SMALL STORIES AS A NEW PERSPECTIVE IN NARRATIVE AND IDENTITY

ANALYSIS
Michael Bamberg & Alexandra Georgakopoulou
Clark University Kings College London
Abstract
In this article, we depart from our recent work on small stories which we propose as an
antidote to canonical narrative studies, a new narrative turn that sets out to include
certain under-represented activities in the focal concerns of narrative and identity
analysis. We are specifically advancing our lines of argumentation by sketching out a
five-step analytical operation for tapping into small stories as sites of identity work. The
five steps grow out of the model of positioning (as put forward by Bamberg, 1997, and
elaborated in Bamberg, 2004a, 2004b; cf. also Georgakopoulou, 2000) that succeeds in
navigating between the two extreme ends of fine-grained micro-analysis and macro-
accounts. We will work with positioning in the close analysis of a small story event (as
part of a moderated group discussion involving 10-year-old boys in an American school)
in which we will show how the tellers announcement of the story, the subsequent
withdrawal, and the pre-telling negotiation with the interlocutors are as integral part of
our analysis as the actual telling. We will also demonstrate how viewing story content as
a function of interactional engagement opens up new insights into identity constructions
of sameness in the face of adversative conditions and constant change. (Small Stories,
Positioning, Identity Analysis, Author Animator Principal, Identity Dilemma)

1. Introduction

Although a diverse endeavour, narrative research in (socio)linguistics and other

disciplines (e.g., sociology, psychology) tends to employ specific kinds of data and
methodologies which in turn generate a specific analytic vocabulary. In particular,
departing from Labovs (1972) influential model, numerous studies have focused on
research or clinical elicitation techniques to pull for narratives that are invariably about
non-shared, personal experience, past events. These stories (cf. life stories,
autobiographies, short range stories of landmark events) are oft employed as heuristics
for the inquiry into tellers representations of past events, and how the tellers make sense
of themselves in light of these past events; in short, these stories have often been taken as
more or less unmediated and transparent representations of the participants subjectivities
and from there as reflecting back on their identities (for a critique of this view of
narrative, see Atkinson & Delamont, 2006). The guiding assumption here is that stories
are privileged forms/structures/systems for making sense of self, by bringing the co-
ordinates of time, space, and personhood into a unitary frame so that the sources behind
these representations (such as author, teller, and narrator), can be made empirically
visible for further analytical scrutiny in the form of identity analysis. The narrative
turn that has been sweeping through much of the social sciences over the last twenty

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years has espoused this kind of rationale and has become of major methodological
influence in the fields of identity research (see the collection of papers in Bamberg,
2006a; Bamberg & Andrews, 2004; Brockmeier & Carbaugh, 2002; Daiute & Lightfoot,
2004; and de Fina, Schiffrin & Bamberg, 2006a).

Our point of departure in this article is our view that the assumptions, sensibilities and
interpretive idiom warranted by this approach to the analysis of narratives (which we will
refer to variably as the autobiographical model, the narrative canon, or simply big
story research) have filtered down to analytic work on conversational (cf. non-elicited)
narratives. As a result, they have informed analysts definitions of what constitutes a
(tellable) story and/or a story that can be used as a point of entry into identity analysis.
There is undoubtedly recognition that the narratives told outside research or clinical
interviews depart significantly from the autobiographical model (e.g., Schegloff, 1997;
Ochs & Capps, 2001); there are also quite a few studies of conversational storytelling that
have taken an interactional approach (i.e., narrative-as-talk-in-interaction, e.g., Goodwin,
1984, 1986; Goodwin, 1990, 1997; Jefferson 1978). Nonetheless, in our view, there is
still much scope for documenting the forms and contexts of these other a-typical stories;
the analytical tools appropriate for them; and last but not least, their consequentiality for
narrative cum identity research which is currently a focal concern in the study of
narrative in a wide range of social science disciplines.

While it is worthwhile to invest efforts in investigating what narratives are and what they
consist of, structurally as well as interactively, our point of departure is more grounded in
a functional perspective on narrative and language use in general. In line with a general
shift towards narratives as tools of interpretation (de Fina, Schiffrin & Bamberg, 2006a),
we are interested in the social actions/functions that narratives perform in the lives of
people; in how people actually use stories in every-day, mundane situations in order to
create (and perpetuate) a sense of who they are. Narratives, in this kind of approach, are
focused upon not as tools for reflecting on (chunks of) lives but as constructive means
that are functional in the creation of characters in space and time, which in turn are
instrumental for the creation of positions vis--vis co-conversationalists. Narratives, in
our approach, are aspects of situated language use, employed by speakers/narrators to
position a display of situated, contextualized identities. The contribution of small stories
then to identity analysis lies in its focus on the action orientation or discursive function
that stories serve in these kinds of local and situated accomplishments of identity
displays.

