Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
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167
Do Babies Have Culture?
of the dead alongside us has to do with the wealth of the city and its plentiful
food; there, one might suppose, the dead have access to everythingthey need.
But perhapsthe dead are not able just to have what they want? Perhapsaccess
to what may be obtained by the dead requires the mediation of the living?
Certainlyit seems that living Beng have to make the dead recognizethem, re-
membertheirties to them as kin,and in doing so at once protectthe livingfrom
all forms of evil and ill chance and promotetheir well-beingand fertility.Bythe
same token, it may be the case that from the spirits'point of view wrugbefinds
its materialcontinuityin the dutifulbehaviourof the livingtowardsthe dead.'
Wrugbe-the domain of the dead-may be accessible to adults in dreams
(82),but otherwiseadults must undertakespecial proceduresvia divinersto con-
sult the dead and gain their support.Babies,however,have unmediatedaccess
to wrugbewhere they spend a good deal of time (p169):"allinfantsand young
children,as well as adult diviners,tack back and forth between past and pres-
ent by travelling--one might even say commuting-to wrugbe"(80).Considered
as a spatiotemporallocation, wrugbeis always present;and like our own lived
present,this one contains with in it its own past and its potential future.2Beng
neonates incarnate specific ancestors, though often enough the ancestor re-
mains unknownin that s/he cannot be identifiedwith a named, now dead, once
living, person (89).
The living baby and the dead ancestor are, however, aspects of an entity
whose substance and sociality is slowly differentiatedover the years of infan-
cy and early childhood-a process that cannot itself really begin until the
stump of the newly born child's umbilical cord withers and drops off (83). A
child who dies before this time is not yet classifiedas a person, so the death is
not announced publicly,the neonate being deemed simplyto have returnedto
wrugbe(p83); indeed, it is perhaps because it is wruthat the dead neonate is
"buriedin a muddy patch behind the home" but is given no funeral (90).The
neonate is so closely at one with wrugbethat until the umbilicalstump drops
off he or she must be washed four times a day using a special soap that is oth-
erwise used only to wash a person newly deceased, and four times a day the
child'smouth too must be washed with half a newly-cutlemon (116).A whole
lemon is strungon a cordattachedto the child'swaist-a procedurethat recalls
the washing of a corpse with lemon leaves and mourners'wearing of a lemon
bracelet (116). Oncethe umbilicalstump has dropped off (usuallyon the third
or fourthday)the infant is given itsfirstenema (called"splittingthe anus"[84])-
a procedurethat from this time onwardswill be followed twice a day (before
and during twice-dailybaths)throughoutthe child's infancy until the toddler
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CHRISTINATOREN
has control of bowel movements; the enema is "a bodily practicewill remain
importantfor the rest of his or her life"(126).Afterevery bath, the infant'sface
and body is decorated with paints, bracelets, necklaces. Once it is rid of bodi-
ly wastes, bathed, and at least partiallybeautified, the child is fed. Until the
mother'smilk comes in, a neonate is fed water; in addition it may be breastfed
by someone other than the mother-the mother's mother perhaps or other
close kin (p.203).Thereafterat every feeding and before it is allowed to drink
milk,the infant is made to drinka handful or more of water-water being "an
effective medium of communication between human and spirit ... [and] a lo-
cus of spiritualpower in Beng ritual practice"(189).
Arethe infant'sfaeces a substance it bringsto the world that attaches him
or her to wrugbe?A substance the child must be properlyrid of, so that it may
take in the food offered by its livingkin and, by virtue of consuming it, become
attached to them? Certainlyall these proceduresat birth and during early in-
fancy at once help to detach the baby from wrugbeand to establish him or her
materiallyin the paralleldomain of the living.The baby is enticed into staying
(87): by virtue of being kept clean, beautified and fed, the infant is persuaded
into recognisingits kinshipwith the living.Atthe same time, these procedures
declarethe child'scontinuingconnection to the wru remainingin the ancestral
realm and also to those other spirit beings whom the child will be obliged to
recognizeand respect-the Earthspiritsand forestspirits.So a toddlermust nev-
er be allowed to defecate undera kolatree: if one of the nuts from the tree falls
onto the faeces beneath, the child will die at once; and a man will likewise die
if his shadow falls across the place where he will be planting a new kola tree
(125). Is this because difference can be maintained only when like substances
are kept apart?Certainlyany form of contact with a corpse is extraordinarily
dangerousto infantsand the inevitabledisease associatedwith such contactcan
be cured only by the use, for a boy, of plants gathered by the mother that are
growing on the grave of a dead women; for a girl, her father gathers plants
growing on the grave of a boy or man (p120). The baby's contact with death
threatens assimilation of its own substance to the substance of the dead, a
process that is negated (or interfered with or curtailed) by the child's being
washed or paintedwith the differentsubstance of the livingplants gathered by
the cross-sexparentfrom the graveof one who is the afflictedchild'smirroring
Other(wruand cross-sex).
