Journal of Environmental Psychology (2000) 20, 193^205 0272 - 4944/00/090193 + 13$35.

00/0
# 2000 Academic Press
doi:10.1006/jevp.1999.0154, available online at http://www.idealibrary.com on

CONTINUITIES AND DISCONTINUITIES OF PLACE

MARC FRIED
Boston College, U.S.A

Abstract

Early studies and observations of working-class communities reveal the physical environment itself as a very
meaningful aspect of urban social life, a nding strongly borne out by the study of the relocation of several
thousand people from the West End of Boston (1958^1961). Attachment to place is a characteristic feature of
life in many poor, ethnic, immigrant communities. The development of a sense of spatial identity is a critical
component of attachment experiences in such local areas.
As a consequence of such spatial identity, built on the convergence of physical places and social relation-
ships, displacement from the community entails widespread grief and mourning. But life, even in these rela-
tively stable and enclosed communities, is not simply continuous: people change, communities change, social
discontinuities are inevitable. And the stable forms of attachment which are so highly adaptive to the rst or
second generation ethnic community inhibit progression to new urban environments and to new conditions of
social life when these become desirable or necessary. While community ties are often of importance at all
social class levels and serve as stabilizing forces, the transition to new statuses, wider opportunities, and
new conditions of life implies a more attenuated form of place attachment. However, many people remain ad-
dicted to encompassing forms of continuity in community attachments. Spatial identities which are highly
functional at one point can thus become dysfunctional. These commitments can become the basis for conta-
gious violence and bloodshed especially after the demise of long-term autocratic controls which leave a poli-
tical hiatus and present us with pathologies of community attachment, visible in the territorial conicts of
recent decades. # 2000 Academic Press

Introduction: individual and social
discontinuities
Forty years and more, a very biblical number, so
many years wandering and studying individual and
collective experiences of community environments
have led me to appreciate more deeply the eective
coupling of people and places. This is the issue
I will address: some of the dierent patterns of
people^place relationships and a few of the inu-
ences that aect the dierentiation of those pat-
terns. In the extreme, people^place relationships
are manifest as the profound attachment people of-
ten develop to the places they live in, where they
share familial, communal, and ethnic or cultural
bonds with their neighbors. These bonds can form
intimate links between people and places and may
extend beyond the home and the street into a wider
area where a sense of belonging is established,
where the places as well as the people are cher-
ished. Indeed, proprietary rights are readily assumed
where property ownership is ambiguous and a spe-
cic social or ethnic group inhabits a local neigh-
borhood, a community playground, a gang's turf, or
a whole territory or region (Hartman, 1963; Fried
et al., 1973). Many societies maintain a true identity
between place and people: a latent assumption that
people belong to the land as in the feudal era, not the
land to people. This social image is the primeval
core of territorial identity with its many functions
and dysfunctions. But this is only one node on a
continuum of place orientations amidst the great
variability in the conditions of territorial life. Over
the years, in my own and other studies, I have come
to appreciate many sources of these variations in
community orientations and behavior. Some orienta-
tions to the community are profound and are inte-
gral to life experiences, others are only minimally
communal, and some are so intense that they lead,
under certain conditions, either to life-giving
194 M. Fried

support or to territorial behavior that is personally conjunction with socio-cultural analyses, to clarify
and socially destructive. Since I will cover numer- underlying reasons for the continuities and discon-
ous observations and hypotheses, I will delineate tinuities in the meaning of places and communities.
the major issues involved succinctly.