In our individual work, we have begun to give voice to and argue for the worthiness of
stories that are still in the fringes of narrative research and that we call small stories both
for literal (these tend to be brief stories) and metaphorical reasons (i.e., in the spirit of a
late modern focus on the micro-, fleeting aspects of lived experience). We have identified
certain salient types of such small stories in the discourse and social practices of a group
of female adolescents that were studied ethnographically in a Greek town: breaking news,
projections, references (to stories of shared events), among others (Georgakopoulou,
2005a, b). We have begun to chart the textual/interactional features of such small stories
and explored how they can feed into the mainstay analytic vocabulary such as evaluation/

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tellability, and the analysis of narrative that links specific linguistic choices with larger
social roles and identities (Georgakopoulou, 2006a, b, forthcoming).

We have also documented how it becomes possible to frame the micro-analysis of small
stories as a window into the micro-genetic processes of identities as in-the-making or
coming-into-being (cf. Bamberg, 2004a, b, c) forming the background against which
identities in life-event or biographic interviews can become foci of investigations within
the framework of more traditional narrative methodologies.

Within this type of approach to narrative, our aim is to contribute to a re-

conceptualization of the identity dilemma, i.e., that we are clinging onto the illusion of
staying or actually being the same through simultaneously changing all the time: We
seem to gain our sense of constancy by way of continuously changing. Conceptualizing
narratives-in-interaction (with emphasis on small stories) as the sites of engagement
where identities are continuously practised and tested out, we have begun to show how
these practices lend themselves to developmental prerequisites that eventually may lead
up to the ability to engage in more reflective positions in the form of life stories that are
typically elicited in clinical or research settings. It is in the every-day practices as sites of
engagement that identity work is being conducted, because we believe that such
continuous and repetitious engagements ultimately lead to habitus (plural) that become
the source for a continuous sense of who we are a sense of us as same in spite of
continuous change. The actual work that is being conducted by individuals in
interactive engagement so-to-speak feeds into a sense of self in the form of a
continuous process within which this sense comes to existence (emerges).

In this article we will advance these lines of argumentation by specifically looking at

identity work through small stories in terms of a model of positioning (as put forward by
Bamberg, 1997, and elaborated in Bamberg, 2004b; cf. also Georgakopoulou, 2000) that
succeeds in navigating between the two extreme ends of fine-grained micro-analysis and
macro-accounts. It more specifically allows us to explore self at the level of the talked-
about, i.e., as a character within the story, and at the level of tellership in the here-and-
now of a storytelling situation. Both of these levels feed into the larger project at work
within the global situatedness within which selves are already positioned: that is, with
more or less implicit and indirect referencing and orientation to social positions and
discourses above and beyond the here-and-now.

This model of positioning affords us with the possibility to view identity constructions as
two-fold: We are able to analyze the way the referential world is constructed with
characters (such as self and others) in time and space1. Simultaneously, we are able to
show how the referential world is constructed as a function of the interactive engagement,
where the way the referential world is constructed points to how the teller wants to be
understood, or more appropriately, to how tellers index a sense of self. It is precisely this
groundedness of self and identity in interactive engagement that is at best under-theorized
and at worst left out in traditional narrative research.
1
With this respect, our analytic work starts with traditional linguistic and story categories that stem from
structural analyses of prototype-like story structures and applies them to small stories as a starting point
that is followed by the analysis of the interactional engagement.

3
In particular, we will illustrate identity work through positioning in small stories by
turning the tables on a typical interview narrative elicitation scenario (researcher elicits
story to explore aspects of the researched self) to see what happens when the researched
(in this case, a group of 10-year-old boys in a lower-class East Coast American
elementary school talking to each other in the presence of the moderator) engage in
identity work that attends to peer-group roles, dynamics and shared interactional history
on one hand and to the interview situation (including the moderator) on the other hand.
We are consciously choosing to work with a small story that occurred in an interview
situation to make tangible our point about the necessity of including small stories in the
main agenda of narrative and identity analysis: The strip of discourse activity which we
will analyse here routinely gets dismissed by biographical approaches (i.e., it is not seen
as a story), is seen as analytic nuisance (i.e., as the result of bad interviewing) or
subsumed under the focal concerns of the big story (i.e., viewed as an instance of
incoherent telling, not yet incorporated in the life story, etc.).

In contrast to this, we hope to be able to show that the in-depth analysis of a particular
small story excerpt is more that just the exemplification or illustration of our theoretical
entry and methodological inclination. The functionalist orientation vis--vis small stories
as tools to constitute worlds, and in these worlds a sense of self, captures aspects of how
this sense of self is manufactured in particular sites of engagement and of the processes
within which selves are under construction. Entering narrative identity work from the
perspective that selves are constantly changing, we look into concrete sites of
engagement in which small stories are negotiated and empirically scrutinize the
procedures (repertoires) used by tellers in order to establish a particular sense of self in
and through their talk. The analysis which follows will pay particular attention to the
formation of a sense of self in the face of different discursive pulls: one toward a strong
sense of (un-relational) masculinity according to which it is un-cool to invest in
relationships with the other, the other pulling toward a relational stance, according to
which it is cool to have a girlfriend.

