).
45
Canon 11 (Mansi 9:995). The council was held in 589.
46
Canon 80 (PL 56:886). Canon 78 is an exception to the apparent rule that those
reconciled when in danger of death are not to receive a further imposition of hands:
"they are not to think themselves loosed (absolutos) without the imposition of the
hand."
47
Jungmann contends that the prayer over the penitents gradually coalesced with
the blessing of the people and became the "prayer over the people." See his Die
lateinischen Bussriten in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung (Innsbruch: Rauch 1932) 14-20,
38-44.
48
Book , 18, 39, 41, 43. In Book VIII, 9, the section is entitled "Imposition of
Hands and Prayer for Penitents," but there is no further mention of the gesture; the
prayer is for forgiveness and restoration to the Church. These prayers are from about
the beginning of the fifth century.

James Dallen

232
 What was the significance of this blessing of the penitents through
the imposition of hands? Particularly from the references to purifica-
tion and from the fact that those recovering after receiving
"deathbed penance" were to continue to do penance but without
this blessing, it would seem that it was regarded as a form of exor-
cism analogous to that performed during the catechumenate, with
the same Spirit context as that rite. It should be recalled that the
reconciliation of apostates and heretics apparently took place simply
through the one laying on of hands. We find no clear evidence of
repetition as in the penitential process.
At the close of the period of penance the penitents were solemnly
reconciled to the Church, at the request of the archdeacon and the
interventions of the people, through the intercession of the bishop
and his imposition of hands. As in the case of the reconciliation of
apostates and heretics, so here: through the imposition of hands by
the bishop the penitents are restored to communion with the
Church and receive the Holy Spirit. Jerome is particularly explicit on
this interrelation of community and Spirit.49 We hayeseen that Pope
Vigilius was careful to distinguish this laying on of hands from that
which we would be more inclined to see as confirmation.50 The im-
pression is frequently given that the laying on of hands does not so
much itself give the Spirit in this case, as restore access to the
Eucharist through which the penitent is once more filled with the
Spirit. It is the tus communications, the "right to share," which is
primary: solidarity with the Spirit-filled community expressed most
significantly in its Eucharist. This, then, completes the parallel with
baptism which also reaches its completion in the Eucharist: the Spirit
49
Contra luciferianos 5 (PL 23:159): "The priest offers his oblation on behalf of the
layman; he imposes hands on the one subject to it; he prays for the return of the Holy
Spirit, and thus by the other public prayer he reconciles to the people the one who
had been handed over to Satan for the destruction of the flesh so that the Spirit might
save him. And no sooner is the one member restored to health than all the members
come together as a whole. The father finds it easy to pardon his son when the mother
begs on behalf of her flesh and blood." Jerome goes on to speak of how the priest
cannot himself receive the imposition of hands in penance. This is a common theme;
see, for example, Leo the Great, Ep. 167, ad Rusticum; Carthage VI, canon 11 (Mansi
3:970). The notion that such an imposition of hands would insult the Spirit already
received supports the interpretation that the blessing of penitents functioned as an
exorcism and as a consecration to a specific way of life and that thefinalreconciliation
involved the Spirit in a special way. (The manner in which the priesfs hands have
traditionally been anointed in the sacrament of the sick reflects the same discipline.)
50
Ep. ad Eutherium 3 (PL 69:18).

Imposition of Hands
233
 is given in baptism and in reconciliation, through the imposition of
hands, and in the Eucharist to which both of them lead.51

Deathbed Penance. One last feature of ancient penance remains to be

examined, namely, deathbed penance. As is well known, those who
were in danger of death and had not yet received penance were at
once received into penance and reconciled through the laying on of
hands and/or the reception of the Eucharist.52 Likewise, those who
were already penitents but not yet reconciled were reconciled
through the imposition of hands and/or the reception of the
Eucharist. Those who recovered were to spend the alloted time in
the state of penance but were not to receive the regular, repeated
blessing given the penitents, a fact which supports our interpreta-
tion that the preliminary impositions of hands, like those in the
catechumenate, functioned as exorcisms as well as "consecration", of
a state of life.53 One who had received the Spirit in deathbed recon-
ciliation and recovered had no further need of these exorcisms, even
though he still needed to do penance. It is important to note that
reconciliation was often accomplished simply by the giving of com-
munion to the dying, a fact which also supports our interpretation
that the primary significance of the imposition of hands in reconcilia-
tion was the restoration of the ius communicationis, restoration to the
peace of the Church and to the Eucharist. In emergencies it was
possible to omit the ritual imposition of hands, in penance and in
reconciliation, and to give the Eucharist which signified in a preemi-
nent way that the individual did have the ius communicationis.54 We
51
For a contemporary description of the fifth century Roman rites, see Sozomen,
Historia Ecclesiastica VII, 16 (PG 67:1459-1461). It appears quite close to the rite of the
Gelasian and other sources. For a full commentary on the fifth century Roman recon-
cilation rite, see Franois Bussini, "L'intervention de assemble des fidles au mo-
ment de la rconciliation des pnitents d'aprs les trois 'postulationes' d'un archdiacre
romain du Ve-Vie sicle," Revue des Sciences Religieuses 41 (1967) 29-38, and "L'inter-
vention de l'vque dans la rconciliation des pnitents d'aprs les trois 'post-
ulationes' d'un archdiacre romain du Ve-Vie sicle," ibid. 42 (1968) 326-338; Peter
Riga, "The Roman Liturgical Rite and Prayers of Reconciliation of the Fifth Century,"
American Ecclesiastical Review 167 (1973) 196-207.
52
See, for example. Statuta Ecclesiae Antiquae, canon 76 (PL 56:882-883). Canon 12 of
the Eleventh Synod of Toledo (675) also states that "penance received through the
imposition of hands" is sufficient for reconciliation (Mansi 11:144). Towards the end
of the ancient period this was practically the only form of penance.
53
But see n. 46 above.
54
A close study of the dynamics operative here would undoubtedly help to clarify

James Dallen
234
have already mentioned that anointing, whether with the oil of the
sick or with chrism, became common in the reconciliation of apos
tates and heretics late in the ancient period. This was also true with
regard to the reconciliation of the dying through the "oil of holy
reconciliation." 55 As confirmation and the reconciliation of heretics
were frequently "confused" fused into one rite from the view
point of our more developed understanding and distinctions so
there was a close relationship between penance for the dying and
the anointing of the sick. The notion of seven separate and distinct
sacramental signs comes only later, of course. The important thing,
for our purposes, is the centrality of the imposition of hands and the
fact that in these two cases anointing is functionally equivalent to
the laying on of hands.

The laying on of hands is a prominent feature of the sacrament of

penance throughout the ancient period. By the time of the formal
institutionalizing of penance in the mid-third century the rite is
sufficiently associated with penance that Cyprian and others can
refer to it quite casually. It accompanies all three stages of
penance entry into penance, the state of penance, and reconcilia
tion. As the blessing of penitents it functions analogously to the
exorcisms beginning the catechumenate and taking place during
the catechumenate. In the rite of reconciliation it is the communication
of the Holy Spirit to the penitent by the bishop at the prayer of the
Church community. The Eucharist completes the reconciliation
process just as it does the initiation process, although particularly
in the early part of the period and later in penance for the dying we
frequently find the Eucharist given without the laying on of hands for
reconciliation.
Throughout the period the rite is closely related to the operation
of the Holy Spirit who dwells in the Church community and with
which the bishop himself is filled. However, the primary
significance of the rite would appear to be solidarity with the Church
c o m m u n i t y reconciliation with the Church w h e r e b y the indi
rne imprecision frequently found in some contemporary writings on the Eucharist as
sacrament of reconciliation.
55
The sixth century "Life of Tresanus" describes how Tresanus, after acknowledg
ing his sins, received the oleum sanctae reconciliationis before death. See Jungmann, Die
lateinische Bussriten (. 47 above) 150-151 for this and other references to such anointing.
See also Galtier, DTC 7:1397.

Imposition of Hands
235
 vidual penitent (or apostate or heretic) becomes once more a
member of the community wherein the Spirit is given. It is with this
qualification that it can be described as a gesture signifying the con-
ferral of the Holy Spirit.
In the ancient period anointing is already taking on the same
significance as the laying on of hands and substituting for it. This
appears to have begun in the East and to have been heavily influenced
by the view that sin is a disease, with the anointing (with the oil of the
sick) understood as a prayer for healing. It seems likely that the
belief that the Spirit given in the Church at confirmation could not be
given outside the Church played a large role in the development
of the rites for reconciling apostates and heretics and the use of
chrism in those rites.

THE MEDIEVAL PERIOD

Insular Penance. In terms of our interests it is unnecessary to try to
unravel the problems of the origins of insular penance and its rela-
tionship to medieval private penance and to our modern system. It
is, however, important to note that the ancient system of penance
was never established in the British Isles and that the only refer-
ences to a ritual of reconciliation in the Irish penitentials are to the
laying on of hands by the bishop according to the canonical system
of penance. 56 Private reconciliation appears to be unknown in these
early penitentials. The presumption is that the penitent simply re-
turned to the Eucharist at the completion of his period of penance.
Thus our major interest prior to the ninth and tenth centuries is in
the liturgy of public penance.

Structures of Public Penance. The threefold structure of ancient pen-

ance is continued in the canonical penance of the medieval period.
But important developments take place with regard to the imposi-
tion of hands in receiving penitents and in reconciling them. 57
56
Irish texts may be found in The Irish Penitentials, ed. Ludwig Bieler (Dublin: Dub-
lin Institute for Advanced Studies 1963). There are only four references to the laying
on of hands, all of which involve the canonical or public form of penance: Paenitentiale
Sancti Columbani B, 25 (Bieler, pp. 104, 106); Paenitentiale Cummeani X, 18 (Bieler, 128);
Caones Hibernenses I, 12 (Bieler, 160); Synodus II Sancti Patricii 8 (Bieler, 186).
57
Except for Spain, which held longer to the ancient system, the liturgical aspects
of the period of penance itself were apparently lost early into the medieval period.
The Liber Ordinum (ed. Ferotin) XXXII, 94; XXXIIII, 95-96, still contains prayers to be
used over penitents on Sundays. The Poenitentiale Bobiense likewise has an oratio super

James Dallen
236
 The seventh century Lateran Ordo has penitents receive the impo-
sition of hands in a public ceremony at the beginning of Lent.58 Al-
though the Gelasian Sacramentary contains no rubric regarding the
imposition of hands, either at the beginning of Lent or at the recon-
ciliation on Holy Thursday, 59 it is quite likely that this played a part
in the rite. The Penitential of Halitgar (c. 830), which contains many
affinities to the Gelasian, has an imposition of hands when the
priest receives the penitent (privately), but no rubric regarding the
Holy Thursday public reconciliation.60 The Synod of Meaux-Paris
(845/846) also commands the imposition of hands on penitents at the
beginning of Lent. 61 Hincmar of Rheims (c. 857)62 and Benedict the
Lvite63 also call for the laying on of hands. From the tenth century
the laying on of hands for entry into penance at the beginning of
Lent generally becomes the giving of ashes. 64 The first example of
ashes for those who are not public penitents is in the Ordo Romanus
Antiquus (c. 950) . 65 In the eleventh century we find that" all are to
receive ashes 66 and that a general absolution is given on Holy
poenitente to be used as a public blessing; see F. W. H. Wasserschieben, Die Buss-
ordnungen der abendlndischen Kirche (Halle: Verlag Graeger 1851; Graz: Akademischen
Druck- und Verlagsanstalt 1958) 411-412. No ritual gesture is mentioned.
58
Bernhardt Cardinalis et Lateranensis Ecclesiae Prioris Ordo Offiaorum Ecclesiae
Lateranensis, ed. L. Fischer; Historische Forschungen und Quellen, 2/3 (Mnchen
1916).
59
Liber Sacramentorum Romanae Aeclesiae Ordinis Anni Circuii, ed. L. C. Mohlberg, L.
Eizenhfer and P. Siffrin; Rerum Ecclesiasticarum Documenta, Series major, Fontes, 4
(Rome: Herder i960) I, XV, Orationes et praeces super paenitentes, 78-82 (pp. 17-18);
I, XVI, Ordo agentibus publicam paenitentiam, 83 (p. 18); I, XXXVIII, Ordo agentibus
publicam paenitentiam, 352-359 (pp. 56-57); I, XXXVIII, Item ad reconliandum
paenitentem (entry into penance) 360-363 (pp. 57-58), reconciliation: 364-366 (pp.
58-59). The penance rites of the Gelasian are essentially found in the Gelasian of the
eighth century (e.g., the Sacramentary of Angouleme), the Sacramentary of Fulda, and
the Romano-Germanic Pontifical, the last of which will be examined below.
60
See Wasserschieben, Bussordnungen (. yj above) 363.
61
Canon 76 (Mansi 14:840).
62
"Let him receive public penance with the imposition of hands," Capitula , I (PL
125:793).
63
Benedicti Capitularum Collectio 1, 116 (PL 97:715), in reference both to giving pen
ance and reconciling penitents and referring to the prayers of the sacramentary. The
collection is from Carolingian times.
64
An earlier instance in a Spanish penance rite for the sick is found in the Liber
Ordinum XXX (ed. Ferotin) 87-92.
65
Ordo L, XVin, 31-44; Les Ordines Romani du Haut Moyen Age, ed. M. Andrieu,
Spilegium Sacrum Lovaniense, Etudes et documents, 29 (Louvain 1961) V: 123-124.
66
Cf. Jungmann, Bussriten, 60.

Imposition of Hands
237
 Thursday.67 Both the Romano-Germanic Pontifical68 and the Roman
Pontifical of the twelfth century 69 call for the imposition of ashes but
not the imposition of hands.
Holy Thursday was the traditional day for the reconciliation of
penitents in the Roman liturgy.70 As mentioned before, the Gelasian
has no rubrics regarding the imposition of hands. The Pontifical of
Rheims (c. 845-882) first has a touch on the head, 71 and where ear-
lier rites had the imposition, it has a long prayer by the bishop, who
faces the penitents, uses an indicative absolution formula, and is
directed to take the penitent's right hand and raise him up from the
ground. 72 The Pontifical of Poitiers (864-900) has the priests touch
the penitents whenever the bishop refers to them in the prayer.73
Ordo L and the Romano-Germanic Pontifical have the penitents
passed "from hand to hand ,/ (manuatim) from one official to another
until the bishop restores them "to the Church's bosom." 74 The
prayer which follows this rite is more significant: it speaks of the
outpouring of the grace of the Holy Spirit through the imposition of
hands leading to the remission of sins. 75 The prayer following (in
Ordo L, but not in the Romano-Germanic Pontifical) strongly em-
phasizes the Spirit.76 Then, in both, there is a prayer found in many
67
Jungmann, 313.
68
Pontifical romano-germanique du dixime sicle [PRG], ed. C. Vogel and R. Elze; Studi
e Testi, 226 (Qtt del Vaticano 1963) II:20-2i, incorporating Ordo L.
69
Le pontifical romain au moyen-ge, d. M. Andrieu; Studi e Testi, 86 (Qtt del Vat-
icano 1938) I:2io; XVIII, 5, Ordo in feria quarta in capite ieiunii.
70
Reconciliation frequently took place on Good Friday in the Mozarabic rite. Cf.
Liber Ordinum XXXV, Ordo ad reconciliandum paenitentem, 96-100, which has the
imposition of hands.
71
Gted by Jungmann, Bussriten 91. He gives numerous other examples of touch.
72
Ibid., with numerous other examples of the bishop assisting the penitent.
73
Ibid. 85.
74
Ordo L, XXV, 32 (Andrieu, V:i96); PRG, 229 (Vogel-Elze, II:6o).
75
Ordo L. XXV, 49 (Andrieu, V:20i); PRG, 243 (Vogel-Elze, 11:65): "O God, by the
imposition of your hand you have in the past driven out illnesses of soul and body,
and have commanded your disciples and their successors to perform the same work.
Hear our prayers for these servants of yours. . . and substitute the hand of your
compassion for our hand (manum pietatis tuae mani nostrae subpone) so that by the im-
position of our hands and your assistance the grace of the Holy Spirit may be poured
out upon them, heavenly blessing may descend upon them, the remission of sins
may be granted them, the penalties owed for their crimes may be lightened, and the
benefits of your gifts may be more abundantly conferred." There is, however, no
rubric.
76
Ordo L, XXV, 50 (Andrieu, V:20i).

James Dallen
238
medieval penance ordos: "tu benignant iacentbus manum por-
rige . . . stretch out your hand of kindness to those prostrate
here." 77 The tenth century Ordo of Evreux refers to the imposition
of hands, but apparently the gesture was not actually used. 78 The
eleventh century penance Ordo of Arezzo has the imposition of
hands with the prayer representing entry into penance, 79 but for
reconciliation there is instead the use of the stole.80
The Sacramentary of Saint Denis and the Missal of Troyes in the
late eleventh century still clearly express the rite and its significance,
but they appear to be exceptions.81 The twelfth century Roman Pon-
tifical has the manuatim rubric but not the prayer which follows in
Ordo L and the Romano-Germanic Pontifical; it has only the prayer
asking God to stretch out his hand to the penitents. 82
What we see happening is an apparent diminishing of the place
and significance of the imposition of hands as time goes on. At the
beginning of penance the imposition of ashes substitutes. At recon-
ciliation the imposition of hands frequently becomes merely a touch,
sometimes by the priests rather than the bishop, or assisting the
penitent to rise. The prayers of the rite speak less frequently of the
Spirit, the pax Ecclesiae, or communion. The development is uneven,
but the de-emphasis on the imposition of hands, from the tenth cen-
tury on, appears to correlate with the continuing decline of public
penance, the rise of private penance and the use of the indicative
formula of absolution.

Structures of Private Penance. In the early part of the tariff period we

find many "private" rites "for giving penance" but few explicit men-
tions of the imposition of hands. The Gelasian (c. 750), as noted
before, lacks rubrics here as well.83 The same is true of the Poeniten-
tiale Floriacense, the Poenitentiale Merseburgense and the Poenitentiale
77
Ordo L, XXV, 51 (Andrieu, V:202-203); PRG, 245 (Vogel-Elze, 11:66).
78
"I a sinner and unworthy bishop, confirming this absolution by hand, mouth,
and heart . . . ." Qted by Jungmann, Bussriten 224.
79
See Jungmann, 194-195.
80
Ibid. Jungmann cites a similar rubric in the "Corrector" of Burchard; see 250.
Jungmann notes that the stole at this time was a symbol of the priestly office of
preaching and prayer. See also Jungmann, 219, 227, 276, 284.
81
Qted by Jungmann, 166.
XXXA, 8, 20 (Andrieu, 1:214fr).
83
III, CVII, Incipit ad paenitentiam dandam, 1701-1704 (Mohlberg [n. 59 above], p.
248).

Imposition of Hands
239
 Sangallense, all from the beginning of the eighth century, as regards
the imposition of hands: it is not called for by rubric nor do the
prayers allude to it.84 The Poenitentiale Ps.-Bedae of Wasserschieben,
from the second half of the eighth century, likewise does not men-
tion the laying on of hands in giving penance. 85 The Poenitentiale of
Halitgar (the Pseudo-Roman penitential), dated 816/830, has the
simple statement "imposition of hands' 7 in the section entitled "here
begin the prayers for giving penance/' 8 6 This would appear to be
the earliest instance in extant ordines of tariff penance. The Poeniten-
tiale Sangermanense, also from the ninth century, contains no refer-
ence to this rite, 87 and the Poenitentiale Valicellanum II of Was-
serschleben (ninth century) has only a dubious allusion in a
prayer.88 The ritual of private penance in the Romano-Germanic
Pontifical of the tenth century likewise lacks reference to the rite. 89 A
north Italian service of the eleventh century has a clear rubric ("place
your hand on his head") in the section that would correspond to the
older entry into penance. 90
The situation with regard to reconciliation is somewhat more con-
fusing. As mentioned before, the Irish or Celtic penitentials refer
only to the reconciliation rite of public or canonical penance, al-
though it is doubtful that it was ever established there. 91 When we
transfer our attention to the continent, of the eighth century peni-
tentials mentioned above only the Merseburgense refers to a reconcilia-
tion ritual (oratio ad solvendum) and this does not appear to involve
an imposition of hands. 92 Another early Frankish penitential, the
Pseudo-Bede, has a "reconciliation of a penitent on Thursday of the
Pasch" but no reference to this ritual gesture. 93 Halitgar states that
84
The texts may be found in Wasserschieben, Bussordnungen, Floriacense, p. 422;
Merseburgense, 387; Sangallense, 425.
85
Wasserschieben, 252.
86
Wasserschieben, 363.
87
Wasserschieben, 349.
88
Wasserschieben, 553.
89
Vogel-Elze, 11:234-245. Many of these are from the Gelasian.
90
North Italian Services of the Eleventh Century, ed. C. Lambot; Henry Bradshaw So-
ciety, vol. 67 (London: Harrison 1931) 40. The service combines confession and recon-
ciliation. Generally with this combination the former twofold imposition of hands (at
the entry into penance and for reconciliation) is reduced to one.
91
See, for example, John T. McNeill and Helena M. Gamer, Medieval Handbooks of
Penance (New York: Columbia University Press 1938) 26.
92
Wasserschieben, Bussordnunjgen 390.
93
Wasserschieben, 256.

James Dallen
240
the loosing (absolutio) of penitents is done by the imposition of hands
and the intercession of the bishops (sic),94 but this appears to refer to
public reconciliation, as does Amalar's call for the penitents to return
on Holy Thursday "to the hands of the priests/' 9 5 The ninth century
Poenitentiale Valicellanum II of Wasserschieben has a section with an
interesting prayer but no reference to a laying on of hands. 96 By the
eleventh century confession and reconciliation were being com-
bined. In the Italian service mentioned above we have a prayer of
reconciliation referring to the imposition of hands, but the rubric
cited above seems to belong to entry into penance. 97
There remains some doubt, then, to what extent a ritual of private
reconciliation was in use even in Frankish lands prior to the ninth
and tenth centuries. At any rate, there is certainly no great emphasis
on the imposition of hands in the rituals of the time and other con-
temporary literature generally speaks only of the confession of sins.
With regard to penance for the dying, this rite tends to merge
more and more into the sacrament of the anointing of the sick dur-
ing this period, although the Romano-Germanic Pontifical still main-
tains a distinction.98 There appears to be no great emphasis on the
imposition of hands either here or in the rite for reconciling apos-
tates and heretics, although the latter is now more clearly distin-
guished from confirmation.

While there are some exceptionally fine prayers stating the

significance of the laying on of hands, we find in general a declining
emphasis on this rite. Where it does exist it is frequently reduced to
94
Poenitentiale III, 9, cited by Jungmann, Bussriten 90.
95
De eccl. off. 1,12 (PL 105:1020). The Pseudo-Roman Penitential has a section enti-
tled "Reconciliation of a Penitent on the Wednesday before Easter," Wasserschieben,
376. Morin's text reads, ". . .on Thursday of the Lord's Supper."
96
Wasserschieben, 556, Incipit de absolutione: "From the part of God and of all the
saints, may you as good Christians have a share in the good which you have done
from your infancy and which others will do for you and in the sacrifices and services
which are offered by catholics throughout the whole world. And if you should not be
able to come to another penance, by this penance and confession may you be saved
before God."
97
North Italian Services, ed. Lambot, 41.
98
See CXLIV, Item ordo poenitentis ad mortem, 18: " . . . you are to sign him on
the forehead with holy oil," following the sacramental anointing of the sick.
Jungmann, 122-123, notes instances of the priests and their ministers and the lay
faithful together taking part in the imposition of hands on the sick in the tenth cen-
tury.

Imposition of Hands
241
 the minimum: a simple touch. Gesture apparently gives way to
words! Taking into consideration other contemporary aspects of the
development of penance, it seems likely that this decline could be
correlated with the rise of private penance, the use of the indicative
formula and emphasis on the judgment exercised in the sacrament.
The loss of the communal dimension and of the role of the commu-
nity are probably the most important underlying factors, considering
the significance of the rite the Spirit in the Church in the an-
cient period.

THE MODERN PERIOD

As we enter the modern period the decline of the ritual gesture con-
tinues in both the public and private rites, although it is by no
means forgotten.
The thirteenth century Pontifical of the Roman Curia has both the
imposition of ashes and the imposition of hands at the beginning of
Lent" but no mention of the latter at reconciliation on Holy Thurs-
day. 100 The Pontifical of Durandus has only the imposition of ashes,
but it also has an elaborate rite for expelling the penitents: "[the
bishop] takes one of the penitents by the right hand, and all the
other penitents, likewise holding one another by the hand and carry-
ing lighted candles, follow him; and so he is to expel them." 101 After
they are put out all the rest receive ashes, beginning with the
bishop. 102 The Holy Thursday ordo of Durandus quotes Vigilius on
the significance of the imposition of hands, 103 has the bishop lead
the penitents by the hand into the center of the church,104 but di-
rects him to recite the deprecatory absolution "like a prayer" and to
fold his hands during the preface which follows.105 His hands are
extended during a closing prayer.106
The Synod of Nimes (1284) has the confessor assign a penance
99
Le Pontifical romain au moyen ge, ed. Andrieu, 11:578-579; Appendix : Ordo
poenitentium, 2: "Then getting up from prayer he imposes hands on them; he sprinkles
blessed water on them. . . . He puts blessed ashes on their heads. . . ."
100
XLII. The rite of reconciling penitents is only mentioned.
101
Liber III, I, 11, 21 (Andrieu, 111:554, 556).
102
Ibid. 24 (Andrieu, 111:557).
103
Liber III, II, 7 (Andrieu, 111:559).
104
Ibid. 27 (Andrieu, 111:564).
105
Ibid. 30, 31 (Andrieu, 111:564-565).
106
Ibid. 43 (Andrieu, 111:569).

James Dallen
242
after the confiteor and "placing hands on his head" recite the ab
solution in a combined optative and indicative form. 107 The Synod
of Trier (1310) also has the priest give absolution while imposing
hands on the penitent's head. 1 0 8
The fifteenth century Sarum Missal adds one new feature to the
imposition of ashes: an absolution preceding it which parallels the ab
solution to be given on Holy Thursday. 109 Likewise in the Holy
Thursday rite are the manuatim rubric and the prayer asking God to
"stretch out your saving hand to those prostrate h e r e . " 1 1 0
It would seem that the priest also generally extended his hands
over the people in giving the medieval general absolutions in the
liturgy.
In private penance the imposition of hands in absolution tends to
become the sign of the cross, as it does in the Ritual of Santoli
(1584). The imposition of hands was restored minimally in the Ritual
of Paul V (1614) in the form of the hand lifted toward the penitent,
but for all practical purposes the gesture was lost due to the increas
ing use of the confessional.111
The liturgical minimum was accompanied by theological de-
emphasis. While William of Auvergne (d. 1249) still gave it em
phasis, seeing the gesture as the matter of the sacrament, Thomas
Aquinas explicitly denied its necessity. 112
The general development of this gesture, prior to the Second Vati
can Council, can be summed up as follows: the imposition of hands
as a blessing of the penitent became a sign of the cross as the peni
tent entered the confessional; the imposition of hands in reconcilia
tion became a lifting of the right hand toward the penitent and the
107
Qted by Jungmann, 230.
108
Qted by Jungmann, 230, 264.
109
The Sarum Missal, ed. J. Wickham Legg (Oxford: Qarendon Press 1916) 50.
110
Ibid. 102-103.
111
Tit. Ill, c. 2, 2. The requirement of the confessional and the grill between priest
and penitent (Tit. Ill, c. 1, 8) not only made the imposition of hands impossible but
also made the remnant of the gesture invisible.
112
Deforma absolutions 4; Summa theologiae , q. 84, a. 4. William of Auvergne had
regarded the hand of the priest as signifying the presence of God's hand or power.
Thomas speaks in the context of discussing the indicative formula of absolution. This
adds weight to the contention that the use of the indicative formula and the juridical
mentality underlying it finally displaced the imposition of hands as representing the
prayer of the Church.

Imposition of Hands

243
 sign of the cross during the absolution.113 The imposition of ashes at
the beginning of Lent remained.
Article 72 of the Constitution on the Liturgy of Vatican II calls for
tiie revision of the rites and formulas of penance. The declaratio
presented in the Council to explain the intent of the article states:
"The imposition of hands appears to be the most important among
the rites to be reformed. According to St. Cyprian, this was a sign of
the reconciliation and communion with the Church restored in pen-
ance, which is needed because sin has destroyed the living bond
with the Church. It signified reconciliation through the Holy Spirit,
as can still be seen in the rite for reconciling apostates in the Roman
Pontifical. While the imposition of hands is called for by the Ritual,
its form is changed: "Then raising his right hand toward the penitent,
the priest says . . . / The Ambrosian Ritual retains it clearly: 'With
his right hand held up and extended over the head of the peni-
tent . . . .' The Ritual should be reformed in such a way that this
rite can be recognized as the imposition of hands, even if there is no
physical contact/' 114
The reformed Ordo Paenitentiae of 1973 restores the gesture in the
form of extended hands over the head of the penitent during the
absolution.115 Although the absolution formulas make no mention of
reconciliation to the Church, from the declaratio presented in the
Council, the emphasis given the Spirit and the Church in the
praenotanda, and the clear statement of the role of the Spirit and the
Church in the absolution formulas, the significance of the gesture in
the present rite is evident: through union with the Church the peni-
tent receives the Spirit of forgiveness and peace.