1. The broad context of the built environment
The signicance of place attachment in local
comprises inevitable conicts of interest
communities
about space and place. Dierences in power
determine the outcome of these conicts and
The social history of involuntary and deleterious
the possibility of choice, most poignant for
discontinuities of place is a framework for consider-
those people who have become homeless in a
ing the lengthy duration, even to the present, of
literal or gurative sense throughout the
forced geographical displacements. Social decon-
history of geographic displacements.
struction, a repetitive pattern, ravaged the lives of
2. Decades of studies of the signicance of
serfs thrown o their ancient proprietary lands;
community along with other ndings on the
and landless peasants were repulsed and savaged
changing urban environment exemplify
wherever the new homeless went (Tawney, 1912;
diverse forms of community commitment in
Polanyi, 1944; Graus, 1964). Massive displacements
the U.S.A and, indeed, universally. This
persisted through the vast and largely forced urban
diversity also reveals the complexities,
migrations of the 19th and 20th centuries: in a
subtleties, and temporal shifts of community
search for jobs and a living wage; with urbanization
commitments.
itself in the competition for space; through an ex-
3. These geographic and residential continuities
plosion of homelessness in the industrial, auent
and discontinuities lead to a broader view of
West; and, most tragically, reached an apogee in
community attachments and the diculties
the endemic expulsion of vast populations by war-
such attachments pose when people confront
fare, terror, brutality, and death in ethnic, tribal,
the stresses of structural or inter-current
and territorial strife! Those who experienced forced
disattachments and transitions over the
residential displacement are all too aware of the
lifespan in modern societies.
disorientation evoked by such alienating transi-
4. The psychosocial dynamics of adult
tions.1 They may continue to live for some time in
attachment behavior are invoked in
transitional spaces (Winnicott, 1971) when home base
community commitments. Indeed, striking
is fragmented before they are ready to establish al-
changes in the nature of community
ternative reference points for security and solidar-
attachments develop over the adult life
ity. Forced displacements are among the most
course as functions of individual and
serious forms of externally-imposed psychosocial
community processes. Socio-cultural and
disruptions and discontinuities.1
psychodynamic factors which are linked to
My focus is on community attachment distin-
role theory can help to clarify the conditions
guished from other related forms of community
of attachment and change in residential and
commitment. But, despite the widespread usage of
community behavior.
terms like community or place attachment, there
5. Finally, a challenging confrontation with the
has been little explicit attention to the psychosocial
widespread violent, albeit small, genocidal
dynamics of attachment behavior. Community
wars of recent years evokes a discussion of
attachment appears rooted in the individual's invol-
what I will call, with some qualms, the
vement in local social relations (Fried & Gleicher,
dysfunctions and pathologies of attachment
1961; Hummon, 1992). However, if we take literally
(see also Rivlin, 1994, 1995). It is dicult to
the conceptual aliation to the extensive work on
consider some of the chaotic trouble-spots of
attachment behavior, it is more than that. And it
recent decades without trying to understand
implies far more than residential or community sa-
the signicance of community feelings and
tisfaction. Attachment is a primordial sentiment; it
attachments as a contributory source of
can serve invaluable individual and social functions
these tragic and deadly conditions.
or can, at various extremes, become dysfunctional,
I will try to place the observations and research I even disastrous.
report against the tapestry of decades of environ- The signicance of attachment derives from its
mental studies, and I will also try to introduce some self-evident meaning with respect to aective ties to
depth psychological considerations that may help, in local environments. But they carry, as well, a deeper
 Continuities and Discontinuities of Place
psychological implication as delineated in attach-
ment theory (Bowlby, 1982; Ainsworth, 1985; Weiss,
1991). Attachment theory was initially developed to
capture the powerful signicance of the monther-
child bond which was not suciently appreciated
in psychoanalytic theory. It was gradually formu-
lated in a set of propositions which specied the
level of such attachment and, thus, could be studied
with some empirical precision. In recent years, it
has been integrated, to some degree, in psychoana-
lytic theory. The operational formulation of attach-
ment theory, as it applies to place behavior, points
to its origin and meaning in response to the avail-
ability of close, local relationships to people and, by
extension, to the places of relational interaction. If
we expand the analysis of the dynamics of attach-
ment behavior from Ainsworth and Bowlby's work
on infant attachment behavior to adulthood (Weiss,
1982, 1991), we can recognize its potential signi-
cance for place attachment. The criteria, e.g. those
specied by Weiss (1991) for adult attachment beha-
vior, are strikingly apt for community functioning.