2. Small Stories

As suggested in the introductory section above, the emphasis on full-fledged stories

within socially minded linguistic approaches to narrative is partly traceable to Labovs
influential model of narrative analysis that was based on researcher-prompted, personal
experience, past events. More generally though, it is undoubtedly the case that the
elicitation of interview narratives (life stories or key episodes from the tellers life) as
the mainstay qualitative method in social sciences has put big stories firmly on the map
(cf. Bamberg, 2006b). It is thus not surprising that, as Ochs and Capps (2001) have
pointed out, there is a lingering bias in conventional narrative analysis for narratives with
the following qualities: A coherent temporal progression of events that may be
reordered for rhetorical purposes and that is typically located in some past time and
place. A plotline that encompasses a beginning, a middle, and an end, conveys a

4
particular perspective and is designed for a particular audience who apprehend and
shape its meaning (p. 57).

In contrast to this, we have been employing small stories as an umbrella-term that

captures a gamut of under-represented narrative activities, such as tellings of ongoing
events, future or hypothetical events,2 shared (known) events, but also allusions to
(previous) tellings, deferrals of tellings, and refusals to tell. These tellings are typically
small when compared to the pages and pages of transcript of interview narratives. On a
metaphorical level though, small stories is somewhat of an antidote formulation to a
longstanding tradition of big stories (cf. grand narratives, Lyotard, 1984): the term
locates a level and even an aesthetic for the identification and analysis of narrative: the
smallness of talk, where fleeting moments of narrative orientation to the world (Hymes,
1996) can be easily missed out on by an analytical lens which only takes fully-fledged
(big) stories as the prototype from where the analytic vocabulary is supposed to
emerge.

Small stories can be about very recent (this morning, last night) or still unfolding
events3 thus immediately reworking slices of experience and arising out of a need to share
what has just happened or seemingly uninteresting titbits. They can be about small
incidents that may (or may not) have actually happened, mentioned to back up or
elaborate on an argumentative point occurring in an ongoing conversation. Small stories
can even be about colloquially speaking nothing; and as such indirectly reflect
something about the interactional engagement between the interactants, while for
outsiders, the interaction is literally about nothing.

In short, placing emphasis on small stories allows for the inclusion in the analysis of a
gamut of data more or less connected with the narrative canon. Some of them fulfil
prototypical definitional criteria (e.g., temporal ordering of events) but still do not sit well
with the canon (e.g., stories of projected events or tellability, given that the emphasis of
traditional narrative inquiry has undoubtedly been on past events). Others may fail those
criteria but, if the participants themselves orient to what is going on as a story, we argue
that they render such criteria superfluous if not problematic. In all cases, we see small
stories as not resting exclusively and reductively on prototypical textual criteria but as
discourse engagements that engender specific social moments and integrally connect with
what gets done on particular occasions and in particular settings. Our claim is that
recognizing narrativity or a narrative orientation in certain activities shows regard for
local and situated understandings and decisively makes social consequentiality of
discourse activities part of the analysis.

2
In the study of the conversational data of a group of female adolescents (Georgakopoulou, 2003, pp. 75-
91), stories of projected events (imagining the future) proved to be more salient, quantitatively speaking
too, than stories of past events: in this case, imagining the future was a more potent and meaningful
discourse practice than that of remembering the past.
3
Our research has shown that such small stories of breaking news are salient and powerful narrative
meaning-making ways particularly in mediated interactions (e.g., on email, Georgakopoulou 2004) or when
the participants have a range of mediational tools (e.g., text-messaging) at their disposal alongside face-to-
face communication.

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Consequently, it is the action orientation of the participants that forms the basic point of
departure for our functionalist-informed approach to small stories; and to a lesser degree
what is represented or reflected upon in the stories told. This seems to be what makes our
work with small stories crucially different from work with big stories: While we orient
ourselves to a view of the person as actively/agentively using language and their stories
to constitute worlds and selves, big story research approaches language and stories as
representing and reflecting worlds and sequences of events. And as a consequence to this,
we are squarely interested in how people use small stories in their interactive
engagements to construct a sense of who they are, while big story research analyzes the
stories as representations of world and identities. Consequently, the analysis of the
construction processes of identities within the small story approach focuses necessarily
on the situational and contextual emergence of identity, whereas the analysis of
representations of identities (as behind the discourse that is used to represent them)
relies on these identities as given pre-existent to their occasioning in sites of
engagement.

2. Data and analysis - "It wasn't me, hey, I'm Shaggy"

The data presented here come from the first phase of a longitudinal and cross-sectional
study investigating adolescent boys (ages 10-15) discourse development (Bamberg,
2004b). The first phase of the study lasted about three months, and involved the
collection of naturally occurring data from after-school outings, in addition to writing
about the self, one-on-one (audio taped) interviews, and (video-taped) moderated group
discussions. The data discussed below stem from a group discussion session between an
adult moderator and four 10-year-olds. After about an hour of talking, when the
moderator asked what they find attractive in girls, one of the participants, Victor, makes a
bid for the floor. The particular excerpt presents a small story, which actually has not
much of a plot-line, and probably is not even a real story. The small story is not about
the speaker himself, and involves him only inasmuch as he was a bystander or witness to
something that happened between his male friend and a girl from his street. Using
Goffmans (1981) distinction between the author (someone who has selected the
sentiments that are being expressed and the words in which they are encoded p. 144),
the animator (the talking machine, the thing that sounds comes out of p. 167), and the
principal (someone who believes personally in what is being said and takes the position
that is implied in the remarks p. 167), this small story is particularly interesting,
because Victor refuses to act in front of the group as animator, and he also attempts to
distance himself from becoming identified with the principal. Furthermore, as we will see
below, his authorship extends only to a minimal report, with lots of withdrawals and
hesitations. Thus, in terms of reflecting on a past sense of self, which according to
Freeman (2006) is a main characteristic for research on story-identity, we do not have
much to work with here. However, in terms of how the participants all orient toward what
is going on in the excerpt as story, we find a wealth of identity display, worth
exploring in more detail.