We may now attempt to summarize the development we have

seen, taking into account the significance of the ritual gesture of the
imposition of hands at each stage of the development. While this
development obviously overlaps the historical divisions, for the sake
113 w e h a v e s e e n m e tendency, even earlier, for the sign of the cross to displace the
imposition of hands.
114
Acta Synodalia Saaosancti Concila Oecumenici Vaticani II, cura ac studio Archivi
Concilii Oecumenici Vaticani II (Romae: Typis Polyglottis Vaticanis 1962 ) 2/2:558-
559. The reform was to express the nature and effects of the sacrament more clearly.
115
This is the case both in the reconciliation of individual penitents and in the use
of general absolution; it should be noted that the rite calls for "extended hands"
rather than the imposition of hands as such. See Ordo Paenitentiae (Typis Polyglottis
Vaticanis 1974) 19, 46, ^3, 62.

James Dallen
244
of convenience we will develop the summary according to those di-
visions. Since the imposition of hands at the close of penance pro-
vides the paradigm, just as baptism is the focus for the catechume-
nate, we will concentrate on that gesture.
1. The Ancient Period. The imposition of hands by the bishop and
his clergy completes the penitential process, a communal process.
Done at the intercession of and in the presence of the assembled
community, it is the prayer invoking the Spirit and reconciling the
penitent to the Church. It restores the pax Ecclesiae, or peace of the
Church, and the ius communications, the communion of the Holy
Spirit in the Church, which, like initiation, reaches its completion in
the community Eucharist. In its preliminary forms the ritual gesture
is a consecration of the penitent and an exorcism (entry into the ordo
paenitentium) and continued exorcisms (blessings of the penitent)
analogous to the impositions of hands in exorcism during the
catechumenate. The penitential process parallels the initiation
process. In some cases the gesture is becoming an anointing, after
the model of the postbaptismal anointing.
2. The Medieval Period. The imposition of hands, where it still has a
place, is beginning to mutate into other less obvious and less per-
sonal gestures: the imposition of ashes, anointing, touch, extended
hands, the placing of the stole in the hand of the penitent. There is
little attempt to parallel the sacrament of penance with initia-
tion (which has itself disintegrated) and both the Spirit and the
Eucharist receive less emphasis. With the rise of private penance the
role of the community becomes less important. The rite completing
penance is generally still a prayer (deprecatory absolution) and the
ecclesial context is not totally forgotten, but the primary emphasis is
no longer reconciliation with the Church (the communion of the
Holy Spirit) and readmission to the community Eucharist but for-
giveness and restoration to grace at the judgment of the bishop or,
more generally, the priest. The penitential process is collapsing first
into two rites separated by a period of penance and then, with the
joining of confession and reconciliation, into a single rite.
3. The Modern Period. The imposition of hands becomes almost
exclusively the raising of the hand toward the penitent and the sign
of the cross "over" him by the confessor. The process has been re-
duced to a rite which is understood in its totality almost exclusively
in juridical and impersonal terms, with little or no advertence to the
Spirit, the Eucharist, or the Church community. Forgiveness and

Imposition of Hands
245
 restoration to grace become the impersonal focus of an individualis-
tic rite where the grant of faculties to the confessor becomes almost
the only link with the bishop and the Church.

We have not attempted to account for the origin of the imposition

of hands within the penitential system,116 but it is clear that it was
closely connected with the Holy Spirit in the early Church and as-
sociated with the Church's prayer for the healing of the penitent
sinner. Most basically, the gesture signifies reconciliation with the
Church and the return to the communion of the Holy Spirit reaching
its apex in the Eucharist, closely paralleling the complex of initiation
rites.117 Its gradual mutation and disappearance accompany the pro-
gressive individualization and subjectivizing of the penitential sys-
tem and thus appear to correlate with the degree of social cohesive-
ness in the Christian community and the extent to which the indi-
vidual Christian defines himself as Christian in terms of that com-
munity. These changes are also presumably linked with the dis-
placement of the tactile and active dimensions of liturgy by the ocu-
lar and auricular: a life process defined by liturgical (and therefore
communal) celebration becomes ritual; liturgy and liturgical gestures
cease to be actions (personal, but in a communal context) and be-
come things. 118 It is interesting that the restoration of the gesture
116
Coppens, L'Imposition des mains 387-392, sees it originating from the laying on
of hands in confirmation and entering the penitential system through the rite of
reconciling apostates and heretics. Since sin in its full sense was the "extinction" and
"loss" of the Spirit, the Church adapted theritesof confirmation to express the resto-
ration of the penitent sinner to the life of the Spirit. While Coppens speaks more of
reconciliation than of forgiveness, he does not seem to emphasize the ecclesial dimen-
sion sufficiently nor does he seem to take into account the fact that the use of this
gesture antedates the rebaptism controversy.
117
To return to Diekmann's contention (n. 1 above), the data of the liturgical his-
tory of penance does support his general thesis, with the qualification following from
the nature of this sacrament: it is a gesture not simply of the conferral of the Spirit but
of solidarity with and reconciliation to the community in which the Spirit is given
communion in the Spirit, including access to the communion of the Eucharist. The
second part of his thesis is that the sacramental reforms'inaugurated by the Council
have as a principal objective the restoration of this rite to recover the pneumatological
significance of the sacraments. Again, the general statement must be nuanced in
terms of the specific nature and effect of this sacrament, but when the gesture is seen
within the total context of Church reform and renewal the thesis would seem to hold
true.
118
Numerous other correlations could also be attempted, particularly with a chang-
ing understanding of sin (more external, legalistic and individualistic) and with a varying

James Dallen
246
has been preceded by the rediscovery of the communal dimensions
of the sacrament of penance, an emphasis on active participation in
the liturgy, and in general, in our culture, a new attention to "touch-
ing" and to personalism.
This has not been a complete history of either the theology or
liturgy of penance but only of one aspect; however, the history of
this liturgical gesture seems to be a significant summary of the his-
tory of penance and of the self-understanding of the Christian com-
munity. Nor has this been an evaluation of the reformed rite of pen-
ance, since we have confined ourselves to noting the restoration of
this gesture in the context of a fuller and more authentically tradi-
tional theology of the sacrament. Here again, however, the attempt
to restore the significance of this gesture will be a reflection in minia-
ture of the effort to revitalize the sacrament of penance and the
Church as a whole. In this sense the laying on of hands is indeed
the basic sacramental gesture, itself signifying the community-Body
of Christ and its changing self-understanding and cohesiveness.

evaluation of the body and its relationship to salvation, including the "bodili-
ness" of the Spirit community. The correlation with the emphasis given the ecclesial
dimension of the sacrament and the Christian's sense of relation to the Church com-
munity should be clearly apparent.

Imposition of Hands
247
 ^ s
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72 Teologie [i Via]\

SFNTA SPOVEDANIE TAIN| A VINDEC|RII

Pr. dr. Drago[ UNGUREANU

Parohia Spinoasa, Arhiepiscopia Ia[ilor

Abstract

This article attempts to bring into discussion the chance of healing the human
being through one of the most important Mysteries of the Church, namely the Holy
Confession. The subject is dealt with starting from the assumption that, nowadays, the
human being has the possibility to regain his/her health through a clerical type of
therapeutics. Thus, one could see easily that healing may be achieved by recovering
the Self, by honest admission of own sins in front of a praying confessor, through a
Christian attitude and by practicing virtue in daily life, with the conviction that
the healing of the soul represents the exclusive gift from the Son of God, to be pro-
vided through the Church. As a result of this type of therapy, two effects become
visible: the first consists in the absolution of sins and in reinstating the repentant into
the state of grace that he/she had fallen from, and the second one is represented
by the freedom and opportunity to receive the Eucharist, as a form of spiritual
food for the soul thus healed.
Keywords: Jesus Christ, Church, Holy Confession, healing, faith, penance.

Introducere

Anul calendaristic 2014 a fost declarat de Sfntul Sinod al Bisericii

Ortodoxe Romne Anul omagial euharistic (al Sfintei Spovedanii
[i al Sfintei ~mp\rt\[anii) `n Patriarhia Romn\. Cu alte cuvinte, Bi-
serica ne face invita]ia [i ne cheam\ ca, `n acest an, [i nu numai, s\
redescoperim [i s\ aprofund\m teologia cre[tin\ [i taina vin-
dec\rii omului prin revenirea `n sine (Luca 15, 17), prin m\rturisirea
onest\ a p\catelor `n fa]a duhovnicului rug\tor, printr-o atitudine
cre[tin\ [i prin practicarea virtu]ilor `n via]a cotidian\ Toate acestea
trebuie s\ porneasc\ dintr-o m\rturisire constant\ [i fidel\ a dreptei
credin]e, credin]a care m\rturise[te pe Iisus Hristos ca fiind cu ade-
v\rat Fiul lui Dumnezeu [i Terapeutul omului credincios, credin]a
care nu se rezum\ sau se limiteaz\ la un cadru confesional rigid,
 2014 Anul omagial euharistic 73

ci acea credin]\ revelat\, care ne invit\ [i ne a[teapt\ pe to]i la

primirea vindec\rii [i care ne une[te `n integritatea adev\rului `nv\-
]\turii Mntuitorului, [i anume credin]a ortodox\ sau ortodoxia cre-
din]ei. Prin aceasta suntem chema]i s\ redevenim parte a trupului
mistic al Bisericii lui Hristos, al corpului eclezial, pe fundamentul
trinitar descoperit `n Sfnta Scriptur\ [i `n Sfnta Tradi]ie, `n sensul c\
trebuie s\ avem certitudinea c\ to]i suntem chema]i la credin]a p\-
rin]ilor no[tri, la redescoperirea creatoare [i critic\ a tradi]iei noastre,
a Tradi]iei, dincolo de tradi]iile omene[ti [i vremelnice care o `ntu-
nec\. Acesta este examenul de con[tiin]\ care ne revine tuturor, `n
aceea[i m\sur\, `ntr-un spirit de fidelitate fa]\ de Revela]ia lui
Hristos, care este singura `n m\sur\ s\ judece trecutul [i prezentul,
R\s\ritul [i Apusul, [i care este judec\torul ultim al dreptei noastre
credin]e1.
Ast\zi, mai mult ca oricnd, omul cre[tin tr\ie[te `ntr-o lume `n
plin\ schimbare [i reconfigurare, `n cetatea vremelnic\, adic\ `ntr-o
societate din ce `n ce mai secularizat\ [i indiferent\ din punct de
vedere religios, care se deta[eaz\, inexplicabil [i cu destul\ u[urin]\,
de realele [i autenticele valori cre[tine, singurele care `nnobileaz\
[i confer\ demnitate fiin]ei umane [i care vindec\ omul de super-
ficialitate [i mediocritate, de individualism [i indiferen]\, de boal\
[i neputin]\, de p\cat [i patim\, `n care problemele referitoare la
valoarea, demnitatea [i libertatea vie]ii umane, dar [i a calit\]ii aces-
teia, sunt din ce `n ce mai prezente `n spa]iul dezbaterilor academice
sau jurnalistice. Pentru teologia ortodox\ [i spiritualitatea cre[tin\,
valoarea vie]ii umane const\ `n faptul c\ ~mp\r\]ia s-a `mpreunat
cu umanitatea, c\ ve[nicia a ap\rut `n istorie, c\ cerul s-a unit cu
p\mntul2, iar dac\ ar trebui s\ ne l\rgim perspectiva revela]ional\,
prin raportarea la principiile evanghelice consemnate `n Sfnta Scrip-
tur\ [i la vie]ile marilor sfin]i ai Bisericii, putem sesiza faptul c\ prin-
cipiul sfin]eniei sau al sacralit\]ii vie]ii prevaleaz\ `naintea interesu-
lui pentru calitatea vie]ii3. Acest aspect dual referitor la rela]ia dintre
1
Pr. prof. Boris Bobrinskoy, mp\rt\[irea Sfntului Duh, traducere de M\riuca
[i Adrian Alexandrescu, EIBMBOR, Bucure[ti, 1999, p. 417.
2
Pr. prof. dr. Ion Bria, Spiritualitate pentru timpul nostru, `n Studii Teolo-
gice, anul 1992, nr. 3-4, p. 11.
3
Pr. prof. dr. John Breck, Darul sacru al vie]ii, traducere de PS dr. Irineu
Pop Bistri]eanul, Editura Patmos, Cluj-Napoca, 2001, p. 256.
74 Teologie [i Via]\

via]a cre[tin\ [i cea secular\, dintre principiile evanghelice [i cele

umaniste, este foarte bine scos `n eviden]\ de pr. Dumitru Popescu,
care afirma c\ tr\im, ast\zi, `n procesul confrunt\rii dintre lumea
autonom\, care duce la secularizare, care dezumanizeaz\ omul, dis-
truge crea]ia, [i o alt\ lume, teonom\, care tinde la transfigurarea
omului [i cosmosului `n Hristos [i Biseric\, prin lumina de foc a
Duhului. Secularizarea reprezint\ eshatologia tehnicii autonome,
transfigurarea este expresia eshatologiei cre[tine4.
~ntreaga teologie cre[tin\ afirm\ c\ via]a p\mnteasc\ este spa-
]iul [i timpul `n care omul credincios `[i caut\ vindecarea prin par-
ticiparea metanoic\ la Tainele Bisericii, precum [i la reg\sirea sen-
sului vie]ii sale, revenind acas\, `n snul familiei cre[tine, `n casa
lui Hristos, `n Biseric\, `n perspectiva s\n\t\]ii depline [i a comu-
niunii autentice `n via]a eclezial\. Din acest punct de vedere se
poate constata c\, m\rturisindu-[i con[tient [i liber apartenen]a sa
cre[tin\ la `nv\]\tura hristic\ [i la dinamica eclezial\, omul cre[tin
sesizeaz\ foarte bine c\ teologia con]ine un element doctrinar, `n-
v\]\tura obiectiv\ a Bisericii, cateheza sa, dar l\untric ea `i ascult\ pe
sfin]i, se hr\ne[te din experien]a lor pnevmatofor\ a Cuvntului5.
Cu alte cuvinte, sfin]enia vie]ii omului conduce spre adev\rata teo-
logie [i spre autentica m\rturisire a Cuvntului `n orice context uman,
deoarece aceasta reprezint\ adev\rata via]\, singura care `[i propune
ca ideal comuniunea cu Dumnezeu, re`nnoirea vie]ii [i a atitudinii
sociale, angajamentul firesc `n rela]ia cu aproapele [i r\mnerea
`n certitudinea mntuitoare a spa]iului eclezial, de unde remarc\m
convingerea faptului c\ teologia autentic\ este, deci, o teologie
angajat\, o teologie care trebuie `n acela[i timp s\ vegheze att la
p\strarea Adev\rului, a[a cum l-a primit de veacuri `n Biseric\, ct
[i la `mplinirea scopului pentru care Biserica `ns\[i exist\: acela de a
oferi alternativa Vie]ii [i a Adev\rului `n orice loc [i `n orice vreme6.
4
Dumitru Popescu, Ortodoxie [i contemporaneitate, Editura Diogene, Bucu-
re[ti, 1996, p. 167.
5
Paul Evdokimov, Ortodoxia, traducere de Dr. Irineu Ioan Popa, EIBMBOR,
Bucure[ti, 1996, p. 54.
6
Silviu Rogobete, Fiin]a uman\ `n perspectiv\ trinitar\: noi tendin]e `n teologia
occidental\ contemporan\, `n Anthony N.S. Lane; Daniel Bulzan; Silviu Rogobete;
John R.W. Stott, Erezie [i logos. Contribu]ii romno-britanice la o teologie a post-
modernit\]ii, Editura Anastasia, Bucure[ti, 1996, p. 139.
 2014 Anul omagial euharistic 75

~n acest context se `nscrie problematica actual\ [i tematica sinodal\,

ele fiind de maxim\ importan]\ pentru perioada istoric\ pe care o
travers\m, `n care cu to]ii `ncerc\m, uneori `n mod disperat [i ne-
unitar, s\ ne rec\p\t\m s\n\tatea [i comuniunea pierdute, dar nu
abandonate, printr-o terapeutic\ duhovniceasc\ sau vindecare a
sufletului.

Spovedania sau M\rturisirea aspecte terminologice

Etimologic, cuvintele Spovedanie [i M\rturisire pe care le fo-
losim `n teologia ortodox\, `n spiritualitatea cre[tin\ sau `n spa]iul
liturgic, cu `n]eles de vindecare sau t\m\duire, a[a cum le explic\
majoritatea dic]ionarelor de teologie, provin din limba greac\ veche,
de la cuvntul , care `nseamn\ poc\in]\, schimbarea gn-
dului, r\zgndire, c\in]\, convertire7, p\rere de r\u8, schimbarea
spiritului9 sau luminarea min]ii [i `ntoarcerea la slava originar\10.
Cu alte cuvinte, se poate spune c\ aceast\ stare presupune un alt fel
de a fi al omului credincios, o renun]are la un trecut tenebros [i o
devenire spre ceva luminos [i benefic, un salt spre o situa]ie nou\
[i nobil\, alta dect cea anterioar\, dar [i o revenire sau rea[ezare
la o stare ontologic\ demn\ de rela]ia s\n\toas\ dintre Dumnezeu [i
om, la o reg\sire fireasc\ a omului `ntru ale sale (Ioan 1, 11).
Prin prisma spiritualit\]ii cre[tine, Spovedania, M\rturisirea sau
Poc\in]a mai pot fi `n]elese [i ca o declara]ie, confessio sau poeni-
tentia11 a vie]ii p\c\toase, `n conformitate cu mandatul acordat Sfin-
]ilor Apostoli, ucenicilor acestora [i ierarhiei sacramentale de a ierta
p\catele, `n numele lui Iisus Hristos, printr-o autentic\ [i durabil\
peniten]\, care vine dintr-o team\ de pierdere a iubirii milostive a
lui Dumnezeu.
7
Maurice Carrez, Franois Morel, Dic]ionar grec-romn al Noului Testament,
traducere de Gheorghe Badea, Societatea Biblic\ Interconfesional\ din Romnia,
Bucure[ti, 1999, p. 185.
8
Pr. dr. Ioan Mircea, Poc\in]\, `n Dic]ionar al Noului Testament, EIBMBOR,
Bucure[ti, 1995, p. 406.
9
Pr. prof. dr. Ion Bria, M\rturisire, `n Dic]ionar de teologie ortodox\. A-Z,
EIBMBOR, Bucure[ti, 1994, p. 250.
10
Hierotheos Vlachos, Mitropolit de Nafpaktos, Spovedania [i vindecarea
sufletului, traducere de Nicu[or Deciu, Editura Doxologia, Ia[i, 2011, p. 23.
11
Pr. prof. dr. Ioan R\mureanu (coord.), Istoria Bisericeasc\ Universal\, vol. I,
EIBMBOR, Bucure[ti, 1987, p. 242.
76 Teologie [i Via]\

Din perspectiv\ liturgic\, Spovedania sau M\rturisirea repre-

zint\ slujba religioas\ s\vr[it\ `n cadrul spa]iului bisericesc, care are
`n centrul s\u m\rturisirea p\catelor `naintea lui Dumnezeu, prin in-
termediul unui preot sau arhiereu, duhovnic capabil, apt [i dispus
s\ empatizeze cu penitentul, dnd dovad\ de via]\ cre[tin\ irepro-
[abil\, de experien]\ duhovniceasc\, de discern\mnt autentic [i de
iscusin]a de a reprimi `n comuniune de credin]\ pe cel care dore[te
realmente s\-[i schimbe modul ini]ial de a tr\i, de a percepe reali-
tatea cotidian\ prin ochii [i mintea credin]ei, pentru a se bucura din
nou de roadele terapeutice ale `ntlnirii sale cu Hristos, [i anume
iertarea p\catelor prin puterea sau harul Duhului Sfnt, dar [i spre
`mp\carea cu comunitatea liturgic\ al c\rei membru este12.
Datorit\ importan]ei sale `n via]a credincio[ilor, Spovedania este
una dintre Tainele sfinte ale Bisericii, prin care ne rec\p\t\m vin-
decarea sufleteasc\ [i `nfierea noastr\ `n Hristos, iertarea p\catelor [i
reintrarea `n comuniunea cre[tin\ de credin]\. Acest ritual liturgic
se s\vr[e[te `nc\ din perioada apostolic\ [i s-a dezvoltat `n secolele
urm\toare, dar s-a p\strat cu fidelitate `n Biseric\, prin prezen]a
Duhului Sfnt, prin sim]irea c\ lucrarea Duhului pune `nceput
unei ere noi, cea a prezen]ei treimice imediate `n istorie13.

Vindecarea darul Mntuitorului lucr\tor `n Biseric\

~n teologia [i spiritualitatea mistic\ cre[tin\ se poate vorbi de-

spre terapia vindec\rii sufletului ca fiind darul exclusiv al Fiului lui
Dumnezeu, acordat prin intermediul Bisericii, scopul divin fiind acela
de a vindeca umanitatea de p\cat [i de a restabili comuniunea dintre
Dumnezeu [i om, prin m\rturisirea p\catelor, dup\ cum afl\m din
urm\torul text biblic deosebit de important pentru argumentarea
teologic\ [i terapeutic\ a acestei Sfinte Taine: M\rturisi]i-v\, deci,
unul altuia p\catele [i v\ ruga]i unul pentru altul, ca s\ v\ vinde-
ca]i, c\ mult poate rug\ciunea st\ruitoare a dreptului (Iacov 5, 16).
Concret, Spovedania se fundamenteaz\ pe cuvintele Mntuitorului
Hristos, Care i-a `ndemnat pe apostolii [i ucenicii S\i s\ fie perma-
nent `n leg\tur\ cu El, ca purt\tori ai preo]iei harice, mandatndu-i
12
Pr. prof. dr. Ion Bria, M\rturisire, p. 250.
13
Nikos A. Nissiotis, Pnevmatologia ortodox\, traducere de Eduard-George
Iorga, `n Teologie [i Via]\, anul 1991, nr. 9-12, p. 182.
 2014 Anul omagial euharistic 77

s\ vindece `ntreaga lume de boal\ [i de p\cat: A suflat asupra lor

[i le-a zis: Lua]i Duh Sfnt. C\rora ve]i ierta p\catele, le vor fi iertate
[i c\rora le ve]i ]ine, vor fi ]inute (Ioan 20, 22-23). Prin acest mandat
oficial acordat de Iisus Hristos, ucenicii au primit puterea s\ vindece
bolile [i s\ ierte p\catele, `n numele Fiului lui Dumnezeu, mandat
transmis peste veacuri Bisericii de azi, care nu este altceva dect
tezaurul doctrinar cre[tin al Bisericii celei una [i nedesp\r]it\,
este adev\rul cre[tin care s-a cur\]it de toate impurit\]ile `n focul
confrunt\rii cu erezia, de-a lungul perioadei sinoadelor ecumenice.
Adev\rul acesta este singurul care trebuie s\ str\luceasc\ `ntocmai
ca o stea polar\ `ndreptnd spre adev\ratul liman al mntuirii14.
Cea mai important\ preocupare a Mntuitorului `n activitatea
Sa p\mnteasc\ a fost vindecarea sau reabilitarea omului, Hristos-
Omul dorind prin aceasta s\ ne transmit\ un mesaj cu totul excep-
]ional, acela al [ansei noastre concrete de a ne putea rec\p\ta ar-
monia deplin\ pierdut\ `n spa]iul paradisiac, cnd primii oameni
au `nc\lcat porunca lui Dumnezeu privitoare la rela]ia s\n\toas\
care ar fi trebuit s\ aib\ loc `ntre divinitate [i omenitate. Altfel spus,
vindecarea omului conduce spre o `mp\care a sa cu Dumnezeu, dar
[i spre o cre[tere interioar\ substan]ial\, ceea ce presupune c\ `n
experien]a `mp\c\rii este reprezentat ceva din adev\rata istorici-
tate a omului [i, odat\ cu ea, ceva din posibilit\]ile lui de cre[tere
interioar\15.
Plecnd de la aceast\ argumentare, Sfin]ii P\rin]i ai Bisericii au
adncit `nv\]\tura biblic\, afirmnd c\ omul credincios este chemat
s\-[i t\m\duiasc\ sufletul prin Taina Sfintei Spovedanii, dup\ un ade-
v\rat periplu duhovnicesc, care s\ vizeze, `n primul rnd, cre[terea
interioar\, apoi deschiderea omului spre acceptarea lui Dumnezeu
[i a aproapelui `n via]a sa. De aceea, din perspectiva ortodox\,
experien]a personal\ e un proces continuu de cre[tere [i de matu-
rizare, de sporire `n experien]a Bisericii16. Prin aceast\ modalitate,
14
Mitropolit Nicolae Corneanu, Quo vadis? Studii, note [i comentarii teolo-
gice, Editura Mitropoliei Banatului, Timi[oara, 1990, p. 118.
15
Hans-Georg Gadamer, Elogiul teoriei. Mo[tenirea Europei, traducere de
Octavian Nicolae [i Val Panaitescu, Editura Polirom, Ia[i, 1999, p. 31.
16
Karl Christian Felmy, Dogmatica experien]ei ecleziale. nnoirea teologiei
ortodoxe contemporane, traducere de pr. prof. dr. Ioan Ic\, Editura Deisis, Sibiu,
1999, p. 51.
78 Teologie [i Via]\

pentru a avea speran]a [i certitudinea vindec\rii oferit\ de Hristos,

ca Surs\ sau Izvor al s\n\t\]ii, omul are datoria prim\ de a con[ti-
entiza cauza p\catelor sale, s\ o accepte [i s\ o `n]eleag\, dup\ care
s\ caute efectiv vindecarea sa prin m\rturisirea constant\ a cre-
din]ei [i prin harul sfin]itor al Tainelor Bisericii. Pentru a ne con-
vinge pe deplin de leg\tura intrinsec\ dintre boal\ [i p\cat, dintre
vindecare [i poc\in]\, dintre iertarea p\catelor [i reintegrarea `n
comunitatea de credin]\, trebuie s\ facem apel [i la momentul biblic
al vindec\rii paraliticului de c\tre Hristos, la sc\ld\toarea Vitezda,
cnd i-a spus acestuia: Iat\ c\ te-ai f\cut s\n\tos. De acum s\ nu
mai p\c\tuie[ti, ca s\ nu-]i fie ceva mai r\u (Ioan 5, 14). Aceasta
dovede[te, `nc\ o dat\, c\ nu se poate vorbi de vindecare dac\
sufletul nu este `n stare de poc\in]\ [i de raportare la Hristos [i la
Biserica Sa, adic\ la ortodoxia credin]ei, `ntruct cu spiritul ei de
modestie, Ortodoxia este mai degrab\ con[tient\ c\ are o chemare
tainic\ proprie, aceea de a r\mne statornic\ `n credin]\, de a r\-
mne fidel\ pn\ la urm\, astfel ca atunci cnd va veni Domnul s\
g\seasc\ un pic de credin]\ pe p\mnt, s\ afle c]iva ucenici care
privegheaz\, s\ existe cteva fecioare `ntmpinnd cu candele aprinse
pe Mirele care vine la miezul nop]ii17.
Momentul Cincizecimii sau al na[terii Bisericii ne ghideaz\ spre
acea viziune teologic\ prin care vindecarea omului nu poate avea
loc `ntr-un spa]iu `n care Duhul Sfnt nu este chemat sau invocat prin
rug\ciune [i `n care nu exist\ o ambian]\ primitoare [i peniten]ial\,
ci trebuie s\ se ]in\ cont [i de mediul `n care omul caut\ `ns\n\-
to[irea, deoarece mediul sau spa]iul `n care omul tr\ie[te [i `[i desf\-
[oar\ activitatea `l predispun spre starea s\n\toas\ sau bolnav\,
virtuoas\ sau p\c\toas\. Credinciosul prime[te vindecarea `ntr-un
spa]iu care este el `nsu[i vindecat [i care poate transmite, cu pu-
terea Duhului Sfnt, vindecarea, iar din perspectiv\ cre[tin\ acest
spa]iu nu poate fi altul dect comunitatea eclezial\ de credin]\,
adic\ Biserica lui Hristos, Biserica Mea (Matei 16, 18). Biserica poate
oferi credinciosului iertarea p\catelor, dar, mai ales, ofer\ spa]iul `n care
darul s\n\t\]ii suflete[ti s\ poat\ fi p\strat intact prin ferirea de viru-
sul p\catului, care ne separ\ sau ne excomunic\ de la noua via]\18.
17
Pr. prof. dr. Ion Bria, Destinul Ortodoxiei, EIBMBOR, Bucure[ti, 1989, p. 370.
18
Alexander Schmemann, Liturghie [i via]\. Des\vr[ire cre[tin\ prin inter-
mediul experien]ei liturgice, traducere de pr. dr. Viorel Sava, Editura Erota, Ia[i,
2001, p. 117.
 2014 Anul omagial euharistic 79

~n Biseric\ ne `ntlnim cu Hristos, `n chip nev\zut, dar real, Care

ofer\ vindecare pentru orice suflet bolnav de p\cat [i cuprins de pa-
timi. ~n acest sens, Sfntul Ioan din Kronstadt arat\ importan]a Bisericii
ca loc pentru poc\in]\, `n detrimentul lumii p\mntene, afirmnd c\
`n lume murim prin p\cate `n Biseric\ ne facem vii `n har, prin
poc\in]\; `n lume suntem supu[i necazurilor, `ntrist\rilor, n\pastelor,
bolilor `n Biseric\ ne eliber\m de ele, ne vindec\m, dobndim mn-
giere, afl\m alinare; `n lume orbec\im `n bezna patimilor, nu [tim
ce facem, c\tre ce tindem, fiindc\ ne orbe[te `ntunericul p\catului
`n Biseric\ ne lumin\m prin deschiderea ochilor min]ii [i vedem
limpede lumina; `n lume ne `ntin\m `n Biseric\ ne cur\]im [i ne
sfin]im; `n lume c\dem `n neputin]\ trupeasc\ [i sufleteasc\ `n Bi-
seric\ ne `nt\rim cu sufletul [i trupul. Din Biseric\ iradiaz\ iertare,
via]\, putere, sfin]enie, adev\r, lumin\, curajul duhului, mngiere
[i bucurie19.
A[adar, Biserica este cea care canalizeaz\ vindecarea sufletului,
ca dar al Mntuitorului Iisus Hristos, spre penitentul care `n]elege
c\ orice p\cat s\vr[it, orict ar fi el de grav, poate fi iertat printr-o
poc\in]\ profund\, `n `n]elesul c\ `ntoarcerea sau peniten]a trebuie
s\ fie pe m\sura intensit\]ii p\catului s\vr[it, deoarece p\catul re-
prezint\ un act de revolt\ `mpotriva iubirii lui Dumnezeu, `n timp ce
m\rturisirea categoric\ a p\catului solicit\ iubire smerit\ [i autentic\
pentru D\ruitorul vindec\rii. Prin poc\in]\ onest\, prin peniten]\
sporit\ [i prin dorin]a puternic\ de vindecare, sufletul cre[tinului se
`nnoie[te, f\cndu-se Biseric\ a lui Hristos, `n care locuie[te ~nsu[i
Dumnezeu, deoarece cel `nnoit nu mai lucreaz\ sau vorbe[te el, ci
Dumnezeu Care Se afl\ `ntr-`nsul.