Attachment to the community often entails eorts
to remain within the protective range of familiar
places. Since security is fostered within the local
area, a major indicator of community attachment is
that it encourages greater freedom of behavior, ex-
ploration, condence, and aective responsiveness
within (but not outside) the local community.2 This
range is reduced in scope and induces clinging be-
havior in threatening situations. Most strikingly,
threat to the continued integrity of the community
of attachment may give rise to protest and to active,
even frantic attempts to ward o separation. In
these respects, at its deepest levels, community at-
tachment conjures up the desire for unconditional
and inviolable `familial' enclosure. It is these aspects
of attachment behavior that are distinctive of close
community bonds, particularly among people with
few independent resources like poor, lower status
groups, and immigrants contrasted with residential
and community satisfactions of people from higher
status positions with more extensive resources.
Several additional dimensions of attachment to
places help to expand our conceptions of the pro-
cesses involved (Fischer et al., 1977). Attachment to
places is certainly social and most profound when
human relationships are embedded in current or
past group aliations and identity based on ethnic,
racial, class, or cultural parameters (Giuliani, 1991).
Often such embeddedness has an historical compo-
nent, a tradition resting on long-term group iden-
tity. Such attachment becomes more intense when
the identied groups are in clear juxtaposition to
195
an out-group which functions as a threat, a condi-
tion which Allport (1945) referred to `ego involve-
ment '. The physical quality of places may
themselves contribute to community attachment
(Fried, 1965), and the appropriation of spaces that
are bureaucratically withheld despite their utility
for the community can further stimulate attach-
ment (Feldman & Stall, 1994). But places come to
symbolize those community socio-cultural patterns
implicit in group identity only in relatively limited
conditions. Such symbolization, for example, is fa-
cilitated by the organization of roles within the
community social structure and the establishment
of role places for local interaction. It is these role
places, the regularized settings for activities and in-
teractions, that dominate a sense of community
identity rather than the purely physical quality of
the places themselves. The concept of role places
points to the association between patterns of role
behavior and the social spaces and physical places
of community life. Like any small social system, lo-
cal communities are organized around some degree
of functional specialization, incorporated within
roles and these, in turn, have their own actual or
symbolic role places, be they a segment of a street,
an apartment or even a window ledge, a bar or coee
shop, a school yard, or a club in a local institution.
Place attachment in the working class:
under threat
In one of the earliest analyses of residential experi-
ence in the United States, the study of the impact of
forced geographical relocation in Boston's West
End, the focus on residential satisfaction was a
proxy for attachment (Fried et al., 1973). A probabil-
ity sample of nearly 500 predominantly white work-
ing class women and men, of diverse ethnic origins,
were interviewed intensively before and several
years after relocation. The eld of environmental
psychology had not yet emerged although it was
close at hand. Knowledge about the community en-
vironment was meager and residential experience
was seen as quite peripheral to serious work in the
social sciences. Important ideas and observations,
however, gradually began to appear. Firey (1945)
pointed to the sentiment and symbolism of places
as the basis for their signicance for people; several
British working class studies (e.g. Kerr, 1958;
Hoggart, 1957; Mogey, 1956; Jennings, 1962) along
with the collaboration of Micheal Young and Peter
Willmott (1957; Willmott & Young, 1960) empha-
sized the fundamental, albeit parochial, form of
196 M. Fried
community belonging along with its social class im-
plication; similar conclusions were reached by
Chombard de Lauwe (1956) about the Parisian work-
ing class; Rosow's (1961) analyses of the social ef-
fects of the physical environment and Edward
Hall's (1966) formulations about cultural dierences
in physical contact and spatial behavior providing a
basis for a greater appreciation of the social and
psychological signicance of the physical environ-
ment (see also Sommer, 1969). Kevin Lynch's imagi-
native contribution to understanding spatially-
oriented behavior in the Image of the City (1960)
was an intellectual oasis. The intensive and clarify-
ing work on community of the 1960s and 1970s had
hardly been envisioned.3
Because so little was known, each empirical ob-
servation and analysis in the West End study was a
revelation. The earliest results revealed a most com-
pelling pattern: the large number of people living in
the area who were not merely highly satised resi-
dentially (despite meager housing conditions) but
whose attachment was so profound that the idea of
relocation was intolerable. They diered dramati-
cally from other residents who were equally satis-
ed by all the variables we employed but who were
not so deeply attached to the community. And a
small number of people were residentally dissatis-
ed but maintained a strong attachment and felt a
profound sense of loss in post-relocation recollec-
tion. Moreover, people sometimes moved voluntarily,
often to nd a better life despite residential satisfac-
tion. The bulk of voluntary moves, in fact, reect life
cycle patterns, changing realities that frequently
embolden people, ultimately, to transcend previous
emotional commitments and place attachments
(Rossi, 1956; Speare, 1970).
