The Oxford English Dictionary defines corruption as the "perversion or destruction of integrity in the discharge of public

duties by bribery or favor" (ADB 2000; Saxonhouse 2000) and the Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines it as "inducement
to wrong by improper or unlawful means" (ADB 2000).This paper focuses on the anti- corruption movement of Anna
Hazare. In recent times India has seen a spurt in the corruption scandals ranging in sphere from corporate to government
sector. The corruption issues are discussed openly and general level of understanding regarding the corruption has
increased in the society. While we all know that we are sinking into the morass of corruption we don't know how to come
out of it or tackle it. Some suggest spread of education and tougher enforcement of anti-corruption laws but nobody has
a precise solution.In light of above, the anti - corruption movement initiated by Anna Hazare assumes profound
significance. Anna Hazare, a veteran social activist, born on June 15, 1938 has been at the forefront of anti- corruption
movement in the country for a long time .He has been recognized for his contribution towards the development of
Ralegaon siddhi village in Maharashtra and also has been instrumental in the framing of laws like the RTI Act by
relentlessly pursuing the cause with the government.
Background to the Movement

Rising from his humble beginning, Hazare joined the Indian military. After two life changing incidents while serving in the
army, Anna decided to spend his life for a worthwhile cause. On returning to his village, Ralegaon Siddhi, he saw
widespread alcoholism, economic and social distress in the village. He first tried to improve the condition of the temple in
the village by spending a considerable sum of money, earned during his stint in army, to repair the temple. This had an
impact on the people of the village as it was sacred to them and he instantly gained their respect. Next he sought to
improve the economic condition of the village by undertaking the watershed development plan in the village in order to
improve the output and turn vast stretch of waste land into a productive one.The above mentioned activities are
important in context of his anti -corruption drive as he managed to establish the bond with the people of his village and
became a well known person in the state before he became involved in anti-corruption movement. He realized that
percolation of corruption through the society has major ill effects. Development and corruption can't go hand in hand.
Anti- corruption drive
Anna Hazare helped turn Ralegaon siddhi into a model village by uprooting alcoholism, promoting watershed for
sustainable income, removing untouchability and focusing on education. After turning his village into a model one, he
was approached by the government to undertake project to develop model villages across the state which he gladly
accepted. It was during this project he became aware of the deep rooted corruption in public sphere. He realized that
development is getting hampered due to planned corruption in Government machinery. He was asked for bribes and
other favors which he refused and decided to uproot this evil from the society.He has stressed the need for another
'freedom struggle' against corruption. The usage of words like "freedom struggle" against corruption highlights the
weightage attached by him to this movement. He views government and bureaucrats as public servants and power is
vested in them by the public. But without proper check and accountability this power has been transferred to them and
common people have to struggle against their own power. His idea is to create public awareness across the nation to put
pressure on the government to amend laws to allow agencies like the CBI and the CVC to act against the corrupt freely
and with full autonomy and make corruption punishable with life imprisonment. Hazare said existing laws are not serving
as a deterrent as they do not result in stringent action against the corrupt.On the subject of corruption he has locked
horns with political bigwigs in the state of Maharashtra. Though his main focus in this movement has been politicians and
bureaucrats, he has also targeted the government employees for their inefficiency and role in corruption. He has
advocated declaration of assets by government employees to check the prevailing corruption to some extent. He has also
criticized the official secrets Act and championed the cause of Right to information, which is now a fundamental right of
every citizen, thanks to his effort. He has been emphatic in decentralization of power at the village level basically
promoting the panchayati raj so that people have more power at the grass root level as the corridors of power breed
corruption.
Methodology adopted by Anna

He has read many books by Vivekananda, Mahatma Gandhi and Acharya Vinoba Bhave and is inspired by Gandhian
thinking .This is reflected in his dressing, which is home spun. Some of the methods used by him in anti-corruption drive
reflect the Gandhian style of protest. His whole life and work is based on Gandhian philosophy. His innovative way of
anti-corruption movement has caught the imagination of people. For example one of the methods employed is to annoy
the politicians with devotional songs. He and his group of supporters sit in front of corrupt officer's house and sing
devotional song. People in the nearby area come to know about the corrupt person and join them. Eventually the news
spreads to the corrupt person's family and he feels ashamed as he gets "branded" in the society and becomes scared. So
here they try to subjugate the person by inflicting shame on him for his action. This strategy has proved successful in
many cases .Another method of protesting is through agitation and undertaking fast. Since he's a well known social
reformer government has to act on it amid mounting public pressure.He himself goes about finding the proof of
corruption against the corrupt politicians and hands over to government to act on it. In one case he gave evidence
against two ministers who had amassed wealth disproportionate to their income. However since the Government was
passive about this he started agitation and undertook fast for l0 days. Chief Minister intervened and he deleted these two
ministers from ministry and appointed an Inquiry Commission. The Commission held both the ministers guilty but to save
them the Government appointed another commission who discharged them from the allegations. Though the ministers
were discharged from the allegations, they had to loose their minister ship, which is a sign of the success of his agitation.

Observations

If this movement was started earlier it may have collapsed since he didn't have mass support in the beginning. Anna
Hazare's legitimacy stems from the promotion of public interest. An environment activist-turned-corruption crusader has
received considerable media publicity. This publicity combined with saint like status has helped him in gathering support
from common people. He was able to highlight the failure of official institutions and power holders to uphold public trust
and values. But this has resulted in more talk about the corrupt than corruption. Anna Hazare chose to remain a simple
person and resisted the temptation to move into mainstream politics despite his popular image. His leadership which
emerged at a local level in Ralegaon siddhi involved all the sections of society especially the weak and vulnerable. The
anti-corruption movement couldn't be carried out without the support of his loyalists. He was able to identify the
priorities of the people and attacked the most common problems. Through this people were able to identify with his
values, which resulted in support for him. He displayed his selfless leadership by contributing to the renovation of temple
which got people behind him and practiced what he preached. As a social reformer and a leader he has lead by example
by following dominant values and forms for leadership like integrity, personal sacrifice and parsimony. Though his
movement was started more than a decade ago it needs a catalytic event to transform itself into a large social movement
but it has managed to put the problem on society's agenda as of now.
2011 Indian anti-corruption movement

Anna Hazare's hunger strike at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi, on the second day of his fast

Date 4 April 2011 28 December 2011

Location India

Causes Corruption in public life

Government corruption[1][2]
Police corruption[2]
Judicial corruption[1]
Corporate corruption[2]
Kleptocracy[2]
Electoral fraud[3]
Red tape[2][4]
Discretionary powers of politician[1]
Black money[5]

Goals Enactment of anti-corruption legislature, Jan Lokpal Bill[6] for ombudsman

Methods Non violent protest

Result Resolution passed in Parliament accepting Jan Lokpal Bill on 27 August 2011, Government again
withdrawn Resolution on 22 December 2011, Government Cabinet introduced The Lokpal Bill,
2011 in the parliament but failed to pass.
protests renewed in 2012 when Rajya Sabha failed to pass the Bill