6
Participants: Mod: Moderator, Ma: Martin, V: Victor, S: Stanton, W: Wally (pseudonyms)
1 Mod so what what (.) what guys (.) what what is it that (.) sticks out (.) eh that
you like [(.) in girls
2 S [timber (..) timber wood huhuh=
3 Mod =is it uh the:: eh [the cute face
4 W [I cant get it = {reaching for pizza slice}{Stanton
helping him get it}
5 Mod =is it (.) [the personality=
6 V [no I remember once (.)
=I remember (.) once (.) weird thing (.) I cant tell it though
7 S COME ON
8 V I promised my friend I wouldn't
9 Mod okay (.) then we won't (.) then we wont if it is promised [then thats
what we talked about (.) no no no
10 V [but I dont
care=
11 Ma =is he at this school
12 V no that's why he's not at the school so you guys can't know about him
13 Mod okay
14 V that's why=
15 Mod =but you don't need to mention the [names=
16 W [who cares hes not at school hes not
like walking round or something
17 S =yeah don't say a name=
18 Mod =yeah
19 W don't say the name just say it
20 Mod but what is it what is it about (.) is it eh=
21 S my friend because you gonna say=
22 V =its about what this (.) what my FRIE:ND likes about a girl
23 S [aha
24 Mod [is that you think what (.) really [(.) boys like about (.) girls
25 S [SAY it
26 V no it's what HE likes about the girl=
27 S =[SAY it
28 Mod [but it (.) what is different then from what HE says (.) from what you
think (.) in general (.)boys=
29 V = can I like someone say it for me coz I dont want to say it
30 W [fine
31 Ma [yeah {leans over to Vic with hand behind ear, signaling willingness}
32 Mod [okay
33 W Ill say it=
34 V =I will him say it {Vic stands up, bends toward Wally, smiling}
35 Ma yah let him
36 V tare they there {looks behind him left then behind him right}
37 Mod nope they arent

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38 V {Vic whispers into Walts ear, Walt then laughs}
39 Ma I can hear him
40 S I can hear him
41 V+W {laughing}
42 Ma SAY it
43 Mod okay=
44 W =there's this cute girl that lives on his street and ={signals quotation
marks with his hands} HIS FRIE::ND (.) said that (.) said that um look
he looked at her legs and she was wearing a dress and he said (.)
WHO::AA (.) even though I think it was YOU::{points at Vic}
45 Mod = {signalling quotation marks back to Wally} hehehehe
46 V {shakes head no'} =it wasn't [me
47 Mod [never never wouldnt (.) Victor wouldnt
do (.) so legs (.) [legs good good looking legs (.) thats something (.)
what about what about personality
48 V [it wasnt me hey Im Shaggy (.) it wasnt me ((dancing-
move upper body))
49 all ((all boys laugh))

Our fine-grained analysis of this excerpt consists of a five-step procedure of tapping into
separable yet interrelated positioning processes at work. These positioning levels are
dealing with (i) how characters are positioned within the story (level 1); (ii) how the
speaker/narrator positions himself (and is positioned) within the interactive situation
(level 2); and (iii) how the speaker/narrator positions a sense of self/identity with regard
to dominant discourses or master narratives (level 3)(for more detail see Bamberg,
2004b). For analytic purposes, we subdivided the analytic procedures that contribute to
positioning level 2 into three sub-steps. Thus, first, we will analyze how the characters in
the story are positioned in relation to each other and in space and time (positioning level
1). Then, we will turn to the interactional accomplishment of narrating as the activity
under construction in this excerpt (positioning level 2). In a third step, we will analyze
more closely the research setting in which the moderator has asked a question, how it was
answered in the form of telling a story, and what we can conclude from that (positioning
level 2). Fourth, we will turn to the joint interactional engagement between all
participants, particularly the four boys (positioning level 2). And finally, in a last step, we
will reflect on how the participants construct each other and themselves in terms of teller
roles and in doing so establish a sense of self/identity (positioning level 3). Within this
final section, we will return to the issue of how much the construction of a sense of self in
this segment is due to acts of identity that can be traced back to individual
conversational moves or to discourses that seemingly impose themselves onto participant
structures and individual sense-making strategies.