Since there was no prior research to provide a
context for these empirical results, it was often dif-
cult to bound these ndings or specify their condi-
tions. Although the sample for this study was the
`old' white, ethnic working class of yesteryear,
studies of the populations that now inhabit the low-
est rungs of social class lead to similar conclusions.
The more recent in-migrants are very dierent in
origin and have been studied less fully, but the few
more recent researches reveal a similar class-based
and ethnically-dierentiated pattern of local spatial
behavior (Hays, 1998; Mesch & Manor, 1998; Ng,
1998). Thus, a few early formulations with long-term
reverbations from the West End research confronted
major issues which were largely borne out by the
very few subsequent studies.
Although we now know that the threat of urban
renewal creates enormous stress, at that time we
were startled to learn that it was far greater than
we anticipated. The overarching socio-cultural fra-
mework, with its distinctive ethnic overtones, was
fundamental in welding an array of physical streets
into a loose sense of community, intensied by the
threat of urban renewal. Thus, there was a wide-
spread feeling of being at home, intensive use of
the shops and services in the local area in order to
maintain ongoing neighborly feeling and to partici-
pate in the local gossip mill. Moreover, many people
sensed hostility and threat outside the area, a vague
alienation from the larger social and physical envir-
onment, even among those who had to travel outside
the neighborhood quite frequently to work or shop.
The experience of residential relocation was a
powerful source of distress even among those whose
attachments to the West End area were marginal.
Translating all the clinical criteria for grief into
household interviews, we confronted clear evidence
of powerful and quite widespread grief and mourn-
ing among the displaced residents of the West End.
These were often very severe and, as we know from
environmental disasters, such community disrup-
tions can be devastating, leading to depressive and
dissociative phenomena.4
` The manifest expression of grief and mourning in-
spired a basic theoretical formulation: the startling
realization that concepts of grief and mourning
could be extended beyond the death of an individual
to the tragic loss of a community or even of a build-
ing that symbolized the community ' (Fried, 1963).