The Indian anti-corruption movement, commencing in 2011, was a series of demonstrations and protests across
India intended to establish strong legislation and enforcement against perceived endemic political corruption.[6] The
movement was named among the "Top 10 News Stories of 2011" by Time magazine.[9]The movement gained
momentum from 5 April 2011, when anti-corruption activist Anna Hazare began a hunger strike at the Jantar
Mantar in New Delhi. The chief legislative aim of the movement was to alleviate corruption in the Indian
government through introduction of the Jan Lokpal Bill. Another aim, spearheaded by Ramdev, was the repatriation
of black money from Swiss and other foreign banks.Grievances of mass protesters focussed on legal and political
issues, including political corruption, kleptocracy, and other forms of corruption. The movement was primarily one
of non-violent civil resistance, featuring demonstrations, marches, acts of civil disobedience, hunger strikes, marches
and rallies, as well as the use of social media to organise, communicate, and raise awareness. The protests
were nonpartisan and most protesters were hostile to attempts made by political parties to use them to strengthen
their own political agendas.Issues regarding corruption in India have become increasingly prominent in recent years.
The country was subject to socialist-inspired economic policies dating from independence in 1947 until the 1980s.
Over-regulation, protectionism, and government ownership of industry led to slow economic growth, high
unemployment, and widespread poverty.[10][11] This system of bureaucratic control by government is called
the License Raj and lies at the core of endemic corruption.[12]The Vohra Report of 1993, submitted by the former
Indian Union Home Secretary Narinder Nath Vohra, studied the issue of the criminalisation of politics. The report
contained several observations made by official agencies on the criminal network which was virtually running a
parallel government. It also discussed criminal gangs who enjoyed the patronage of politicians and the protection of
government functionaries. It revealed that political leaders had become leaders of street gangs and rogue elements
in the military. Over the years, criminals had been elected to local bodies, State Assemblies, and
the Parliament.[13][14][15]The Right to Information Act (RTI) of 2005 helped civilians work effectively towards
tackling corruption. It allows Indian citizens to request information, for a fixed fee of 10 (US$0.22), from a "public
authority" (a body of Government or "instrumentality of State"). In turn, this public authority is required to reply to
the request within thirty days. Activists have used this to uncover corruption cases against various politicians and
bureaucrats one consequence being that some of those activists have been attacked and even killed.[16]In the
years immediately preceding the 2011 anti-corruption protests there were various notable examples of alleged
corruption in the country. These included the Adarsh Housing Society Scam,[17] the 2010 housing loan
scam,[18] the Radia tapes controversy,[19] and the 2G spectrum scam.[20] In February 2011, the Supreme Court of
India ordered all trial courts in the country to expedite handling of corruption cases[21] and the President of
India, Pratibha Patil, stated that measures to ratify the United Nations Convention Against Corruption and other
legislative and administrative measures necessary to improve transparency would be taken.[22] A month later, Chief
Vigilance Commissioner P.J. Thomas was forced to resign on charges of corruption by the Supreme Court.[23]A
worldwide 50-city Dandi March II, organised by People for Lok Satta, took place in March 2011[24] as did the "Drive
around Delhi" protest.[25]
April 2011 protests[edit]
Anna Hazare wanted a joint committee to be formed, comprising members of the government and of civil society, to
draft tougher anti-corruption legislation. Manmohan Singh, then Prime Minister of India, rejected Hazare's demand
and so Hazare began a hunger strike on 5 April 2011 at Jantar Mantar in Delhi.[26] He said that the fast would
continue until the legislation was enacted.[27] His action attracted considerable support, including some people who
joined him in fasting.[28] Prominent representatives of opposition political parties, including the Bharatiya Janata
Party and the Communist Party of India (Marxist), indicated their support for Hazare and demanded government
action.[29] Hazare would not allow politicians to sit with him and those who tried to join, such as Uma
Bharti and Om Prakash Chautala, were turned away.[30]Protests in sympathy with Hazare spread to various Indian
cities, including Bangalore, Mumbai, Chennai, and Ahmedabad.[31] Prominent figures from Bollywood, sports and
business indicated their support[32][33] and there were also gatherings outside India, including in the US, Britain,
France and Germany.[34][35][36]The government squabbled with the activists, insisting that the drafting committee
would be headed by a government-appointed minister and not a civil society member as the protesters had
demanded to avoid allowing the government to make the bill less powerful.[37]On 6 April, Agriculture
Minister Sharad Pawar resigned from the group of ministers that had been charged with reviewing the draft bill.
Hazare had accused him of being corrupt.[38] On 9 April, the government agreed to establish a joint
committee.[39] This came from a compromise that there would be a politician chairman, Pranab Mukherjee, and an
activist non-politician co-chairman, Shanti Bhushan.[40] Bhushan was one of the original drafters of the Lokpal Bill
along with Hazare, Justice N. Santosh Hegde, advocate Prashant Bhushan and RTI activist Arvind Kejriwal.[41]The
first meeting of the Lokpal Bill drafting committee was held on 16 April. The government agreed to audio-record the
committee's meetings and to hold public consultations before a final draft was prepared[42] but refused Hazare's
demand that the proceedings be televised live.[43]
June protest[edit]
Ramdev had announced in April that he would launch a people's anti-corruption movement called Bharat
Swabhiman Andolan.[44] On 13 May it was announced that India had completed ratification of the UN Convention
against Corruption, a process that had begun in 2010.[45] Then, in the early days of June, four senior Union
Ministers - Pranab Mukherjee, Kapil Sibal, Pawan Kumar Bansal and Subodh Kant Sahay - met Ramdev to discuss his
concerns.[46]Ramdev supported Hazare's fast and subsequently led a second major protest at the Ramlila Maidan,
New Delhi on 4 June 2011. He intended to highlight the need for legislation to repatriate black money deposited
abroad. He demanded that such untaxed money should be declared to be the wealth of the nation and, further, that
the act of caching money alleged to have been obtained illegally in foreign banks should be declared a crime against
the state.[47]The Ramlila Maidan was booked for 40 days to allow the protest to happen. Preparations included
setting up toilet, drinking water and medical facilities, as well as a media centre.[48] Ramdev claimed that more than
100 million people were directly involved with the Bharat Swabhiman Andolan.[49] Almost 3.2 million "netizens"
joined the campaign.[50]On 5 June, police raided the Maidan, detaining Ramdev and removing his supporters after
firing tear gas shells and lathicharging.[51] 53 people, including 20 police officers, were treated for
injuries.[52] Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee called the police action "unfortunate" but added that the
government had to do that as Ramdev had no permission to hold the protest.[53] Ministers said that permission had
been granted for a yoga camp with 5,000 attendees but not for a political protest that had gathered 65,000
people.[54]It was alleged that the action was not a spontaneous decision but had been planned for several days. The
police said Ramdev had been informed shortly beforehand that permission to continue his agitation had been
cancelled. By that time, over 5000 police officers had been prepared for action.[55] There was an allegation that
CCTV footage of the raid was missing.[56]On 6 June, the National Human Rights Commission of India requested that
reports of the events be provided within two weeks by the Union Home Secretary, Delhi Chief Secretary and the
Delhi City Commissioner of Police.[57] Hazare responded to the events by holding a one-day hunger
strike.[58] Protests were held in many parts of country, including the cities of Chennai, Bangalore,
Mumbai, Hyderabad, Jammu, and Lucknow. They also spread to Nepal.[59][60][61][62]Ramdev said that a second
phase of the Bharat Swabhiman Yatra would begin in October and would cover a distance of 100,000 kilometres
(62,000 mi).[63]Aftermath[edit]
Civil society response[edit]
Ramdev accused the government of not being serious about discussing issues of corruption and black money,
alleging that government negotiator Kapil Sibal had cheated him through a "scheming and cunning" attitude. He
alleged that there was a conspiracy to kill him and a "threat" was given to him during a meeting with senior
ministers. He also claimed that the ruling government chairperson Sonia Gandhi and the United Progressive
Alliance government will be responsible for any threat to his life and alleged that he was nearly strangled by the
police.[64] After being evicted from Delhi, Ramdev wanted to continue his fast from Noida but was denied
permission to do so by the Uttar Pradesh government. He decided to continue his hunger strike
and satyagraha from Haridwar only until 12 June 2011.[65][66][67]Hazare said there might have been some faults
with Ramdev's agitation but that the beating up of people at night rather than in the day-time was a "blot on
democracy" and that "there was no firing otherwise the eviction was similar to Jallianwala Bagh incident." He said
that the "strangulation of democracy" would cause civil society to launch protests throughout the country to "teach
government a lesson".[68][69] Civil society leaders, such as Arvind Kejriwal, said that the use of police force on non-
violent sleeping protesters was undemocratic.[70][71]
Government response[edit]
Congress General Secretary Digvijay Singh said that the government had reached an agreement before the protests
were held.[72] Prime Minister Manmohan Singh wrote to Ramdev, asking to cease-and-desist from holding the
protests.[73] Nationalist Congress Party General Secretary Tariq Anwar said that "Both Hazare and Ramdev are
blackmailing the government and they should first peep into their own hearts."[74] Pawan Bansal commented on
the midnight police action and said that "It was not a crackdown, we [the government] had to do it to maintain law
and order".[75]All India Congress Committee secretary Janardan Dwivedi described Ramdev's protest as a "political
game" by the Bharatiya Janata Party, pointing out that despite being treated in the same hospital as Nigamananda, a
protestor who had fasted for over two months regarding a different matter, Ramdev got more attention.[76]
Political party response[edit]
The Bharatiya Janata Party called the police action to break up the hunger strike "undemocratic".[77] Gujarat Chief
Minister Narendra Modi strongly condemned the incident comparing atrocities on Ramlila ground with Ravana-Lila,
adding that It is one of the worst days of Indian history. The Prime Minister had said during the elections that he
would bring back black money stashed in Swiss banks within 100 days of coming into power. But today, it is two
years and nothing has happened.[78] L. K. Advani said that the police action reminded him of the Jallianwala Bagh
massacre and added that the police crackdown on Ramdev is a "naked fascism".[78] Leader of the Opposition in the
Lok Sabha Sushma Swaraj said: "This is not democracy. .. the police cannot alone have taken such a step. It had the
approval of the Prime Minister and full approval of the Congress President.[78]
Bahujan Samaj Party leader and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister, Mayawati, condemned the government's midnight