Step one: Who are the characters and how are they relationally positioned?
(Positioning Level 1)

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At first glance, it is in no way obvious why this segment could be chosen as an example
to illustrate the construction of narrative identity, i.e., how a sense of self comes to
existence by way of narrating. Already the assumption whether we really have a story and
a teller may be called into question, since Victor, who may be taken to be the author of
what emerges later as a sequence of events, does not actually tell or wish to tell the story.
He whispers something into Wallys ears, who in turn 44 reports what Victor
(supposedly) has told him. -- But let us start with what we actually have in terms of an
event sequence: Turn 44, offered by Wally the narrator, contains two clauses that can be
seen as sequentially ordering two events into a temporal contour, i.e., implying a
temporal boundary between (i) and (ii):
(i) he [a friend of V] looked at her [a girls] legs
(ii) and he said WHO::AA
From earlier ruminations of V the audience already knows that this friend does not live
in town anymore, i.e., that none of the present boys (let alone the moderator) can know
him. He is constructed as anonymous. The girl in the story realm is also left
anonymous, though she is constructed as cute and as wearing a dress, i.e., in
explicitly feminine terms; and she also is described as living in Victors neighbourhood
on the same street. Thus, we can assume that the encounter took place somewhere in
Victors neighbourhood and that Victor (and probably also his friend) are somewhat
familiar with this girl. In addition, the audience also can infer that Victors friend has
asked Victor to keep this incident a secret, i.e., not to tell anyone that he had wooed a (or
probably only this) girls legs for reasons that are up to this point open for speculation.
And at an even more general level, the audience also can take into account that the whole
incident has been characterized by Victor early on in turn 6 as a weird thing. That said,
the assessment a weird thing also comes with a certain ambiguity: It may be heard as
referring to the taleworld (i.e., the events, the characters) or to the here-and-now of
telling. We will see below how this double take, this play between the taleworld and the
telling moment, runs throughout this sequence and is very important for the telling roles
that the pre-telling and actual telling of the small story shapes and affords.

Summing up, Wally shares (as the animator) what Victor (who has systematically refused
to act as the animator) has asked him to report, namely a minimal event sequence,
consisting of a friends reaction to a girls legs, a reaction that his friend wants to keep
concealed; and Victor, the animator of the event sequence vis--vis Wally, qualifies this
event sequence in his pre-announcement as weird. Victor does not thematize himself: In
contrast, he makes sure to distance himself from this storys authorship in the sequence
leading up to turn 44 (e.g., see emphatic reference to my FRIEND in turn 22) but he is
also quite resistant to act as the public (in the group in question) animator of the
reported events. In the end, he borrows the voice of another boy present (assigns the role
of an animator) so that the report can actually be told and heard and thus become
public. In terms of a story we really dont have a lot to work with when it comes to
drawing conclusions with regard to Victors sense of self or identity. However, Victor
also positions himself as somewhat complicit with his friend: By protecting his friends
anonymity and by keeping the promise he had made to his friend, he can be interpreted as
taking sides, sharing his friends general orientations. At the very least, he does not

9
position his friend as story character in a critical or deriding way.4 However, we will see
in the process of further analyzing this sequence, that Victors complicity is not terribly
fixed.

Step two: the interactive accomplishment of narrating? (Positioning Level 2)

Turning next to the analysis of the interactional engagement between the participants, we
can spot narrative elements a lot earlier than turn 44. In turn 6 Victor refers to himself as
remembering: I remember once. In other words, he makes something that is only a
memory (from some time ago, from a distinct past taleworld: once), relevant to the here-
and-now of the present engagement, using his remembering, as it is typically used, as a
story announcement. What is more, I remember once is uttered twice; the second time
with a short pause between I remember and once: what Bauman would call a generic
framing device (2004, p. 6) that sets up expectations about the activity to follow being a
story-telling (of past events) is clearly foregrounded. This story preface (Sacks, 1974) is
immediately followed up by an evaluation of what the story is (supposed to be) about,
weird thing, which is most likely to be heard as boosting the storys tellability. This is
shaping up as a neat story preface turn that we can expect to get permission to tell the
story from the interlocutors in the following turn before the actual telling occurs. This
expectation is however flouted as Victor, right at the end of the story preface, withdraws
the bid for the floor to tell a story: I cant tell it though. In his next turn (turn 8) he
backs up his decision not to share the story, because he had promised his friend that he
wouldnt. At this point, the audience is not informed about the role of his friend in the
story, or whether he even has a role in the story. However, it can be assumed that his
friend is somehow involved in what has happened in the sequence of events (that are
withheld), because otherwise there would not have been any reason to keep the story
from becoming public. Linking the evaluation of the story content (weird thing) with
the effort to keep it a secret arguably leaves the audience hanging, i.e., desiring to hear
the sequence of events. We can see that when Stanton urges for the story in turn 7 right
after Victors refusal to tell. We will examine the moderators contribution in turn 9 in
detail below.

What is important to note here is that the negotiation between Victor and his interlocutors
who collude in requesting the telling of the story goes on until turn 34. This is notably in
stark contrast to one of the most influential conversation-analytic findings regarding the
sequential production of storytelling. Specifically, according to Sacks, stories routinely
take more than one turn to tell (1992, p. 122). As a result, the teller has to find ways of
signalling to the interlocutors that an extended sequence is underway. It is within this
sequential arrangement that Sacks places the story preface as being proposed by the teller
and as raising the task of response from the recipients who have to indicate whether they
wish to hear the story. The story then comes as the third part of this three-part canonical
structure:
Teller: Story Preface
Recipient: Request to hear the story
Teller: Story
4
As mentioned earlier, it is possible to hear Victor in turn 6 as commenting on the whole chain of past
events as a weird thing and as such he may also signal a critical attitude vis--vis his friends actions.
However, this stance is by no means explicated or made loud and clear.