Subsequent work supported the diversity of types
of losses that can entail grief and mourning
(Parkes, 1972; Marris, 1986). The concept of spatial
identity, inuenced by Erikson's (1947) work we
found to be requisite to account for such profound
local attachments (Fried, 1963). From a psychosocial
viewpoint, we can trace the dominant developmen-
tal sequence of such attachments. (1) The personal
intra-familial attachment to mother, father, and to
the mother^father dyad is the primitive core and
prototype of subsequent attachments. With matura-
tion or acclimatization, this is expanded to wider
kin and neighbor attachments, creating a broader
base for a sense of community. By denition, neigh-
bors live in contiguous areas which, thus, become
the spatial boundaries of community for an in-
migrant or a growing child. (2) Through these socio-
spatial aliations, a subjective contrast between in-
side and outside, of locals vs aliens, gradually
develops to implement the sense of home base inside
and the dangers of the outside world. The aective
structure of these social and physical interactions
leads to a solidied group identity embedded in a
 Continuities and Discontinuities of Place
socio-cultural framework. The in-group, the neigh-
boring area of people and places, comes to symbo-
lize an expanded sense of home and family, a
condensation of the deep-lying aective ties of the
`ascribed' kinship relationship. (3) Given the dy-
namic social structure of a local community, propin-
quity leads to regularized role relationships
expanding the commitment to local spaces. In time,
places are dierentiated within the local area and
are established as role places where role relational
transactions occur and gain a special aective ca-
thexis. The dominant, abstract representation of this
set of experiences emerges as a focused but exible
sense of spatial identity, the psychological base for
community attachment.5
The loss of social relationships which resulted
from forced residential relocation was empirically
the single most potent factor in explaining the
widespread sense of loss as well as the variations
in post-relocation adaptation (Fried, 1965). But con-
sidering the many losses entailed, a prolonged
mourning period was inevitableand, in fact, oc-
curred. Those who were able to relocate near neigh-
bors or kin adjusted more easily than those who
were geographically isolated from former close-knit
network members. But that only modied the grief
and mourning. The central importance of family life
for men and women in the working class was a con-
trast with the stigmatized conceptions of working
class people (Gans, 1962; Fried et al., 1973; Richards,
1980). The family and kin served as a bulwark in the
face of other losses. Neighbors were like kin and of-
ten compensated for inadequacies in the marital re-
lationship; frequently they helped to preserve
marital stability. Indeed, the web of local social af-
liations was a major source of commitment for
most people. But we also need to recognize that ob-
ligatory forms of kin interaction or ethnic commit-
ments were often more binding than satisfying. The
adequacy of post-relocation conditions of housing,
neighborhood and accessibility were also signicant
factors contributing to successful relocation transi-
tions. However, as Chester Hartman (1963, 1964) re-
vealed, despite the advantages of low rents, there
were many sources of resistance to bureaucratized
public housing among low-income people, posing a
major relocation planning problem.
A new paradigm for understanding the commu-
nity behavior of people whose lives were restricted
by social boundaries and minimal resources began
to emerge from these observations (see also Duhl,
1963). The core concept of spatial identity serves to
recognize the enormous emotional impact of a local
geosocial area for a signicant proportion of work-
197
ing class inhabitants (Fried, 1963). Cultural orienta-
tions and social organization dene the character
and importance of spatial dimensions. With contin-
ued residence, however, the area of belonging ex-
pands (Bardo, 1984). Spatial memories, spatial
imagery, the spatial framework of current activity,
and the implicit spatial component of ideals are its
psychological content (Fried, 1963). Only such an
idea, extending the notion of intense sentiment in-
vested in a peopled place and stemming from primi-
tive forms of body awareness and imagery, can
encompass the varied ways in which a coherent
sense of one's identity in space can be established.
Community satisfaction is a necessary but not a suf-
cient condition for such spatial identity. Spatial
identity designates the physical/geographic dimen-
sion within which houses, streets, even whole com-
munities can bound, intensify, and provide a
spatial locus for identication and community at-
tachment linked to social group identity.
Proshansky and colleagues (1978, 1983) later
translated the concept of spatial identity into place
identity, which concretized and popularized the
idea. The place dimensions of identity mainly pro-
vide localized imagery for the most meaningful so-
cial experiences. But place components are usually
subordinated to more central aspects of identity for-
mation: family history, gender roles, ethnic commit-
ments, and social relationships all within a bounded
space although, as we will see, it can be transferred
or displaced into other similar places. Places may be
temporarily prominent but become independently
meaningful only in extremes, for people who have
few physical, economic, or social opportunities
other than place around which to focus a sense of
social belonging. In this respect, the idea of spatial
identity allows for a broader and more dynamic
sense of locale than a place identity based on more
limited and concrete place experiences. In this re-
spect, a comprehensive view moves us toward the
work of Roberta Feldman (1990) and David Hummon
(1990, 1992) which provides a further base for deli-
neating human spatial patterns. Their analyses re-
capture the abstract and dynamic formulation of
the personal signicance of the many spaces and
types of spaces implicit in the concept of spatial
identity. The emphasis, however, shifts to the types
of community spaces in which people feel most com-
fortable, most at home, and most fully socio-cultu-
rally identied with rather than the concrete
environments experienced in the past or present.