crackdown on Ramdev and demanded that Supreme Court of India order an investigation into the incident stating
that justice cannot be expected from the Central Government.[79][80]
The Samajwadi Party chief Mulayam Singh Yadav condemned the incident saying that the action shows Centre has
lost its mental balance. Charging the ruling Indian National Congress party, Yadav further said: "A Congress leader
said that Baba is a thug. I want to say that Congress is the biggest thug and it should introspect its deeds.[79] "The
government swooped down on Ramdev and his supporters as if it were carrying an attack on a foreign enemy,"
Yadav told reporters at a press conference.[80]
Rashtriya Janata Dal leader Lalu Prasad Yadav accused Ramdev of being a front for the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh.[81]
The Communist Party of India (Marxist) termed the police action at the protest site of Ramdev as "deplorable and
shortsighted". However, they found fault with the yoga guru for making the issue of black money "farcical" by
entering into a secret agreement with government.[82] "The manner in which Ramdev's demands were drafted and
the way in which he has conducted his interactions with the government, coming to a secret agreement to withdraw
the hunger strike on the basis of assurances, then reneging and announcing its extension trivialised the seriousness
of the issue of black money and made it farcical," the party said.[80]
The Shiv Sena strongly condemned the police action against Ramdev.[80]
Nitish Kumar, leader of Janata Dal (United), and the Chief Minister of Bihar, condemned the attack saying "It is a
major blow to democracy and an attack on the democratic rights of the people ... It is also an attack on the
fundamental rights of the citizens.[78]
Suo Moto cognizance by the Supreme Court[edit]
The Supreme Court of India issued notices to the Union Home Secretary, Chief Secretary of Delhi, Delhi
administration, and Delhi Police Commissioner expressing its displeasure that the entire contents of the
petition[clarification needed] had been leaked to the media before the matter came up for hearing.[83] On 29
August 2011, the Court blamed the Delhi Police for the forcible eviction.[84]
August protests[edit]
By mid-June, the Jan Lokpal drafting committee was in disagreement and government representatives said that if a
consensus was not reached then two drafts would be sent to the Cabinet, being those of the government and of the
civil society representatives. Hazare declared that if the government version of the bill was passed by parliament, he
would start a hunger strike from 16 August 2011.[85] On 15 August, he announced that the fast would begin on the
following day.[86]
India Against Corruption protesters in Pune, April 2011
The government imposed Section 144 at Jayaprakash Narayan Park, Rajghat and Delhi Gate, prohibiting assembly of
five or more people.[86] Hazare was detained by Delhi Police in the early morning of 16 August before he could start
his hunger strike. More than 1200 supporters, including members of Team Anna, were also taken into preventative
custody. Most of the supporters, including Kiran Bedi and Shanti Bushan, were released by early
evening.[87][88][89] Hazare was remanded to Tihar Jail after he refused to sign a personal bail bond. Within hours,
a Team Anna spokesperson said that he had begun a hunger protest in custody and was not accepting even water to
drink. The arrests set off a groundswell of protests across the country and were condemned by opposition political
parties and some non-government organisations. Parliament was unable to conduct business after an uproar on the
issue forced an adjournment for the day.[90][91] In Chennai, Mahatma Gandhi's secretary, V. Kalyanam, led the
protesters. He said India will get a sure gold medal if corruption is entered as an item in the Olympic Games. We may
not be a force in football or athletics or hockey. But India is the undisputed global leader in corruption.[92]
Delhi police commissioner B. K. Gupta said that the police were not keen for Hazare be sent to judicial custody and
had been prepared to release him if he had given an undertaking not to break Section 144 and ask his supporters
also not to do so. In a message released after his detention, Hazare said this was the beginning of the "second
freedom struggle" and he called on people to participate in a "jail bharo" agitation.[93] Hazare on 16 August asked
government employees across the country to go on mass leave to show solidarity with the movement. Union Home
minister P. Chidambaram hoped they would not respond, describing the call as "completely wrong." Hazare's close
associate and lawyer Prashant Bhushan urged government servants to join their cause and take a mass leave for a
day and join the protests in their city.[94]
Hazare's release[edit]
It was decided to release Hazare after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh met party General Secretary Rahul Gandhi,
who disapproved of the arrest, on the evening of 16 August.[95] Congress sources said that the Government decided
to release him and his supporters after coming to the conclusion that keeping him in jail would disrupt law and order
unnecessarily. Over 1,500 people who had been detained for taking part in protests demanding Hazare's release
were also freed. However, Hazare then refused to leave the jail until the government agreed to give unconditional
permission to hold protests at Jai Prakash Narayan National Park.[96] Hazare agreed to leave after Delhi Police
granted him permission to fast for 15 days at Ramlila Maidan, a larger venue than Jai Prakash Narayan National Park.
However, he had to spend another night in jail because the venue was not ready.[97] Greeted by crowds, he left jail
on 19 August for the 25,000-capacity Ramlila Maidan, where he said that he would not leave until the bill was
passed.[98]
17 August 2011-Congress made a statement that they suspected a foreign hand in the protests and asked the
government to probe if the US was behind Hazare's agitation.[99] The US denied the accusation.[100]
19 August 2011-Varun Gandhi, a BJP MP, announced that he would introduce Hazare's Jan Lokpal Bill in the Lok
Sabha as a private member's bill, saying that it was better than anything the nation has seen before.[101]
21 August 2011-Hazare's camp called their supporters to confront individual Members of Parliament and Union
Ministers at their residence and also warned the UPA government that its days would be numbered if it failed to
pass the Bill by 30 August.[102]Over 100,000 supporters had thronged Ramlila Maidan on Sunday, to show their
support against corruption.[103]Around 50,000 supporters marched in the streets on Mumbai to support Hazare.
This was reportedly one of the biggest protests in Mumbai.[104][105]
22 August 2011-Hazare, on his seventh day of fast, said he would only negotiate with Indian National Congress
MP Rahul Gandhi, the Prime Minister's Office or Maharashtra Chief ministerPrithviraj Chavan.[106]
23 August 2011-Manmohan Singh on Tuesday appealed Anna Hazare to end his fast. He wrote a letter to Anna
stating that he will ask Lok Sabha Speaker Meira Kumar if Hazare's Jan Lokpal Bill can be sent to the Standing
Committee. Singh also said that the government was concerned about Hazare's health.[108]
24 August 2011-An all-party meeting was chaired by Manmohan Singh at his official residence in New Delhi
represented by finance minister Pranab Mukherjee. However the meeting ended with Mukherjee appealing for
Hazare to end his fast, prompting the civil society to declare that they were "back to square one".[109][110]
25 August 2011-Manmohan Singh said that all proposed versions of the Lokpal bill, including those prepared
by Aruna Roy's NCPRI and Jaiprakash Narain, would be debated in Parliament.[111]Union Minister Vilasrao
Deshmukh met Hazare at his protest camp at Ramlila Maidan. Deshmukh reportedly conveyed a message from the
Prime Minister to urge Hazare to end his fast and also asked him to consider the Prime Minister's offer to debate all
versions of Lokpal Bill in Parliament.[112][113]Hazare had asked Manmohan Singh to start the parliamentary
discussion the next morning. He also put forward his three demands to the Prime Minister a Citizen's Charter,
Lokayuktas in all states with Lokpal powers, and inclusion of lowest to highest bureaucracy.[114]
27 August 2011-Initiating the Lok Sabha debate on the bill, Pranab Mukherjee requested Hazare to end his
fast,[115] as the government had also done on the previous day.[116] BJP leader Sushma Swaraj expressed her
party's support for Hazare and said that the BJP largely agreed with the three pre-conditions (Citizen's Charter,
Lokayuktas in all states with Lokpal powers, and inclusion of lowest to highest bureaucracy) laid down by Hazare to
end his hunger strike.[117] The government agreed to a voice vote on the debate.[118]Both houses of parliament
passed the resolution accepting all the three pre-conditions set by Hazare.[119]
28 August 2011-Hazare ended his 12-day fast after 288 hours and was taken to Medanta Medicity to recover. He
had been under medical supervision throughout the fast.[120] Thousands of his supporters congregated at India
Gate to celebrate.[121]
Parliamentary debate[edit]
A debate on the Jan Lokpal bill was held in Parliament on 27 August 2011. With Hazare demanding three principles,
(i) citizen charter, (ii) lower bureaucracy to be under Lokpal through an appropriate mechanism and (iii)
establishment of Lok Ayuktas in the states, both houses of Parliament agreed to the principles.[122] Hazare
announced that he would break his fast on 28 August.[123]
December protests[edit]
On 11 December, Hazare sat on a day-long fast at Jantar Mantar. This protest was against proposals of the
Parliamentary Standing Committee on the anti-graft measure. It was the first at which politicians shared the stage
with Hazare, with leaders of the BJP, Communist Party of India (Marxist), Communist Party of India, Janata Dal, Akali
Dal, Telugu Desam Party and Biju Janata Dal participating in the public debate on the Lokpal bill.[124][125]The
expected introduction of the Lokpal bill in the Lok Sabha did not occur. Instead, the Food Security Bill was first
introduced and subsequently the process of the Lokpal Bill was hindered by procedural and party political
issues.[126][127] The Lokpal Bill that had been proposed had been discarded by the government, who put forward a
revised proposal, along with a constitutional bill, in an attempt to resolve the issues that were being raised during
the session regarding reservation for minorities and other under-represented groups.[128]Hazare announced on 22
December that a hunger strike would take place between 2729 December, with a Jail Bharo Andolan subsequently
to pressurise the Government.[129]He began his fast on 27 December at the Bandra Kurla Complex in Mumbai
rather than in Delhi because of the cold climate in the latter city.[130] Turn-out was well below expectations, which
was perhaps in part because of the cold weather.[131] IAC members asked him to end this latest fast because of his
poor health but he refused. Hazare had been suffering from cold and mild fever for few days previously.[132]On the
second day of the fast, a day ahead of schedule, Hazare repeated his threat to campaign against Congress in the five
poll-bound states for not bringing a strong Lokpal. His deteriorating health and the low turn-out across the country
were among the reasons for then ending the fast. He said that the movement was not stopped, merely
postponed.[133] He also announced the cancellation of the "Jail Bharo" movement due to his bad health.
Parliament debate[edit]
The Lok Sabha debated the Lokpal Bill on 27 December 2011.[134] The debate resulted in the bill being passed to
the Rajya Sabha but the new nine-man Lokpal panel was not given constitutional status because the government
failed to get the necessary two-thirds majority of MPs present.[135][136]The Lokpal Bill was sent for review to the
Indian President, Pratibha Patil, on 28 December 2011. This is standard operating procedure for any legislation that
will have financial implications. She later gave her assent for the Bill to be tabled in the Rajya Sabha.[137]
2012[edit]