Terapia vindec\rii, `n slujba Sfintei Spovedanii

~n Taina Sfintei Spovedanii se `mp\rt\[e[te credinciosului penitent,

`n chip nev\zut, dar real, binecuvntarea lui Dumnezeu, harul `nfierii,
mireasma `nt\ririi suflete[ti [i darul iert\rii de p\catele spovedite sau
m\rturisite cu maxim regret, cu decizia ferm\ de a nu le mai repeta
[i cu hot\rrea radical\ de a elimina cauza care a dus la s\vr[irea
lor. Rnduiala liturgic\ actual\ a slujbei Sfintei Spovedanii are `n
19
Sfntul Ioan din Kronstadt, Liturghia: cerul pe p\mnt. Cuget\ri mistice despre
Biseric\ [i Cultul divin ortodox, traducere de Boris Buzil\, Editura Deisis, Sibiu,
1996, p. 41.
80 Teologie [i Via]\

componen]a sa cteva particularit\]i teologice, spirituale [i practice,

cu profund caracter terapeutic, menite s\ contribuie la restaurarea
sau vindecarea omului, [i anume:
- con[tiin]a p\c\to[eniei este primul pas f\cut spre dobndirea
vindec\rii, izvornd dintr-un acut sim] al p\catului, fiind cerut\ in-
sistent de dorin]a de restaurare [i de iertare, dar care conduce spre
logica credin]ei c\ Iisus Hristos vindec\ `ntreaga persoan\, nu doar
un anumit aspect al constituirii fiin]ei umane. Aceasta `nseamn\ c\
vindecarea trebuie conjugat\ cu vestea cea bun\ a Evangheliei, cu
propov\duirea Cuvntului lui Dumnezeu `n lume, care s\-i diri-
jeze pe to]i oamenii c\tre Mntuitorul Iisus Hristos [i spre Biserica
Sa, prin metoda [i practica poc\in]ei, aceasta din urm\ fiind `nti
de toate, o criz\ real\ `n con[tiin]\20;
- poc\in]a profund\ sau c\in]a21, care se manifest\ prin p\-
rerea de r\u pentru p\catele sau gre[elile cele de voie [i cele f\r\
de voie, cele cu [tiin]\ [i cu ne[tiin]\, cele prin c\lcare de porunc\
[i prin neascultare22 s\vr[ite, dar [i printr-o promisiune care s\
vizeze m\rturisirea integral\ [i sincer\ a p\catelor, `n vederea unei
st\ri permanente de poc\in]\ autentic\, de veghe duhovniceasc\, de
dragoste real\ pentru Hristos [i de dor pentru comuniunea eclezial\,
iar pe de alt\ parte, de preg\tire a sufletului pentru o schimbare
total\ sau radical\ a direc]iei de mers din via]a penitentului;
- molitfa, rug\ciunile de iertare23 sau introductive, prin care peni-
tentul este aten]ionat asupra gravit\]ii p\catului [i a patimii din via]a
sa, este `ndemnat s\-[i reaminteasc\ de tragedia izgonirii lui Adam
din rai [i a desp\r]irii sale de Dumnezeul celor ce se poc\iesc24,
de instabilitatea vie]ii f\r\ raportare la Hristos [i la Biserica Sa, dar
este `ncredin]at s\-[i recapete speran]a c\, prin rug\ciune smerit\
[i m\rturisire complet\, via]a p\c\toas\ poate fi anulat\ printr-o
decizie radical\ `n ceea ce prive[te re`nnoirea vie]ii [i printr-un ur-
cu[ duhovnicesc adecvat;
- m\rturisirea sincer\ dore[te s\ scoat\ `n eviden]\ faptul c\,
`n scaunul Spovedaniei, `n fa]a duhovnicului, care este un martor25
20
Alexander Schmemann, op. cit., p. 118.
21
Pr. prof. dr. Ion Bria, M\rturisire, pp. 250-252.
22
Slujba M\rturisirii, `n Molitfelnic, EIBMBOR, Bucure[ti, 2013, p. 64.
23
Ibidem, pp. 63-65.
24
Ibidem, p. 64.
25
Ibidem, p. 65.
 2014 Anul omagial euharistic 81

[i un `mpreun\-rug\tor, te afli de fapt `n dialog personal cu Hristos,

Care st\ nev\zut, primind m\rturisirea ta cea cu umilin]\26, C\ruia
`i vei spune ceva deosebit de important pentru redresarea vie]ii tale
[i de la Care speri [i a[tep]i c\ vei primi r\spuns, pe m\sura preg\-
tirii pentru aceast\ `ntlnire, adic\ un r\spuns de iubire concret\ a
lui Hristos, Vindec\torul sufletului, la cererea insistent\ de a primi
vindecare [i iertare de p\cate din partea Sa. Altfel spus, motiva]ia
principal\ a unei m\rturisiri sincere `n vederea vindec\rii este iu-
birea Creatorului pentru creatura Sa, Care nu `i dore[te distrugerea,
ci re`ntoarcerea la adev\rata via]\;
- canonul sau epitimia nu reprezint\ altceva dect un remediu
pentru penitent, nicidecum o pedeaps\, care s\ `l ajute `n demersul
s\u complet de vindecare, de restaurare sau de `ndreptare, avnd con-
vingerea ferm\ a faptului c\ Taina Sfintei Spovedanii este rug\-
ciunea sfnt\ a Bisericii, prin care ne vindec\m sufletul, ne sfin]im
via]a, ne deschidem sufletul ca s\ intre `n el harul t\m\duitor al Du-
hului Sfnt, primim iertare de p\catele s\vr[ite, deoarece p\catul
este privit ca o boal\, care trebuie vindecat\ [i nu pedepsit\, [tiut
fiind c\, `n realitate, p\catul este c\dere, moarte, `ntunecare [i cap-
tivitate a min]ii27. Din aceast\ perspectiv\, canonul este `n]eles ca
fiind un medicament28, `nt\ritor [i stimulent pe calea des\vr[irii
morale29, gimnastic\ a sufletului30, exerci]iu de voin]\31 sau exer-
ci]iu spiritual32;
- rug\ciunea de dezlegare33 rostit\ de duhovnic, dimpreun\ cu a[e-
zarea minilor pe cre[tetul penitentului, pentru ca s\ primeasc\
26
Ibidem.
27
Hierotheos Vlachos, Mitropolit de Nafpaktos, op. cit., p. 28.
28
Pr. prof. dr. Ioan I. Ic\, Taina M\rturisirii `n practica sacramental\ [i
importan]a ei `n lucrarea pastoral\ a Bisericii Ortodoxe, `n Mitropolia Ardea-
lului, anul 1983, nr. 7-8, p. 420.
29
Pr. Nicodim Belea, ndatoririle duhovnicului dup\ sfintele canoane, `n Studii
Teologice, anul 1951, nr. 9-10, p. 493.
30
Spiridon Cndea, M\rturisirea p\catelor, `n Mitropolia Olteniei, anul 1954,
nr. 9-10, p. 475.
31
Pr. conf. Ilie Moldovan, Preotul duhovnic [i darul iert\rii p\catelor, `n Orto-
doxia, anul 1982, nr. 4, p. 583.
32
Pr. asist. Liviu Streza, Preotul `n scaunul Spovedaniei, `n ndrum\torul bise-
ricesc, Sibiu, 1982, p. 182.
33
Slujba M\rturisirii, pp. 74-75.
82 Teologie [i Via]\

iertarea de toate p\catele34 m\rturisite, constituie bucuria iert\rii

p\catelor [i dezlegarea de a fi reprimit `n comunitatea eclezial\ de
credin]\. Aceast\ rug\ciune are `n vedere faptul c\ vindecarea sau
iertarea p\catelor o poate acorda doar Hristos, iar penitentului nu-i
revine dect oportunitatea de a r\mne conectat la darul iert\rii [i
la bucuria reg\sirii `n comuniune cu Dumnezeu [i cu aproapele. Cu
alte cuvinte, dezlegarea este anun]area prin preot, c\ Dumnezeu
a primit pe penitent, l-a re`mp\cat cu Sine ~nsu[i [i cu Biserica, c\
Fiul Risipitor s-a re`ntors [i este acceptat de Tat\l35.
A[adar, principalele elemente terapeutice prezente `n slujba li-
turgic\ a Sfintei Spovedanii sau M\rturisiri formeaz\ un tot unitar, care
se adreseaz\ penitentului `n vederea ridic\rii acestuia la demnitatea
de fiu al lui Dumnezeu dup\ har, ulterior conferindu-i filia]ia duhov-
niceasc\ a leg\turii dintre Hristos [i om. Totodat\, se poate constata
c\ vindecarea are loc `n cadrul unei familii ecleziale, spirituale sau
duhovnice[ti, `n care predomin\ iubirea t\m\duitoare a lui Hristos [i
speran]a `n redobndirea s\n\t\]ii paradisiace, iar familia de suflet
a unui cre[tin autentic este `ntotdeauna Biserica.

Primim sau nu primim vindecare prin Taina Spovedaniei?

~n Biseric\, fiecare sfnt\ tain\ sau ritual liturgic este un mod

diferit de `ntlnire personal\ cu Iisus Hristos [i de tr\ire a acestei `n-
tlniri, dup\ cum ne asigur\ Mntuitorul: Eu cu voi sunt `n toate
zilele, pn\ la sfr[itul veacului (Matei 28, 20). Tendin]a omului spre
p\cat [i materializarea acestei tendin]e prin s\vr[irea p\catului `l
`ndep\rteaz\ pe om de comuniunea cu Dumnezeu [i `l izoleaz\
`ntr-o stare de egoism [i de singur\tate. ~ns\, ie[irea din aceast\ stare
se realizeaz\ prin m\rturisirea p\catelor care, ca act psihologic,
`nseamn\ o dep\[ire a st\rii de `nchidere `n sine, iar pe plan duhov-
nicesc este hot\rrea unei angaj\ri ferme `n lupta p\catului, pentru a
redobndi comuniunea cu Dumnezeu36. ~ntlnirea cu Hristos [i co-
muniunea cu El prin Taina Spovedaniei iau chipul sau icoana unei
dorin]e arz\toare dup\ aceast\ comuniune, `n urma con[tientiz\rii
c\ p\catul `nchide `n sine, izoleaz\ [i `nsingureaz\.
34
Ibidem, p. 75.
35
Alexander Schmemann, op. cit., p. 118.
36
Pr. prof. dr. D. St\niloae, M\rturisirea, mijloc de cre[tere duhovniceasc\, `n
Mitropolia Olteniei, anul 1956, nr. 4-5, p. 169.
 2014 Anul omagial euharistic 83

P\catul este cel care `ntunec\ mintea, atrofiaz\ sufletul [i perver-

te[te persoana uman\ `n integritatea fiin]ei sale, `ns\ eliberarea de
p\cat, printr-o poc\in]\ profund\, con[tient\ [i liber\, produce o ade-
v\rat\ iluminare, `nnoire [i `nviere a persoanei umane. De aceea,
poc\in]a, ca exerci]iu ascetic de cur\]ire de patimi, prin lacrimi [i
umilin]\, este o adev\rat\ Cruce [i ~nviere, `n sensul c\ ea produce o
real\ `nviere spiritual\, o `nviere mistic\, prin care trecem de la
moarte la via]\ [i de pe p\mnt la cer, dup\ cum se cnt\ la ~n-
vierea Domnului. Din aceast\ perspectiv\, poc\in]a nu `nseamn\
altceva dect `ntoarcerea de la nep\sare [i nesim]ire duhovniceasc\
la trezvie (priveghere) [i sim]ire sfnt\. Poc\in]a este `ntoarcerea de
la starea de boal\ pricinuit\ sufletului prin p\cat la starea de s\n\-
tate a sufletului, prin dobndirea virtu]ilor37. Spovedania este o ade-
v\rat\ [coal\ a virtu]ii38. De aceea, `n Ortodoxie, `n fiecare Sfnt\
Tain\, credinciosul se `ntlne[te personal cu Hristos [i experimen-
teaz\ comuniunea de iubire cu El39. Cu alte cuvinte, Spovedania este
Taina prin care credinciosul dobnde[te iertarea p\catelor s\vr[ite
dup\ Botez [i `mp\carea cu Dumnezeu [i cu Biserica40, ca efecte
ale iert\rii p\catelor m\rturisite.
Astfel, m\rturisirea p\catelor `n scaunul Spovedaniei devine o
modalitate sigur\ a vindec\rii sufletului de boala p\catului numai `n
m\sura `n care omul con[tientizeaz\ necesitatea rena[terii sale spi-
rituale, re`nnoirii vie]ii, refacerii leg\turii cu Dumnezeu, ie[irii sale
din starea de izolare, dup\ care s\-[i propun\ [i s\ urmeze un pro-
gram terapeutic din punct de vedere spiritual. Efectul Tainei devine
evident prin aceea c\ omul devine liber, iertat [i dezlegat de p\cat,
dar [i prin aceea c\ `[i propune s\ se `ntlneasc\ mai des cu Hristos,
`ndeosebi `n cadrul slujbei Sfintei Liturghii, la masa sau cina Euha-
ristiei, adic\ a `mp\rt\[irii reale cu Trupul [i Sngele lui Hristos, dup\
cum ne `ncredin]eaz\ Sfnta Scriptur\, convin[i de faptul c\ ceea
37
Daniel, Mitropolitul Moldovei [i Bucovinei, Cuvnt `nainte, `n Petroniu
T\nase, U[ile poc\in]ei. Medita]ii duhovnice[ti la vremea Triodului, edi]ia a II-a,
Editura Trinitas, Ia[i, 2002, p. 5.
38
Pr. dr. Snic\ T. Palade, Taina Sfintei Spovedanii, mijloc de pastora]ie indivi-
dual\, Editura Sf. Mina, Ia[i, 2002, p. 122.
39
Pr. Viorel Sava, Taina M\rturisirii `n riturile liturgice actuale, Editura Trinitas,
Ia[i, 1999, p. 5.
40
Pr. prof. Ene Brani[te, Liturgica special\, EIBMBOR, Bucure[ti, 1980, p. 382.
84 Teologie [i Via]\

ce Sfnta Scriptur\ a promis, Sfnta Liturghie a confirmat. ~n aceasta

const\ geniul Ortodoxiei, de a nu desp\r]i Scriptura de Liturghie,
nici Liturghia de Scriptur\41.
Cu alte cuvinte, Sfnta Tain\ a Spovedaniei are, `n mod concen-
trat, dou\ mari efecte: primul const\ `n iertarea p\catelor [i rea[e-
zarea penitentului `n starea haric\ din care c\zuse, iar al doilea este
libertatea [i oportunitatea de a primi Euharistia, ca hran\ spiritual\
pentru sufletul vindecat.

Concluzii

Din cele prezentate succint mai sus se poate concluziona c\:

- Spovedania este rug\ciunea sfnt\ de iertare [i restaurare, s\-
vr[it\ de duhovnicul rug\tor, prin care se `mp\rt\[e[te credinciosului
c\zut `n p\cat harul nev\zut al vindec\rii, rec[tigarea speran]ei `n
puterea terapeutic\ a lui Hristos, iertarea p\catelor [i `nfierea `n co-
munitatea eclezial\ de credin]\ [i de via]\. Cu alte cuvinte, impor-
tan]a Spovedaniei reiese din faptul c\ prin ea se men]ine s\n\tatea
`ntregului corp, Biserica, dar [i s\n\tatea fiec\rui m\dular `n parte.
Cnd un m\dular sufer\, sufer\ `ntregul corp, iar ceea ce este [i mai
grav, boala unui m\dular se poate extinde `n tot corpul. Pentru a pro-
teja s\n\tatea `ntregului corp, ea se impune cu necesitate pentru
fiecare m\dular `n parte42;
- poc\in]a sincer\ st\ la baza demersului vindec\rii omului, ca
reluare a dialogului personal dintre Dumnezeu [i om, dar [i la reve-
nirea sa acas\, `nct a fost numit\ taina reg\sirii noastre suflete[ti43;
- iertarea p\catelor este, pe de o parte, darul lui Dumnezeu, care
trebuie respectat [i p\strat, iar dinamica vie]ii constituie spa]iul [i
timpul `n care omul `[i caut\ permanent vindecarea de boala spiri-
tual\ a p\catului, `n care tinde spre un sens terapeutic al existen]ei
sale, pentru a nu `ntuneca sau virusa frumuse]ea darului lui Dum-
nezeu. Pe de alt\ parte, ea `nseamn\ corecta ac]iune terapeutic\
41
Daniel, Patriarhul Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, Misiune pentru mntuire.
Lucrarea Bisericii `n societate, Editura Basilica, Bucure[ti, 2009, p. 302.
42
Pr. drd. Viorel Sava, Preotul duhovnic [i Taina Spovedaniei, `n Teologie [i
Via]\, anul 1993, nr. 1-3, p. 26.
43
Pr. prof. dr. Nicolae D. Necula, Cnd [i cum a fost `ntemeiat\ Taina Spove-
daniei?, `n Ziarul Lumina, edi]ia na]ional\, luni, 3 martie 2014, nr. 50 (2751), p. 6.
 2014 Anul omagial euharistic 85

de a ne elibera mintea de domina]ia logicii [i a patimilor, [i, dup\

aceea, luminarea ei de harul lui Dumnezeu, care se face de omul
plin de har posesorul unor experien]e duhovnice[ti personale44;
- vindecarea omului face parte din programul terapeutic ini]iat
de Hristos, `ncepnd cu momentul ~ntrup\rii Sale `n istoria uma-
nit\]ii. Pentru cei care primesc vindecarea, ea se constituie `ntr-un
moment de s\rb\toare, de mul]umire [i de bucurie a particip\rii
personale la via]a hristic\. Frumuse]ea vindec\rii noastre devine evi-
dent\ atunci cnd suntem capabili s\ mul]umim lui Hristos pentru
darul vie]ii, pentru c\ prin Spovedanie are loc refacerea raportului
cu Dumnezeu prin ajutorul harului divin45;
- cheia vindec\rii sufletului trebuie c\utat\ `n dorin]a arz\toare de a
c\uta din ce `n ce mai des pe duhovnic, de a fi sinceri `n dorin]a
noastr\ de vindecare, `n promisiunea ferm\ de a distruge cauza p\-
catului din via]a noastr\ [i de a p\stra o leg\tur\ permanent\ cu
Hristos, `n disponibilitatea noastr\ de a ne propune s\ fim parteneri
loiali ai lui Hristos, `n inten]ia noastr\ de a ne schimba modul de
a tr\i [i `n capacitatea noastr\ de a `n]elege c\ suntem `ntr-o depen-
den]\ cauzal\ de Dumnezeu. Din acest punct de vedere, abjurarea
p\catului este un moment esen]ial `n Poc\in]\46;
- Spovedania sau M\rturisirea nu `nseamn\ altceva dect posi-
bilitatea penitentului de a-[i exercita deplina libertate de con[tiin]\ [i
de exprimare, f\r\ a fi constrns sau obligat de cineva anume, prin
care dore[te s\-[i vindece integral sufletul, s\ devin\ un om nou,
restaurat, s\ beneficieze de a doua sa na[tere, de un al doilea Bo-
tez, pentru c\ prin ea se spal\ p\catele, `ntocmai ca prin Taina
Sfntului Botez. Prin urmare, poc\in]a este Tain\ cereasc\ prin
care se nimice[te r\ul [i se lucreaz\ harul mntuitor [i sfin]itor. Spre
harul ei aspir\ sufletul omenesc con[tient [i incon[tient, ca floarea
spre soare47;
- utilitatea Sfintei Taine a Spovedaniei `n via]a cre[tinului este
de necontestat, dat fiind faptul c\ orice om, indiferent de vrst\, de
44
Hierotheos Vlachos, Mitropolit de Nafpaktos, op. cit., p. 29.
45
Pr. Petre Vintilescu, Spovedania [i duhovnicia, Editura Ortodox\ Romn\,
Alba Iulia, 1995, p. 25.
46
Pr. Ilarion V. Felea, Poc\in]a. Studiu de documentare teologic\ [i psiholo-
gic\, Editura Scara, Bucure[ti, 2000, p. 15.
47
Ibidem, p. 231.
86 Teologie [i Via]\

stare material\, de rang social, de preg\tire profesional\ sau de

etnie are nevoie de vindecare, iar adev\rata vindecare nu poate fi
ob]inut\ dect de la Iisus Hristos Duhovnicul, Medicul sau Vinde-
c\torul umanit\]ii , `n timp ce pentru martorul-duhovnic Spovedania
este lucrarea cea mai dificil\ `n terapeutica cre[tin\48.

48
Drd. Anca Manolache, Sfnta Tain\ a M\rturisirii, `n Glasul Bisericii,
anul 1979, nr. 3-4, p. 297.
St Vladimirs Theological Quarterly 58:3 (2014) 253-279

C o n f e s s io n a n d C d m m ijn id n in t h e
O r t h o d o x C h u r c h a M o d e r n D il e m m a

?aid MeyendorfF

It would be no exaggeration to say that the 20th century was the age
of eucharistie ecclesiology, not only for Eastern Christians, but for
much of Christianity as well. This movement began with a revival
of interest in the eucharist, initially with Roman Catholicism and
Eastern Orthodoxy, but then, especially after Vatican II, affecting
much ofProtestant Christianity as well.
The eucharistie revival simultaneously followed two principal
tracks. The ftrst was an increased emphasis on foe ecclesial
dimension of the eucharist. Orthodox theologians, building upon
developments in biblical and patristictheology that began already in
foe 19th century, rediscovered foe centrality of the eucharist in the
life of the Church. Basing themselves on key scriptural passages, as
well as the writings of Ignatius of Antioch, Maximus the Confessor,
Nicholas Cabasilas, and others, leading modern Orthodox
thologiansNicholas Afanassiev, Alexander Schmemann, John
Meyendorff, John Zizioulas, and their foiiowers-focused on
the eucharist as foe visible expression and manifestation of the
Church. Atnong Roman Catholics, in foe decades leading up to
Vatican II, scholars such as Jean Danilou, Eouis Bouyer, and Yves
Congar, similarly discovered eucharistie ecclesiology through their
reading of early Christian tradition and foe Greek fathers, as well
as their direct contacts with Orthodox theologians in France. This
approach reached its apex in Vatican IIs decree on the liturgy: The
liturgy ... most of all in foe divine sacrifice of the eucharist, is foe
outstanding means whereby foe faithful may express in their lives
and manifest to others foe mystery of Christ and foe real nature
Paper delivered on June 11,2014, ro the congress of the Society for Oriental Liturgy,
held at St Vladimirs Seminary.

253
254 ST VLADIMIRS THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

of the true Church.2 Subsequent to Vatican II, many Protestant

churches similarly underwent eucharistie revivals of their own, and
the language of koinonia, with its strong eucharistie overtones,
entered the ecumenical vocabulary.
The renewed focus on the eucharist also had immediate pastoral
effects, namely an increase in the frequency of communion. Many
of the faithful in both East and West, formerly taught to receive
communion onlyonce or a very few times year, were now encouraged
to commune more frequently.^ In many Orthodox parishes today,
^rticularly in the so-called diaspora,^ a majority ofthe faithful now
receive each Sunday. But the movement is catching on in traditionally
Orthodox countries as well, particularly in urban parishes, where the
clergy are more likely to have been exposed to foe writings ofthe chief
2 0 tfo ^ tu ry proponents of this eucharistie revival.
This new emphasis on more frequent communion reverses a trend
that began already in foe 4th century. Bishops and preachers such
as John Chrysostom were already bemoaning foe fact that fewer
and fewer people communed, and this fact has been well studied
by scholars such as Robert Taft:.5 One consequence of this was the

2 Constitution on the SacredLiturgy, Par. 2.

3 It would be an exaggeration to say that the eucharistie revival arose out of nothing
in the 20th century. Already in the 1 century, the Kollyvades in Greece, as well
as St John ofKronstadt in Russia, placed a strong emphasis on more frequent com-
munion. Even earlier in the 14-I5th centuries, the hesychast movement placed great
stress on the eucharist and on its receptionsee especially the writings of Nicholas
Cabasilas, The Life in Christ and Commentary on the Liturgy.
4 The term diaspora is applied to Orthodox Christians living outside their ancestral
homelands, in Western Europe, the Americas, Australia. The term is problematic, in
that many Orthodox Christians living in the West are hrmly acculturated and feel
quite at home there, not to mention the fact that an increasing number are converts,
with no ancestral or cultural ties to traditionally Orthodox countries. The designa-
tion is most often used by religious (and civil) leaders in these countries who seek
to maintain control over Orthodox populations they frei belong to them. In North
America, for example, there are Orthodox jurisdictions belonging to Constanti-
nople, Antioch, Russia, Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria, etc.
5 C ch. 6 (The Frequency ofthe Eucharist in the Byzantine Tradition: History and
Practice) in R. F. Taft, A History ofthe Liturgy ofStJohn Chrysostom, Vol VI, The
Communion, Thanksgiving, and Concluding Rites, Orientalia Christiana Analecta
281 (Rome: Pontificio Istituto Orientale, 2008), 342-414, esp. 378ff.
Confession and Communion in the Orthodox Church 255

development, in different churehes, of ever stricter rcquirements

for the reception of communiona subject that deserves serious
historical study, far beyond the scope of this modest presentation.
These requirements have, in some cases, become so onerous as
to make frequent communion virtually impossiblehence the
modern dilemma.
Nowhere is this situation more acute than in the Slavic Orthodox
churches, and I would Idee to focus here on a recent development
in the Russian Orthodox Church. I choose this church not simply
because it is, by far, the largest Eastern Orthodox Church, but also
because, already for more than 500 years, it has had the tendency to
issue formal regulations on all matters liturgical. As any student of
liturgical history knows, Russians take liturgical practice, down to the
minutest detail,very seriously. There areprecise rubrics for everything,
as well as a tendency to identify these rubrics with the very essence of
the faith. I have written about this in my doctoral dissertation, which
focused on Nikons reforms in the mid-17th century.*
IwillfocustodayonadraftstatementissuedbytheMezhsobornoe
Prisutstvie (Inter-Council Commission) on September 9, 2013
and posted for comments on the website of the Russian Bishops
Council.7 As of May 26, 2014, 147 responses appear on the page,
significantly more than appear on any other topic posted on this
website. Clearly, foe proposed text has generated strong interest.
The full text of the statement, some 3000 words in length, argues
unequivocally for maintaining a eucharistie discipline that took
shape in Russia only in foe I7 th -I8 th centuries. Preparation for
communion, called govenie in Russian, includes a fast, normally
force days in length, which includes abstaining from meat and
avoiding diversions, including from marital relations, the reading of
a long rule of prayer, sacramental confession, and a total fast from
food and water from midnight. Quoting our follow SCL member

6 Russia, Ritual, Reform: The Liturgical Reforms ofNikon in the 17th Century
(Crestwood, NY: svs Press, 1991).
7 www.msobor.ru/doc.php?id=74. Accessed March 26, 2014. English translation in
the Appendix below.
256 S T ^ D I M I R S THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

Stephanos Alexopoulos, our document points out that the basic

outlines of this tradition emerge in I I - I 2 th century Byzantine
monasticism.8 The document then states that, in its strictest form,
as outlined in ch. 32 of the Russian Typikon, the Russian tradition
actually calls for an obligatory seven-day fast.9 ^ e s e ever-stricter
rules, of course, develop at a time when communion is received
infrequently, even among monastics. We should note here as
well that the eucharistie fast from midnight, attested to in early
canonical sources, is distinct from the later practice of govenie and
is universally observed in all eastern traditions.
Evidently, this rule develops in a context where communion had
become infrequent, limited ro a few rimes a year (typically the four
fasting seasons, when the faithful were fasting anyway), or, eventually
once ayear. Thus, an instruction in the 1699 Moscow Sluzhebnik, in a
special explanatory section, indicates that, while seven days of fasting
is the norm, it may be reduced ro three days, or even one day. A few
decades later, Peter the Greats spiritual Regulation, also cited in our
text, establishes a onceayear minimum, which remains the rule in
Russian practice, and in those Slavic churches influenced by it.
As the statement indicates, these practices developed flrst in a
monastic setting and were then adopted by the laity as well. Eor
the period beginning in the ll- 1 2 th centuries was precisely the
time that monasticism came to play such a strong influence over
liturgical life in the Byzantine commonwealth, which at that time
included the Slavs. Mt Athos, in particular, became the center of
monastic life, attracting monks from many Orthodox churches, and
it was here that the hesychast movement flourished and influenced
the entire Orthodox world. Patriarch Philotheos (Kokkinos) in the
Greek churches and Metropolitan Cyprian of Kiev in Rus were
key figures in the subsequent spread of this neoSabaite liturgical
synthesis.10
8 S. Alexopoulos and A. van den Hoek, The ndicott Scroll and Its ?lace in the History
of?rivate Communion Prayers,Dumbarton OaksPapers6Q (2006 [2007]): 146-88.
9 Section 1, A BriefHistorical Overview.
10 See Robert Taft, The Byzantine Rite: A Short History (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical
Press, 1992). On developments in Kievan Rus, see Job Getcha,/, rforme liturgique
Confession and Communion in the Orthodox Church 257

Needless to say, these expanding prerequisites cause difficulties

when church authorities begin to promote more frequent
communion, or when the faithful, on their own initiative, desire to
do so. Fasting in addition to the appointed fasting periods, as well as
on Wednesdays and Fridays, as well as the additional prayer rule and
abstentionfrom maritalrelations, makeweekly communion difficult
indeed. But that is the result o ^ m m ^ sin g patterns of monastic life
onto persons who live in the world. We should note, in addition,
that these rules never came to be applied to clergy, who maintain
the ancient and traditional practice of receiving communion at each
celebration of the eucharistie liturgy.