Allthe cleansing and beautifyingproceduresare entailed by a baby'smate-
rial attachment to the invisiblespirit domain, wrugbe,where it is also at once
ancestor and baby just as it is the domain of the living(81): in wrugbethe ba-
169
Do Babies Have Culture?
by has its wru parents"whocontinue to look out for their baby even after the
infant has begun to leave"them (92).They
will be displeased if they judge that the child'sparentsof this life are mis-
treatingthe baby ... the mother may not be breast-feedingher infantof-
ten enough, or may not be offeringenough solid foods to an older infant.
She may leave her babyto cry,may wait before taking her sick babyto a
diviner or healer, or may use povertyas an excuse to avoid buyingthe
items or conductingthe sacrificesthat a divinerdeclaresnecessaryto the
baby'sspiritualwell-being (92)
The young child is fully anchored in the world once he or she is able to objec-
tify its relation to where it comes from-wrugbe-by explicitlydifferentiating
dreaming life from waking life, able to recognise and acknowledgefully its re-
170
CHRISTINATOREN
[i]fan infant should happen to utter one or more real words in a known
language ... this would inidcate that the young child had completely left
wrugbe behind and had fully entered this world .... a process that nor-
mally ought to take several years ... the prematureutteringof articulate
speech is interpretedas a sign that a close relative ... will soon die (223).
171
Do Babies Have Culture?
which is eaten by men and boys, but only once the infant boy has been weaned
(192); and "the dirt from sex that has not been washed off will ruin the yams
that are growingin the fields"(193).Accordingto this same logic, sexual dirtit-
self is used to counteract developmental delay in a child whose parents re-
sumed havingsex too soon, thus afflictingtheir child with the illnesscalled dirt
(228);here like cures like in the sense that two negativescancel each other out.
In my readingof Alma Gottlieb'sTheAfterlifeIs WhereWeComeFrom:The
Cultureof Infancyin WestAfricathe Beng of the COted'lvoire are concerned
above all with the nature of their relationswith one another, includingcrucial-
ly with their own dead, and with other spiritbeings.Withthe dead they can, up
to a point, take kinshipfor granted but even so they must continuallystriveto
recognize(and in so doing establish)particularkinshipties that will obligatethe
dead to look afterthem (even as, from their own perspective,the dead are per-
haps engaged in a similarendeavour in respectof the living).This is a difficult
undertaking,one requiringconstantattention, because for the Bengtheir dead
are their mirroringOther-at once continuous with them and co-terminousin
the sense that a death in eitherworldmeans a re-birthin the other.So they strug-
gle to ensurethat a livingperson'slife cycle-especially duringthe infantyears-
takes its properform:a childshould crawlby six monthsor as earlyas four(227),
should cut its first tooth on the lower jaw (223-225) before learningto walk
(226);and only once the firsttooth is cut shouldthe infantbeginto speakthe lan-
guage of this-realm(225).Anydevelopmentaldelay in the childdenotes the like-
lihood of impropersexualactivityon the parents'part;sex between spousesmay
resume only once the child is walkingand then weaned; sex before time is so
dangerous that, for example, a child may never begin to walk and may die
(212). Bythe same token, any precociousdevelopment suggeststhat, in remov-
ing itself too rapidlyfrom wrugbe,the child will bringabout the death before
time of one of its close kin.Thusthe struggleto maintainthe fragile'balanceof
livesin this worldvis-a-visthose in wrugbe'(233)findsits locus in the neonateand
infant who is the literal embodiment of relatedness between the living and
wrugbe,and between the livingthemselves.3
Butthe dead are not the only spiritswith whom the Beng engage; there are
also those who live in the bush-the most importantof whom are the pygmy-
sized beings who live on the borderbetween the village and the forest (67)just
as, "[d]ependingon whose perspectiveone adopts, the homeland of the Beng
is situated on the northernedge of the forest zone or the southern edge of the
savanna zone" (p.62).The lives of the forest spirits"parallelthe lives of people'
in that they havethe 'same sortsof familyarrangements," "thesame desiresand
172
CHRISTINATOREN
... the same lacks"(241).There are too the Earthspiritswhose names are "too
powerfulto utter in normal discourse"(67) and to which each village is affili-
ated; they are attended on by Mastersof the Earthwho every six days offer
them "prayersand animal sacrificeson behalf of individualsor, occasionally,
groups"(68).These relationswith forest and Earthspiritsare at once expressed
and constituted in multiple forms of proper conduct that acknowledge the
spirits'existence and solicit their goodwill and/or protection. Unlikethe wru,
these spiritsare not kin to the Beng; they are beings with whom people must
do their best to maintainexchange relations(in the case of the bengze)or pro-
pitiate (in the case of the EarthSpirits).