2012 Indian anti-corruption movement

Date 25 March 2012 26 November 2012

Location India

Causes Government corruption[1][138]

Police corruption[2]
Judicial corruption[1]
Corporate corruption[2]
Kleptocracy[2]
Electoral fraud[139]
Red tape[2][140]
Discretionary powers of politician[1]
Black money[1]
 Goals Jan Lokpal Bill/The Lokpal Bill, 2011 enactment & Political opportunism

Methods Non violent protest

Result Team Anna split and India Against Corruption forming Aam Aadmi Party(Political opportunism)
Enactment of The Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013

The movement was reinvigorated following an initial mass gathering at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi on 25 March
2012.[141][142]Attempts to introduce some form of legislation, even though weaker than that demanded by the
activists, had timed-out with the end of the parliamentary session on 27 December 2011.[143][144] The government
reintroduced the bill in the Rajya Sabha in February 2012 but the bill was not timetabled for debate and the session
ended without this bill being passed.[citation needed]
Protests[edit]
Hazare declared that the protest movement would recommence and a mark of protest he sat on hunger strike on 25
March 2012 for one day.[143] A month later, Hazare sat a token one-day fast focussed on remembrance of whistle-
blowers such as Narendra Kumar and Satyendra Dubey who had died as a result of their support for the anti-
corruption cause.[145] On 3 June, Hazare undertook another one-day fast at Jantar Mantar, where he was joined
by Ramdev, a yoga guru.[146]Hazare and Bedi reformed Team Anna, while Kejriwal and some others split from the
erstwhile apolitical movement with the intention of forming what was to become the Aam Aadmi Party.[147]Jantar
Mantar was the scene of an "indefinite" fast that began on 25 July and involved various members of Team
Anna,[148]although Hazare was not involved until four days later. The focus on this occasion was a protest against
the government's refusal of an inquiry against the prime minister and 14 cabinet ministers, whom they had accused
of corruption.[citation needed] The fast ended on 3 August.[149] Three days later, Hazare announced that since the
government seemed to be unready to enact the Jan Lokpal Bill, he and his fellow activists had decided to end their
fast, to discontinue talks with the government and to cease any protests under the Team Anna name.[150]
Aftermath[edit]
After failing to press government to pass The Lokpal Bill, 2011, the Team Anna split on issue of formation of political
party. Anna Hazare and some others did not want to enter mainstream politics while Arvind Kejriwal led India
Against Corruption opined to join politics.[151][152] Arvind Kejriwal and others finally formed new political
party, Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) on 26 November 2012.[153][154][155] A year later, the party made its electoral debut
in the 2013 Delhi legislative assembly election held in December 2013.[156] It emerged as the second-largest party,
winning 28 of the 70 seats.[157] With no party obtaining an overall majority, the AAP formed a minority
government with conditional support from the Indian National Congress.[158] The AAP failed to pass Jan Lokpal Bill
in Delhi assembly and resigned from the government after rule of 49 days.[159] The President's rule imposed in the
state for a year.[160]The Parliament of India enacted The Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013 few days after the Delhi
election in December 2013.[161]
Anti-Corruption Movement in India

Corruption deepens poverty, it debases human rights, it degrades the environment, it derails development, including private sector
development, it can drive conflict in and between nations; and it destroys confidence in democracy and the legitimacy of
governments. It debases human dignity and is universally condemned by the worlds major faiths.12 In other words, as per the
definition given by the World Bank in 2000, corruption is the abuse of public office for unauthorised private gain (Yadav, 2011).
Quite disappointingly, such trends are widely practiced in India, irrespective of successive attempts made by the various
governments that have been formed since Independence, to eradicate corruption. In fact, the dynamics of corruption in Indian
democracy are multi-faceted. Corruption has destabilised the effectiveness of all institutions of governance in India thereby
debilitating the rule of law and access to justice (Raj Kumar, 2011). In fact, the roots of corruption in post-Independence India lay in
its economic policies that continued to operate till the late 1980s. Over-regulation, protectionism, and government ownership of
industries led to slow economic growth, high unemployment, and widespread poverty. This system of bureaucratic control by the
government has in course of time generated endemic corruption in the country. The absence of political will and sincerity has also
been instrumental in the flourishing of corruption in India. Corruption has taken the shape of a fundamental problem affecting the
social fabric as well as the political framework of Indian society. Hence, it can be found both on a large scale undermining fairness in
governance and also at the micro level affecting the lives of every common citizen on a day to day basis. it is a well-known fact
that without paying bribes, it is difficult to get anything done in any office or institution. In a study of petty corruption, India
prominently figures among the thirty most corrupt nations in the world. (Raj Kumar, 2011; pp. 97) In a way, corruption in India has
led to lack of transparency and accountability so far as public institutions are considered, thereby leading to an empowered
bureaucracy and deep-rooted abuse of power. Hence, it is not surprising to hear of the controversies related to the 2G spectrum
allocation13 or the Commonwealth Games14 in India. Against such a backdrop, the outbreak of the Anti-Corruption Movement in
2011 was extremely relevant and in no time, it captivated the imagination of the masses and spread like wildfire.

Annas life and history: A critical push to the movement The anti-corruption movement, led by Kisan Baburao Hazare, more
popularly known as Anna Hazare, was designed to highlight the issue of corruption, a reigning phenomenon in post-Independence
India as mentioned above. Before discussing the objectives and trajectory of the movement, some light should be thrown on the life
and history of its primary protagonist Anna Hazare, his peoplecentred and people-controlled perspectives as reflected in Ralegaon
Siddhi, his long-drawn anticorruption agitations against the political society of Maharashtra and his adopting of Gandhian methods
of protest. It is Hazares philosophy and principles that gave the initial push to this citizens eruption, which later became a country-
wide call for a corruption-free India. His fast unto death became the rallying point for a nationwide movement and forced the
government to form a joint committee to draft the Lokpal Bill. 15 The Times of India on April 7, 2011 wrote about Anna Hazare (a
person who) calls himself a fakir - a man who has no family, no property and no bank balance. He lives in a 10ft x 10ft spartan room
attached to the Yadavbaba temple in Ahmednagar's Ralegaon Siddhi village, 110km from Pune and wears only khadi But when 71-
year-old Kisan Baburao Hazare alias Anna starts an agitation, every leader from Mumbai to Delhi sits up and takes notice. Even his
detractors and politicians, who hate his guts, grudgingly accept he is the only person who has the power to mobilise common people
across the country and shake up a government. 16 Born in 1940 in the family of an unskilled labourer, he could not finish his
studies after the seventh standard due to financial problems and was forced to earn a living by selling flowers. Simultaneously, he
also worked with the vigilantes protecting the poor who were thrown out of their homes by vindictive landlords and their hired
goondas. Later, he joined the army as a driver during the Indo-Chinese war in 1962. Every year when he used to come back to his
native place Ralegaon Siddhi on leave, he slowly realised the deteriorating conditions in the village and the poor quality of life of the
villagers. At times, he used to be frustrated with life and wondered about the very existence of human life. "As a young man, I saw
people craving for material goods. Mera bhi mera, tera bhi mera (What's mine is mine, what's yours is mine too) - was their motto.
When you die, you take nothing with you. Yet everybody hankered for more. I kept questioning myself: why do we behave like this?
What is the purpose of life?" he recalled. 17 However, he found no answers to his questions and his frustration reached such a level
that one night he even contemplated suicide. Gradually, he became attracted towards the philosophy and preaching of Swami
Vivekananda and slowly started understanding the meaning of a worthwhile life. "I bought a book on his ideas. After reading it, I
realised that serving the poor means serving God. After that, jeewan ka dhaga haath mein aa gaya (I got a hold on life)," said
Hazare18 . Meanwhile, during the Indo-Pak war of 1965, he survived a fatal road accident. He considered this incident as an
indication from the Omnipotent who by gifting life back to him wanted him to dedicate the same in the service of the masses. Soon
Hazare retired from the army and came back to Ralegaon Siddhi in the mid-1970s which at that time was in the grip of drought,
poverty, crimes and alcoholism and continuing migration to urban slums. He used his savings for developmental work in the village
which included the banning of liquor, excessive grazing by cattle and the felling of trees. His primary objective was to make the
villagers self-sufficient; hence, he motivated the villagers into voluntary labour. Canals and bunds were built to hold rainwater,
which solved the problem of water scarcity and also increased irrigation possibilities in the village. He promoted milk production as
the secondary occupation of the village. He also worked to increase the literacy rate and education levels within the village and
added one pre-school and one high school to the already existing primary school. Even the social evils like untouchability and
discrimination on the basis of caste were largely eliminated in the village under his leadership. Thanks to Annas efforts, Ralegaon
Siddhi from a barren village was slowly transformed into a unique model of rural development. This achievement won him the
Padma Bhushan Award from the Government of India in 1992. It was during this process of metamorphosing Ralegaon Siddhi that
Anna first directly experienced the problem of corruption in government offices. He came to know how the concentration of power
in the hands of the gram panchayat, instead of the gram sabha (the people's council), resulted in corruption leading to injustice and
poverty among villagers. He soon took the pledge of fighting corruption at all levels and advocating for pro-people laws, and
initiated a relentless campaign under the banner of 'Bhrashtachar Virodhi Jan Andolan' (Citizens' Crusade against Corruption). This
led to a series of exposes of bureaucrats and ministers that often embarrassed the Maharashtra Government and compelled it to
introduce better laws. His first scuffle, in 1991 (when Sharad Pawar was the Chief Minister of Maharashtra), was against 42 forest
officials operating on behalf of timber merchants; this led to large-scale suspension and transfers of the guilty officials. In 1993,
Hazare directly attacked Sharad Pawar and accused his government of corruption. Again, in 1995-96 he protested against the Shiv
Sena-BJP government in Maharashtra leading to the suspension of two ministers. In 2003, he raised his voice against four corrupt
ministers in the NCP-Congress government in Maharashtra which resulted in a judicial enquiry against them.19 Simultaneously, from
1998 to 2006, Hazare campaigned for the amendment of the Gram Sabha Act with the idea of reinforcing peoples voices regarding
any kind of development work within the villages. Though the state government initially refused, yet gradually due to public
pressure, the Act was amended. According to the new regulation, seeking sanction from the gram sabha for expenditure on
development works in the village is mandatory. Another important contribution from Hazare was his crusade for the introduction of
the Right to Information (RTI) Act in Maharashtra from 1997 to 2003. He undertook a hunger protest at Azad Maidan in 2003, which
culminated in the implementation of the State RTI Act. However, as the initial legislation was ineffective, he continued his campaign
and succeeded in setting up an expert citizens' committee to strengthen the law. Subsequently, much of this became part of the
national RTI Act, 2005. Besides, he was also instrumental in working out the Prevention of Delay in Discharge of Official Duties Act
(enacted in 2006) against red tapism. He was frustrated with the fact that upright government officers were transferred, sometimes
within months of being posted to a place, whereas some corrupt and favoured officials stayed in their postings for a protracted
period of time. However, according to this new Act, disciplinary action could be taken against ineffective officials as well as officials
who were given long, extended postings in one place; they would be monitored in order to avoid their involvement in any corrupt
nexus. Thus, Anna Hazare through his peaceful struggle, using the non-violent weapon of fasting, succeeded in getting some
revolutionary laws legislated in Maharashtra. In fact, his choice of non-violent methods of protest has given him the tag of being a
Gandhian. 20 He believes that The dream of India as a strong nation will not be realised without self-reliant, self-sufficient villages,
this can be achieved only through social commitment and involvement of the common man. Building concrete jungles does not
mean development as Gandhiji had rightly said. Surely, one needs to live for oneself and the family but simultaneously one owes
something to your neighbour, your village and your nation too.21 In his personal life also, he has maintained simplicity throughout
and has dedicated himself towards social service/ eradication of injustice, discrimination and corruption. Quite logically, his
endeavours against corruption, in the course of time, have been up-scaled from the state level (Maharashtra) to the national level
targeting the central government and its ministers, some of whose involvement in huge corruption scams have actually helped
create an apt platform for the nation-wide anti-corruption movement that was launched in 2011.