Confession and Communion

The focus of our presentation today is on the link between
confession and each communion, which is presented in the
document as an absolute norm. The key passage comprises Section
5, awkwardly entitled Confession and Communion. An Obstacle
to the Reception of Holy Communion. I quote the section in its
entirety:
During the period oigovenie, the person preparing for Holy
Communion examines his conscience, which presupposes
sincere repentance for sins committed and the opening of
his conscience before a priest in the Mystery of Confession.
Confession before communion is an inalienable and essential
part of govenie, because it not only cleanses the soul for the
reception ofchrist, but also testifies to the absence ofcanoni-
cal impediments to sharing in ffie Eucharist. In isolated cases,
and with the blessing of their confessor, laypersons wishing to
receive Holy Communion several times in a weekprimarily
during Holy Week and Bright Weekmay, as an exception,
be freed from the requirement of confession before each
communion.
It is not permitted to commune in a state of anger, wrath,
or with the existence of serious, unconfessed sins, or unfor-
given offenses. Those who dare to approach the Eucharistie
du mtropolite Cyprien de Kiev (Paris: Cerf, 2010).
258 ST VLADIMIRS THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

Gifts in such a darkened cnndition subject themselves to the

judgment of God, in the words of the Apostle: He who eats
anddrinks unworthily eats anddrinksjudgment upon himselfi
not discerning the Body ofchrisf (1 Cor 11:29).
The canons similarly forbid communion during the
period offemale impurity (Canon 2 of St Dionysius of Alex-
andria; Canon 7 of Timothy of Alexandria; Canons 19 and
44 of the Council of Laodicea; Canon 69 of the Quinisext
Council).
I leave without comment the prohibition against menstruating
womenour colleague Sr Vassa Larin has written forcefully on the
subject**other than to say that this continues to be a problem in
Eastern and Oriental Orthodox Churches.
One wonders about the origin of the absolute re tire m e n t for
confession before each communion, as this does not appear in the
Greek tradition, and the canonical tradition is absolutely silent on
the matter. As the text itself makes clear, ancient church practice
did not link communion and penance. The faithfol, clergy and laity,
were all expected to receive communion at each celebration of the
liturgy, and what became the sacrament of penance developed in
o r d e r t o reconcile with the Church, and hence the with chalice,
those who apostatized or committed a grave sin that cut them
off from the Church. As the Shepherd ofHermas indicates, such
reconciliationwaspossibleonlyonce, andwas not even to be revealed
to catechumens or neophytes, out of fear that they would not take
their baptism seriously. In this context, it is clearly baptism which
was understood as the sacrament of forgiveness and reconciliation,
while penance was seen as a second baptism, a second chance for
those who fell into serious sin, primarily apostasy, during the age
of persecution. Furthermore, as the early canonical tradition clearly
indicates, all the baptized were expected to receive communion,
and failure to do so was seen as tantamount to apostasy. Minor
sins, the petty sins of everyday life, did not require formal penance

See, for example her artele W hat Is Impurity and w h y ? SVTQ 52, 3 - 4
(2008): 2 7 5 -9 2 .
Confession and Communion in the Orthodox Church 259

and reconciliation. Indeed, the very act of receiving communion

regularly was understood to be for the healing ofsoul and body, as
is still said at communion today in the Byzantine rite.
This system of penance, commonly referred to as public
penance, was not to endure. Penances, especially for apostasy, were
severe, sometimes lifelong. While public penance effectively dealt
with grave sins known to the community, it failed to address more
private sins. In addition, sinners hesitated to expose themselves to
public shame. Indeed, this is what led so many to postpone baptism,
much to the dismay of many fourth-century preachers.
As is well-known, public penance was gradually replaced, in both
East and West, by private confession.^ Not only did the process
becomeprivate, butits content, structure,and even minister changed
dramatically. The model was the conversation between monastic
novices and their spiritual elders, in which foe novices would
share their life history and innermost thoughts. The aim was not
reconciliation with the Church for those who lapsed, but a program
of gradual, spiritual improvement. The elders would often pose
gestions to their youn^isciples, often, given the monastic setting,
touching on sexual behavior. Such questions later became foe basis
for later manuals for confessors. Thus, a penitential ascribed to John
the Faster (Patriarch of Constantinople 582-595) but probably
dating to the ninth century, begins, after the introductory psalms
and prayers, with foe question: My son, when did you first lose
your virginity ? Originally, of course, this practice had nothing
to do with foe formal rite of reconciliation; however, especially
following the age of iconoclasm, as monks gained in influence, fois
model came to replace the old penitential system. Increasingly, it
was monks, ordained or not, who served as confessors, not only

12 For a useful summary of this development in the Fast, see John Eriekson, Peniten
tial Discipline in the Orthodox Canonical Tradition, in The Challenge of Our Past
(Crestwood, NY: St Vladimirs Seminary Press,138 - 23 , .
13 ^ o te d in ibid., 32. On the questions in confessional manuals, see Fve Levin,
Sex and Society in the World ofthe Orthodox Slavs, 900-1700 (Ithaca & London:
Cornell University Press,98) . She errs, however, in her view that these are ofsiavic
originthey are translations from Creek, monastic originals.
260 ST VLADIMIRS THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

their fellow monks, but increasingly lay persons as well,

^ i s at times caused tensions between the monks and the ecclesial
authorities, as reflected, example in the following statement in
the 1 th century by Symeon the New ^eologian:
Before [foe monks], only bishops had received rom the apos-
ties the ^ower ofbinding and loosing, according to the order
o succession. But in foe course of time foe bishops became
good nothing [], and this awesome unc-
tion passed to presbyters who led a blameless lie worthy o
the grace of God. When foey too, presbyters with bishops,
intermingled and became like foe people, and when many o
them ell [under foe sway] of the spirits of error and into vain
words to their condemnation, fois fonction was transmitted
to the chosen people oGod, namely the monks. Not that
it was taken away rom the presbyters and bishops, but they
estranged themselves rom it.14
So it is that, to this day, most people in Greece confess their sins
not to foeir parish priest, but to an ordained monk. And in Greek
practice, newly-ordained priests may not hear confessions until,
typically a year afler ordination, they receive a blessing to do so rom
foeir bishop.^ In Slavic practice, too, foe practice of confessing to
monastics, both lay and ordained, survives to fois day1 remember
as a child going to confession to the abbess ofa Russian convent in
France. In this way, foe notion is maintained that power to provide
spiritual healing is tied not to ordination, but to a specific charism
of spiritual discernment belonging most frequently to experienced
monastics.
Increasingly, during this transitional period, confession would be
followed immediately by communion, though there was no one-to-
one link. Confession came to be understood not as restoration
into communion but as a program of spiritual improvement, and

14 ^ ' , lines 263-74, in K. Holl, ed., Enthusiasmus und Buss-

gewalt beim griechischen Mnchtum (Leipzig, 1898), 110-27; English translation
adapted from Basil Krivocheine, In the Light ofchrist: St Symeon the New Theolo-
gian, LifeSpiritualityDoctrine (Crestwood, NY: svs Press, 35- 134 ,(86 .
15 In modern times, this blessing has largely become a formality.
Confession and Communion in the Orthodox Church 261

communion itself came to be understood as a penitential tool.

For example, a confessor might instruct a penitent to commune a
few times a year, but then to resume abstaining from communion.
In this way, both confession and communion lost much of their
ecclesial aspect and became private and subjective.^
It is through Metropolitan Peter Moghila of Kiev that Russian
liturgical practice came to be influenced by western theology, not
least with regard to confession. In his 1646 Trebnik (Euchologion),
Peter includes the indicativeformulaofabsolutionegoteabsolvo
which first appeared in the 1618 Vilno Trebnik (Euchologion).
And in his explanatory article accompanying the rite of confession,
borrowed almost verbatim from the 1614 Rituale of Pope Paul
V, Peter employs strictly scholastic language in describing the
matter and form of the sacrament. I have written elsewhere about
the liturgical work of Peter Moghila,^ in which I suggest that his
primary goal was to defend the Orthodox against accusations by the
Eatins, who claimed that the Orthodox did not properly understand
their own sacraments. Educated in Polish Catholic schools, Peter
naturally used the scholastic categories with which he was familiar
and which could answer the objections of the Roman Catholic
polemicists. And with this Eatin influence came the formal, one-to-
one connection between confession and communion, which had
been formally established in the West in l2 1 5 a t foe Eourth Lateran
Council and reaffirmed at the Council of Trent.^ I should stress at
this point that fois change was not so dramatic in practice-in most
cases, fois was already what was being done: what is significant is
that fois now becomes a formal requirement.
In later centuries, under Peter the Creat and later Catherine
the Great, annual confession and communion became a civil
requirement as well, punishable through a system of flnes. Annual
6 Cf. John Erickson, Penitential Discipline in the Orthodox Canonical Tradition,

17 $
18 On western developments, a convenient study of this development can he found in
w . David Meyers, Poor Sinning Folk: Confession and Conscience in Counter-Refor-
mation Germany (Ithaca & London: Cornell University Press, 1996).
262 ST ^A D IM IR S THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

communion, preceded by confession, remained the practice into the

20th century not only in Russia, but in other Slavic churches that
depended on the Russian Church for their liturgical books, and, in
more recent times, among Orthodox who emigrated to the West.
Many Orthodox parishes of Slavic heritage in America, for example,
include in their statutes the requirement of annual confession and
communion in order to remain members in good standingi.e.,
to vote in the annual meeting, to be eligible for church burial, etc.

The Modem Dilemma

This system, formal and legalistic, rules in comemporary Russia
today, as well as, to a greater or lesser extent, in Orthodox churches
in Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania, etc. W ith the renewed emphasis
on the importance of foe reception of communion, as well as
foe contemporary stress on its ecclesial dimension, foe inherited
practice becomes untenable. Anyone attending the Divine Liturgy
in a Russian Orthodox Church will see people, often by foe
hundreds, lined up on either side of the church waiting to go to
confession during the course of the entire service, right up until the
chalice is brought out for communion. The confessions themselves
arc often ^founctory, and are sometimes limited simply to the
prayer of absolution. But the formal requirement is maintained
one confession to one communion.
The document, On ?reparation for Holy Communion, begins
with a positive affirmation about foe ecclesial character of foe
eucharist, folly consistent with recent theological developments:
The spiritual life of an Orthodox Christian is inconceivable
without the reception of the Holy Mysteries. Receiving the
Holy Body and Blood of Christ, believers mystically unite
themselves with foe Savior Christ, realize His one Body
the Churchand receive sanctification of body and soul.
(Section I, A BriefHistorical Overview, paragraph I)
But the rest of the text abandons this ecclesial aspect entirely, and
focuses entirely on preparation and communion as acts ofindividual
piety, with foe obvious aim of maintaining the status quo. In other
Confession and Communion in the Orthodox Church 263

words, confession remains an absolute requirement for the reception

of communion, as is stated in Section 5 in no uncertain terms.
Section quotes a number of patristic and canonical sources that
would make it seem as though this has been the rule since ancient
times. The following citation of Canon 2 of the Council of Antioch
( a d 341) is a case in point:
All those persons who enter the church and listen to the
sacred Scriptures, but who fail to commune in prayer together
and at the same time with the laity, or who shun the participa-
tion ofthe ucharist, in accordance with some irregularity, we
decree that these persons be outcasts from the church until,
after going to confession and exhibiting fruits of repentance
and begging forgiveness, they succeed in obtaining a pardon.
(Section 1, paragraph 3)
Our text simply assumes that the penitential system in the 4th
century was analogous to the modern practice, rather than being
the one second chance after baptism that was then the norm.
The Russian document then goes on briefly to discuss the gradual
decline in the frequency o ^ m m u n io n and the development of
ever more stringent rules about preparation for communion. It
acicnowledges that
the extremely strict approach to preparation for Holy
Communion, which has its positive spiritual side, also led
to the reality that certain Christians communed only rarely,
appealing to the absolute necessity of worthy preparation.
(Section 1, paragraph 9)
^ e n it continues to mention the modern tendency to more
frequent communion:
In the I9th and e a r ly -2 0 th centuries, the pious people aspired
to commune at least during the four fasting periods, and foe
saints ofthat time, among them Saint Theophan foe Recluse,
the righteous John of Kronstadt, and others urged even
more frequent communion. The martyric experience ofthe
Church during the years of atheist persecution in foe 20th
century led to a reexamination ofthe earlier practice of infre-
264 ST VLADIMIRS THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

quent communion, as a result of which today a majority of

the churched Orthodox faithful commune with significantly
greater frequency than Christians in pre-revolutionary Russia.
(Section 1, paragraph 10)
Rather curiously, our document connects the modern practice
of more frequent communion with the Communist persecution
rather than with the eucharistie revival that took place in the West
and in the Orthodox diaspora in the 20th century. In addition, as
already mentioned, it ascribes no ecclesial meaning to the reception
o f communion.
The next two sections of the statement focus on govenie, the fast
lasting from one to seven days that, the laity, precedes communion,
as well as the prescribed rule of prayer. Again, we are dealing here
with a practice, ofmonasric origin, that developed at a time when the
reception of communion was rare. Thus, a kind of miniature lent is
prescribed for those who commune outside of the prescribed fasting
periods, when they would be fasting an^vay. w hile the intentions
here are certainly g o o d -an d the relevant section concludes that
we should remember that the purpose o t govenie lies not in the
external fulfillment of formal conditions, but the acquisition of a
repentant soul, and genuine forgiveness of reconciliation with foe
neighborits effect is to segregate the religious life of the faithful
from ordinary life. This is precisely what Schmemann argues against
in his essay, Holy ^ in g s for foe Holy,^ written at a time when the
question of frequent communion was a burning issue in the life of the
Orthodox Church in Americaa church descended directly from
the 18th-century Russian mission to Alaska.
Significantly, and reflecting the Russian Orthodox penchant for
dotting all and crossing all ts, our text allows for an exception
during foe week of Easter, on the basis that both foe canonical
tradition and foe Typikon eliminate all fasting. Only foe eucharistie
fast from foe previous midnight is obligatory.
For those believers who commune at each liturgy, of course,

19 Appendix to Alexander Schmemann, Great Lent'.Joumey to Pascha (Crestwood, NY:

St Vladi^rs^minary Press, 1974), 107-33.
Confession and Communion in the Orthodox Church 265

the practice of govenie poses a major challenge, as it turns them all

essentially into monastics, whose entire life consists of fasting and
prayer. And the very fact that clergy, who receive communion at each
liturgy, are exempt from this requirement raises question. Several of
the comments posted in response to the document point this out,
even quoting John Chrysostom that, with regard to the reception of
communion, there is no difference between clergy and laity. Others
point out that clergy cannot expect others to do what they do not do
themselves. Obviously, there is no shortage of clericalism here.
But it is precisely the re tire m e n t of confession each time that
poses the greatest challenge within contemporary Orthodoxy.
Some problems are simply practical: as more people approach the
chalice, there is simply not enough time for all to confess. And what
can people who confess weekly or even more often say? The more
significant issue, of course, concerns the very nature and purpose of
confession, as well as its inherent connection to the eucharist.
The fundamental question concerns the nature of confession
itself In its earliest form, penance, permissible only once after
baptism, served to reconcile with foe Church, and hence with the
eucharist, persons who, through the overt commission of a serious
sintypically apostasycut themselves off from the Church. A
typical prayer of absolution, which still appears in the present-day
Slavic books, implies this ecclesial dimension:
Lord Cod of the salvation of thy servants, gracious, bound-
ftd and long-suffering, w ho repentest thee concerning our evil
deeds, and desirest not the death of a sinner, but rather that
he should mm from his wickedness and live: Show thy mercy
now upon thy servant, N., and grant unto him (her) an image
of repentance, forgiveness of sins, and deliverance, pardoning
his (her) every transgression, whether voluntary or involuntary.
Reconcile and unite him (her) to thy holy Church, through
Jesus Christ our Lord, wifo whom also are due unto thee domin-
ion and majesty, now, and ever, and unto ages of ages. Amen.^

20 From the rite of confession, Isabel F. Hapgood, tr.. Service Book ofthe Orthodox
Catholic Apostolic Church (New York: Association Press, 1922), 289-90.
266 ST VLADIMIRS THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

?enance was not frequent or repeatable, and was required only of

those who fell into serious sin. The form of confession that developed
later, and which effectively replaced this earlier model, was, as we
saw above, based on a monastic model of spiritual counseling, in
which the novice would open his/her soul to the monastic elder.
This had nothing to do with reconciliation with the Church and foe
chalice, but was rather a program to foster spiritual growth. It was
certainly not sacramental in the later sense of the word. W ith the
growing influence of monasticism afler foe period of iconoclasm, and
especially in the I I-12th centuries, it became the model for the laity
as well. Lay persons were encouraged to seek out a spiritual elder to
whom they would confess their sins and who would serve as their
guide-determining, for example, their prayer rule and foe frequency
of their communion. This had a number ofunintended consequences
i^ludingaprivatization of communion, and even turning eucharistie
communion itself into apenitential act, as John Erickson notes in his
article on Penance in foe Orthodox Canonical Tradition.^ Later: in
foe 17-T8th century Russia, confession became a formal requirement
(for foe laity) before each communion. Clergy, who maintained the
ancient tradition of receiving communion at every eucharist, were
exempt from fois requirement, though they too were expected to
confess periodically to their spiritual fathers.
In this later tradition: foe connection between confession and
communion, though formally required, in fact becomes vague. Is
reconciliation to be achieved solely through sacramental confession?
That is certainly not a reality known by Christians through much
of church history. Communion itself was seen as for the healing of
soul and bodythe formula still used at c o ^ u n io n today. And
liturgical services, including both foe daily office and the text of the
eucharistie liturgyitself, are replete with penitential prayers and even,
as in foe case ofthe service of Typika that precedes foe Liturgy ofthe
Prcsanctifled Gifts during Great Lent, a prayer ofabsolurion!^ And

21 John rickson, Penitential Discipline the Orthodox Canonical Tradition, 32-34.

22 Loose, remit, pardon, God, our transgressions, voluntary and involuntary;
whether of word or of deed; whether of knowledge or of ignorance; whether ofthe
Confession and Communion in the Orthodox Church 267

just before communion in the Byzantine rite, the presiding celebrant

proclaims, Holy things for the holy!, and foe people respond by
proclaiming their own unworthiness, One is holy, one is Lord, Jesus
Christ, to the glory of God the Father. Amen.
As AJexander Schmemann points out in his essay, Holy Things
for foe Holy, all the elaborate forms of preparation that developed
during times when the faithful communed only in h e re n tly can
be very dangerous, as they can lead them into thinking that, having
successfully completed theseherculean efforts, including confession,
they now are somehow worthy. Rather, he argues, it is precisely
when we feel worthy that we are in trouble. No one is worthy, but
it is Christs worthiness that makes us holy, as the liturgical formula
itself makes clear.^
The question, then, is what sins require sacramental confession?
The Russian answer, implied in foe statement, is that every sin does,
and this $foe basis of their argument, even if this is not explicitly
stated. Many of the faithful, in fact, try to time their confession as
closely as possible to communion to avoid committing even the
tiniest sin during the interval. There is, of course, a universally-held
understanding that any sinno matter how smallseparates us
from God. But that does not solve the question, for are not clergy
just as susceptible to sinning as foe laity? Yet the clergy are not
required to confess each time, as a number of the posted comments
mention, ur text conveniently avoids fois question, which
undermines its argument. The issue of what sins require formal,
sacramental reconciliation thus remains open.
A further problem raised by the text concerns the role of the
confessor, ^ o u g h the issue is not raised directly, foe confessor
is normally foe parish priest, but it may equally be a monastic or
other priest who frinctions as a spiritual father. It is expected that lay
persons will follow the instructions of their confessor with regard

day of the night; whether of the mind or of the intention: Forgive us all, for thou
art good and lovest mankind. Isabel Hapgood, op. cit., 60. It is significant as well
that this prayer is pronounced not by the priest, but by a reader.
23 Alexander Schmemann, GreatLent, esp. 118-22.
268 ST VLADIMIRS THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

to the frequeney of communion. But this is a situation with grcat

potential for abuse, in Russia as elsewhere. One hears of persons
entrusting every decision in their life to a spiritual elder, totally
abandoning their own freedom as Christians. Even in Russia the
phenomenon of mladostartsy (young elders), self-appointed
elders seeking to control and manipulate the lives of Christians,
causes great problems.^
Nor does the text say a great deal about confession itself saying
merely that it cleanses the soul and testifies to the absence of
canonical impediments to sharing in the Eucharist.^ Confession
here seems little more than a ticket to communion, a mere formality,
ofien carried out in a ^rfunctory way, assembly-line style during
the course ofthe liturgy. O f course, the statement is not intended to
be a treatise on confession, but the very real problem ofthe purpose
and role of confession lies at the very heart ofthe matter, and the
authors seem to have no awareness that there is any problem at all.
Nothing needs to be changed, and the rules must be enforced.

Conclusion
The document at hand is attempting to address a current situation in
which an increasing number ofthe faithful seek to commune more
frequently, w hile church leaders clearly are happy to encourage this
trend,they react with fear,unwillingto changeatradition which they
seem to realize is recent and without any canonical basis. And they
have remained largely untouched by developments in eucharistie
theology that have impacted churches in both East and West
specifically the ecclesial aspect ofthe reception of communion. Both
foe preparation for communion and its reception are presented
in individualistic terms. Further, they remain mired in a kind of
pervasive clericalism that places foe laity in an inferior categoryI
remember a priest of Slavic background in the United States once
telling me that ordination makes you more holy [than the laity].

24 Cf. Job Getcha, Confession and spiritual Direction in the Orthodox Church: Some
Modern g estion s to a Very Ancient Practice, SVTQl, 2-3 (2007): 203-20.
23 Section 5, paragraph I.
Confession and Communion in the Orthodox Church 269

Second, foe Orthodox churches need to reflect seriously about

the very nature and purpose of confession, ^ e r e is presently no
common understanding of the nature and purpose of this vital
sacrament, neither by church authorities nor by the faithful. Is its
main purpose reconciliation with the Church for those who have
separated themselves from it?? W hat is the direct link between
sacramental confession and the eucharist? Does every sin require
such formal reconciliation? Does not foe text of the liturgy itself
include penitential aspects, culminating in foe reception of
communion for the healing of soul and body. Or is confession
rather a form of pastoral counseling, or, in our modern age, a form
of psychotherapy? And, depending on which of the above models
one chooses, who is the most appropriate person to hear confession?
Is it the parish priest? A monastic elder? A therapist? And can a
model that developed at a time when the reception of communion
was rare be applied today, when foe faithful are encouraged to
receive more frequently?
The Russian Crthodox Church, and, indeed, Orthodoxy in
general, would be well-served ifit regained a baptismal ecclesiology,
about which I have written elsewhere,^ together with a eucharistie
ecclesiology. Only with a revitalized understanding of baptism, and
of the priestly and royal dignity it bestows on all the faithful, clergy
and laity alike, can some of the challenges raised in this document
be overcome.

26 Towards a Baptismai Ecclesiology, in Hans-Jrgen Feulner, ed.. Liturgies in East

andWest.EcumenicalRelevance of Early LiturgicalDevelopments. Acts ofthe Interna-
tionalSymposium Vindobonense l, Vienna November 2007 , 72-, sterreichische
Studien zur Liturgiewissenschah und Sakramententheologie, Bd. 6 (Vienna: LIT-
Verlag, 2013), 285-94.
270 ST VLADIMIRS THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

Appendix: Draft Text ofthe Document

On Preparationfor Holy Communion9927
The initial draft ofthis document was prepared by a commission o f
the Mezhsobornoe Prisutsviefor questions on parish life andpractice
andtheneditedbyaspecialworkinggroupconsistingofrepresentatives
from theological schools. Subsequently, the draft was referredfor study
by the Mezhsobornoe Prisutsvie commission on questions ofliturgical
practice and ecclesiastical arty after which it was completed by the
editorial commission ofthe Mezhsobornoe Prisutsvie, presided over by
the Patriarch.
1. A BriefHistorical Overview
The spiritual lle of an Orthodox Christian Is Ineoncelvable without
the reception ofthe Holy Mysteries. Receiving the Holy Body and
Blood of Christ, believers mystically unite themselves with the
Savior Christ, realize His one Body the Churchand receive
sanctification of body and soul.
Already in apostolic times, the tradition was established in the
Church of celebrating the Eucharist every Sunday (and if possible
even more frequently: e.g., on the memorials of martyrs), so that
Christians could continuously remain in communion with Christ
and with one another (cf., e.g., 1 Cor 10:16-17; Acts 2:46; Acts
20:7). All the members of the local community participated in
the weeJdy Eucharist and received communion, and refusal to
participate in eucharistie communion without sufficient reason was
considered by the Church as neglectful and resulted in censure.
^ e g ro w th ofthe Church in the 3rd century, and especially in the
4th, led to substantial changes in its organization. In part, eucharistie
assemblies began to take place more often, while attendance by
ordinary Christians at these liturgies came to be regarded by
many as optional, and not obligatoryas also the reception of
communion. The Church responded to this with the following
canonical norm: A ll those persons who enter ^he church andlisten to
the sacred Scriptures, but whofail to commune in prayer together and
27 My translation from the Russian.
Confession and Communion in the Orthodox Church 271

at the same time with the laity, or who shun the participation ofthe
Eucharist, in accordance with some irregularity, we decree that these
persons be outcastsfiom the Church until, aftergoingto confession and
exhibitingfruits ofrepentance and beggingforgiveness, they succeed in
obtainingapardon (Synod of Antioch, Canon 2).
Nonetheless, the high Ideal of perpetual readiness to receive
the Holy Mysteries proved difficult for many Christians. For this
reason, already in the writings of 4th-century Holy Fathers, we
find evidence of the existence of different practices concerning
the frequency of communion. Thus, St Basil the Great speaks of
communion four times a week as normative: To commune daily and
to receive the Holy Body and Blood ofchrist is good and beneficial,
for Christ himselfclearly says: He who eats my Body and drinks my
Blood has eternal life... We receive communionfour times a week:
on Sunday, on Wednesday, on Friday, and on Saturday, and also on
otherdays, i f there is the memorial o f some sainf (Epistle 93 89 (
Less than a half-century later, St John Chrysostom notes that
m any-am ong them monasticsbegan to commune once or twice
ayear, and he calls on zealous Christians to maintain the traditional
norm of receiving communion at every Liturgy: aMany commune o f
this Sacrifice once a year, others twice, and otherseveral times. Our
wordsapply toall, notonly to those whoarehere, butalso to thosein the
desert. What then? which shall we approve? Those who [commune]
once, or those who communefiequently, orrarely?Neitherthefirst, nor
the second, nor the third, but only those who commune with a clean
conscience, with a clean heart, with a blameless life. Let these always
approach, but those who are notsuch shouldnot commune even once [a
year] (Homily 17,7 on Hebrews).
In the 4th century was definitively fixed the norm, which existed
already in thepre-Nicene period, of an obligatory eucharisticfasta
total abstention from food and drink on the day of communion
up to the reception ofthe Holy Mysteries ofchrist: aLet the holy
mystery ofthe altar be carried out by people who have not eaten
(Synod of Carthage Canon 41 [50]; reaffirmed by Quinisext Canon
29). However, already at the cusp of the 4-5 th centuries, as St
272 ST VLADIMIRS THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

John Chrysostom writes, many Christians conneeted communion

not simply with the eucharistie fast before foe Liturgy, but with
foe keeping of Great Lent. The saint criticized the elevation of
this custom to the level of a norm: Tell me, I ask you, when you
approach communion once a year, doyou really think thatforty days
aresufficientforyou to cleanseyour sins ofthat entire time?Andthen,
after a week, do you give yourself up again to theformer things? Tell
me then, ifyou have been healed afterforty days ofa long illness, you
again give yourself up to thefood that caused the sickness, have you
not lost your former labor, too? Obviously, that is so. A nd ifphysical
health is arranged this way, then moral [health] even more so ... You
assignforty daysfor the health ofthe sou] or not evenforty days, and
you expect to propitiate God? . / say these things not in order to
forbidyoutoapproachonceayear,butbecauseIwishforyoualwaysto
approach the Holy Mysteries (Homily 17,7, on Hebrews).
In addition, in ll-12th-century Byzantine monasticism, foe
tradition was established of receiving communion only after
preparation, which included fasting, the examination of ones
conscience before a monastic elder, the reading of a particular
prayer rule before communion, which appears and begins to
develop precisely in this era.28 This tradition began to be adopted
by pious lay persons as well, inasmuch as monastic spirituality was
always considered as foe ideal in Orthodoxy. In its strictest form,
this tradition appears, for example, in the Russian Typikon (ch. 32),
calling for an obligatory seven-day fast before communion.
In 1699, an instructional note [Uchitelnoe Izvestie] was added
to the Russian Sluzhebnik. Hem, in part, are contained instructions
on foe r e tir e d period of preparation for Holy Communion
during the four long fasting periods, all those willing may receive,
and outside these fasts, they must fast seven days, but fois could be
reduced: They mayfast three [days] or one day
In practice, however, the extremely strict approach to preparation

28 Cf. S. Alexopoulos and A. van den Hoek, The Endicott Scroll and Its Place in the
History of Private Communion Prayers,Dumbarton Oaks Papers 60 (2006 [2007])
146-88. [Footnote in original]
 Confession and Communion in the Orthodox Church 273

for Holy Communion, which has its positive spiritual side, also
led to the reality that certain Christians communed only rarely,
appealing to the absolute necessity of worthy preparation. Against
this abuse was, in part, directed the norm, contained in the Spiritual
regulation, of obligatory communion of all Christians in the
Russian Empire atleastonceayear: Every Christian must commune
often, but at least once a year. This is our glorious thanksgiving to
God for the death of the Savior which accomplished our salvation.
If you eat this Bread and drink this Blood, you proclaim the death
of the Lord, until He comes. Every Christian is obliged to recede
Holy Communion often, at least once a year. For this is ourfinest
thanksgiving to Godfor the glorious salvation wroughtfor us by the
saviors death. Foras often asyou eatthisBreadanddrink thisBlood,
you proclaim the death ofthe Lord, until He comes. A nd a viaticum
for eternal life. A nd ifyou do not eat ofthe Body ofthe Son, and do
notdrink ofHisBlood,you have no life in you, Itisam ark, orsign, by
which we show ourselves to be members ofthe single MysticalBody o f
Christ, thatis,fellow-membersoftheoneHoly Church,,, Accordingly,
ifsome Christian appears to stay awayfrom Holy Communion agreat
deal, he thereby reveals himselfto be not in the Body ofchrist, that is,
he is not afellow-member ofthe Church.29
In the 19th and early-20th centuries, the pious people aspired
to commune at least during the four fasting periods, and the
saints ofthat time, among them Saint ^ e o p h a n the Recluse, the
righteous John of Kronstadt, and others urged even more frequent
communion . martyric experience ofthe church during the years
of atheist persecution in the 20th century led to a reexamination of
the earlier practice of infrequent communion, as a result of which
today a majority ofthe churched Orthodox faithful commune with
significantly greater frequency than Christians in pre-revolutionary
Russia.