The wider geosocial atmosphere rather than the
composite of houses and streets is of central impor-
tance. The sense of preferred styles, of the types of
198
environment that are complaisant, leads to a more
dierentiated concept of territorial identity (Fried,
1992).
Complexities in understanding community
behavior and experience
Dierences in the localization of security, pleasure,
and use of the community and the sense of aliena-
tion from strange and unfamiliar territories imme-
diately outside the neighborhood point to social
class variations in geographic orientations. But this
also emphasizes the functions and dysfunctions of
community attachment when the geography of se-
curity is so narrowly bounded among those with
very limited choices and limited sources of gratica-
tion. Community attachment is certainly most pro-
found when social relations are embedded in the
socio-cultural organization of current and past
group aliations and identities based on ethnic- or
class-cultural parameters in a structure of encom-
passing and intertwining roles and role relation-
ships. As Lindemann (1960) pointed out with
respect to grief, commitments are not so much a
function of the intensity of love as of the number
of roles and ties binding individuals. This is among
the most crucial aspects of place attachments which
embed their gratications (and deprivations) in a
structure of social roles, role relationships, role sets,
and role places. The superordinate quality of neigh-
boring and neighborhood emerges in other commu-
nity studies (Unger & Wandersman, 1985; Rivlin,
1987). But this complex of multifaceted features of
place attachment also poses problems of discontinu-
ity since this interweaving structure strengthens
the resistance of place attachments to the inevit-
ability of change and discontinuity. It is this con-
stellation which varies so markedly by social class,
by ethnicity, by age, by gender, and by personal
experience.
A major theoretical defect in residential and com-
munity studies as well as in social science models
generally is the penchant for static conceptualiza-
tions and frozen images of dynamic, complex pro-
cesses, a limitation which has changed little over
the decades. However, residential and community
experiences and behavior reect an important di-
mension of both continuities and discontinuities in
adult development and community change. Adult
development is a continuous process but it is often
interrupted, even disrupted by discontinuities over
the life course: changes in jobs, career, marriage,
aging, or residence. These become manifest in dis-
M. Fried
cordances in the dynamism of daily life and work,
in the processes of relating to other people socially
and sexually, in cultural and communal engage-
ments, and in economic and political transactions.
Such discontinuities can be gratifying experiences
of maturation and fulllment or more tenuous work-
ing through of grave diculties. At the other ex-
treme, they may betoken a submission to decline
and decompensation (see also Rivlin, 1987; Giuliani,
1991). Communities themselves, as well as other so-
cio-cultural systems, can also be described along a
trajectory of change. These can be progressive and
enriching or retrogressive, declining, or frozen in
the past while the world changes (Giuliani &
Feldman, 1993). However, if we grow and age in
place, the environments in which we are born and
reach adolescence are no longer the same as the
places in which we become adults. There is a deep
and pervasive meaning to Thomas Wol's title: ` You
Can't Go Home Again'. Home is, indeed, never again!
One aspect of these developmental processes in-
volves incorporation of newcomers into the commu-
nity, the formation of new social relationships in the
neighborhood and the emergence of a localized spa-
tial orientation in community behavior. Traditional
working-class ethnic, largely immigrant, commu-
nities were virtually `designed' to incorporate and
harbor newcomers to industrialized countries
(Handlin, 1941/1959; Warner & Lunt, 1941; Fried,
1965). The transitional functions of low-status, eth-
nic communities can be seen as a vast processing
mechanism, a port of entry as well as a port of exit.
Working-class communities are remarkably paro-
chial and self-contained, limiting the intrusion of
socio-cultural pressures from the larger society
(Fried & Levin, 1968). They provide a holding envir-
onment (see also Winnicott, 1965) until people have
garnered the inner and outer resources to adapt
more fully to the cultural and residential patterns
of the host society. Such stable transitional commu-
nities have been and remain essential because the
processes of migration and assimilation are so trau-
matic and persistent: for White Europeans nding
their uncertain way into the United States (Fried
et al., 1973); for Black Americans moving from segre-
gated rural areas in the South into the Northern,
racist industrial states (Fried et al., 1971); and, in
more recent years, for Asian and Latin Americans
from diverse backgrounds, languages, and cultures.