The relation between living humans and these different spirits-and espe-
cially perhaps those that inhabit wrugbe-is a dynamic one, forever changing
as a function of the way that actions in one domain set off a series of reactions
or counteractionsin the other that are only in part predictableand thus guard-
ed against,though they may always be explicablewith hindsightor throughthe
actions of a diviner.Often enough the dynamic play of relations between the
various spirits and the living have reference to relations between the living
themselves. These are formalizedas a materiallylayeredgrid whose networks
are superimposed upon one another and manifest in the very land, in village
buildingsand fields, in "thenamed pathsthat crisscrossthe forestand lead both
from village to fields and between villages" (70). Thus the extended house-
holdswhose component houses are clusteredtogether roundan open courtyard
are crosscut by a dual descent system
173
Do Babies Have Culture?
driven by jealousy or desire (pp 248). The continual care that is put into main-
taining properand therefore (it may be assumed) mutuallybeneficial relations
with spirits(especiallywith ancestralkin in wrugbe)finds its most potent effect
in the protectionthey affordfrom witches.
Beng livesare, it seems, given over to bringinginto being anew the relations
that sustain them as Beng in a history of relationswith others which has en-
compassed centuriesof transformingvicissitudesand which, over the previous
century, has requiredthem to enter yet again into new forms of relationship
(pp62-75).To take just one example:
By 1900, the Frenchhad imposed a head tax on each household ... Inor-
der to gain access to the necessarycash, Africanfarmerswere obliged to
convert a good portion of their labor from farmingsubsistence cropsto
farming cash crops that the colonial rulersintroduced.., in order to dis-
cuss anything havingto do with "taxes",ratherthan adopting (or adapt-
ing) the Frenchword imp6t, the Beng instead coined the ... phrase nen
zra which means, literally,to "throwaway [one's]soul"(276).
174
CHRISTINATOREN
The wru of your family will alwaysfollow you, no matterwhere you are:
even if you move to a big city,your parents'soulswillacccompanyyou. This
is true even if yourfamilysplitsup: the wruof your parentsand other close
relativeswill stillaccompanyyou in all your scatteredlocations(304).
175
Do Babies Have Culture?
176
CHRISTINATOREN
put on it, from the perspectiveof the person who makes use of it, culture is al-
ways the domain of error.9In crudeterms, this is because cultureas what is rel-
ative and particularinevitably implies its analytical counterpart, biology, as
the domain of the irreducible,the universal.The analyticalpovertyof this dis-
tinction becomes especially apparent when we turn our attention to anthro-
pological studies where the focus is on children.
Does it make sense to think of a neonate as an organism that is born bio-
logicalonly to become culturalas a resultof actions performedon it by its care-
givers?Surelynot, for even in this perspectivethe infant'scapacityto become
the carrierof culture is inherent to it; thus culture has to be in some sense giv-
en if its particularforms are to be achieved. But if our capacityfor cultureis bi-
ologically given, what allows us to retain the distinction between biology and
culture as an analyticalone? How are we to sort out which aspects of human
being are properlyto be analysed as biologicaland which as cultural?And giv-
en that these questionsthemselves implythat the biologicaland the culturalare
aspects of one another, why retain the distinction at all? Anthropology'sob-
jective is to explain the extraordinarymultiplicitythat is human being in the
world or, more exactly,how the uniqueness that is peculiarto every one of us
is located in what we have in common.10
So, to reiterateone of AlmaGottlieb'squestions: do babies have culture?My
answer is no, generallyspeakingthey don't. But it's not just because babies are
babies that cultureescapes them. Onlythose of us who take culture for grant-
ed as an idea (and perhapsparticularlyas an explanation)could be said to have
culture. Of course, there are many of us who do. As an anthropologicaltrope,
culture is taken to be at once self-evident and a model of and for human be-
ings' connectedness to one another. Layusage appears to owe a good deal to
this view, though it is worth noting that in the processof being taken into day-
to-day usage as an explanatoryterm, culture has also come to denote a new
form of essentialism."1Inany case, how exactlyculturecomes to be understood
as at once self-evidentand explanatoryis a worthy object of ethnographic in-
vestigation-one that, to be truly illuminating,should include an ethnograph-
ic analysis of its ontogeny.
ENDNOTES
1Thesequestioningobservationsare provokedby EduardoViveirosde Castro'sethnography
of the Arawetdof easternAmazonia(1992)accordingto which he argues,usingthe idea of
perspectivismor point-of-view,fora redefinitionof the classicalcategoriesof natureand cul-
ture, cultureand society,and the relationsbetween them (1996, 1998).Whetheror not the
177
Do Babies Have Culture?
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