Objectives of the movement

It is a protest against not just the high-level corruption scams like the 2G spectrum allocation controversy or the Commonwealth
Games fiasco. It is also a protest against the moral humiliation that the ordinary citizens witness daily when they have to pay bribes
in order to move files or get their work done through the government functionaries. The objective behind the agitation is the
demand for a legislation, which can facilitate immediate punishment of government officials accused of financial fraud. In addition
to this, the protagonists of the movement have also demanded that civil society should be given a say in drafting the Lokpal Bill. The
Jan Lokpal Bill proposes to create institutions called Jan Lokpal and Jan Lokayukta at the levels of the central and state governments
respectively. All the existing anti-corruption and vigilance agencies will merge into these above mentioned institutions. The Jan
Lokpal and Jan Lokayukta will not be advisory bodies, but would be entirely independent institutions with no dependence on the
government. They would have administrative and financial freedom and even the discretion to recruit or employ people either from
among the government officials or from outside the government. The main objective behind the creation of these institutions would
be to ensure that corrupt officials are punished through time bound investigations. Both the Jan Lokpal and Jan Lokayukta would be
receiving complaints against their respective government departments accused of corruption and would enjoy the power to impose
departmental penalties on bureaucrats. These institutions are designed to provide relief to the common masses against the daily
harassment they face while dealing with government departments.

April 2011 fast

Anna Hazare began his indefinite fast on April 5, 2011 at Jantar Mantar in Delhi to reinforce the demand for the formation of a joint
committee comprising of representatives of the government and civil society to draft a rigorous anti-corruption bill with penal
actions and giving more independence to the Lokpal and Lokayuktas (Ombudsmen in the states). This agitation was launched after
his initial demand was rejected by the Prime Minister. A number of social activists supported Annas hunger strike. Spiritual leaders
like Swami Ramdev, Swami Agnivesh, and Sri Sri Ravi Shankar also extended their support to the anti-corruption campaign. Even
former cricketers like Kapil Dev supported the campaign through social media networks. However, Anna made a conscious decision
not to share the platform with any politician. Despite this the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Communist Party of India came out in
his support. On April 6, 2011, Sharad Pawar, the Union Minister of Agriculture resigned from the group of ministers formed for
reviewing the draft Lokpal Bill. Protests spread like wildfire from the Ramlila Maidan, New Delhi to cities like Bangalore, Mumbai,
Chennai, Ahmedabad, Guwahati, Shillong and many others. In the face of these protests, the government decided to table the Bill in
the Parliament in the forthcoming monsoon session. Finally, on April 9, 2011, the government accepted the inclusion of civil society
members, alongside with the government officials in the Bill Drafting Committee. In addition to this, on May 13, 2011, the Prime
Minister, declared the completion of the ratification of the UN Convention against Corruption by the Indian Government.

Spiritual leader Baba Ramdevs protest

Annas campaign in April was followed by another protest at the Ramlila Maidan by Swami Ramdev on June 4, 2011. Through this,
he reinforced the need for a strong legislation to repatriate the black money supposedly deposited abroad. While there is no
official estimate available for the magnitude of India's black money, unofficial estimates put the figure at around US$1.4 trillion
(over Rs.70 lakh crore). This amount is more than one year's GDP. Most of this money has been stashed away in banks in tax
havens' abroad over the last 60 years by politicians, industrialists, bureaucrats and middle-menThe bulk of India's black money is
stashed away in secret bank accounts in Switzerland. According to data provided by the Swiss Bankers Association, (but not
confirmed by Swiss authorities), India has more black money than rest of the world combinedPressure has been mounting on the
government from opposition parties seeking details of Indian account-holders in Swiss banks and banks in other tax havens. 22
Ramdev demanded that untaxed money invested abroad should be considered the wealth of the nation and the practice of stashing
money in foreign banks should be regarded as criminal activity. After multiple rounds of talks between some of the senior Union
ministers and Ramdev, the government decided to comply with his demands, though he later planned to continue his hunger strike.
He was, however, forcefully detained and his followers removed from the Ramlila Ground by the police. 65,000 followers of the
yoga teacher had gathered in solidarity with his cause. They were tear-gassed and lathi-charged. Seventy one people were injured
and moved to hospital and four patients were reported to be in critical condition. The Baba was evicted from Delhi and deposited
at his headquarters in Uttarakhand... The BJP has compared the incident to the atrocities committed by the British at Jallianwala
Bagh Others like the CPM who have been staunch critics of Baba Ramdev have also spoken out against "the murder of
democracy. 23 On the whole, Ramdevs campaign, though sub-structured in the larger milieu of corruption, was more focused on
the black money issue. However, events under Annas anticorruption banner took a sharp turn after he decided to launch a fast
unto death again from August 16, 2011.