10
In contrast to this, in this case, the withdrawal of the bid to tell a story extends a
potentially three-step process to about 40 turns raising interesting teller roles and telling
rights. In this process, it is interesting to note at this juncture how Victor, who on the face
of it forgoes the extended floor-holding rights that the storys telling would grant him,
emerges as a main teller-participant: the person who has the story that people want to
hear but does not tell it.

To sum up, although there is no actual sequence of events (yet), the way Victor engages
his audience is quite telling: He announces a story and upgrades the storys tellability by
two interactive moves: evaluating the story as a clear break from the mundane and
everyday (weird) and then withholding it. In other words, alluding to the potential of a
story and rhetorically foreshadowing its potential content as relevant and highly
reportable, without even mentioning any event let alone event sequence moves Victor
into the role of having the potential to contribute to the topic under discussion in a
relevant way. Thus, while traditional narrative analysis relies heavily on the storys
content (e.g., reportability of events and the breaching of expectations, Bruner, 2001,
2003) to reason for its tellability, Victors interactive moves show tellability as something
that is interactively achieved. He could have stopped here not sharing a story, not
breaking his promise and the audience most likely would have been disappointed; but
his allusion to a (highly tellable) story has already catapulted him into the telling role of
an expert on the topic under scrutiny; and positioning himself as someone who has
something to share (expert) but is reluctant to do so, may have consequences for the
future interactions among the participants.

Step three: How is the speaker positioned within the interactive flow of turns that
constitute the situation as research? (Positioning Level 2)

In our next step, we are attempting to integrate the story, its contents (step one) and the
way it has been introduced in terms of the moves that prepared the story (step two), into
the continuous flow of the other participants moves. First, we have to address the issue
here that Victors announcement of a story in turn 6 was in effect an answer to a question:
the moderator (in turn 1) asking what they like in girls. In a literal sense, the moderator
asks for what the participants attribute to attractive or likeable girls. Thus, Victor
responds to the moderator who had made a gender category relevant, and who could be
heard as asking for attributions from them as 10-year-old males. In this sense, the
moderator may be also heard as pursuing a research agenda, i.e., as eliciting responses
from his research participants. And responses in the form of a list of attributions could
have done the job. In effect, the question is so framed as to project attributes, particular
physical ones (and thus gendered), as the preferred response. The moderator even offers
potential members of this list of attributions (cute face, personality), but Victor
rejects these offerings (no) and offers instead a memory.

In this sense, Victors response is at the very least delayed (the attribute of nice legs
comes many turns later and not from him as the animator) if not dispreferred. By
enlisting a memory as his response to the moderators request, he offers an individual
incident as prime candidate for what makes girls attractive or likable and candidate for

11
what can be taken to stand for one of the attributions that the boys were asked to give.
And doing this, he volunteers (potentially) personal information or testimony that is
backing up this individual incident as a prime candidate. At the same time, however, by
stressing the fact that this is his friends story and not his and by ultimately refusing to act
as the animator of the incident, he also distances himself from the sole authorship and
accountability for the reported incident (and by extension attribute).5 We shall come back
to this point of how the bid for the story, as a dispreferred response, and the actual
delayed telling, ultimately allow Victor to navigate the dangers involved in taking a stand
on attractiveness and girls.

In sum, Victor had options in how to respond to the moderators research agenda. He did
not have to respond in the form of a story about a memory (what we call here, following
Hymes, 1996, a narrative orientation). Instead, he could have responded in the form of
some general attribution characteristics that (usually) are attributed to likable or attractive
girls. Indicating that he is about to choose a story, he volunteers a more personal
approach to the topic under discussion, one that has the potential to implicate himself or
others as more personally involved at the same time as shifting issues of authorship (this
is not about me, it is about my friend). When the moderator, in turn 9, signals that he is
willing to accept Victors withdrawal of his story, it is again the role of the researcher that
is made relevant: Alluding to the informed consent negotiations, that had taken place
ahead of the conversation, he is hearable as stating that I, as a researcher, accept your
conversational move. However, making his role as researcher relevant here, he is also
hearable as not accepting Victors move if it had not been part of a research interview.
Victors immediate response (in turn 10), that he doesnt care, rejects the moderators
offer, and signals, in spite of his previous moves, that he is willing to share the story.