29 My adaptation of the nglish translation from A.F. Muller, tr. & ed.. The spiritual
Regulation ofPeter the Great (Seattle & London: University of Washington Press,
1972),47-48.
274 S T V ^ M I R S THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

2 . Govenie [Preparationfor Communion]

TherequirementsforpreparationforHolyCommunion,determined
by the confessor, depend on the frequency of Communion of the
Holy Mysteries and on the spiritual and moral level of the believer.
The practice of the preparatory fast (govenie) is regulated by the
ascetical tradition of the Church. A fast consisting of abstention
from meat (or, in a stricter form, of xerophagy [dry fast]) and
the avoidance of distractions, together with fervent prayer and
repentance, tradition^lyprecedecommunionofthe Holy Mysteries.
However, the length and strictness of the fast in preparation for
Holy Communion may differ depending on the inner state of the
Christian, as well as on the objective situation of his life.
practice that has developed in our day, according to which,
for those who commune several times a year, it is sufficient to fast for
three days, while for those who commune more than once a month,
one dayas long as they observe the regular fast days and fasting
periodsis folly consistent with foe tradition of foe Church, as
reflected, for example, in the Uchitelnoe Izvestie.
In accordance with church tradition, foe fast [govenie] consists
not simply in foe avoidance of certain foods, but in more frequent
attendance at church services, as well as in fulfilling a particular rule
of prayer at home, usually consisting of canons and akathists to the
Savior, the Mother of God, the Guardian Angel, the saints, and
other church prayers. The extent and content of the home prayer
rule during foe period of preparation, follows foe Liturgical Psalter
(more accurately, included within it as The rule for those preparing
to celebrate, and for those wishing to commune of the Holy Divine
Mysteries, the Body and Blood of our Lord, Jesus Christ), can be
changed, depending on the spiritual condition of the one preparing
for communion, as well as on foe objective conditions of his life. The
most important part ofthe communicants prayerful preparation for
Holy Communion consists ofthe appropriate canons and prayers.
Since the Lucharist is the high point ofthe entire liturgical cycle,
attendance at services preceding the Divine Liturgy-primarily
vespers and matins (or foe all-night vigil)is an important part of
Confession and Communion in the Orthodox Church 275

the preparation for the reeeption of the Holy Body and Blood of
Christ.
The confessor, in determining the strictness of the fast and the
extent ofthe rule of prayer, must take into account the spiritual and
bodily condition ofthe person preparing for Holy Communion, as
well as his occupation and family responsibilities.
In preparing for Holy Communion, we should remember that
foe purpose oigovenie lies not in foe external fulfillment of formal
conditions, but foe acquisition of a repentant soul, and genuine
forgeness of and reconciliation with the neighbor.
3. Bright Week
A particular situation with regard to foe practice oigovenie arises
during Bright W eek-the week following the feast of the Lords
?ascha. The ancient canonical norm concerning the obligatory
^rticipation of all foe faithful at the Sunday Lucharist was, in foe
7th century, extended to foe Divine Liturgy on each day ofBright
Week: From the holy day ofthe Resurrection ofchrist our God until
New Sunday [the Sunday afterPascha]for he whole week thefaithful
ought to he in the holy churches, ceaselessly occupies with psalms and
hymnsandspiritualsongs, rejoicingandcelebratingin Christ, applying
their minds to the reading ofthe holy Scriptures, and delightingin the
Holy Mysteries. For in this way we shall he arise with Christ, and we
shall ascend' (Trullo Canon 66). From this canon it is clear that
the laity are called to commune at the liturgies during Bright Week.
Based on fois canon, and considering also that foe Typikon does
not call for fasting during Bright Week, and that Bright Week is
preceded by seven weeks of effort during Creat Lent and Holy
Week, we should consider as consistent with the canonical tradition
foe practice that has developed in many parishes and dioceses of
foe Russian Crthodox Church that Christians who have observed
the fast during Great Lent and Holy Week may approach Holy
Communion, having fasted by abstaining from food only from
midnight.
276 S T V ^ M I R S THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

4. The Eucharistie Fast

Govenie must be distinguished from the eucharistie fast, in the
strict sense of the w o rd -th e total abstention from food and drink
from midnight before the reception of Holy Communion. This
fast is canonically required (see above) and cannot be abrogated.
However, it should be noted that the requirement of an obligatory
eucharistie fast cannot be applied to infants, or to foe seriously ill,
ro those who must take medications, or to foe dying.
Since the Liturgy of the Presanctihed Gifts is, according to foe
ordo, connected with vespers, its celebration in foe evening leads to
a lengthening of the eucharistie fast, which extends not only during
foe night and foe morning, but also through foe day. Thus, for
the evening communion at foe Liturgy of the Presanctifted Gifts,
abstention from food from midnight remains the norm. However,
for those who lack physical strength, the Holy Synod ofthe Russian
Orthodox Church; at its session on November 28,1868, established
foe possibility of shortening the eucharistie fast before evening
communion to six full hours.30
Canon law calls for abstention from marital relations during foe
period of preparation for Holy Communion. Canons 5 and of
Timothy of Alexandria speak of abstention for a number of days
before communion.
. Confession and Communion. An Obstacle to the Reception ofthe
Holy Mysteries
During the period of govenie, the person preparing for Holy
Communion examines his conscience, which presupposes sincere
repentance for sins committed and the opening of his conscience
before a priest in foe Mystery of Confession. Confession before
communion is an inalienable and essential part of govenie, because
it not only cleanses foe soul for the reception of Christ, but also
testifies to foe absence of canonical impediments to sharing In foe
Eucharist. In isolated cases, and with foe blessing of their confessor,

30 Session of the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church on 28 November

1968, zhumalMoskovskoiPatriarkhii 41 (1969): 3-5. [Footnote in original]
Confession and Communion in the Orthodox Church 277

lay persons wishing to receive Holy Communion several times in a

week-primarily during Holy Week and Bright W eek-may, as an
exception, he freed from the requirement of confession before each
communion.
It is not permitted to commune in a state of anger, wrath, or with
the existence of serious, unconfessed sins, or unforgiven offenses.
Those who dare to approach foe ucharistic Gifts in such a darkened
condition subject themselves to the judgment of God, in the words
of the Apostle: He who eats and drinks unworthily eats and drinks
judgment upon himself not discerning the Body o f Christ (I Cor
11:29).
The canons similarly forbid communion during the period of
female impurity (Canon 2 of St Dionysius of Alexandria; Canon 7
f tim othy of Alexandria; Canons 19 and 44 of the Council of
Laodicea; Canon 69 ofthe ^ in is e x t Council).
6. Communion andlssues ofFamily Life, andAlso ofPrivate
Morality
As indicated in The Basis ofthe Social Views ofthe Russian Orthodox
Church (X, 2) and the decisions ofthe Holy Synod ofthe Russian
Orthodox Church on December 28, 1998, the Church, though
insisting on the necessity of church marriage, nevertheless does not
forbid communion ofthe Holy Mysteries to married persons whose
marriage was concluded with the acceptance of all legal rights and
obligations and is accepted as a fully legal marriage, but which was,
for some reason, not sanctified through crowning. This degree of
ecclesiastical economy, based on foe words ofthe holy Apostle ?aul
(1 Cor 7:14) and on Canon 72 ofthe Council in Trullo, envisions
foe facilitation of participation in church life for those Orthodox
Christians who entered into marriage before their fully conscious
participation in foe sacraments ofthe church. Unlike cohabitation,
which represents a canonical impediment to communion, such a
union represents a legitimate marriage in the eyes ofth e Church
(excluding those cases in which marriages recognized by law
for example, marriage between close relatives or homosexual
cohabitation, which are recognized in a number of countriesbut
278 ST VLADIMIRS THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

unacceptable in principle from the Churchs perspective). It is the

duty of pastors, however, to remind the faithful about the necessity
to conclude not only a civil, but also a church marriage.
preparation of children for Holy Communion has its own
^rticularities. The length and content of the preparation are
determined by parents in consultation with a confessor and must take
into account the age, health, and level ofofourcHness of the child.
The first confession before communion, in accord with Canon 18 of
Timothy of Alexandria, occurs at the age often, but in the tradition
of the Russian Orthodox Church, the first confession takes place, as
a rule, at the age of seven. It should be noted that for children until
the age of three, the eucharistie fast is not obligatory. According to
tradition, from the age of three children in Orthodox families begin to
be taught about abstention from food and drink prior to communion
of the Holy Mysteries. By foe age of seven, a child must be firmly
accustomed to receive communion on an empty stomach, and from
fois time foe child should be taught to observe a one-day fast as it is
able and to read prayers from foe Ordo before Holy Communion.

7, Conclusion
The Mystery of the Eucharist is foe central sacrament of the Church:
Truly, truly, Isay toyou: ifyou do noteattheBody oftheSon ofMan
and drink IBs Blood, you will not have life in you. He who eats My
Flesh and drinks My Blood has eternal life, and / will raise him on
the last day, says the Lord (Jn 6:53-54). For fois reason, regular
communion is essential for the salvation of man.
W ith regard to how often foe faithful should commune, several
approaches arc possible as long as one follows foe rule of Saint
John Chrysostom, mentioned above, to commune always with
a clean conscience, with a clean heart, with a blameless life. The
holy fathers of recent centuries also witness to fois. In the words
of St Theophan the Recluse, the rule [ofcommuning] once or twice
a month is the most reasonablealthough one can say nothing
negativeeven about morefrequent communion?1On this issue, each
St Theophan the Recluse, Letters v, 757. [Footnote in original]
Confession and Communion in the Orthodox Church 279

of the faithful can be guided by the following words of this saint:

Commune ofthe Holy Mysteries often as your spiritual father
allows, but only try to approach with appropriate preparation, and
especially withfearandtrembling, so that, havingbecomeaccustomed,
you do not begin to approach casuallyP2

32 St Thephan the Recluse, Letters IV, 693. [Footnote in original]



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106 Teologie [i Via]\

CHIPUL PRINTELUI DUHOVNICESC,

~N SCRIERILE CUVIOSULUI PAISIE AGHIORITUL (I)

Prof. dr. pr. Ioan C. TE{U

Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox\ Dumitru St\niloae din Iai

Abstract

The study entitled The image of the spiritual father in the writings of Elder
Paisios the Athonite presents his teaching about the importance of the repentance
and of the spiritual father for salvation. In the first section, there are mentioned
some of his sayings about the overall condition of the contemporary world and the
sad reality according to which sins have become a fashion, while virtues are
considered a sign of backwardness. Then, it is outlined the teaching of Elder
Paisios regarding the importance of the Holy Sacrement of Confession, considered to
be the second Baptism, The Baptism of tears; the features of a true confession
and its effects; the quality of the doctor of souls or inner doctor of the confessor,
and then, there are described the moral traits of the Elder Paisios, as a spiritual
father, the most of them being: spiritual discernment, patience, kindness, gentleness,
and, in particular, love.
Keywords: Elder Paisios the Athonite, spiritual father, repentance, confession,
sins, virtues

Un duhovnic care nu este hot\rt s\ mearg\ chiar [i `n

iad pentru dragostea fiilor lui duhovnice[ti, nu este du-
hovnic. (Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul)

Sfntul Munte Athos, Gr\din\ a Maicii Domnului [i, prin ea,

Grecia [i `ntreaga Ortodoxie, au fost d\ruite cu oameni ai lui Dum-
nezeu, `ngeri p\mnte[ti [i oameni cere[ti, care, prin via]a lor `m-
bun\t\]it\ spiritual, eliberat\ de p\cate [i `mbibat\ de parfumul
virtu]ilor cre[tine, s-au f\cut s\la[ minunat Duhului Sfnt, constituind
modele sublime de via]\ [i des\vr[ire, faruri c\l\uzitoare cum `i
pl\cea Cuviosului Paisie Aghioritul s\ numeasc\ astfel de fiin]e
profund pnevmatizate omului contemporan, tot mai fr\mntat [i
tot mai zbuciumat, [i lumii, aflat\ `ntr-o nelini[te, grab\ [i agita]ie,
tot mai pronun]ate.
 M\rturisirea lui Hristos `n biseric\ [i `n societate 107

~nv\]\turile sale, rostite sau consemnate `n scris, constituie o

comoar\ de mare pre] a Bisericii lui Hristos, oferind, prin solu]iile
lor duhovnice[ti, lini[tea [i pacea sufleteasc\, odihna cea sfnt\, pe
care o d\ruia Cuviosul P\rinte, alinarea [i mngierea sufletelor `n-
setate de spor duhovnicesc [i urcu[ moral sau, cum spunea cu mult
umor: Eu fac `nsorirea1, `n]elegnd c\, precum soarele este abso-
lut necesar ca s\ se deschid\ florile, a[a [i o u[oar\ mngiere sau
`ncurajare duhovniceasc\ ajut\ la alinarea [i vindecarea sufletului.
Una dintre aceste `nv\]\turi este [i cea referitoare la necesitatea
poc\in]ei `n via]a cre[tin\ [i la importan]a p\rintelui duhovnicesc
`n via]a spiritual\, o via]\ supus\ c\derii [i ridic\rii, urcu[ului, dar [i
regresului moral, iar aceste note esen]iale ale `nv\]\turii Cuviosului
Paisie `ncearc\ s\ le identifice [i prezentul studiu, cu speran]a c\ va
deschide calea spre tr\ire sau f\ptuire, c\ci, a[a cum spunea duhov-
nicescul P\rinte, bun\ este cunoa[terea, bun\ [i instruirea, dar, dac\
nu se vor sfin]i, sunt lucruri de nimic, ce duc la catastrof\2.

Radiografia f\cut\ cu dragoste [i durere

asupra p\catelor lumii [i c\derilor omului contemporan

Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul consider\ c\ nevoia cea mai mare a

lumii [i a sufletului contemporan este nevoia de poc\in]\. ~n fa]a
fr\mnt\rilor tot mai numeroase [i tot mai grele ale omului actual, a
duhului lumesc, omul, fie el monah sau tr\ind `n societate [i `n
familie, trebuie s\ cultive spovedania [i poc\in]a. Pentru monahul
atonit, criza lumii contemporane este o criz\ a poc\in]ei, `n sensul
c\ omul zilelor noastre nu mai tr\ie[te din perspectiva vie]ii vii-
toare, ci doar a pl\cerilor efemere, trupe[ti [i lume[ti actuale [i, din
aceast\ cauz\, `[i rateaz\ voca]ia [i destina]ia, att aici [i acum, ct [i
`n ve[nicie. Oamenii contemporani, observ\ cu deosebit discern\-
mnt duhovnicesc P\rintele Paisie, nu se gndesc la ve[nicie. Iubi-
rea de sine `i face s\ uite c\ vor pierde tot. Nu au prins sensul cel
mai profund al vie]ii. N-au sim]it bucurii cere[ti [i de aceea inima
lor nu tresalt\ pentru ceva mai `nalt.3
1
Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste pen-
tru omul contemporan, traducere din limba greac\ de Ieroschim. {tefan Nu]escu,
Schitul Lacu Sfntul Munte Athos, Editura Evanghelismos, Bucure[ti, 2003, p. 13.
2
Ibidem, p. 224.
3
Ibidem, p. 73.
108 Teologie [i Via]\

Cuviosul P\rinte considera c\ du[manul cel mai mare al sufletu-

lui, mult mai puternic chiar [i dect diavolul, este duhul lumesc, care
ne atrage `n chip dulce [i, `n cele din urm\, ne am\r\[te ve[nic4.
Acesta a[az\ pe suflet o cea]\, o negur\ [i o r\ceal\, `mpiedicndu-l
pe om s\ mai priveasc\ spre z\rile senine ale des\vr[irii [i cufun-
dndu-l `ntr-o cumplit\ robie fa]\ de lumea prezent\ [i de lucrurile
[i persoanele ce o alc\tuiesc [i pe care o astfel de minte `mp\timit\
nu le mai distinge `n ra]ionalitatea lor ultim\, aceea de a fi c\i de des-
coperire [i de apropiere de Dumnezeu Creatorul lor , ci caut\ s\
le utilizeze `n mod egoist [i p\tima[, spre satisfacerea poftelor [i pl\-
cerilor personale [i care au prea pu]ine lucruri `n comun cu o via]\
spiritual\ `nalt\.
~ntr-o astfel de lume [i `n astfel de vremuri, pe care Cuviosul
Paisie le socotea a fi apocaliptice5, constat\m o generalizare a p\ca-
tului, care a devenit o mod\, considerat\ un semn al progresului,
`n timp ce `ncercarea de respectare a unei morale `nalte [i curate este
`n]eleas\ ca un semn de `napoiere. Am intrat [i tr\im `n vremuri `n
care P\rin]ii duhovnice[ti de alt\dat\, `n a c\ror galerie sfnt\ se
`nscrie [i Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul, prin via]a [i nevoin]ele sale as-
cetice [i mistice, considerau c\ p\catele au devenit lucruri fire[ti, obi[-
nuite [i generalizate, iar patimile c\l\resc lumea, pe cnd virtu]ile sunt
umilite [i ru[inate, ironizate, alungate [i izolate `n sufletul a tot mai
pu]ini cre[tini, cei mai mul]i dintre ei monahi, care lupt\ s\ p\streze
viu [i realizabil idealul des\vr[irii morale. Ast\zi, observa Cuviosul
P\rinte, p\catul s-a f\cut mod\. (...). {i lucrul r\u este c\ oamenii de
azi, cnd p\catul a devenit mod\, dac\ v\d pe unul c\ nu urmeaz\
curentul epocii, adic\ s\ nu p\c\tuiasc\, s\ fie pu]in evlavios, `l nu-
mesc `ntrziat, retrograd. Ace[ti oameni consider\ o jignire faptul de
a nu p\c\tui, iar p\catul `l consider\ un progres. Iar aceasta este
mai r\u dect toate. Dac\ oamenii de azi, care tr\iesc `n p\cat, ar
recunoa[te cel pu]in aceasta, Dumnezeu i-ar milui. ~ns\ ei `ndrep-
t\]esc cele nejustificabile [i elogiaz\ p\catul. Aceasta este [i cea mai
mare hul\ `mpotriva Duhului Sfnt: p\catul s\ `l considere progres
4
Ibidem, p. 67.
5
Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul, Cuvinte. II. Trezire duhovniceasc\, traducere din
limba elen\ de Ieroschim. {tefan Lacoschitiotul, Schitul Lacu, Sfntul Munte Athos,
2000, p. 298: Ast\zi tr\im `n anii apocalipsei. Nu este nevoie ca cineva s\ fie
prooroc pentru ca s\ `n]eleag\ asta.
 M\rturisirea lui Hristos `n biseric\ [i `n societate 109

[i morala s\ o numeasc\ `napoiere. De aceea au mare r\splat\,

mare valoare cei ce se nevoiesc `n lume [i `[i p\streaz\ via]a cu-
rat\. Acum nici vinov\]ie nu simt, nici respect nu exist\. Le-am nive-
lat pe toate. Dac\ unul nu tr\ie[te lume[te, `[i bat joc de el6.
~n vremurile de azi, r\ul [i p\catele s-au `nmul]it, ca num\r [i ca
frecven]\, `n timp ce lucrarea binelui [i practicarea virtu]ilor par lucruri
anacronice [i perimate. Ast\zi, constata cu [i mai mult\ durere mo-
nahul atonit, dac\ cineva vrea s\ tr\iasc\ cinstit [i duhovnice[te, nu
mai `ncape `n lume, `i vine greu. Odinioar\, binele era mult, mult\ [i
virtutea, la fel [i pildele, iar r\ul se `neca `n multul bine [i pu]ina neo-
rnduial\ ce exista `n lume sau `n m\n\stiri nu se vedea [i nici nu
v\t\ma. ~ns\ acum ce se `ntmpl\? Exemplul r\u este mult [i pu]inul
bine care exist\ este dispre]uit. Se fac adic\ cele dimpotriv\: se `neac\
pu]inul bine `n multul r\u [i astfel st\pne[te r\ul7.
~nsp\imnt\toare familiaritate cu p\catul, care a devenit o a doua
obi[nuin]\, rea [i p\tima[\, adeseori mai puternic\ dect firea sau
natura uman\, creat\ bun\ [i spre des\vr[ire, a dus la dispari]ia fri-
cii de Dumnezeu, `nceputul `n]elepciunii (Ps. 110, 10) [i care ac]iona
ca o frn\8 sau o cenzur\ moral\ `n calea p\catelor [i a patimilor.
Iar disp\rnd aceasta, omul se `ndep\rteaz\ tot mai mult de Dumne-
zeu, Izvorul vie]ii sale, apropiindu-se [i tr\ind pe marginea pr\pas-
tiei nimicului, `n prietenie cu p\catele [i cu `ntreaga lor `ncreng\-
tur\ de r\ut\]i [i cortegiu de f\r\delegi. Iar un astfel de mod de via]\
este considerat de Cuviosul Paisie iad9. Cre[tinul care ~l poart\ pe
Dumnezeu `n sufletul s\u, chiar [i `n pustie nevoindu-se [i `n s\r\cie
tr\ind, a c[tigat totul, este cel mai bogat spiritual, dup\ cum, `n caz
contrar, chiar de s-ar afla cineva coco]at pe multitudine de bunuri
[i averi, vie]uirea departe de Dumnezeu `nseamn\ a tr\i pe fundul
pr\pastiei [i `n `ntuneric, pentru c\, mai devreme sau mai trziu,
toate bog\]iile p\mntului de le-ar aduna, nu vor reu[i s\-i acopere
nevoile interioare profunde [i s\-l aline suflete[te. Cu ct se dep\r-
teaz\ cineva de Dumnezeu, spunea P\rintele atonit, cu att lucrurile
se complic\ mai mult. Se poate ca cineva s\ nu aib\ nimic, dar, dac\
~l are pe Dumnezeu, nu mai dore[te nimic. Acesta este adev\rul! Iar
6
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste..., pp. 40-41.
7
Ibidem, p. 30.
8
Ibidem, p. 24.
9
Ibidem, p. 43.
110 Teologie [i Via]\

dac\ le are pe toate [i nu ~l are pe Dumnezeu, este chinuit `nl\un-

trul s\u. De aceea, fiecare, pe ct poate s\ se apropie de Dumnezeu.
Numai lng\ Dumnezeu afl\ omul bucuria cea adev\rat\ [i ve[nic\.
Otrav\ gust\m atunci cnd tr\im departe de dulcele Iisus. Cnd omul,
din om vechi devine om nou, fiu de `mp\rat, se hr\ne[te cu desf\-
tarea dumnezeiasc\, cu dulcea]a cereasc\ [i simte veselia paradisiac\,
simte `nc\ de aici o parte din bucuria raiului. De la bucuria cea mic\,
paradisiac\, `nainteaz\ zilnic c\tre cea mare [i se `ntreab\ dac\ exist\
ceva mai `nalt `n rai dect aceea pe care o tr\ie[te aici. Starea `n care
tr\ie[te este astfel `nct nu poate face nici o lucrare. Genunchii i se
topesc ca lumn\rile de acea dumnezeiasc\ fierbin]eal\ [i dulcea]\,
inima lui salt\ [i e gata s\ sparg\ pieptul ca s\ plece, pentru c\ p\-
mntul [i lucrurile p\mnte[ti i se par lucruri zadarnice10.
Dep\rtarea de Dumnezeu [i refuzul omului de a primi sfaturi duc
la alungarea harului [i primirea `nruririi dr\ce[ti11. Odinioar\,
spune P\rintele Paisie, Duhul Sfnt lumina, inspira. Ast\zi, nu afl\
condi]ii s\ se pogoare12. Harul lui Dumnezeu, adaug\, lipse[te de
la oamenii contemporani, pentru c\, prin p\cat, alung\ [i pu]inul pe
care `l au. Iar cnd pleac\ harul dumnezeiesc, atunci to]i diavolii se
n\pustesc `nl\untrul omului.13 Din acest motiv, continu\ Cuviosul
Paisie, mult\ demonizare exist\ ast\zi `n lume. Diavolul secer\, de-
oarece oamenii contemporani i-au dat multe drepturi [i primesc `n-
frico[\toare `nruriri diavole[ti14. {i, astfel, omul, p\r\sit de harul
dumnezeiesc, se face mai r\u dect diavolul. Pentru c\ unele lu-
cruri diavolul nu le face, ci numai pune pe oameni s\ le fac\. De
pild\, nu face crime, ci pune pe om s\ le fac\. {i astfel, demonizeaz\
oamenii dup\ aceea15.
~ntr-o lume a pl\cerilor materiale, omul a devenit o ma[in\, in-
clusiv de satisfacere a poftelor [i de `mplinire a p\catelor sau, cum pe
drept spune Cuviosul Paisie, inimile oamenilor s-au f\cut de fier16.
10
Ibidem, p. 43.
11
Ibidem, p. 44.
12
Idem, Cuvinte. II. Trezire duhovniceasc\..., pp. 80-81.
13
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste..., p. 44.
14
Ibidem, p. 47.
15
Ibidem, p. 49.
16
Ibidem, p. 146.
 M\rturisirea lui Hristos `n biseric\ [i `n societate 111