August 2011 events

On June 8, 2011, while observing a day long hunger strike as a protest against the police embargo on Ramdevs supporters, Anna
Hazare gave an ultimatum to the government that the Jan Lokpal Bill should be passed by August 15, 2011. If not, he would then
begin another indefinite fast from August 16, 2011. He accused the government of putting hurdles in the drafting of the Lokpal Bill
and trying to defame the civil society members of the joint panel, such as Shanti Bhushan, Prashant Bhushan, Santosh Hegde and
Arvind Kejriwal through a discreet campaign.24 Towards the end of July 2011, the Union Cabinet approved the Lokpal Bill keeping
the office of Prime Minister outside its purview during his term in office and also excluded the higher judiciary and the conduct of
Members of Parliament inside the Parliament. Expressing disappointment at the government leaving out a majority of the points
raised by the civil society, lawyer Prashant Bhushan said the decision to exclude the office of the Prime Minister from the purview of
the Bill would not stand scrutiny of the court.25This incident further strengthened Annas decision to fast unto death from August
16, 2011. On the morning of 16 August 2011, Hazare, along with his close associates, was remanded to judicial custody and
imprisoned for seven days after that. This act was condemned and protests mushroomed across states throughout India. Almost all
the non-Congress political parties and nongovernmental organisations voiced their grievances. Even the Parliament Houses were
adjourned. The arrest of anti-corruption crusader Anna Hazare had its echo in Parliament... with the entire Opposition demanding
suspension of question hour to discuss the issue and accusing the government of adopting an undemocratic approach.26
However, in the face of protests all over India, the Delhi Police decided to release Hazare after a week. Over the next twelve days,
the Gandhian leader along with his followers launched and continued his hunger protest at the Ramlila Maidan of Delhi with
spontaneous support provided by people from all walks of life. Following Annas hunger strike and the nation-wide ripples of
remonstration, a debate on the Jan Lokpal Bill was held in Parliament on 27 August 2011. With Hazare demanding three principles,
(i) citizens charter, (ii) lower bureaucracy to be under Lokpal through an appropriate mechanism and (iii) establishment of
Lokayuktas in the states, both houses of Parliament agreed to the principles. Winding up the day-long debate, (Pranab) Mukherjee
said while a respected Gandhian with massive support was on agitation, it was not always necessary to move in conventional
straight jacket way". 27 This finally marked the end of the fast, though Anna made it very clear that he was only suspending his fast
for the time being and would end it only after a strong Lokpal Bill was passed by the Indian Parliament. "Parliament has spoken....the
will of Parliament is the will of people," said Prime Minister commenting on the development... In the Lok Sabha, leader of the
opposition Sushma Swaraj said, "History has given us an opportunity, which we should not miss. Let us not get into technicalities.
We should give this country an effective, strong, free and impartial Lokpal."28

December events and continuation of the movement in 2012

Before the commencement of the winter session of the Parliament on December 11, 2011 Anna Hazare sat on a day-long fast at
Jantar Mantar, New Delhi, protesting against the proposals made by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on the anti-graft
measure. The protest for the first time witnessed politicians sharing the stage with the Anna Team. Leaders of BJP (115), SP (22), JD
(U) (20), CPM (16), BJD (14), TDP (6), CPI (4) and Akali Dal (4) shared the platform with Hazare... Leaders of this group appeared
almost united on the issues of bringing Prime Minister, lower bureaucracy and investigation wing of CBI under the proposed Lokpal.
29 On December 22, 2011, the Parliamentary sessions in the Lower House (Lok Sabha) witnessed debates and breaches of opinion
regarding the Lokpal issue among almost all the political parties present. CPI leader Gurudas Dasgupta warned the government not
to take any hasty decision on the Lokpal issue in the face of threats posed by Team Anna and not to compromise the sovereignty of
Parliament under any circumstances. On the other hand, Shiv Sena opposed the government draft of the Lokpal Bill stating that the
Lokpal should be an extra-Constitutional body accountable to none. The RJD Chief Lalu Prasad Yadav emphasised that the
government should include the Muslim minorities in the Lokpal Bill. Later in the day, the government decided to include the
minorities reservation in the Lokpal Bill. Yadav, welcomed the governments move on the minorities reservation issue; he further
pointed out that though the government draft of the Lokpal Bill was quite weak, yet it was not at all wise to succumb to civil society
agitations. Describing Annas agitation as a conspiracy against the Constitution, he opined that the ex-Parliamentarians, judiciary as
well as the Prime Minister should not be brought under the Lokpal Bill. On the other hand, the BJP opposed the minority quota in
the Lokpal Bill. Sushma Swaraj, the leader of Opposition, expressing her disappointment with the Lokpal Bill, and mentioned that the
language of the Bill as well as the included religious quota in the Bill both seemed unconstitutional. She also appealed to the
government to take back the Bill and redraft it. After these arguments and counter arguments, the government finally withdrew the
Lokpal Bill introduced in August 2011 and reintroduced The Lokpal and Lokayuktas Bill 2011 along with the 116th Constitutional
Amendment Bill, which also included reservation for minorities and 50 per cent reservation for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes,
Other Backward Classes and women. Hitting out at the government on the useless Lokpal Bill, Anna Hazare challenged Congress
chief Sonia Gandhi to a public debate on it to convince people that the proposed legislation is strong Hazare said the new Bill is of
no use if the anti-corruption ombudsman does not have control over CBI and the lower bureaucracy is not brought under its direct
control He said he would go on a three-day hunger strike from December 27-29 and would launch "jail bharo" struggle. My jail
bharo protest will be outside the residence of Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi," the 74-year-old activist said.30 The government
was repeatedly telling us that by proceeding with protests while Parliament was considering the Bill, we were showing contempt for
parliamentary democracy. We had responded by pointing out that by overlooking the wishes of the people as expressed in
numerous polls, surveys and referendums, all of which showed that more than 80 per cent of the people favoured the Jan Lokpal
Bill, the government was showing contempt for the people. The drama in the Rajya Sabha showed that the government was not
even willing to go by the will of Parliament. This gives rise to fundamental questions about the functioning of Indian democracy. Is
this form of representative democracy allowing the will of the people to be reflected in policy and law-making, or is it being held
hostage to parties and their leaderships to be determined by their own whims or corrupt considerations? Has the time come for us
to rethink and deepen our democracy by putting in place systems where laws and policies would be decided by decisive inputs of
the people (through referendums and gaon sabhas, or village councils) rather than only by such elected representatives? We hope
that this fundamental issue would bring about an even broader public engagement than what has been witnessed during this Lokpal
campaign. (See Bhushan, P., The Saga of the Lokpal Bill, (The Hindu, January 2, 2012)31 On December 27, 2011 Sushma Swaraj
again punched holes in the government's Lokpal Bill saying it was anything but a strong and effective law to deal with corruption in
the countryIt is patently unconstitutional (bill)... deeply flawed and tampers with the basics of our Constitution,32 The debate
resulted in the Lokpal Bill being passed to the Upper House of Parliament (Rajya Sabha) but the Lokpal was not given Constitutional
status as expected. It failed as the government did not manage the two-thirds majority of the members present and voting. Later,
the Bill was passed by the President of India as per constitutional norms. However, as the government prepared itself for a tough
tussle in the Rajya Sabha, the focal point of its concern was a key partner, Mamata Banerjee, Chief Minister of West Bengal (from
Trinamool Congress party). She wanted 14 pages of the Bill to be dropped (which deal with Lokayuktas or anti-corruption agencies
at the state level and would violate the autonomy of the states). Meanwhile, Anna Hazare again began his fast demanding a
stronger version of the Lokpal Bill at MMRDA ground in Mumbai. However, smarting under poor response and bad health, Anna
Hazare, called off his fast a day ahead of schedule and repeated his threat to campaign against Congress in the five poll-bound states
for not bringing a strong Lokpal.33 Proceedings in Parliament were also stalled and reached a deadlock as the Bill got stuck in the
Rajya Sabha and was not passed during the winter session of Parliament.

2012 specific events

The Bill was reintroduced during the Budget session of the Parliament in February 2012, but it was not prioritised and the session
ended without the Bill being passed. Under these circumstances, Anna once again decided to sit on a day-long fast at Jantar Mantar
on March 25, 2012. Blaming the government for its insensitivity and carelessness, he said that the dharna at Jantar Mantar would
seek protection for whistle blowers, many of whom were killed while exposing corruption cases. Again, on May 1, 2012 Anna began
his five-week long tour of Maharashtra to create awareness for a strong Lokayukta Bill. Baba Ramdev also launched an agitation
from Durg in Chhattisgarh on the same day. He further announced that he would be undertaking a symbolic protest (day-long
fasting) along with Anna at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi on June 3, 2012. We need two andolans to bring back black money and for
strong Lokpal.34 Both shared the stage that day with a large gathering thereby bringing the focus back on the Jan Lokpal and the
issue of black money. However, this token fast was followed by an indefinite one which began on July 25, 2012 by close associates of
Anna Hazare. He himself joined the fast from July 29 onwards. "The aim is to campaign for a Lokpal Bill... the government is only
giving us assurances, but takes no action," Anna said, referring to the antigraft legislation that has been his movement's raison
d'etre.35 Their agenda was to protest against the governments refusal to launch an inquiry against the Prime Minister and 14
senior Cabinet Ministers, who were accused of corruption. However, the response from the public this time was more subdued as
compared to Annas fast conducted in 2011. However, on August 3, 2012 he broke the fast with a promise to fight for transparency
in the system. Soon after, Team Anna announced that it had decided to switch tracks, and instead of trying to pressurize an
unresponsive system from out, it would try to reform it from within by forming a political party and contesting elections. Arvind
Kejriwal, one of the most prominent faces of Team Anna, commented on their decision to form a political party: We call upon Shri
Anna Hazare and all his associates, who have been on an indefinite fast, to give up on their expectations from this establishment.
Instead, we call upon them to focus their energies on creating an alternative political force that is democratic, accountable, ethical
and non-violent and capable of leading an electoral revolution to democratise and decentralise power and make the power
structures of the country more accountable to the people.36 With the announcement of the formation of a political party, the
question that comes to the fore front is whether the movement will be able to continue its sustained struggle on the single issue of
corruption. This is because electoral politics will make the anti-corruption team face a range of issues ideologically and not just the
one of corruption. An editorial in The Indian Express, however, wrote: Time and again, Indias politics has reinvented itself by
resetting the stage and extending it to accommodate new actors, aspirations and concerns. From the elites that took on the
responsibility of giving a government to a newly independent nation, the baton has been handed to a changing cast of players who
rode on the backs of popular movements and agitations, be it in the wake of Emergency or after the Mandir and Mandal
mobilisations. By stepping out of its self-styled role as the systems holy outsider, and in accepting the imperative of electoral
politics and the sovereignty of Parliament, Team Anna could potentially open up this field further. Now that they are openly in
politics, it will also be easier to talk to Team Anna and to ask them questions about themselves and where they are coming from.
There is much that is still cloaked or unclear. The idea of a party that completely takes the shape of the peoples aspirations is a very
old democratic ideal, or fiction. The onus will be on Team Anna to show how it can give this old ambition a new meaning, while
tackling the pains of transition from a free-flowing agitation to a bounded party. It will have to give this party a name and a
manifesto and position it ideologically in a crowded field. Some observers say that for Team Anna to enter the mainstream
political space is exactly what the UPA government and also other political parties want. They are the bigger sharks. They may just
end up swallowing Team Anna whole in a game they have played for over 60 years and have mastered. But those are the cynics.
Team Anna says coming up with a revolutionary ideal is both essential and brave. Revati Laul, Tehelka The Congress party, on the
other hand, stated that the members of Team Anna always wanted to be in power. Senior Congress leader and Union Shipping
Minister G K Vasan mentioned "The Congress party has been continuously telling for past one year that Anna (Hazare) and his team
is interested in politics and they always wanted to be in power."