Step four: How is the relation between the four boys managed? (Positioning Level 2)
Taking the analyses of what the story is about (step one), how it is embedded in its
immediate conversational context (step two), and how it forms part of the larger
(institutional) context of a research interview (step three), we are struck by Victors
seeming indecisiveness of sharing his story. He announces a story, withdraws (with
reasons), and when one member of the audience accepts his withdrawal, he signals
(again) that he is actually willing (wanting?) to share his story and finally asks one of
his peers to tell his story. In all this, his peers continuously urge Victor to make his
story public. Interestingly, the moderator also joins the other boys, in spite of his earlier
concerns of keeping with protecting others anonymity and only sharing information
everyone feels comfortable sharing. Again, the moderator is clearly hearable as
repeatedly attempting to return to his original research agenda (turn 15 you dont need to
mention names, and turns 20 what is it <the story> about? and 24 is that what
boys like about girls?). It appears as if Victor in turn 29 is giving in to the continuous
pressures of his peers and the moderator and is willing to share his story. However, he
still clearly signals that he does not want to say it. He borrows Wally as the animator
5
Accountability is very well researched within conversation analysis and discursive psychology and there
is wealth of evidence to suggest that speakers exploit different aspects of talk in order to mitigate, disarm or
equally flaunt their accountability, that is, their normative responsibility for and commitment to what is
being said and done (e.g., Antaki, 1994).

12
of his story, but before he whispers into Wallys ears, he extensively signals that he does
not want to have any unintended audience such as the research assistants, who are in
the vicinity, including two young women but all this with a smile; signalling a non-
serious, nonchalant stance vis--vis the story and its content.

In sum, Victors extensive efforts to share the story, but simultaneously coming across as
not wanting to share the story, have an interesting double-edginess. In light of the fact
that a simple ascription of a few attributes to girls would have satisfied the moderators
agenda, Victor has opted for a storied response that has the potential to implicate him
something that stories typically do. In the face of this, he seems to be attempting to
inoculate the interactional implication of any personal involvement as much as this is
possible by mobilizing the self-lamination that stories afford (see Schiffrin, 1990) He
stresses the fact that any potential implication of himself as principal, i.e., the possibility
to be heard as supporting the position from which his friend might have acted, is dead
wrong. It can be assumed that his denial to be the public animator of the story and
agreeing to the compromise of serving as the private animator for Wally (so Wally can
become the public animator) are carefully designed to accomplish exactly this. His earlier
refusal to tell, the hesitations and self-repairs (e.g., turns. 22, 29) and ultimately the
whispering of the story attest to this attempt for Victor: to diffuse responsibility for what
is being said and also, to a degree, to show resistance to provide a direct response
(Victors view) to the moderators question. Thus, it may be safe to provisionally
conclude that Victor, in terms of his interactional engagement, positions himself as
navigating something that is at stake something that he seems to embrace on one hand,
but also something that has the potential to be held against him on the other. His non-
decisiveness, his ambiguity, and his nonchalance in the way he presents himself in all this
are clear indices for something else; what exactly, is still unclear but we are clearly
getting closer.

Step five: Who am I in all this? (Positioning Level 3)

Having worked through how Vic positioned the characters in his story (his friend and a
neighbourhood girl) (positioning level 1) and how he positions himself interactively with
his peers and the moderator in the conversation (positioning level 2), we will now turn to
the analysis of how he positions a sense of self/identity vis--vis the kind of master
narratives (or dominant discourses), makes these relevant to the interaction in the here
and now, and through all this establishes himself as a particular kind of person. And in
order to gather as much evidence as possible for our interpretive statements, let us turn to
what happens right after the story has become public.

Notably, Vic gets implicated by Wally, the public animator of Victors story (but I think
it was you). And the implications are: (i) YOU actually wooed the girls legs; and (ii)
you fabricated this friend (your story is made up), putting Victor, who had worked hard
to avoid this implication, on the defence. Victors response to the implication with turn 48
is telling: He borrows Shaggy, the Grammy-winning international reggae-pop superstar

13
and with him the chorus lines from his platinum hit It Wasnt Me6. This move has two
potential implications.

On the one hand, Victor identifies Shaggy as someone who categorically denies
involvement, even in the light of overwhelming evidence. And this is definitely one
aspect of what is borrowed by Victor in his response. However, there is more to Shaggy
and his denial. The lyrics of Shaggys song are symbolic of a hyper-sexuality that posits a
type of masculinity that is nonchalant and ultimately uninterested in relational
commitments. Victor, who had worked hard to establish himself as the interlocutor who
has a story to share, and with it as an authority on the topic under discussion (i.e., what
boys like in girls), is hearable as aligning himself with Shaggy on precisely this account.
He can be understood as positioning a sense of self that is just like Shaggys non-
committed, nonchalant, and ultimately uninterested in girls. At the same time, partly
because of his investment in making the story public in that forum, partly because of his
double-edginess throughout the story event (as discussed above), he is heard and
understood by Wally (and the other participants) as systematically blurring the boundaries
between his friend and himself. Thus, Victor is on one hand hearable as one and the same
person as his friend, and both of them as interested and to a degree invested in girls; on
the other hand, with his persistent distancing from the animator, author and principal of
the story he also comes across as uninterested in and non-committed to the topic of the
story (girls). This ambivalence and navigation between two conflicting positions is also
attested to by the borrowing of Shaggy and the meanings that this borrowing indexically
evokes: Both engaged in women in largely hegemonic male ways and in (contradictory)
denial of this engagement.