Toate aceste fr\mnt\ri, de la nivelul sufletului, datorate primirii

gndurilor rele, numite de Stare] telegramele viclene ale diavolu-
lui17, [i c\derii `n p\cat se resimt la nivelul `ntregii fiin]e umane [i a
lumii `ntregi. Pe fondul `nmul]irii cuvintelor [i a c\r]ilor, a `mpu]i-
n\rii faptelor [i a dispari]iei modelelor18, lumea `ntreag\ [i omul se
afl\ `ntr-un zbucium necontenit [i o fr\mntare ne`ncetat\. Sufe-
rin]ele lumii sunt f\r\ sfr[it, arat\ Cuviosul Paisie. Se vede peste tot
o descompunere general\, [i familii, [i mici [i mari. ~n fiecare zi,
inima mea se face toc\tur\. Cele mai multe case sunt pline de sup\-
r\ri, de nelini[te, de stres. Numai `n casele care tr\iesc dup\ Dumne-
zeu oamenii sunt bine. ~n celelalte, unii divor]eaz\, al]ii sunt falimen-
tari, al]ii bolnavi, al]ii accidenta]i, al]ii cu psiho-medicamente, iar al]ii
cu droguri. Mai mult sau mai pu]in, cu to]ii, s\rmanii, au cte o durere.
Mai ales acum, nu au de lucru; datorii de aici, suferin]e de dincolo; `i
urm\resc b\ncile, `i scot din case, o mul]ime de necazuri. {i acestea
nu ]in o zi sau dou\. Iar din pricina acestei situa]ii chiar [i copiii cei
s\n\to[i ai acestor familii se `mboln\vesc.19
~n mod similar, c\utnd comoditatea [i pierznd simplitatea, omul
nu `[i mai afl\ odihna [i lini[tea, c\utndu-le tot `n lucrurile materiale,
`n calmante [i `n yoga20, ne[tiind c\ adev\rata pace [i bucurie vine
atunci cnd omul se smere[te [i se poc\ie[te, atr\gndu-[i asupra sa
bucuria duhovniceasc\, iluminarea [i mngierea dumnezeiasc\21.
Bucuria adev\rat\, curat\, ne `nva]\ P\rintele, se poate g\si numai
lng\ Hristos. Dac\ te une[ti cu El prin rug\ciune, vei vedea sufletul
t\u r\spl\tit. Oamenii lume[ti caut\ bucuria `n distrac]ii. Unii oameni
duhovnice[ti o caut\ `n discu]ii teologice, `n predic\ etc. (...). Bu-
curia lumeasc\ aduce stresul [i la oamenii duhovnice[ti. Bucuria
lumeasc\ nu este permanent\, nu este bucurie adev\rat\, ci este o
bucurie temporar\, a acelei clipe. (...) Bucuria lumeasc\ nu odihne[te
pe omul duhovnicesc, ci `l obose[te. Pune un om duhovnicesc `ntr-o
cas\ lumeasc\ [i vei vedea c\ nu se odihne[te. De[i omul lumesc
crede c\ el se odihne[te, nu este a[a, ci se chinuie[te. Se bucur\ la
17
Ibidem, p. 53.
18
Ibidem, p. 29.
19
Ibidem, p. 24.
20
Ibidem, p. 162.
21
Ibidem.
112 Teologie [i Via]\

exterior, dar `nl\untrul s\u nu este mul]umit, ci chinuit.22 Sau, cum

arat\ pe scurt, fericirea lumeasc\ este nefericire duhovniceasc\23.
Ace[ti oameni cu inimi de fier tr\iesc `ntr-o lume tot mai tehno-
logizat\, care le ispite[te sufletul, dar nu le cultiv\ con[tiin]a24. Neli-
ni[ti]i, lipsi]i de r\bdare, stresa]i, ei sunt ca ni[te brichete25, nemai-
suportnd, din cauza iubirii de ei `n[i[i [i a mndriei, nici un cuvnt
[i tr\ind `ntr-o stare de ruptur\ de Dumnezeu [i de conflict cu lu-
mea [i cu semenii, ba chiar [i cu ei `n[i[i. Sau, ca s\ `l cit\m pe Cuvio-
sul P\rinte, Dumnezeu s\ m\ ierte, dar lumea a ajuns un spital de
nebuni26. Cazanul fierbe, spunea el, iar diavolul ar\ acum, dar
Hristos este Cel care va secera la urm\27. Vremurile sunt de a[a na-
tur\, `nct mul]i sfin]i ar fi dorit s\ tr\iasc\ `n vremea noastr\, ca
s\ se nevoiasc\28, c\ci, `n astfel de vremuri, sfin]ii se vor sfin]i mai
mult [i spurca]ii se vor spurca [i mai r\u29.
Chiar [i `n vremuri de strmtorare exist\ un grup de cre[tini `n
care Se odihne[te Dumnezeu. Exist\ `nc\ oameni ai lui Dumnezeu,
oameni ai rug\ciunii, [i Bunul Dumnezeu ne rabd\ [i iar\[i va rn-
dui lucrurile30. Pentru astfel de sfin]i contemporani, Dumnezeu le
prive[te pe toate cu `ndelung\-r\bdare, a[teptnd poc\in]\ [i `n-
dreptare din partea celor p\c\to[i, iar `n lipsa acestor virtu]i, pentru
astfel de caractere sfinte, va u[ura [i va scurta vremea de `ncercare,
readucndu-le pe toate la cursul lor ini]ial [i firesc. Ceea ce `i mai
poate `ntoarce pe cei p\c\to[i sunt bolile, `ncerc\rile, necazurile, su-
ferin]ele personale [i generale. De aceea, Cuviosul Paisie spune pro-
fetic: Vin ani grei. Vom avea `ncerc\ri31. Vin vremuri `nfrico[\toare.
Se vor da lupte duhovnice[ti32, `ns\ victoria va fi a lui Dumnezeu,
iar viitorul al credin]ei [i al unei vie]i spirituale `nalte, la care va
22
Ibidem, pp. 72-73.
23
Ibidem, p. 76.
24
Ibidem, p. 146.
25
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. IV. Via]a de familie, traducere din limba greac\
de Ieroschim. {tefan Nu]escu, Schitul Lacu Sfntul Munte Athos, Editura Evan-
ghelismos, Bucure[ti, 2003, p. 7.
26
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste..., p. 164.
27
Ibidem, p. 35.
28
Ibidem.
29
Ibidem.
30
Idem, Cuvinte. II. Trezire duhovniceasc\..., pp. 16-17.
31
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste..., p. 35.
32
Ibidem, p. 35.
 M\rturisirea lui Hristos `n biseric\ [i `n societate 113

ajunge omul obosit de cele materiale [i probat `n cele spirituale. Ne-

cazurile `i vor cerne pe oameni [i vor aduce folos tuturor, `nct unii
vor avea plat\ curat\ [i al]ii `[i vor achita datoriile. A[a vor fi lucru-
rile, `nct nu se va mhni nimeni pentru necazul prin care vor trece,
chiar dac\ nu to]i vor spune: Slav\ }ie, Dumnezeule!33.
Dumnezeu nu a p\r\sit [i nu p\r\se[te crea]ia Sa, ci, dimpo-
triv\, mai ales `ntr-o astfel de situa]ie, precum mama pe pruncul ei,
atunci cnd `ncepe s\ p\[easc\, Bunul Dumnezeu p\ze[te cu amn-
dou\ minile Sale lumea contemporan\; mai demult o ocrotea nu-
mai cu una34.
Mngierea pe care o sim]ea Cuviosul Paisie `n sufletul s\u, chiar
[i cunoscnd aceste realit\]i, izvora din descoperirea c\ viitorul este
al lui Hristos [i c\, trecnd prin acestea, oamenii vor redescoperi
importan]a vie]ii duhovnice[ti [i a rug\ciunii, rolul Bisericii [i al cre-
din]ei. Oamenii acelor vremuri vor pre]ui faptul c\ ast\zi cre[tinii
]in cinstea, credin]a [i toat\ m\re]ia Bisericii. {i ve]i vedea c\ se vor
`ntoarce iar\[i la cele vechi. Tot astfel cum s-a `ntmplat [i cu pic-
tura. ~ntr-o vreme nu puteau `n]elege arta bizantin\ [i loveau pictu-
rile de pe pere]i cu tesla ca s\ dea jos tencuiala veche [i s-o refac\,
pictnd alte icoane, ale Rena[terii. Acum, dup\ at]ia ani, recunosc
valoarea artei bizantine. Mul]i, care nici m\car nu au evlavie, chiar
[i atei, scot la iveal\ de sub tencuieli vechile picturi, care au pe ele
loviturile de tesl\. Astfel [i toate acestea pe care acum le arunc\, so-
cotindu-le nefolositoare, `ncet-`ncet le vor c\uta35. Ba chiar mai mult,
va veni ceasul cnd [i crmuitorii cei necredincio[i, nu numai cei
credincio[i, vor `n]elege c\, dac\ nu exist\ credin]\, lumea nu poate
sta, [i de aceea vor impune `ntr-un fel oamenilor s\ cread\ ca s\ poat\
]ine lumea. Va veni o vreme cnd, de nu vei face rug\ciune, `ntr-o zi
te vor `nchide `n `nchisoare! Vei da socoteal\ celui mai mare dac\
te-ai rugat sau nu!... {i astfel lucrurile vor veni la locul lor36.

Poc\in]a Botez al lacrimilor [i re`ntoarcere a harului

celui dinti
Nu exist\ durere mai mare pentru Dumnezeu, spunea Cuvio-
sul Paisie Aghioritul, dect a-l vedea pe om `n iad37 [i din aceast\
33
Idem, Cuvinte. II. Trezire duhovniceasc\..., p. 19.
34
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste..., p. 33.
35
Ibidem, p. 369.
36
Ibidem, p. 373.
37
Idem, Cuvinte. II. Trezire duhovniceasc\..., p. 106.
114 Teologie [i Via]\

cauz\, El caut\, prin diferite mijloace [i c\i, s\-l `ntoarc\ pe om la po-

c\in]\ [i, prin intermediul ei, la descoperirea sensului profund al vie]ii,
ca o preg\tire pentru existen]a cea viitoare [i ve[nic\.
~nv\]\tura dogmatic\ a Bisericii Ortodoxe este aceea c\ Dumne-
zeu, `n atotputernicia [i atot[tiin]a Sa, putea folosi o multitudine de
moduri prin care s\ ridice lumea [i omul din p\cat, dar, a[a cum
mntuirea obiectiv\ a fost realizat\ prin jertfa r\scump\r\toare a Mn-
tuitorului Iisus Hristos `ntrupat [i f\cut om asemenea nou\, afar\ de
p\cat, tot astfel, exist\ o coresponden]\ [i `n ceea ce prive[te efortul
subiectiv sau personal de `nsu[ire a roadelor acesteia, `n mod deo-
sebit `n ceea ce prive[te s\vr[itorul [i primitorul poc\in]ei [i al m\rtu-
risirii. Dac\ Hristos, Cel ce st\ nev\zut, prime[te spovedania peni-
tentului, mijlocul prin care o face este preotul duhovnic [i aceasta
pentru c\, a[a cum spune Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul, Dumnezeu vrea
ca omul s\ fie ajutat de om [i s\ se `ndrepte prin om. Astfel le icono-
mise[te Bunul Dumnezeu, ca omul s\ se smereasc\. Trebuie ca
fiecare s\-[i spun\ duhovnicului gndurile [i st\rile prin care trece, ca
s\-l sf\tuiasc\, iar nu s\ hot\rasc\ singur `n problemele grele, nici
s\ `nfrunte singur greut\]ile ce le `ntmpin\ `n nevoin]a lui, f\cnd
experien]e pe sine, pentru c\ ispititorul `l va `ncurca [i-i va pricinui
probleme38.
~ntruct s\vr[irea sau lucrarea p\catelor, precum arat\ Cuviosul
Stare], a ajuns `n vremurile noastre mod\, iar respectarea unor prin-
cipii morale `nalte este considerat\ a fi o dovad\ de `napoiere, [i
avnd `n vedere c\ p\catele [i patimile, numite de Cuviosul P\rinte
toxine duhovnice[ti, `mboln\vesc trupul [i sufletul, `ntunecnd con-
[tiin]a [i abolind discern\mntul, doar poc\in]a, ca zguduire ontologic\
[i cutremur fiin]ial, poate restabili [i restaura `n fiin]a uman\ adev\-
rata libertate fa]\ de p\cat [i `i poate reda lini[tea [i pacea l\untric\.
Or, date fiind alter\rile [i degrad\rile `n care `l arunc\ p\catele pe
om, avnd con[tiin]a scindat\ [i pervertit\, incorect\, `n cuvintele
Stare]ului, omul nu se poate ridica singur, prin sine, ci are nevoie de
ajutor din afar\, iar acesta `i vine de la Dumnezeu, prin p\rintele s\u
duhovnicesc. Cuviosul Paisie arat\ c\ acela care nu are duhovnic
ca s\ se sf\tuiasc\ cu el `n c\l\toria sa duhovniceasc\ se `ntunec\,
se ostene[te, `ntrzie [i cu greu va ajunge la destina]ia sa. Dac\ `[i
38
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste..., p. 268.
 M\rturisirea lui Hristos `n biseric\ [i `n societate 115

d\ singur solu]ii la problemele lui, orict de `n]elept ar fi, r\mne

`ntunecat, deoarece se mi[c\ cu `ncredere `n sine [i `n mndrie. ~n
timp ce acela care se smere[te [i merge cu `ncredere [i rvn\ la du-
hovnic [i `i cere p\rerea este ajutat. Pentru c\ atunci Dumnezeu cu
siguran]\ `l lumineaz\ pe duhovnic [i `i d\ r\spunsul corect. Iat\,
atunci cnd vine cineva cu evlavie, cu gndul c\ sunt sfnt, de[i eu
sunt tinichea, am observat c\ simt `nl\untrul meu o schimbare [i cele
pe care i le spun nu sunt ale mele. Din aceasta `mi dau seama lim-
pede c\ omul acesta a venit cu evlavie [i Dumnezeu, ca s\ nu-l ne-
drept\]easc\, `mi d\ mie aceast\ stare bun\. ~n aceste cazuri, dac\ este
vorba de o problem\ serioas\, Dumnezeu te veste[te [i-i po]i spune
ce se va `ntmpla, cnd se va `ntmpla [i cum s-o `nfrunte39. Cei ce `[i
`ncredin]eaz\ sufletul unui p\stor duhovnicesc c\l\toresc cu mult\
siguran]\ [i odihn\ deoarece sunt du[i `n spate de stare]ul lor [i,
veselindu-se, ajung `n rai. ~n timp ce ucenicii care `ncearc\ s\ fug\ de
ascultare p\]esc ca vi]eii cei neastmp\ra]i, care mereu trag funia
`ntr-o parte [i alta, pn\ ce scot ]\ru[ul de care sunt lega]i, dup\ care
alearg\ ca nebunii afar\ din livad\, `ncurcndu-se r\u `n m\r\cini. {i
dac\ nu-i ajut\ cineva fereasc\ Dumnezeu! pier40.
Pe bun\ dreptate, se poate spune c\ lumea este `nsetat\ de preo]i
[i de duhovnici, dar nu de orice fel, ci de excep]ie, evlavio[i, buni cu-
nosc\tori ai sufletului omenesc [i iubitori de semeni, care s\ `i ajute
s\ redescopere adev\rata cale spre mntuire. Ast\zi, spunea P\rin-
tele, oamenii sunt obosi]i, ame]i]i [i `ntuneca]i de p\cat [i de egoism.
De aceea, este trebuin]\ mai mult dect `n orice alt\ vreme de du-
hovnici buni [i experimenta]i, care s\ se apropie de oameni `n mod
simplu [i cu dragoste adev\rat\ [i s\-i pov\]uiasc\ cu discern\mnt,
ca s\ se lini[teasc\. F\r\ duhovnici buni, bisericile se golesc [i se
umplu psihiatriile, `nchisorile [i spitalele. Oamenii trebuie s\ con-
[tientizeze c\ se chinuiesc pentru c\ sunt departe de Dumnezeu,
s\ se poc\iasc\ [i s\-[i spovedeasc\ cu smerenie p\catele lor41.
Un aspect fundamental, legat de experien]a poc\in]ei, asupra
c\ruia Cuviosul Stare] insist\ `n mod deosebit, este acela c\ ea nu tre-
buie f\cut\ prin constrngere, ci de bun\voie, iar p\rintele duhovnic,
39
Ibidem.
40
Idem, Epistole, traducere din limba greac\ de Ieroschim. {tefan Nu]escu, Schi-
tul Lacu Sfntul Munte Athos, Editura Evanghelismos, Bucure[ti, 2005, p. 93.
41
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste..., p. 291.
116 Teologie [i Via]\

`n]elegnd acest lucru, trebuie s\ dea dovad\ de noble]e duhovni-

ceasc\42, aceasta `nsemnnd s\-l respecte pe aproapele s\u [i s\ `i
respecte libertatea. Aceast\ noble]e duhovniceasc\ trebuie ar\tat\
fa]\ de fiecare semen, dar `n mod deosebit fa]\ de tineri, ca unii
care, pe de o parte, nu au o experien]\ de via]\ foarte bogat\, iar pe
de alt\ parte, primesc cu mult\ reticen]\ mustrarea, dojana [i chiar
sfatul altora.
P\rintele duhovnic trebuie s\ dea dovad\ de o astfel de noble]e
spiritual\, cu att mai mult cu ct ~nsu[i Dumnezeu arat\ foarte mult\
dragoste [i bun\tate celui care se afl\ la `nceputul vie]ii duhovnice[ti,
ne`ng\duindu-i s\ `[i cunoasc\ p\c\to[enia sa [i nici binecuvn-
t\rile Sale, pentru ca acesta s\ nu dezn\d\jduiasc\43. Pe m\sur\ `ns\
ce acesta progreseaz\ `n universul duhovnicesc al poc\in]ei, Dumne-
zeu `i ofer\ tot mai multe daruri, ca r\splat\ pentru ostenelile lui, iar
acesta, cu sufletul sp\lat [i cur\]it `n baia lacrimilor, `[i simte tot mai
acut [i lupt\ tot mai `ncordat `mpotriva p\catelor [i nedeplin\t\]ilor
sale morale. Astfel, nu doar `n Taina Spovedaniei, ci `n `ntreaga ac-
tivitate [i `n toate aspectele ei, modul de a proceda al Bisericii este
dragostea...44.
De[i nu a fost nici preot [i nici duhovnic, ci simplu monah, ne-
fiind hirotonit [i nici hirotesit, Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul a acordat
m\rturisirii cea mai mare importan]\, considernd c\ aceasta este
poarta spre mntuire. Dac\ oamenii nu se vor poc\i sf\tuia el `n-
totdeauna , dac\ nu se vor `ntoarce la Dumnezeu, `[i vor pierde
via]a cea ve[nic\. Omul trebuie ajutat s\ priceap\ sensul cel mai
profund al vie]ii, s\-[i revin\, ca s\ simt\ mngierea dumneze-
iasc\. Scopul omului este [i s\ urce duhovnice[te, nu numai s\ nu
p\c\tuiasc\.45
Ar\tnd o astfel de pre]uire m\rturisirii p\catelor, `n fa]a duhov-
nicului, de fiecare dat\ `ndemna [i `ndruma pe `nchin\tori s\ se spo-
vedeasc\, pentru ca apoi, cercetndu-l cu sufletul curat, s\ primeasc\
sfatul s\u providen]ial [i cuvntul s\u, capabil s\ zguduie, s\ trans-
forme [i s\ renasc\ spiritual.
42
Ieromonahul Isaac, Via]a Cuviosului Paisie Aghioritul, traducere din limba
greac\ de Ieroschim. {tefan Nu[escu, Schitul Lacu Sfntul Munte Athos, Editura
Evanghelismos, Bucure[ti, 2005, p. 301.
43
Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul, Epistole..., p. 91.
44
Idem, Cuvinte. II. Trezire duhovniceasc\..., p. 77.
45
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste..., p. 46.
 M\rturisirea lui Hristos `n biseric\ [i `n societate 117

Duhovnicescul P\rinte repeta adesea cuvintele poc\in]\ [i

m\rturisire, ar\tnd c\ prin acestea diavolul `[i pierde drepturile
asupra omului [i sunt t\iate toate `nruririle sau influen]ele sale de-
monice. Nu ajunge, spune Cuviosul Paisie, numai m\rturisirea la
duhovnic, pentru ca s\ se `ntocmeasc\ bine cineva; e trebuin]\ [i de
poc\in]\.46 ~n `nv\]\tura [i experien]a sa, ca de altfel a `ntregii spiri-
tualit\]i ortodoxe, poc\in]a trebuie s\ precead\, s\ `nso]easc\ [i s\
urmeze oric\rei fapte a noastre, fie ea chiar [i bun\, [i aceasta pentru
c\ nu am f\cut-o mai devreme [i chiar [i atunci cnd am s\vr[it-o,
nu am `mplinit-o deplin.
Astfel, sufletul `nsetat de des\vr[ire ajunge la virtutea poc\in]ei
permanente sau ne`ncetate, izvor al plnsului duhovnicesc, puru-
rea curg\tor [i de bucurie f\c\tor [i al lacrimilor curate [i ne`ncetate.
Cuviosul P\rinte recomanda spovedania [i poc\in]a tuturor, indi-
ferent de starea sau a[ezarea sufleteasc\ `n care se aflau: Dac\
vreun bolnav `i cerea s\ se roage pentru s\n\tatea lui, Stare]ul `l sf\tuia
s\ se spovedeasc\ [i s\ se `mp\rt\[easc\. Acela[i lucru `l spunea [i
studen]ilor care voiau s\ aib\ rezultate bune la examene. So]ilor care
aveau probleme le recomanda s\ aib\ duhovnic, s\ se spovedeasc\,
s\ se `mp\rt\[easc\ [i s\ tr\iasc\ duhovnice[te. Medicamentul pe
care Stare]ul `l prescria pentru toate cazurile era pocin]a. Aceasta
era esen]a propov\duirii lui47. Att m\rturisirea, ct [i poc\in]a ne-
`ncetat\ trebuie s\ fie f\cute cu str\pungerea inimii, cu p\rerea pro-
fund\ de r\u pentru p\catele s\vr[ite [i cu dorin]a ferm\ de a nu
mai gre[i.
~n `nv\]\tura sa duhovniceasc\, precum m\rturisirea are mai multe
trepte formale: con[tientizarea p\catului [i p\rerea de r\u pentru el,
m\rturisirea [i dobndirea iert\rii, tot astfel [i adev\rata poc\in]\ trece
prin mai multe etape: a) tr\irea sau con[tientizarea gre[elilor; b) sim-
]irea durerii sau a str\pungerii datorate acestora; c) cererea iert\rii
din partea lui Dumnezeu; d) m\rturisirea lor `naintea duhovnicului48.
Poc\in]a cea adev\rat\, spunea Cuvio[ia Sa, este ca mai `nti omul
s\-[i simt\ gre[eala sa, s\-l doar\, s\ cear\ iertare de la Dumnezeu [i
dup\ aceea s\ se m\rturiseasc\. ~n felul acesta va veni mngierea
46
Idem, Cuvinte. II. Trezire duhovniceasc\..., p. 350.
47
Ieromonahul Isaac, op. cit., p. 389.
48
Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste...,
p. 121.
118 Teologie [i Via]\

dumnezeiasc\. De aceea `ntotdeauna recomand poc\in]a [i m\rturi-

sirea. Nu recomand niciodat\ numai m\rturisirea.49
~n experien]a m\rturisirii [i a poc\in]ei, sufletul tr\ie[te starea de
doliu spiritual, la care fac referiri P\rin]ii duhovnice[ti, `ntris-
tarea cea d\t\toare de bucurie50 sau `ntristarea cea vesel\51, `n care
exist\ [i durere, dar [i bucurie sau, cum explica P\rintele Paisie, bu-
curia ce provine din `ntristarea pentru vreo gre[eal\ de-a noastr\52.
Att `n experien]a frecvent\ a m\rturisirii, ct [i `n practica poc\-
in]ei ne`ncetate, a cercet\rii de sine sau a cercet\rii con[tiin]ei, el
acorda o importan]\ capital\ gndurilor [i cercet\rii lor, respingerii
celor rele [i cultiv\rii gndurilor bune, pe care o numea arta de a
aduce gndul cel bun53, adic\ omul pe toate s\ le `nfrunte cu gn-
duri bune54.
Cuviosul P\rinte considera c\ p\catele fac con[tiin]a gre[it\55,
iar repetarea lor, sub forma patimilor, o fac nesim]itoare56. Prin
cercetarea de sine, omul trebuie s\-[i urm\reasc\ gndurile [i ac]iu-
nile sale, ca s\ vad\ dac\ sunt `n acord cu poruncile Evangheliei, s\-[i
surprind\ gre[elile [i s\ se nevoiasc\ s\ le `ndrepte. Pentru c\ dac\
las\ o gre[eal\ a[a, ca s\ treac\ neobservat\, sau atunci cnd `i sem-
naleaz\ cineva despre vreo neputin]\ pe care o are [i nu st\ s\ se
gndeasc\ la ea, nu poate spori duhovnice[te57. Din acest motiv, cer-
cetarea de sine este cea mai folositoare dintre toate cercet\rile58.
Dintre calit\]ile unei spovedanii mntuitoare, pe care o reco-
manda ne`ncetat ucenicilor s\i, Cuviosul P\rinte insista asupra nevoii
acesteia de a se face ct mai grabnic, f\r\ a a[tepta ca p\catele s\ se
adnceasc\ [i s\ produc\ suferin]e suflete[ti [i trupe[ti; s\ fie inte-
gral\, `nf\]i[ndu-i duhovnicului toate p\catele, c\derile, gndurile;
s\ fie clar\ [i concis\, f\r\ eschivare sau mascare a mul]imii [i gra-
vit\]ii p\catelor; s\ fie f\cut\ f\r\ `ndrept\]ire de sine, cu smerenie,
poc\in]\ [i dorin]\ de `ntoarcere [i de mntuire59.
49
Ibidem.
50
Ibidem, p. 179.
51
Ibidem.
52
Ibidem.
53
Ibidem, p. 193.
54
Ibidem.
55
Ibidem, p. 140.
56
Ibidem, p. 137.
57
Ibidem, p. 148.
58
Ibidem.
59
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. III. Nevoin]\ duhovniceasc\..., pp. 281-283.
 M\rturisirea lui Hristos `n biseric\ [i `n societate 119

Prin m\rturisire curat\ [i poc\in]\ sincer\, omul arunc\ molozul

dinl\untrul s\u60, se smere[te [i astfel deschide u[a cerului, l\snd
s\ coboare din bel[ug harul lui Dumnezeu, care `l elibereaz\61.
O spovedanie deplin\ [terge p\catele, iar asupra sufletului vine
harul lui Dumnezeu [i `l schimb\ complet pe om. Se pierd tulbu-
rarea, cruzimea, nelini[tea [i vin pacea [i lini[tea62.
Sufletul, cur\]it [i sp\lat prin aceast\ baie spiritual\, `[i dobnde[te
starea de simplitate, pe care Cuviosul Paisie o considera o eliberare
de sciziunea sau schizofrenia moral\ produs\ de p\cat [i pacea sau
odihna, despre care vorbea att de des [i att de p\trunz\tor: S\
ne odihnim unul pe altul, duhovnice[te!. ~ns\, pentru dobndirea
acestui dar, `n fiecare gnd [i `n fiecare lucrare a sa, omul trebuie s\
se `ntrebe pe sine: Oare ceea ce fac acum m\ odihne[te pe mine?
Dar pe Dumnezeu ~l odihne[te? [i s\ cerceteze dac\ aceea este
pl\cut\ lui Dumnezeu63.
La `ntrebarea: De ct timp are nevoie omul ca, prin poc\in]\,
s\ se mntuiasc\?, Cuviosul P\rinte r\spunde c\ o poc\in]\ sin-
cer\ mntuie[te `ntr-o clip\, c\ci via]a duhovniceasc\ nu are tre-
buin]\ de ani. ~ntr-o secund\ cineva se poate muta din iad `n rai,
dac\ se poc\ie[te. Omul este schimb\tor. Se poate face `nger, dar se
poate face [i diavol. M\i, m\i, m\i, ce putere are poc\in]a! Absoarbe
harul dumnezeiesc. Un gnd smerit s\-[i aduc\ omul `n minte [i
s-a mntuit. Un gnd de mndrie s\-[i aduc\ [i s-a dus, s-a pier-
dut, dac\ nu se poc\ie[te [i `l afl\ moartea a[a. Desigur, gndul
smerit trebuie s\ fie `nso]it [i de suspinul l\untric, de zdrobirea
l\untric\64.
Dat\ fiind importan]a capital\ a Tainei M\rturisirii [i a poc\in]ei
`n lucrarea de dobndire a mntuirii, Cuviosul P\rinte ne recomand\
ca, `n rug\ciunile noastre, s\ nu cerem vreun dar sau vreo harism\
special\, ci harul sau darul poc\in]ei curate [i ne`ncetate: De aceea,
fratele meu, `n rug\ciunea ta nu cere dect poc\in]\; nici lumini, nici
minuni, nici proorocii, nici harisme, nimic altceva, dect poc\in]\.
60
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste..., p. 261.
61
Ibidem.
62
Ibidem, p. 285.
63
Idem, Cuvinte. II. Trezire duhovniceasc\..., p. 78.
64
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste..., p. 175.
120 Teologie [i Via]\

Poc\in]a `]i aduce smerenie, smerenia `]i va aduce harul lui Dum-
nezeu, iar Dumnezeu `]i va rndui prin harul S\u tot ceea ce `]i tre-
buie pentru mntuirea ta [i pentru ajutorarea altor suflete65.
Cu aceast\ cercetare de sine trebuie s\ se scoale omul, cu ea tre-
buie s\ adoarm\, `n ea s\-[i tr\iasc\ via]a aceasta, cu speran]a r\spl\]ii
f\g\duite `n ~mp\r\]ia cerurilor. Cnd ne `ntindem `n pat, recomanda
Cuviosul P\rinte atonit, mult ajut\ s\ ne facem semnul crucii pe pern\,
s\ ne `ncruci[\m minile, s\ ne `ntoarcem pu]in pe partea dreapt\ [i s\
ne cercet\m pe noi `n[ine dac\ suntem gata sau nu pentru cealalt\
via]\. C\ci de unde putem [ti, dac\ adormind, ne vom mai scula. A[a
cum suntem `ntin[i, cu aceste gnduri despre moarte, este bine s\
rostim [i cteva tropare ale slujbei de `nmormntare [i apoi ne`n-
cetat rug\ciunea, fiindc\ toate acestea ajut\ la sfin]irea sufletului
nostru66.