The Movement and the Civil Society

Civil society is a collection of individual and collective initiatives for the common public good. (Tandon, 2003; pp.64) In other
words, civil society can be closely associated to the organised efforts undertaken by the non-government organisations (NGOs); but
the anti-corruption movement in the silhouette of a citizens initiative, running parallel to the organised form of non-state
organisations, has been quite an intrepid component of civil society. It has been able to hold the government accountable
highlighting the glitches cropping up in society including corruption and other associated dysfunctions in the government
institutions. It has followed a watch-dog profile with a different colour and vigour. In this context, it is important to analyse the
relationship between these two trends, the organised NGOs and the unorganised citizens initiatives (anti-corruption movement in
this case). The role of some of the NGOs in arranging the basic resources required for organising rallies and campaigns related to the
anti-corruption movement cannot be denied. In fact, though Anna Hazare and Swami Ramdev stood in the public limelight, the anti-
corruption movement was pre-launched by several campaigns from late October 2010 through late March 2011. This included an
anti-corruption press conference organised by the non-governmental organisation. India against Corruption organised at the Press
Club of India to highlight the fact that the government appointed Shunglu Committee did not have adequate powers to investigate
the Commonwealth Games scam. In January 2011 the former Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, Chandra Babu Naidu also launched
his battle against corruption through his NTR Memorial Trust. All these were incidents which created the robust bedrock upon which
Anna later played his techniques. At the same time, however, it is true that there exists a disjoint between these two trends. The
more formally and traditionally organised NGOs are not always willing to associate themselves with these spontaneous movements
as such initiatives are considered to be difficult to manage till the end. The Anna upsurge is also not an exception. Nikhil Dey, key
member of the National Campaign for People's Right to Information (NCPRI) and the Rajasthan based people's organisation
Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), felt that since every political party, including the ruling and the opposition, have charges of
corruption levelled against them, it is difficult to think that legislation is the only way to fight corruption. It is much more important
for activists to fight against corruption within the movement. A strong and powerful policing agency against corruption will not
provide any fundamental benefit to the people. Though it is true that high-level corruption needs a powerful policing agency at the
top, yet, extending that to all branches of government and democratic institutions right till the bottom, including grievances, can
probably result in a threat to democracy. NCPRI believes that a combination of Bills would be much stronger. Again, the Loksatta
Party President, Dr. Jay Prakash Narayan, on one hand, praises Anna Hazare for not only bringing out, but also activating the middle-
class as well as the youth in the battle against corruption. On the other hand, unlike Anna, he feels that there must not be a
monolithic institution covering everybody. From the Prime Minister to the clerk, all should not come under one institution. There is
a need for a local ombudsman at lower levels. He considers the approach of covering all public servants under one Lokpal to be
fundamentally incorrect. He has mentioned that if the Lokpal is invested with unlimited powers then there are chances of justice
being delayed; there may be more inefficiency and corruption, which in the end, can defeat the very purpose of the Bill. Social
Activist, Aruna Roy repeatedly said that though Annas movement successfully lit up public sentiment, it lacked the required
ideological tethering38; she has also criticised the movement as being media-driven. As Aruna Roy puts it, Vesting jurisdiction
over the length and breadth of the government machinery in one institution will concentrate too much power in the institution,
while the volume of work will make it difficult to carry out its task... in place of a single institution there should be multiple
institutions and that a basket of collective and concurrent Lokpal anti-corruption and grievance redress measures should be
evolved.39 The relationship of the Anna campaign with the on-going peoples movements in India is also characterised by a bit of
seclusion. Broadly speaking, dalit/ adivasi movements, crusades around the mining/ industrial projects and securing of rights over
forests as well as other natural/ environmental resources and even the unorganised section of workers in India all have remained
isolated from the Anna campaign. The National Alliance of Peoples Movements (NAPM) has not been able to connect themselves
with the clearly democratic element in the Anna upsurge (Mohanty, 2011). On the other hand, Annas upsurge has also been limited
in nature and failed to derive support from the dalit, adivasi, minorities and workers movements. The existence of civil society in
both the shapes, organised and unorganised, beyond any doubt, offers a significant opportunity. An opportunity for the organised
section of CSOs to incorporate the enormous amount of energy, commitment and values generated out of the citizens initiatives,
more specifically in this case the Anna campaign and its spontaneity. How much the scope is utilised though remains an open-ended
question.

The Movement and the Media

The anti-corruption movement has often been described as media-fuelled. One of the main differences between the movements of
the 1980s and 90s is that the anti-corruption upsurge received the advantage of time. The movement has gathered strength because
of the dramatic boom in both electronic and print media. Furthermore, the urban nature of the movement has helped in attracting
the attention of the media. Contrarily, during the 1980s and 1990s the only available media was the print media. Moreover, the
movements of that period revolved around issues which were more or less rural and local in nature; hence, it was more the local
and vernacular media that used to reflect upon and showcase those movements. However, the mainstream, national media
remained largely uninfluenced by the movements of that time. As Aruna Roy puts it, There is never a TV shot shown of tribals who
are mobilised for their causes.40 In contrast to that, the anti-corruption agitation is probably the first movement driven and
amplified by the media with 24 x 7 coverage by the electronic news channels. The popularity of Annas campaign owes a lot to the
media which has kept the people all over the world aware of the progress in a consistent manner; minute by minute dramatic
developments, the governments flip-flops adding midnight melodrama with the uninterrupted sermons and the sentimental jibes
along expected lines from familiar faces on the TV screen (Mohanty, 2011; pp.18). Not just the trajectory, but it has also revealed
the pulse of the crowds across states throughout India and even abroad. Millions of people have read or watched the drama on
television as it unfolded. The nonEnglish electronic and print media, following its historic course, has responded to the campaign
positively. Interestingly enough, the English media, probably for the first time in the postIndependence period, has come up pro-
actively in showcasing Annas upsurge, albeit it has looked at the movement through a critical lens unlike the vernacular media. The
issues that have been raised by the media, against the various predominant corrupt practices and the indifference exhibited by the
ruling government to punish those associated with it (from politicians to government officials), could successfully capture the
imagination of the masses throughout the country, who in spite of not being direct participants, felt connected to the root of the
upsurge. The role of mobile telephony and social media sites has also been remarkable in spreading consciousness and educating
the masses about their rights. Campaign Against Corruption: A Peoples Movement Corruption is but an insidious plague that
undermines democracy and the rule of law, leads to violations of human rights, distorts markets, erodes the quality of life and
allows organised crime, terrorism and other threats to human security to flourish. 41 The anti-corruption movement, headed by
Anna and other civil society actors in India, tends to adopt the shape of a citizens initiative representing an unorganised, informal
set of repercussions oozing out of the common people against the social evil named corruption which is deeply entrenched in the
Indian soil. Befitting its original cause, the movement has maintained a distance from other on-going peoples movements in India
fighting for democratic rights like the protests and movements around issues of environment, secularism, peace and security, rights
and displacement of marginalised communities and even around the Right to Information. These movements though fought for the
rights of the marginalised people, have never been able to get so much public support because not everyone in Indian society is
affected by these issues. On the other hand, Annas movement has been able to attract the common masses irrespective of their
socio- economic position, because the issue of corruption has affected people at all levels of Indian society. In fact, the upsurge
came as a reflection of their resentment of the daily subjugation to corruption at all levels of government and society as a whole.
Again, the psychological mooring behind the movement gaining such mass support also cannot be denied. Primarily, the anti-
corruption agitation has been addressed against the political class, and to a vast majority of people, the State (identified mainly as
politicians in or out of government, and the administration) is perceived as being exploitative and often oppressive as against the
general middle class aspirations of a pro-people government working for a fair market and good governance. As mentioned earlier,
the middle class faces all forms of corruption in their daily lives thereby their hopes and aspirations are destroyed on a regular basis.
Quite obviously, the frustration among the middle class people, both in the urban and rural areas across the states in India is rising
alarmingly. Annas fast in the Ramlila Maidan, however, brought together not only the middle class groups and civil society
organisations, but also a whole lot of ordinary people including the rickshaw pullers, auto-rickshaw drivers, vendors, students and
youth; the Anna campaign may have started as an initiative by a group of middle class activists to pass an effective law on
curbing corruption, but as soon as the government started rejecting their proposals, it incurred the wrath of the common people
and the protest spread to wider sections of society (Mohanty, 2011; pp.17). The upsurge could successfully mobilise the urban and
the rural population, including both the upper and the lower middle classes in Delhi. The dabba-walas of Mumbai and farmers of
Haryana and Punjab (Bannerjee, 2011; pp.12) also felt connected to the cause of the movement, though the Ramlila Maidan, Delhi
was the epicentre of the movement; people participated in the demonstrations and rallies staged in support of the movement in
thousands throughout the country. The movement has even captured the imagination of the non-resident Indians as reflected by
the solidarity demonstrations outside India.