To summarize thus far, Vics careful positioning of the characters in the story and himself
in this interaction signals that he is manoeuvring in-between two pulls. At first glance,
these two pulls can be characterized in terms of coming across as finding girls attractive
versus not being interested in girls at all. As such, Victor can be heard as juggling two
story-lines one according to which he can be seen as being invested in girls and
having a girlfriend as something that constitutes a potential gain in social capital; the
other in which he comes across not attracted by girls, in which hanging out with girls and
doing girl-stuff is totally un-cool. And this is, what one might expect in pre-adolescent
6
Chorus:
But she caught me on the counter
(It wasn't me)
Saw me banging on the sofa
(It wasn't me)
I even had her in the shower
(It wasn't me)
She even caught me on camera
(It wasn't me)
She saw the marks on my shoulder
(It wasn't me)
Heard the words that I told her
(It wasn't me)
Heard the screams gettin' louder
(It wasn't me)
She stayed until it was over

14
and adolescent (American) boys, where girls have cooties and are characterized as
yuck.7 However, behind this superficial characterization that traditionally tends to
inscribe these contradictions in particular developmental phases of growing up
heterosexual (Maccoby, 1998), two more powerful conceptual orientations seem to be
lurking: These pulls can be characterized as two master narratives (or dominant
discourses) that position narrators in quite different ways.8 The two conflicting master
narratives in this case are a dependent, soft and caring, more feminine sense of self on
one hand, and an independent, strong, noncommittal and more masculine sense of self on
the other. And while the first one may pull Victor toward girls, the second positions him
as different from and in contrast to girls. Victor, in his discursive manoeuvres between
these two positions presents himself as compliant with but simultaneously resisting both
of them.

4. Conclusion

The analysis of the excerpt has demonstrated how a careful reading of the interaction as
small story could reveal aspects of identity construction that would have otherwise
remained unnoticed. Describing in detail the bids to tell, the deferrals and refusals to tell,
and the interactional negotiations that (in this case ultimately) led to the telling yielded
richer insights into levels of identity construction than we have seen in identity analysis
of big story approaches. While excerpts like the one we picked would have gone
unnoticed, simply for the reason that there is no story that reveals aspects of how the
teller represents and reflects upon his own sense of self, we could demonstrate the
contrary: The fact that the story that ultimately surfaces is not about the teller himself, but
about a friend, and the fact that the teller attempts to distance himself from any possible
association with the main character of the story, and effectively shuns both his role as
principal and as animator of the story, are of extreme relevance for what kind of identity
is under construction. At the same time, the fact that the teller announces the story and in
this way makes the having it out in the open a talking point and a matter of interactional
relevance and negotiation, in spite of his insistence on not to be associated with the main
character nor his deeds, opens up further insights into the identity construction processes
the way they are unfolding in the course of the interaction. Overall, it is the navigation
process itself, within which a sense of self is tried out and practised that is of interest
and forms the core of our approach to identity constructions.

Behind this way of approaching and working with stories is an action orientation that is
crucially different from work with big stories. This urges us to look at constructions of
self and identity as necessarily dialogical and relational, fashioned and refashioned in
local interactive practices (e.g., see chapters in Antaki & Widdicombe, 1998). At the same
time, it forces us to recognize that doing self is not all that tellers do. They also do
rhetorical work through storytelling: They put forth arguments, challenge their
interlocutors views and generally attune their stories to various local, interpersonal
purposes, sequentially orienting them to prior and upcoming talk. It is in and through this
7
These formulations certainly resonate with this groups (other) interview data, which we cannot go into in
detail here.
8
We also could say that Vic as narrator positions himself vis--vis these discourses, resulting in his to a
degree quite clever maneuvers.

15
type of relational activity that representations in the form of content, i.e., what the talk is
to be taken about, are brought off and come to existence. In contrast, story analyses that
remain fixated on the represented contents of the story in order to conclude from that how
the teller reflects on him-/herself, miss out on the interactive and relational
constructedness of content and reflection.

Part of the validity of analysing small stories for purposes of identity research lies in the
ways in which this approach opens us up and urges us to scrutinize the inconsistencies,
contradictions, moments of trouble and tension, and the tellers constant navigation and
finessing between different versions of selfhood in local contexts. However well
established the line of identities-in-interaction may be in the context of the analysis of
conversational data, this emphasis is still in contrast to the longstanding privileging of
coherence by narrative approaches (as recently acknowledged by Benwell & Stokoe,
2006). Our aim is through the scrutiny of small stories in a variety of sites and contexts to
legitimate the management (or not) of different and often competing and contradictory
positions as the mainstay of identity work through narrative. And it is in this sense that
we see identity as a process that is constantly under re-construction: constantly changing
but at the same time resulting in a sense of sameness. It is also in this context that we
wish to contribute towards firmly putting on the map approaches to narrative cum
identity that describe in close detail how identities are occasioned in local contexts of
storytelling (big or small) and how they are ultimately shaped by them. While storytellers
rely on the role of the interactive engagement as a fundamental dimension for the purpose
of identity formation processes, narrative research can build on this by following
storytellers in these processes: describing their design in close detail and learning what
they consist of.

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