65
Atanasie Rakovalis, P\rintele Paisie mi-a spus..., traducere din limba greac\
de Ieroschim. {tefan Nu]escu, Schitul Lacu Sfntul Munte Athos, Editura Evan-
ghelismos, Bucure[ti, 2006, p. 56.
66
Ibidem, p. 73.
 Hermeneutica textului religios, `n perspectiv\ soteriologic\ 5

HERMENEUTICA TEXTULUI RELIGIOS,

~N PERSPECTIV| SOTERIOLOGIC|

CHIPUL PRINTELUI DUHOVNICESC, ~N

SCRIERILE CUVIOSULUI PAISIE AGHIORITUL (II)1

Pr. prof. dr. Ioan C. TE{U

Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox\ Dumitru St\niloae din Ia[i

Abstract

The study entitled The image of the spiritual father in the writings of Elder
Paisios the Athonite presents his teaching about the importance of the repentance
and of the spiritual father for salvation. In the first section, there are mentioned
some of his sayings about the overall condition of the contemporary world and
the sad reality according to which sins have become a fashion, while virtues are
considered a sign of backwardness. Then, it is outlined the teaching of Elder
Paisios regarding the importance of the Holy Sacrement of Confession, considered to
be the second Baptism, The Baptism of tears; the features of a true confession
and its effects; the quality of the doctor of souls or inner doctor of the confessor,
and then, there are described the moral traits of the Elder Paisios, as a spiritual
father, the most of them being: spiritual discernment, patience, kindness, gentle-
ness, and, in particular, love.
Keywords: Elder Paisios the Athonite, spiritual father, repentance, confession,
sins, virtues

Paternitate [i filia]ie duhovniceasc\

~n `ntreaga sa via]\, prin cuvnt [i fapt\, Cuviosul P\rinte Paisie

Aghioritul a dat dovad\ de o `nalt\ responsabilitate [i pre]uire la
adresa Bisericii Ortodoxe [i a slujitorilor ei. Pentru Cuvio[ia Sa,
Biserica Ortodox\ este Biserica `n care se p\streaz\ `n mod deplin
adev\rul mntuitor. Biserica noastr\ Ortodox\, spunea el, nu are
nici o lips\. Singura lips\ care se prezint\ este din partea noastr\,
atunci cnd nu reprezent\m corect Biserica, de la cel mai mare `n
1
Partea `nti a studiului a fost publicat\ `n Revista Teologie [i Via]\, serie
nou\, anul XXIV (XC) 2014, nr. 5-8, pp. 106-120.
6 Teologie [i Via]\

ierarhie pn\ la cel mai simplu credincios. Se poate s\ fie pu]ini

cei ale[i, dar acesta nu este un lucru nelini[titor. Biserica este Bise-
rica lui Hristos [i El o crmuie[te2.
Cre[tinul, [i cu att mai mult ierarhul, preotul sau monahul, tre-
buie s\ fie adev\rate exemple morale [i modele de credin]\. Atunci
cnd ace[tia nu se ridic\ la nivelul a[tept\rilor [i nu tr\iesc potrivit
cu Evanghelia, ci sunt cuprin[i de duhul lumesc, ei r\spndesc `n
lume ateismul 3.
Cu toate acestea, sc\derile unor slujitori nu afecteaz\ sfin]enia Bi-
sericii, pentru c\ nu este de vin\ Hristos4.
Monahul, `nv\]a Cuviosul P\rinte, fuge de lume nu pentru c\
ur\[te lumea, ci pentru c\ iube[te lumea, c\ci prin rug\ciune o va
ajuta mai mult, mai ales `n lucruri care nu se pot face omene[te, ci
numai prin interven]ie dumnezeiasc\. A[a mntuie[te Dumnezeu
lumea5. Monahii, spunea el, cu mult\ pre]uire, nu sunt nici trntori,
nici individuali[ti, nici neferici]i, ci de bun\voie e[ueaz\ lume[te
(omene[te), dar izbutesc duhovnice[te6. Voca]ia fundamental\ a
monahismului este rug\ciunea pentru `ntreaga lume, o rug\ciune
din toat\ inima, care are mai mult\ putere dect mii de cuvinte,
atunci cnd ceilal]i nu ascult\ de cuvinte7, c\ci monahul, t\cnd,
ajut\ cu tone, prin rug\ciune8.
2
Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste pentru
omul contemporan, traducere din limba greac\ de Ieroschim. {tefan Nu]escu, Schi-
tul Lacu Sfntul Munte Athos, Editura Evanghelismos, Bucure[ti, 2003, p. 332.
3
Ibidem, p. 333: Noi, monahii, dar [i clericii r\spndim ateismul atunci cnd nu
tr\im potrivit cu Evanghelia. Lumea are nevoie de virtu]ile noastre [i nu de sc\-
derile noastre. Mai ales exemplul monahilor pentru mireni este un lucru foarte
mare! Mirenii caut\ pretexte ca s\-[i `ndrept\]easc\ p\catele lor. De aceea este
trebuin]\ de mult\ luare aminte.
4
Ibidem, p. 334.
5
Atanasie Rakovalis, P\rintele Paisie mi-a spus..., traducere din limba greac\
de Ieroschim. {tefan Nu]escu, Schitul Lacu Sfntul Munte Athos, Editura Evan-
ghelismos, Bucure[ti, 2006, p. 15.
6
Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul, Epistole, traducere din limba greac\ de Ieroschim.
{tefan Nu]escu, Schitul Lacu Sfntul Munte Athos, Editura Evanghelismos, Bu-
cure[ti, 2005, p. 79.
7
Idem, Cuvinte. II. Trezire duhovniceasc\, traducere din limba elen\ de Ieroschim.
{tefan Lacoschitiotul, Schitul Lacu, Sfntul Munte Athos, 2000, p. 317.
8
Ibidem, p. 318.
 Hermeneutica textului religios, `n perspectiv\ soteriologic\ 7

Scopul m\n\stirilor este unul pur duhovnicesc, spunea monahul

atonit, [i nu trebuie s\ existe elementul omenesc, ci cel ceresc, pen-
tru ca sufletele s\ fie inundate de dulce]i paradisiace. ~n cele lume[ti,
nu ne putem lua la `ntrecere cu mirenii, deoarece `n acest domeniu
mirenii au mai multe mijloace. O m\n\stire, atunci cnd tr\ie[te du-
hovnice[te, [ti]i ct de mult pune lumea pe gnduri? Dac\ exist\
evlavie, fric\ de Dumnezeu, [i nu exist\ nici logic\ omeneasc\, [i nici
duh negustoresc, asta este ceea ce mi[c\ pe mireni. Dar, din p\cate,
duhul negustoresc intr\ `ncet-`ncet `n m\duva monahismului9.
Predica monahului este una prin sfin]enia vie]ii, prin exemplul
[i modelul pe care `l impune l\untric [i smerit. Monahul, arat\ Cu-
viosul Paisie Aghioritul, nu ]ine predici cu voce tare, ca s\-l aud\
ceilal]i, ci predic\ `n t\cere pe Hristos cu via]a lui [i ajut\ cu rug\-
ciunea lui. El tr\ie[te Evanghelia [i harul lui Dumnezeu `l tr\deaz\.
Astfel se predic\ Evanghelia `n modul cel mai eficace, lucru de care
`nseteaz\ lumea, mai ales cea de azi. {i cnd vorbe[te monahul, el
nu spune `n mod simplu un gnd, ci m\rturise[te o experien]\. Dar
[i numai un gnd de ar spune, `ns\ [i acesta este luminat10.
M\n\stirile sunt acropolele lumii de azi11, `n care se dezvolt\
o educa]ie [i o con[tiin]\ monahal\12, fort\re]e ale credin]ei13, far14
c\tre ~mp\r\]ia lui Dumnezeu, a c\ror voca]ie este de a l\sa o mo[-
tenire patristic\ [i de a tr\i bucurii cere[ti, pe care s\ le transmi-
tem [i genera]iilor urm\toare15, nu doar monahilor, ci [i mirenilor [i,
`n fapt, lumii `ntregi.
Rezumnd `nalta sa concep]ie despre voca]ia [i importan]a mo-
nahismului ortodox, Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul spunea: Monahii
trebuie s\-[i `ndeplineasc\ `ndatoririle monahale, dar [i s\ dobn-
deasc\ duh monahal, con[tiin]\ monahal\, comportament monahal,
9
Ibidem, p. 330.
10
Ibidem, pp. 331-332.
11
Protoiereul Nicolae Marketos, Sidney, Australia, `n vol. Nicolae Zurnazoglu,
Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul. M\rturii ale `nchin\torilor, traducere din limba greac\ de
Ieroschim. {tefan Nu]escu, Schitul Lacu Sfntul Munte Athos, Editura Evanghe-
lismos, Bucure[ti, 2006, p. 20.
12
Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul, Cuvinte. II. Trezire duhovniceasc\..., p. 326.
13
Ibidem, p. 332.
14
Ibidem, p. 320.
15
Ibidem, p. 342.
8 Teologie [i Via]\

precum [i obiceiuri monahale. Ei trebuie s\ `nfrunte duhovnice[te

lucrurile, fiindc\ altfel nu se vor bucura nici m\car o zi. S\ se `ngri-
jeasc\ mai `nti de sufletele lor [i apoi, `ncet-`ncet, s\ s\vr[easc\ [i
lucr\rile exterioare de construc]ie. Aceasta nu numai c\ nu obose[te,
dar aduce [i c[tig duhovnicesc, sporind harul. }elul monahului este
s\-[i cur\]easc\ inima, s\ o fac\ s\ devin\ sensibil\ ca foi]a de aur
a pictorului [i s\ se roage pentru `ntreaga lume. Venim `n m\n\s-
tire pentru a tr\i duhovnice[te [i pentru a ajuta duhovnice[te pe
to]i oamenii16.
Aceea[i concep]ie `nalt\ a Cuviosului P\rinte se distinge [i `n
ceea ce prive[te chemarea sau responsabilitatea preo]easc\. Avea
permanent viu `n sufletul s\u exemplul Sfin]ilor P\rin]i, care fugeau
de vrednicii, egumenii, preo]ie, episcopie. Unii [i-au t\iat minile,
al]ii nasul, al]ii urechile, iar al]ii limba, ca s\ nu fie cu m\dularele
`ntregi [i astfel s\-i hirotoneasc\. Unii erau ascun[i `n colibele lor [i
au fost hirotoni]i pe deasupra lor, iar pe al]ii i-au hirotonit de de-
parte, precum pe Sfntul Amfilohie. De[i erau `nv\]a]i [i sfin]i, ei `n]e-
leseser\ marea vrednicie a sufletului, precum [i marea greutate a
responsabilit\]ilor, care devin o piedic\ pentru mntuirea omului,
[i de aceea le refuzau. Unii ca ace[tia au aflat drumul cel drept. {i
`n Sfntul Munte unii consider\ preo]ia piedic\ `n via]a duhov-
niceasc\, pentru c\ `n afar\ de celelalte obliga]ii sunt obliga]i s\
mearg\ la hramuri cu episcopi desigur hramuri duhovnice[ti dar
nici acestea nu `i odihnesc17.
Ca s\-l urmeze credincio[ii, preotul trebuie s\ mearg\ `n frunte18,
repet\ Cuviosul P\rinte, adic\ s\ fie un model de cur\]ie [i de nevo-
in]\. Indiferent de preg\tirea intelectual\ [i de via]a duhovniceasc\
mai bogat\ sau mai restrns\, credincio[ii, considera monahul atonit,
au o intui]ie spiritual\ deosebit\, un criteriu infailibil de a sesiza vo-
ca]ia autentic\ sau lipsa ei, faptul de a fi primit preo]ia din dragoste
de Dumnezeu [i din dorin]a de a-I sluji Lui, Bisericii [i semenilor,
sau, dimpotriv\, doar pentru a fi sl\vi]i de oameni. Pe cel ce are vo-
ca]ie `nalt\, Dumnezeu `l ajut\ [i `l `nt\re[te `n `ntreaga lui slujire,
16
Ieromonahul Isaac, Via]a Cuviosului Paisie Aghioritul, traducere din limba
greac\ de Ieroschim. {tefan Nu]escu, Schitul Lacu Sfntul Munte Athos, Editura
Evanghelismos, Bucure[ti, 2005, p. 625.
17
Ibidem, p. 340.
18
Ibidem, p. 326.
 Hermeneutica textului religios, `n perspectiv\ soteriologic\ 9

oferindu-i bucurii duhovnice[ti negr\ite, `n timp ce acela care a urm\-

rit onoruri [i m\rire, neavnd ajutorul Arhiereului Celui Ve[nic, se va
chinui [i se va mustra de propria sa con[tiin]\, care `l va `ndemna
la smerenie [i poc\in]\, pentru a nu `ntrista harul ce i-a fost oferit.
Fiind `ntrebat de un ucenic cu privire la exigen]ele pe care le au
oamenii, credincio[ii, de la preot, Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul a r\spuns:
Mai demult, preo]ii f\ceau ascez\, erau virtuo[i, erau sfin]i, [i oamenii
`i aveau la evlavie. Ast\zi, oamenii vor dou\ lucruri de la preot: s\
fie neiubitor de bani [i s\ aib\ dragoste. Atunci cnd oamenii le afl\
pe acestea la un preot, `l consider\ sfnt [i alearg\ la Biseric\. Dar,
de vreme ce alearg\ la Biseric\, se mntuiesc. Dup\ aceea, se milos-
tive[te Dumnezeu [i `l mntuie[te [i pe preot. ~n tot cazul, preotul
trebuie s\ aib\ mare cur\]ie19.
Neiubirea de argin]i se arat\ prin traiul material modest [i smerit,
avnd la baz\ dorin]a de a acumula ct mai multe bog\]ii spirituale,
prin multa sa milostenie, trupeasc\ [i spiritual\, `n timp ce `n dra-
gostea sa trebuie s\ `i primeasc\ [i s\ se `ngrijeasc\ de to]i p\sto-
ri]ii s\i. Preotul nu poate `nchide niciodat\ u[a, pentru c\ are mare
responsabilitate. Unul este descurajat, altul bolnav [i are nevoie, altul
`[i d\ sufletul; pe unii trebuie s\-i primeasc\, pe al]ii s\-i cerceteze.
Preotul nu poate spune nu. Se primejduiesc suflete; trebuie s\ le
ajute. Dac\ nu le ajut\ [i Dumnezeu le ia nepreg\tite, cine va avea
r\spunderea? Nu o va avea preotul? Eu, ca monah, pot `nchide u[a,
pot pleca `n pustie, pot s\ dispar [i s\ ajut cu rug\ciunea f\r\ zgo-
mot. Pentru c\ treaba mea nu este s\ rezolv problemele lumii, ci s\
spun vreo rug\ciune pentru lume. De aceea nu m-am f\cut nici preot,
nici duhovnic, ca s\ ajut `n alt fel. Dac\ a[ fi fost preot `n lume, n-a[
fi putut `nchide u[a mea. Ar fi trebuit s\ m\ conformez `ntotdea-
una, f\r\ deosebire, la orice mi-ar fi cerut ceilal]i. Mai `nti m-a[ fi
`ngrijit pentru to]i oamenii parohiei mele [i apoi, ceea ce ar fi pri-
sosit, a[ fi dat acelora care mi-ar fi cerut s\-i ajut. M-a[ fi interesat
nu numai de cei credincio[i, ci [i de cei necredincio[i, de atei, de
vr\jma[ii Bisericii. Sau, dac\ a[ fi fost duhovnic [i unul mi-ar fi spus
ceva despre altul, a[ fi strigat [i la acela, ca s\ rezolv problema. A[ fi
telefonat s\ v\d ce face cel\lalt care a avut o ispit\, cum a `nfruntat o
oarecare problem\ etc. Cum a[ fi putut s\ m\ lini[tesc?20.
19
Ibidem, p. 324.
20
Ibidem, pp. 325-326.
10 Teologie [i Via]\

Prin sfaturile oferite ucenicilor s\i, ierarhi, preo]i [i monahi, ct

[i prin scrierile sale duhovnice[ti, Cuviosul P\rinte Paisie Aghioritul
`ndemna la p\strarea, de c\tre slujitorii Bisericii, a con[tiin]ei che-
m\rii lor dumnezeie[ti [i a voca]iei lor mntuitoare, considernd c\,
atunci cnd clericul se laicizeaz\, devine `mpreun\-lucr\tor cu
diavolul 21, dup\ cuvntul Sfntului Cosma, care spunea c\ atunci
cnd clericii vor deveni mireni, mirenii vor deveni draci22.
Clevetirea la adresa Bisericii, f\r\ a lupta pentru `ndreptarea sau
remedierea sc\derilor, era asem\nat\ de Cuviosul P\rinte cu neis-
cusin]a unui copil, care, dup\ ce a supt lapte de la snul hr\nitor
al maicii sale, `l mu[c\ apoi, pn\ la snge, [i de aceea, conchide P\-
rintele, fiii cei buni niciodat\ nu clevetesc pe mama lor23.

Duhovnicul medic al sufletelor24 [i medic l\untric25

Con[tiin]a Cuviosului Paisie Aghioritul privind rostul [i impor-

tan]a duhovnicului `n via]a cre[tin\ este strns legat\, pe de o parte,
de importan]a poc\in]ei [i a m\rturisirii pentru mntuirea sufletului,
iar pe de alt\ parte, de `nalta responsabilitate a clericilor pentru mn-
tuirea credincio[ilor. P\rintele duhovnicesc este, pe bun\ dreptate,
glasul sau vocea lui Dumnezeu, f\cut\ cunoscut\ nou\, printr-un om
ca [i noi, dar mai sporit duhovnice[te, care, asemenea unui p\rinte
iubitor, frate bun [i prieten al sufletului nostru, ne conduce, cu dis-
cern\mnt, pe calea `ngust\ [i plin\ de primejdii a des\vr[irii cre[-
tine, c\tre odihna cea sfnt\, `n ~mp\r\]ia lui Dumnezeu.
Vorbind despre priorit\]ile duhovnice[ti, Cuviosul P\rinte spunea
c\ ast\zi, lucrul cel mai de nevoie este ca oamenii s\ afle un du-
hovnic, s\ se spovedeasc\, s\ aib\ `ncredere `n el [i s\ se sf\tuiasc\
cu el. Dac\ au duhovnic [i `[i fac un program de rug\ciune, cu pu]in
studiu, dac\ merg la biseric\ [i se `mp\rt\[esc, atunci nu au de ce
s\ se team\ `n aceast\ via]\26.
Adev\ratul duhovnic, pe care lumea `l urmeaz\ [i al\turi de care
`[i afl\ lini[tea, este un om al duhului, un harismatic, constatnd
21
Ibidem, p. 330.
22
Ibidem, pp. 329-330.
23
Idem, Epistole..., p. 129.
24
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste..., p. 270.
25
Ibidem, p. 291.
26
Ibidem, p. 269.
 Hermeneutica textului religios, `n perspectiv\ soteriologic\ 11

c\, din nefericire, `n epoca noastr\ s-au `nmul]it cuvintele [i c\r]ile

[i s-au `mpu]inat faptele de virtute, deoarece oamenii au fost influ-
en]a]i de duhul lumesc, care urm\re[te numai `nlesnirile [i evit\ os-
teneala trupeasc\. Adic\ cei mai mul]i dintre noi ne odihnim `n
multa citire, dar din cele citite punem `n practic\ foarte pu]in sau
deloc. Ne minun\m de sfin]ii nevoitori ai Bisericii noastre, f\r\ s\
ne d\m seama ct s-au ostenit, deoarece nu ne-am ostenit ca s\ `n-
]elegem osteneala lor, ca s\-i iubim [i s\ ne nevoim cu m\rime de
suflet pentru a-i urma27. P\rintele Paisie arat\, despre adev\ra]ii
duhovnici, c\ de multe ori se poate ca ace[ti oameni ai lui Dum-
nezeu s\ aib\ mai pu]ine diplome, dar s\ ajute mai mult, pentru c\
au mult har, nu multe hrtii. Lumea s-a umplut de p\cat [i este ne-
voie de mult\ rug\ciune [i nevoin]\ duhovniceasc\. Cele scrise sunt
bancnote de hrtie [i valoarea lor va depinde de garan]ia de aur
pe care o avem28.
Un astfel de duhovnic nu cunoa[te [i nu dezvolt\ o teologie
seac\, f\r\ practic\, prin [tiin]a filologic\ [i exprimat\ `ntr-un duh
juridic [i lumesc29, pe care Cuviosul P\rinte o nume[te encefalo-
logie, care na[te babilonie30, prin care falsul teolog prezint\ ra]iona-
mentele min]ii sale, ca fiind de la Duhul Sfnt31. Adev\ratul duhov-
nic posed\ o teologie experimental\, izvort\ din intensele sale ne-
voin]e ascetice, udate [i hr\nite de roua Duhului Sfnt. Via]a acestuia
este un model exemplar, faptele sale sunt pilduitoare, iar cuvntul
s\u are putere mult\, convertind [i transformnd l\untric.
Teologia f\r\ practic\, arat\ Cuviosul Paisie, care se `nva]\ ca
[tiin]\, de obicei, cerceteaz\ lucruri istorice [i, prin urmare, ele se
`n]eleg `n mod exterior. Deoarece lipse[te asceza patristic\, nevoin-
]ele l\untrice, ea este plin\ de `ndoieli [i semne de `ntrebare, deoa-
rece omul nu poate `n]elege cu mintea energiile dumnezeie[ti, dac\
nu se nevoie[te mai `nti s\ le tr\iasc\, ca s\ lucreze `nl\untrul s\u
harul lui Dumnezeu32. Ceea ce d\ putere faptelor [i sfaturilor ade-
v\ratului p\rinte duhovnicesc, `i d\ harism\, este ajutorul [i insuflarea
27
Idem, Epistole..., pp. 126-127.
28
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste..., p. 221.
29
Idem, Epistole..., p. 121.
30
Ibidem, p. 213.
31
Ibidem.
32
Ibidem, p. 121.
12 Teologie [i Via]\

Duhului Sfnt, c\ci, spune Stare]ul, cuvntul spus din mintea pro-
prie nu pricinuie[te schimbare `n suflete pentru c\ este trup. ~ns\
cuvntul lui Dumnezeu, care se na[te din Duhul Sfnt, are lucrare
dumnezeiasc\ [i schimb\ sufletele. Duhul Sfnt nu coboar\ cu apa-
rate; de aceea, teologia nu are nici o treab\ cu duhul [tiin]ific sec.
Duhul Sfnt coboar\ singur `n om, atunci cnd acesta `mpline[te
condi]iile duhovnice[ti. Condi]ia duhovniceasc\ este ca omul s\-[i
cure]e de rugin\ cablurile sale duhovnice[ti, s\ devin\ conductor
bun, ca s\ primeasc\ curentul duhovnicesc al ilumin\rii dumneze-
ie[ti, f\cndu-se `n felul acesta savant duhovnicesc, teolog. Cnd
spun teolog m\ refer la teologii care au garan]ie teologic\ [i di-
ploma lor are valoare, nu la aceia care au numai hrtie f\r\ putere
de cump\rare [i a c\ror diplom\ este asemenea cu banii f\r\ va-
loare din timpul ocupa]iei germane33.
Astfel, teologia adev\rat\ este cuvntul lui Dumnezeu pe care
`l primesc sufletele curate, smerite [i ren\scute duhovnice[te, iar nu
cuvintele frumoase ale min]ii omene[ti, care sunt alc\tuite prin [tiin]a
filologic\ [i exprimate `ntr-un duh juridic sau lumesc34. Asemenea
p\rin]i spirituali au cunoa[terea cea duhovniceasc\, iar prin nevo-
in]ele lor [i prin insuflarea duhului, se fac teologi practici35, savan]i
duhovnice[ti36, primind din partea lui Dumnezeu, pentru via]a lor
curat\ [i pentru nevoin]a lor intens\, capacitatea de a cunoa[te [i
explica tainele dumnezeie[ti, a[a cum au f\cut-o Sfin]ii P\rin]i37.
Descriind calit\]ile fundamentale ale stare]ului, ca p\rinte duhov-
nicesc, Cuviosul P\rinte Paisie Aghioritul consider\ c\ acesta tre-
buie s\ fie un om duhovnicesc; s\ petreac\ o via]\ simpl\, f\r\ griji
lume[ti de prisos [i s\ nu caute deloc la interesele sale, ci la cele
ale sufletului ucenicului [i, `n general, la interesele Bisericii; s\ fie
prietenul lini[tii [i al rug\ciunii, `n a[a m\sur\ `nct s\ `l alipeasc\
33
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste..., pp. 222-223. P\rin-
tele rdea, spunnd c\ la o universitate din America, cei de la departamentul
teologic au cultivat un ogor cu gru, ca studen]ii s\ priceap\ ce `nseamn\ gru,
iar, ca s\-[i dea seama ce `nseamn\ p\stor [i oaie, au o turm\ cu cteva oi [i
un cioban cu o bt\. Cf. Ibidem, p. 143.
34
Idem, Epistole..., p. 121.
35
Ibidem.
36
Ibidem, p. 214.
37
Ibidem, p. 121.
 Hermeneutica textului religios, `n perspectiv\ soteriologic\ 13

[i pe ucenic de Dumnezeu, prin rug\ciune, [i s\ afle, prin el, ade-

v\rata bucurie a mngierii dumnezeie[ti38.
Harisma de c\petenie a unui astfel de duhovnic este discern\-
mntul, calitatea sa specific\ este dragostea, [i ambele sunt daruri ale
Duhului Sfnt. Discern\mntul duhovnicesc, dincolo de a fi rezultat
al str\daniilor personale, al ostenelilor de a citi [i `n]elege pe Sfin]ii
P\rin]i, ba chiar al rug\ciunii curate, vine din iluminarea dumne-
zeiasc\39. O cunoa[tere f\r\ iluminare, f\r\ putere de transformare
l\untric\, este socotit\ o catastrof\40. Doar cunoa[terea experimen-
tal\, prin credin]\ [i nevoin]\, `n duh de poc\in]\ [i smerenie, `n
universul rug\ciunii [i al virtu]ilor cre[tine, ofer\, prin iluminarea
dumnezeiasc\, darul discern\mntului, cu numeroasele lui forme:
cardiognozia, str\vederea, `nainte-vederea, proorocia, sfatul etc., din
care izvor\sc, ca dintr-o fntn\ duhovniceasc\, cuvintele cu putere
mult\.
Pe lng\ faptul c\ p\rintele duhovnicesc este un om al harului,
al discern\mntului spiritual, el este, prin excelen]\, un om al iu-
birii des\vr[ite. {i iat\ cum `n]elegea Cuviosul Paisie aceast\ iubire
infinit\: Atunci cnd v\d un oarecare b\rbat `n vrst\, spunea
Stare]ul, `mi zic c\ acesta este tat\l meu. Cnd v\d o b\trn\, `mi
spun c\ aceasta este mama mea. Iar cnd v\d un copil mic, `l privesc
ca pe nepo]elul meu. Pe to]i `i iubesc. Pentru to]i m\ bucur, iar pen-
tru al]ii m\ doare. {tii ce `nseamn\ aceasta?. Potrivit cu cazul ce-l
`ntlnea, se f\cea ca unul dintre ace[tia, adic\ se f\cea [i copil, [i
frate, [i tat\, [i bunic. Iar aceast\ dragoste sincer\ a sa `l ajuta pe cel
care se apropia de el s\ sufere schimbarea cea bun\, s\ primeasc\
cuvntul lui Dumnezeu [i s\ tr\iasc\ potrivit lui41.
Duhovnicul trebuie s\ aib\ pentru to]i o inim\ de mam\. S\
dobnde[ti inim\ de mam\, recomanda duhovnicescul p\rinte. Ai
v\zut, mama pe toate le iart\ [i cteodat\ se face c\ nu vede unele
neornduieli. S\ faci r\bdare [i s\-i `ndrept\]e[ti, s\-i suferi pe
ceilal]i, ca s\ te sufere [i pe tine Hristos42.
38
Ibidem, pp. 35-36.
39
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. I. Cu durere [i dragoste..., p. 215.
40
Ibidem, p. 216.
41
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. IV. Via]a de familie, Prolog, traducere din limba
greac\ de Ieroschim. {tefan Nu]escu, Schitul Lacu Sfntul Munte Athos, Editura
Evanghelismos, Bucure[ti, 2003, pp. 7-8.
42
Idem, Cuvinte. II. Trezire duhovniceasc\..., p. 127.
14 Teologie [i Via]\

Adev\ratul duhovnic, sim]ea Cuviosul Paisie, iube[te sufletul

[i `l doare pentru el, pentru c\ `i cunoa[te marea lui valoare. ~l ajut\
`n poc\in]\, `l u[ureaz\ prin spovedanie, `l elibereaz\ de nelini[te
[i `l pov\]uie[te c\tre rai. Duhovnicul se nume[te p\rinte; [i de
aceea trebuie s\ se str\duiasc\ s\ fie un p\rinte adev\rat; s\ mustre
cu dragoste [i afec]iune dumnezeiasc\. S\ se pun\ `n locul fiec\ruia
dintre cei care se spovedesc [i s\ tr\iasc\ durerea aceluia, astfel `nct
cel ce se spovede[te s\ vad\ pe fa]a duhovnicului zugr\vit\ pro-
pria lui durere. Aceasta este de trebuin]\ `n mod deosebit `n vre-
mea noastr\, cnd oamenii au nevoie de pu]in\ ap\ rece [i nu de
o]et tare. Cei mai mul]i, deoarece primesc `nruriri diavole[ti, cu
greu primesc un sfat duhovnicesc sau o observa]ie. De aceea [i
certarea trebuie s\ se fac\ cu dragoste, iar ar\tarea gre[elii `n chip
discret, zmbind, sau printr-o glum\43.
Un astfel de p\rinte duhovnicesc este capabil s\-[i dea chiar [i
via]a sa pentru mntuirea sufletelor ucenicilor s\i, c\ci spune P\-
rintele, un duhovnic care nu este hot\rt s\ mearg\ chiar [i `n
iad pentru dragostea fiilor lui duhovnice[ti, nu este duhovnic44.
El trebuie s\ aib\ tact [i r\bdare, `ng\duin]\, blnde]e [i bun\-
tate. Tactul `l ajut\ s\ g\seasc\ re]eta sau calea cea mai potrivit\ de
`ndreptare a sufletelor, plecnd de la lupta `mpotriva patimilor grele
[i a p\catelor mari [i vechi, pn\ la deplina cur\]ire a sufletului de
zgura cea groas\ a p\catului45. El trebuie s\ arate tuturor r\bdare,
c\ci pe cei care au o oarecare problem\ serioas\, nu ajunge numai
s\-i ascul]i [i s\ vezi c\ au o durere [i s\ le spui: Ia o aspirin\!.
Numai un minut te re]in, spun unii, pentru c\ pleac\ autobuzul, [i
`]i spun o problem\ serioas\. Ca [i cum cineva, avnd cancer, spune
medicului: F\-mi o opera]ie, pentru c\ peste pu]in timp pleac\ avi-
onul!. Orice boal\ are nevoie de timpul necesar ca s\ vezi de
unde porne[te, ce simptome are etc. ~ntr-o problem\ serioas\, nu
po]i da solu]ii provizorii46.
Iar `n privin]a iconomiei, a blnde]ii [i bun\t\]ii sale, mai ales `n
astfel de vremuri, de nelini[te [i de fr\mntare a lumii, de zbucium
[i ner\bdare a sufletului contemporan, nu ajut\, spune Cuviosul
43
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. III. Nevoin]\ duhovniceasc\..., pp. 313-314.
44
Ibidem, p. 314.
45
Ibidem, p. 293.
46
Ibidem, p. 294.
 Hermeneutica textului religios, `n perspectiv\ soteriologic\ 15