The Movement and the Government

Throughout the course of the anti-corruption movement, the national government has not supported either Team Anna or the other
civil society actors who have supported it. Instead, the government has unleashed all sorts of harassment, humiliation and
intimidation on the leader Anna Hazare, his colleagues and all those from civil society who were involved in the protests. On a
general note, it can be seen that the political class as a whole has not been very willing to create a strong independent ombudsman
against corruption. This gesture seems extremely incongruous in a country already inundated by huge corruption scandals including
the 2G spectrum and the Commonwealth Games debacles. Consequently, it raises doubts about the involvement of the political
parties in the scams. How much the political parties have benefited from the 2G scam and Commonwealth Games projects and how
much the ministers or the persons who are actually accused have benefited is a matter that needs to be further investigated (Yadav,
2011). Given the largely undemocratic, family-oriented and individual-centric character of most of the political parties in India,
addressing the root causes of institutionalised corruption may require reforming the political parties and their public accountabilities
in the legislative processes. This requires institutional reforms, many of which have been resisted by the political class over the
years. As Yadav tries to point out that the presidents of various political parties in India and their legislative leaders are directly
involved in receiving funds from business groups and their lobbyists than has been hitherto implied in the recent anti-corruption
discourses. This may make a stronger case for the inclusion of presidents of political parties and their legislative leaders (including
the Prime Minister and Chief Ministers) under the new Lokpal legislation. The first phase of the anti-corruption movement remained
more or less non-partisan with Anna himself refusing to share the platform with political parties. It was an agitation against endemic
corruption beyond any kind of partisan affiliation. The second phase of the movement, however, shed off its non-partisan character.
Many political parties came up to share Team Annas stage in support of the Lokpal cause. In fact, the debate around the Lokpal Bill
in the winter session of Parliament (December 2011) saw almost all the political parties going against the Congress governments
stand. Questions were raised regarding the sovereignty and credibility of fixed democratic institutions like Parliament. However, the
critical defining element in India being its representative and institutionalised democracy, participation without reference to these
institutions is still not widely accepted. Thus, in response to Team Annas threat of a fresh agitation if effective anti-corruption
machinery is not created, almost all the political leaders, cutting across ideologies, claimed that Parliament, being supreme, must be
allowed to act as per its wisdom. Though, this claim of Parliaments supremacy in India has already been shrouded in questions and
debates. Beyond doubt, Anna Hazares relentless struggle for a strong Lokpal as an antidote to corruption has been instrumental
behind the questioning of the supremacy of the existing Constitutional forms of governance and to some extent, democracy as a
whole. The spontaneous and massive response to the campaign for an effective anti-corruption law is a coping mechanism to
liberate the people from a deep-rooted cynicism about our parliamentarians 20 who claim to have a monopoly of knowledge,
wisdom and concern for the well-being of their constituencies. Our political leaders irrespective of their ideologies should do
introspection and devise measures to restore people's faith in the system. Until that is done, the claim that Parliament is supreme
will be a meaningless rhetoric. (See Bhat, T.R. Are our parliamentarians doing their job? (The Hindu, March 31, 2012)42 However,
following the Anna movement and the sharp disagreements between the government and civil society, the former has taken a very
strict stand against the latter. This is revealed by the Prime Ministers statement labelling NGOs working with foreign funds as anti-
development. Interestingly, his remarks have created a wedge between the government and civil society, while indicating that the
countrys administration is itself split on key issues. It seems that one arm of the government is receptive to dissenting views from
the NGOs, when many activists are themselves part of the National Advisory Council... the other arm, now represented by the Prime
Minister, has been blaming the same set of organisations for stalling development.43 Whatever may be the nature of the fissures
within the government, the relationship between civil society and the government has become quite rancorous.

Conclusion

The current study on India against Corruption led by Anna Hazare proves that it is an upsurge relatively unique, distinctive and
inimitable in nature. It has not only established deeper connections with the ordinary citizens, irrespective of the socio-economic
backgrounds that they represent, but has also invigorated the myriad dynamics of relationships between the State on one hand and
the civil and political societies on the other. The aspect of mass mobilisation drawn in by the movement seems unparalleled in the
recent history of social movements in India. Broadly speaking, the Anna movement has two components: first is the core one, the
urban and educated youth group commonly referred to as Shining India'; second is a smaller and less assertive group constituted of
the deprived sections of people who search for a platform to express their angst with the worsening conditions and sky-rocketing
prices of essential commodities and problems of daily life. Simultaneously, Hazare's Team Anna' comprises of diverse people,
engaged with different social issues, including reforms in judiciary, bonded labour, communal amity etc., co-existing with grass-root
level social activists working for social change. The movement largely symbolised an explosion by the Indian citizens against an
inactive State suffering from acute inertia in addressing a burning social issue like corruption, promptly and stringently. In that
respect, the Anna movement has been successful at catching the imagination of a large section of people on one level. In fact, the
methodologies adopted by the Anna Team like Twitter updates, SMS campaigns, candle light vigils and media management all
have successfully blazed the idealism of the 21st century Indias conscious and informed masses, especially the middle classes
(Sitapati, 2011, pp.39) Hardly any movement in the recent past has been able to attract the masses to such a great extent. On the
other hand, the movement has brought to the forefront the ambivalence, confusion, retaliation and confrontation that exist
between the State and political society. There was a visible rift between the State and political parties on the Lokpal Bill. The winter
session of the Parliament in December 2011, witnessed almost all the political parties going against the governments Lokpal Bill.
Confusion between the two persisted to such an extent that Parliamentary debates even raised questions regarding the
effectiveness and supremacy of the Parliament comprising of peoples elected representatives as against the citizens themselves.
The movement also opened a new debate so far as the functioning of representative democracy is considered whether political
participation beyond the above mentioned fixed institutional/ Constitutional forms like Parliament will be more effective in India
parliamentary democracy vs. democratic society? Above all, it was during this phase that Team Anna for the first time, since the
inception of the movement, shared the stage with political parties, most of which came out in support of Anna. The conflicting
stands and disconnects among the various forces within civil society was also reflected around the developments that the Anna
upsurge had generated. Reputed social activists like Medha Patkar supported the Anna upsurge unambiguously. Empathy for the
movement was also seen amongst other activists who are earnestly committed to the issues of human rights. Some like Shabnam
Hashmi, Arundhati Roy and others have come out extremely critical of this movement. Aruna Roy's group has come out with an
alternative draft for the Lokpal Bill. The dilemma for the activists probably was whether to be a part of the Anna uprising and fight
for getting his draft of the Jan Lokpal Bill accepted or to stand in isolation away from this movement. Similar dilemmas could also be
seen in the formal CSOs many of which have maintained a conscious institutional disconnect from the movement, even though
many a times the leaders and representatives of these CSOs might have felt connected to the movement personally. Institutionally
many of these CSOs could not shed off their reticence and associate themselves wholeheartedly with such a spontaneous citizens
eruption. Finally, it is worth mentioning here that the Anna movement could be converted into a spectacular phenomenon in no
time because of the huge over blow by the media. Constant live coverage and the extreme hype created sensationalised the whole
process. Most television/ radio anchors have been found yelling and spurring the common masses to come out in support and even
to be a part of the upsurge, thereby drastically increasing the speed of the mass awareness. The single point agenda of Annas
movement is to eradicate the widespread corruption from Indian democracy and society as a whole. It is true that more than one
draft of the Lokpal Bill made by various other civil society activists have been cruising around; but it is only Team Annas incessant
efforts that Anna Hazares version of the Bill has successfully been able to spawn a mass crusade engendering a mammoth uproar
within and outside the geographical precincts of India. Probably, the biggest success of Team Annas India against Corruption
movement is that it has been able to keep the protracted issue of corruption alive and has relocated it candidly under the public
limelight!