P\rinte, s\ aplice cineva toat\ legea Bisericii cu o asprime f\r\ dis-

cern\mnt, ci trebuie s\ cultive m\rimea de suflet `n oameni. S\ fac\
mai `nti treab\ bun\ `n el `nsu[i ca s\ poat\ ajuta sufletele, c\ci
altfel va sparge capetele47.
~nsu[i P\rintele Paisie, remarca un ucenic al s\u, atunci cnd
discuta cu cineva despre problemele aceluia, nu ]inea cont de clasi-
fic\rile sociale [i provenien]ele geografice, ci `l cinstea pe fiecare
ca pe o persoan\ uman\ deosebit\, ca pe chipul lui Hristos, [i `i
vorbea cu mult\ dragoste, cu mult\ `n]elegere fa]\ de neputin]ele lui.
Dragostea pe care o avea pentru Dumnezeu se transmitea chipului
Lui, omului, dar [i la toat\ zidirea, animalelor [i plantelor. Vedea
negr\ita purtare de grij\ a lui Dumnezeu pentru omul c\zut, pre-
cum [i pentru `ntreaga zidire care suspin\ [i are dureri48.
De mare valoare `n via]a unui p\rinte duhovnicesc este rug\-
ciunea sa pentru el, pentru ucenicii s\i [i pentru mntuirea `ntregii
lumi. Rug\ciunea este numit\ de Cuviosul Paisie oxigenul sufle-
tului49, pentru c\, a[a cum trupul nu poate tr\i f\r\ aer, f\r\ oxi-
gen, tot a[a, nici sufletul nu poate tr\i f\r\ hran\ duhovniceasc\ [i
f\r\ s\ respire spiritual, prin rug\ciune. Dialogul omului cu Dum-
nezeu este `mpreuna-vorbire sau convorbirea sufletului cu P\rin-
tele s\u ceresc, purtat\ `n z\rile senine ale virtu]ilor cre[tine.
~n mod deosebit, consider\ P\rintele Paisie, monahul trebuie s\
fie un om al rug\ciunii, pentru c\ el nu sluje[te lumii prin funda]ii
[i conferin]e, nici m\car prin bunuri [i prin lucruri, ba chiar nici prin
sfat sau prin cuvinte. Predica sa este una t\cut\, prin sfin]enia vie]ii
sale, iar modul s\u de slujire a lumii `l constituie rug\ciunea lui cu-
rat\ [i ne`ncetat\.
~n privin]a acestui me[te[ug duhovnicesc, al artei rug\ciunii,
`ndemnurile [i recomand\rile Cuviosului Paisie sunt extrem de prac-
tice: nu conteaz\ lungimea, ci profunzimea rug\ciunii, c\ci un
suspin din suflet face ct g\le]i de lacrimi; nu trebuie cultivat\ can-
titatea, ci calitatea50; `n rug\ciunile noastre trebuie s\ cerem poc\-
in]\, nu bunuri materiale sau spirituale, dup\ cum avem [i indicii
47
Ibidem, p. 298.
48
Nicolae Zurnazoglu, op. cit., p. 194.
49
Atanasie Rakovalis, op. cit., p. 155.
50
Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul, Cuvinte. II. Trezire duhovniceasc\..., p. 306.
16 Teologie [i Via]\

clare ale `ncredin]\rii sau `mplinirii ei, atunci cnd primim lucruri
de folos spre mntuire51.
Dac\ un adev\r esen]ial al vie]ii spirituale este acela c\ nu exist\
om f\r\ de p\cat, `n mod necesar, nu poate exista mntuire f\r\
poc\in]\ [i nici poc\in]\ f\r\ ascultare de un p\rinte duhovnicesc.
Din acestea rezult\ necesitatea [i importan]a duhovnicului `n via]a [i
`n sufletul credinciosului. El este cel care ne smulge din ghearele
mor]ii duhovnice[ti [i ne rea[az\ `n leg\tur\ haric\ fa]\ de Tat\l
Ceresc, reu[ind s\ `mpace, `n sufletul [i `n via]a noastr\, cerul [i p\-
mntul, restabilind leg\tura de dragoste fa]\ de Dumnezeu [i fa]\
de aproapele [i `mp\cndu-l pe el cu el `nsu[i.
Dintr-o astfel de perspectiv\ moral\, Cuviosul Paisie insist\ asu-
pra p\str\rii [i consult\rii frecvente a duhovnicului, prin m\rturisirea
[i dest\inuirea gndurilor, ambele integrate `n experien]a general\
a poc\in]ei.
Duhovnicul nu trebuie schimbat u[or, considera P\rintele Paisie,
pentru c\ o cl\dire nu se va construi niciodat\ a[a cum trebuie,
dac\ se schimb\ mereu inginerii [i constructorii52. Atunci cnd sun-
tem `n imposibilitatea de a-l consulta, chiar [i `n lumea aceasta a
tehnicii [i comunic\rii, Cuviosul P\rinte recomand\ s\ consult\m
un alt duhovnic, avnd acela[i duh cu al p\rintelui nostru [i reco-
mandat, `n prealabil, de acesta53.
~n mod deosebit, Stare]ul insista asupra importan]ei duhovnic-
ului pentru familia cre[tin\, spunnd categoric c\ f\r\ duhovnic,
nu se face arbitraj54 [i recomanda ca `ntreaga familie: so]i, p\rin]i
[i copii s\ aib\ acela[i duhovnic. Lucrul cel mai bun, sublinia P\-
rintele, este s\ aib\ amndoi so]ii acela[i duhovnic. Nu b\rbatul un
duhovnic [i femeia altul. Dac\ dou\ lemne vor fi cioplite de doi tm-
plari, niciodat\ nu se vor potrivi. ~n timp ce, dac\ vor avea acela[i
duhovnic, duhovnicul ciople[te umfl\turile, sl\biciunile, unuia, cio-
ple[te [i umfl\turile celuilalt [i astfel se aplaneaz\ greut\]ile. Dar,
ast\zi, chiar [i perechile care tr\iesc duhovnice[te au duhovnici dife-
ri]i. Rar au amndoi acela[i duhovnic, de aceea nici nu se folosesc. Am
`n vedere perechi care se potriveau, dar nu aveau acela[i duhovnic
51
Ibidem, p. 308.
52
Idem, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. III. Nevoin]\ duhovniceasc\..., p. 274.
53
Ibidem, p. 276.
54
Ibidem, p. 274.
 Hermeneutica textului religios, `n perspectiv\ soteriologic\ 17

ca s\-i ajute, [i s-au desp\r]it. Iar alte perechi, de[i nu se potriveau,

au tr\it `n armonie, deoarece au avut acela[i duhovnic.
Desigur, atunci cnd toat\ familia are acela[i duhovnic, aceasta
este [i mai bine. Duhovnicul `i va asculta pe to]i [i problema ce a
ap\rut o va rezolva potrivit cu situa]ia. Uneori va zori pu]in pe tata
sau pe mama, alteori `i va chema [i pe copii, dac\ nu va putea trage
concluzii din cele ce `i spun p\rin]ii. Sau, dac\ perechea are pro-
bleme [i este de vin\, de pild\, femeia, `l poate chema pe b\rbat ca
s\-l sf\tuiasc\ cum trebuie s\ se poarte sau va cere unei rude sau
cunoscut al lor s\ ajute cu discern\mnt55.
Doar al\turi [i `n ascultare fa]\ de un astfel de duhovnic, vas
al Duhului Sfnt, model de r\bdare [i bun\tate, blnde]e [i iubire,
cu o con[tiin]\ profund\ a responsabilit\]ii sale fa]\ de Dumnezeu
[i de mntuirea sa [i a ucenicilor s\i, el `nsu[i un om al f\ptuirii [i
al rug\ciunii curate, d\ruit cu harisma deosebirii sau a discern\mn-
tului [i a adev\ratei teologii experimentale [i iluminate de Duhul
Sfnt , ucenicii ascult\tori `[i vor afla odihna, avnd convingerea c\,
prin ascultare de duhovnic, fac ascultare de omul lui Dumnezeu
[i `mplinesc vocea sau glasul Lui, vestite nou\ prin duhovnicul
nostru.

Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul icoan\ des\vr[it\

a p\rintelui duhovnicesc

De[i nu a fost duhovnic hirotonit [i hirotesit, Cuviosul Paisie

Aghioritul a fost un avv\ al vremurilor noastre, un adev\rat p\rinte
duhovnicesc pentru mul]imile de ucenici ierarhi, preo]i, monahi,
teologi, precum [i credincio[ilor din cele mai diferite categorii so-
ciale [i profesionale , dar avnd to]i `n comun dorul sau setea de
a-[i mntui sufletul [i dragostea fa]\ de P\rintele Paisie.
Biografii s\i, consemnnd m\rturiile celor ce l-au cunoscut, au
inventariat peste dou\ sute de minuni pe care le-a s\vr[it [i au enu-
merat cincisprezece harisme care au `mpodobit via]a sa, `n mod sub-
lim. Acestea sunt: 1) Dep\[irea legilor firii (a r\mas neudat de ploaie,
s-a f\cut nev\zut, a zburat prin v\zduh; a `mp\rt\[it har; a ridicat
o stnc\ doar cu puterea gndului bun [i a rug\ciunii; atunci cnd
a sim]it gndul necurat [i dorin]a de senza]ional al unor `nchin\tori,
55
Ibidem, pp. 273-274.
18 Teologie [i Via]\

nu s-a l\sat fotografiat [i `nregistrat, nici chiar de cea mai perfor-

mant\ tehnic\); 2) ~mprietenirea cu animalele (c\prioar\, olan, [erpi,
[oprle); 3) Harisma rug\ciunii mistice, extatice, pentru mntuirea
lumii; 4) Paternitatea duhovniceasc\; 5) Harisma mngierii; 6) Lup-
t\tor `mpotriva diavolilor [i izgonitor al lor; 7) Buna mireasm\ du-
hovniceasc\; 8) Darul vorbirii `n alte limbi; 9) Deplas\ri minunate;
10) Aude cnd este chemat la rug\ciune; 11) Cunosc\tor al st\rii
celor adormi]i; 12) Str\vedere [i `nainte-vedere; 13) Harisma t\m\-
duirilor: cancer, leucemie, afec]iuni cardiovasculare grave, paralizie,
orbire, infertilitate; 14) Apari]ii [i vedenii cu: `ngerul p\zitor, Maica
Domnului, Mntuitorul Iisus Hristos, Sfin]ii Trei Ierarhi, Sfnta Ecate-
rina, Sfntul Ioan Teologul; 15) Radiaz\ lumina necreat\ etc.56.
Autorul unui volum consacrat Cuviosului Paisie, consemnnd da-
rurile marelui P\rinte, spune c\ harismele cu care `l `mpodobise
~nsu[i Dumnezeu erau multe. Avea harisma vindec\rii (i-a vindecat
pe mul]i de diferite boli: cancer, paralizie din na[tere etc.), avea ha-
risma de a scoate demoni (scotea diavoli din mul]i, `nc\ de cnd
tr\ia), avea harisma `nainte-vederii (multora le-a spus lucruri care li
se vor `ntmpla `n viitor, dar a profe]it [i evolu]ii viitoare `n istoria
patriei noastre), avea harisma str\vederii (cuno[tea inima fiec\rui
om, mult mai adnc [i mult mai curat dect cuno[tea omul despre
sine `nsu[i, de aceea sf\tuia corect [i cu acribie [i fiecare asculta
cuvntul pe care trebuia s\-l asculte), avea harisma deosebirii du-
hurilor (cuno[tea cu acribie dac\ o `ntmplare duhovniceasc\ era de
la Dumnezeu sau de la cel viclean, care c\uta s\ `n[ele [i s\ `n-
demne la r\u), avea discern\mnt (cuno[tea `n fiecare situa]ie care
era voia lui Dumnezeu [i dac\ trebuia s-o arate sau nu). Cuno[tea
care era solu]ia cea mai bun\ [i mai corect\ `n fiecare situa]ie, chiar
[i pentru subiecte duhovnice[ti (...). Avea harisma teologiei. Din
multele experien]e duhovnice[ti pe care le-a avut, cu sfin]i, cu `n-
geri, cu Maica Domnului, dar [i cu vederi ale Luminii necreate, [i nu
o dat\, ci de multe ori, devenise `ntr-adev\r teolog [i cuno[tea `n
profunzime tainele lui Dumnezeu57.
Dintre toate acestea, darul s\u distinctiv [i culminant l-a constituit
dragostea nesfr[it\, dup\ modelul infinitei iubiri dumnezeie[ti.
56
Ieromonahul Isaac, op. cit., pp. 513-615.
57
Atanasie Rakovalis, op. cit., pp. 12-13.
 Hermeneutica textului religios, `n perspectiv\ soteriologic\ 19

O dragoste f\r\ seam\n, fa]\ de Dumnezeu, C\ruia I-a `nchinat

`ntreaga sa via]\, fa]\ de Biseric\ [i monahism, fa]\ de mntuire [i
des\vr[ire, neam, ]ar\ [i semeni. Cuviosul P\rinte numea aceasta
dragostea nobil\, dragostea care nu caut\ r\splat\58.
Dragostea sa era o dragoste f\r\ margini, f\r\ [ov\ire [i cu o
des\vr[it\ jertfire de sine. O dragoste arz\toare, dulce, atotputer-
nic\, dumnezeiasc\. O dragoste care izvora din l\untrul s\u, f\r\
deosebiri, care `mbr\]i[a cu aceea[i c\ldur\ pe cei buni [i pe cei r\i,
pe prietenii [i pe vr\jma[ii s\i, pe cei cunoscu]i ai lui [i pe str\ini,
pe cei vrednici [i pe cei nevrednici, pe ortodoc[i [i pe cei de alt\
credin]\, pe oameni, animale [i plante, dar mai presus de toate, pe
Dumnezeu59.
Monahul atonit Simon, de la Sfnta M\n\stire Karakalu, din Sfn-
tul Munte, ar\ta c\ Stare]ul Paisie a fost `ntruchiparea tuturor cu-
vio[ilor [i purt\torilor de Dumnezeu p\rin]i ai pustiului (Antonie cel
Mare, Paisie cel Mare [.a.), continuatorul fidel al vie]ii lor ascetice
[i mo[tenitor al darurilor lor. Nu a fost un om politicos, `n sens for-
malist, [i nici un cultivat, `n sens intelectualist, a[a cum, din p\cate,
ne vrea pe to]i epoca noastr\. Dimpotriv\, vedeai [i sim]eai c\ `n per-
soana sa se adevere[te `ntru totul faptul c\ omul a fost zidit dup\
chipul [i asem\narea lui Dumnezeu. Sim]eai c\ te orbe[te frumu-
se]ea cea dinti, pe care a avut-o Adam `n rai, `nainte de c\dere, [i
pe care Stare]ul a reg\sit-o prin ascultare [i ascez\ [i chiar a `ntrecut-
o `n slav\, fiindc\ prin `ntruparea Cuvntului lui Dumnezeu ni s-a
dat aceast\ posibilitate60. Iar IPS Ierotei, Mitropolitul Nafpaktosu-
lui [i Sfntul Vlasie, spunea c\ P\rintele Paisie s-a ar\tat un p\rinte
duhovnicesc, care i-a ajutat pe oameni `n felurite chipuri, cu cu-
vntul [i cu t\cerea, cu rug\ciunea [i cu minunile. De aceea, [i cel
care cite[te cuvintele lui le simte ca pe ni[te cuvinte de `n]elepciune
care creeaz\ re`nnoiri [i revizuiri `n via]a sa personal\61.
Pe to]i cei care `l c\utau [i `i cereau sfatul `i primea cu dragoste
egal\ [i simplitate sufleteasc\. Eu, dintru `nceput, spunea Cuvio[ia
Sa, m\ port cu to]i `n mod firesc [i cu simplitate. Nu m\ port cu
rezerv\, chipurile ca s\ nu dau `ndr\zneal\ celuilalt [i s\-l vat\m.
58
Ieromonahul Isaac, op. cit., p. 496.
59
Atanasie Rakovalis, op. cit., p. 14.
60
Cf. Nicolae Zurnazoglu, op. cit., pp. 205-206.
61
Ibidem, p. 26.
20 Teologie [i Via]\

M\ d\ruiesc `n `ntregime, ca s\ se ajute, s\ se dezvolte `n cadrul

unui climat de dragoste, [i `ncet-`ncet, `i spun cusururile lui. ~l con-
sider fratele meu, tat\l meu, bunicul meu, potrivit cu vrsta sa.
Fac `nsorire, ca s\ ias\ to]i [erpii, scorpionii, scarabeii patimile
[i dup\ aceea `i ajut ca s\-i omoare. Dac\ v\d `ns\ c\ nu pre]u-
ie[te aceasta [i nu este ajutat de purtarea mea, ci profit\ de sim-
plitatea mea [i de dragostea mea sincer\ [i `ncepe s\ se poarte cu
obr\znicie, m\ retrag, `ncet-`ncet, ca s\ nu devin\ [i mai obraznic.
Dar la `nceput m\ d\ruiesc `n `ntregime [i de aceea mai pe urm\
con[tiin]a `mi este odihnit\62.
Mai ales la `nceputul rela]iei cu un ucenic, el considera c\ acesta
are mare nevoie de afec]iune pentru a nu cre[te cu lipsuri, deoarece
mul]i copii din lume au p\rin]i, dar, din p\cate, nu la pu]ini dintre
ei le este indiferent dac\ au p\rin]i sau nu, fiindc\ nu au cunoscut
afec]iunea, ci numai nemul]umirile lor. De aceea, trebuie s\ avem
dragoste cu mult discern\mnt, ca s\ ne putem cre[te fiii duhov-
nice[ti cu `ndoit\ s\n\tate [i s\ nu se vat\me cnd sunt mici nici
m\car de rvna lor copil\reasc\ [i f\r\ de discern\mnt63.
Chiar [i boala sa, P\rintele o privea ca pe un mijloc de `nt\rire `n
credin]\ [i de dragoste suprem\. La `nceput, atunci cnd era `ntrebat
despre intensitatea suferin]elor, spunea c\ s-a obi[nuit cu durerea,
apoi exclama: Adev\rat\ mucenicie!, pentru ca `n faza terminal\
s\ se `ncread\ Maicii Domnului, spunnd: M\icu]\ preacurat\!.
Dormea pu]in, dup\ m\rturia ucenicilor apropia]i, uneori chiar
numai o jum\tate de or\ din dou\zeci [i patru de ore, tocmai pen-
tru a sta la dispozi]ia semenilor s\i, prin sfat. ~i purta pe to]i `n rug\-
ciunea sa intens\. Odat\ a relatat cum a petrecut paisprezece ore
f\r\ `ntrerupere `n rug\ciune: ~n timpul cercet\rii harului dumne-
zeiesc, spunea Stare]ul, inima tresalt\. Odat\ m-am rugat paispre-
zece ore continuu [i, `n loc s\ simt oboseal\, aveam `nl\untrul meu
o mngiere, o bucurie. La un moment dat m-am gndit c\ de
vreme ce sunt la o astfel de vrst\ [i `mi lipsesc [i dou\ coaste, s\
merg s\-mi pun brul, s\ m\ leg cu o funie de tavan [i s\ iau dou\
crje ca s\ m\ sprijin [i astfel s\ continui rug\ciunea ct va merge.
62
Cuviosul Paisie Aghioritul, Cuvinte duhovnice[ti. III. Nevoin]\ duhovniceasc\...,
p. 309.
63
Idem, Epistole..., pp. 182-183.
 Hermeneutica textului religios, `n perspectiv\ soteriologic\ 21

Aceasta a fost. De `ndat\ ce am primit acest gnd, am c\zut jos [i

am sim]it toat\ oboseala celor paisprezece ore de stat `n picioare.
Un sfert de or\ am r\mas jos nemi[cat. Ca [i cum Dumnezeu mi-ar fi
spus c\ harul Meu este cel care te ]ine, [i nu brul t\u. {i s\ fi spus
c\ gndul era p\c\tos sau egoist? Nu, ci doar m-am gndit: De
vreme ce sunt `ntr-o astfel de stare trupeasc\, s\ fiu cu luare aminte.
Cu att mai mult un gnd mndru ar fi alungat cu des\vr[ire ha-
rul. Ct de fin\ este via]a duhovniceasc\ [i de ct\ luare aminte este
nevoie!64.
Cerea, ne`ncetat, `n rug\ciune, duhul poc\in]ei pentru el [i pen-
tru ceilal]i. Este cunoscut\ poc\in]a sa sincer\. Pentru o perioad\ de
timp, afl\m din Via]a sa, f\cea printre alte nevoin]e [i [aptezeci [i
[apte de metanii de trei sute cu cruce (adic\ rostea de 23.100 de
ori rug\ciunea lui Iisus, f\cnd la fiecare rug\ciune [i o cruce).
Cerea iertare de la Dumnezeu de [aptezeci [i [apte de ori. El era cel
mai mare p\c\tos, a[a cum credea el, care cerea de la Dumnezeu
mila Sa [i iertarea p\catelor lui. Iar, alt\dat\, `nsu[i P\rintele m\rtu-
rise[te, de multe ori Duhul Sfnt m\ duce `n spitale, `n casele oa-
menilor `ndurera]i, la oameni care sunt gata s\ se sinucid\. Eu nu
fac nimic, ci numai m\ rog [i aprind lumn\ri65.
Dobndise darul discern\mntului, devenind o f\clie de dis-
cern\mnt66. Ajunsese la o cunoa[tere `n fiin]\ a tuturor celor create
[i a ra]iunilor divine, pe care Creatorul le-a s\dit `n toate. Avea pu-
terea str\vederii, cunoscnd, prin dar, toate mi[c\rile [i fr\mnt\rile
sufletului uman; citea cu u[urin]\ inima celorlal]i (cardiognosia) [i
deosebea originea [i felurile gndurilor, recomandnd arta cultiv\rii
gndului bun. Adeseori, din dragoste fa]\ de ostenitori, profe]ea,
`n baza `nainte-vederii, pe care Dumnezeu i-o d\ruise.
Chip blnd [i bun, era un izvor de smerenie, c\utnd `n toate s\
se mic[oreze pe sine, socotindu-se a fi cel mai nevrednic p\c\tos.
Vrnd s\ arate roadele smereniei, Rectorul Sfntului Munte, cum l-a
numit un ucenic67, relata urm\toarea `ntmplare: Aveam o pisic\ ce
se `mboln\vise. S\rmana!... Voia s\ vomite, dar nu putea. V\znd-o
64
Ieromonahul Isaac, op. cit., pp. 276-277.
65
Nicolae Zurnazoglu, op. cit., p. 48.
66
Ieromonahul Isaac, op. cit., p. 473.
67
Monahul Teologos, Sfnta M\n\stire Karakalu, Sfntul Munte Athos, la Ni-
colae Zurnazoglu, op. cit., p. 399.
22 Teologie [i Via]\

cum sufer\, mi s-a f\cut mil\ de ea. Am `nsemnat-o cu semnul

Sfintei Cruci, dar nimic. Bre, netrebnicule, mi-am spus `n sinea mea,
nici m\car o pisic\ nu po]i s\ aju]i. De `ndat\ ce m-am smerit, s-a [i
f\cut bine68. {i, tot el spunea, asemenea monahilor cu via]\ sfnt\
din vechime: Cel mai mare du[man al meu este numele meu. Iar cel
mai mare r\u mi l-au f\cut cunoscu]ii [i prietenii mei, iar nu du[-
manii. Dac\ a[ fi [tiut `ntru `nceput unde am s\ ajung, a[ fie mers
la Ierusalim, a[ fi devenit monah `ntru ascuns, a[ fi purtat un pal-
ton negru [i un fes [i mi-a[ fi l\sat barb\ [i p\r lung. Nimeni nu ar
fi [tiut c\ sunt monah [i m-a[ fi mi[cat f\r\ zgomot69.
Pe toate aceste virtu]i [i multe altele, P\rintele Paisie Aghioritul
le-a dus dincolo de grani]ele firii [i a posibilit\]ilor omene[ti de f\p-
tuire, atingnd m\sura `ngereasc\ a `mplinirii lor. ~ns\ harisma
cea mai important\, darul cel mai important [i `nalt pe care l-a f\cut
Cuviosul P\rinte lumii este harisma provoc\rii schimb\rii l\un-
trice pentru cei care l-au cunoscut, a `nvierii duhovnice[ti, din moar-
tea p\catelor.
Din via]a sa sfnt\, afl\m c\ cele mai multe [i cele mai mari
minuni ale Stare]ului au fost `nvierile duhovnice[ti. Foarte mul]i oa-
meni nep\s\tori `n ce prive[te via]a duhovniceasc\, atei convin[i,
oameni f\r\ nici o `ngr\dire moral\, au `nviat duhovnice[te, au `n-
ceput cu mult\ rvn\ o via]\ dup\ Dumnezeu, fie `n urma unei apa-
ri]ii a Stare]ului de dup\ moartea acestuia, `n somn sau aievea, fie,
cel mai adesea, `n urma citirii unei c\r]i de-a lui. Unii dintre ace[tia
au intrat chiar `n via]a monahal\70, iar un ucenic din Sfntul Munte
Athos observa c\ acela care `l `ntlnea pe Cuviosul Stare] primea,
la problemele sale, solu]iile cele mai bune [i unul ca acesta era
`ncredin]at c\ r\spunsurile [i faptele fericitului Stare] erau ale unui
om luminat de Duhul Sfnt71.
Dobndise darul p\cii, al odihnirii semenilor, al lini[tirii, poto-
lirii [i domolirii gndurilor [i a duhurilor, puterea de a mi[ca [i
t\m\dui l\untric, harisma alin\rii suflete[ti, a mngierii duhov-
nice[ti. Iar despre aceast\ via]\ de sfin]enie, dus\ `n credin]\ [i po-
c\in]\, `n rug\ciune [i iubire, d\ m\rturie `nsu[i duhovnicul s\u,
68
Ieromonahul Isaac, op. cit., p. 380.
69
Ibidem, p. 377.
70
Ibidem, p. 350.
71
Nicolae Zurnazoglu, op. cit., p. 401.
 Hermeneutica textului religios, `n perspectiv\ soteriologic\ 23

P\rintele Pavel Zisakis, fost egumen al Sfintei M\n\stiri Lavra din

Sfntul Munte, `n urm\toarele cuvinte: L-am cunoscut de mic copil
pe P\rintele Paisie, pe cnd eram la {coala Primar\ din Koni]a. ~nc\
din fraged\ copil\rie se nevoia cu mult\ rvn\. Eu am mers primul
`n Sfntul Munte [i dup\ aceea a venit [i P\rintele Paisie. Adeseori
mergeam [i `l cercetam la coliba lui, unde discutam subiecte du-
hovnice[ti. Se m\rturisea la mine. Iubea mult pe Dumnezeu [i pe
oameni. Era un mare iubitor de pustie [i nevoin]\. Tr\ia o via]\ du-
hovniceasc\ foarte `nalt\, cu post pn\ la limita puterilor trupe[ti
[i rug\ciune ne`ncetat\. Era foarte evlavios [i bun `n toate72.
*
Prin toate acestea, P\rintele Paisie a fost un dar al lui Dumne-
zeu pentru oamenii de ast\zi73, un odor de mare cinste [i de pre],
pe care Ortodoxia greac\ [i monahismul atonit l-au d\ruit lumii
contemporane, o lume `ntr-un zbucium ne`ncetat [i `ntr-o necon-
tenit\ fr\mntare, datorate r\cirii credin]ei `n Dumnezeu [i dragostei
de aproapele, pierderii idealului vie]ii viitoare [i ve[nice [i renun]\rii la
simplitatea [i corectitudinea vie]ii duhovnice[ti [i, `n consecin]\,
c\ut\rii bucuriilor lume[ti, sub influen]a, pn\ la robie, a duhului
lumesc.
Dup\ cum via]a sa a fost un model de sfin]enie `n zilele noastre,
cuvintele, sfaturile [i `ndemnurile sale duhovnice[ti constituie o co-
moar\ de mare pre] a Bisericii lui Hristos, spre mngierea [i alinarea
sufletelor iubitoare de via]\ duhovniceasc\ `nalt\ [i de mntuire,
avnd capacitatea de a converti [i `mbun\t\]i, de a schimba con-
[tiin]e [i a mntui suflete.

72
Ieromonahul Isaac, op. cit., p. 237.
73
Atanasie Rakovalis, op. cit., p. 15.