Because of the bonding entailed in such stabiliz-
ing conditions, the second transition, to upper
working-class or middle-class residential areas and
ways of life, is understandably equally traumatic
even in voluntary situations (Fried, 1969). Often one
 Continuities and Discontinuities of Place
nds that, despite occupational mobility and the de-
velopment of more demanding as well as rewarding
orientations to work experience, the transitional
community retains its vitality in the lives of low-
status, ethnic, or ` racial' groups (Fried, 1966). My
colleagues and I sought empirical evidence of the
individual dynamics denoting dierences in readi-
ness to adapt to several transitions. The sources of
success for white Europeans from rural, pre-indus-
trial areas could be traced to education, urban con-
tact, and modest technical skills. Similarly, for Afro-
Americans whom we interviewed in subsequent re-
search, the consequences of prior urban residence
and industrial work experience were empirically
evident (Fried et al., 1971). But despite such facilitat-
ing conditions, the invidious fact is that ultimately
it is the opportunity structure which allows for or
deters such socio-cultural incorporation, that cre-
ates the spread between modest success and abject
failure in host society terms.
Diversities of community attachment among
population strata
In another subsequent study of the meaning of com-
munity in modern life, a large sample of 2622 inter-
views facilitated extensive, disaggregated multi-
variate analyses (Fried, 1982). This study was based
on a class-stratied probability sample of men and
women, white, black, and Hispanic, in 42 urban,
suburban, and semi-rural districts in 10 metropoli-
tan areas in dierent regions of the United States.
Earlier studies of community residencefrom
Whyte's Street Corner Society (1943) to Young and
Willmott's Family and Kinship in East London
(1957) and to my own study of the West End of
Boston (Fried et al., 1973)were devoted to the
working class. And only a handful of case studies
(Seeley, 1956; Dobriner, 1963; Clark, 1966; Gans,
1967) had begun to consider the expanding environ-
ment of middle-class suburbs. Within the compass of
this larger and more diversied sample from across
the United States, several important and often ne-
glected results become evident.
In studying community behavior a signicant
methodological point is often ignored. The interpre-
tation of high levels of residential satisfaction and
community attachment usually reported must be
bounded by the fact that we are always sampling a
residual population. People who continue to live in
a place are indicating, thereby, their willingness to
accept their current residential environment even if
they are not wholly enthusiastic. Otherwise they
199
move. These considerations must be understood in
context: as in other studies (e.g. Campbell, 1981)
these data reveal very high levels of residential satis-
faction by the usual criteria. But when the issues are
explored more deeply, latent dissatisfactions emerge
which suggest that highly positive responses often
reect or even conceal a tolerance, an `adjustment '
to inevitable inadequacies (Fried, 1986). In sharp con-
trast to the perfection of choice view that dominates
modern economic theory, the analysis of adaptation
processes shows that few people optimize their
choices in decision-making but rather, to use Simon's
(1957) term, they only hope to `satisce'. Indeed, hu-
man adaptability is such that when options are lim-
ited, most people manage to acclimate themselves
and even appear satised with conditions they may
have considered intolerable only shortly before.
Moreover, except at the highest income levels, free-
dom of choice is not very free in residential deci-
sions. At best, once a choice is made, the remaining
residential ` packages' are predetermined. One large
gap between desires for community experience and
the availability of communal opportunities was re-
vealed in this large-scale community study. Many
people want greater local communality than they
nd in their residential environments. This is espe-
cially important for a large minority especially at
lower social class levels who generally nd the few-
est opportunities for other residential gratications.
At higher social class levels, only a modest propor-
tion regard community and local friends as an im-
portant or essential residential attribute. However,
the subjective sense of community generally means
something quite moderate, at least at middle and
higher status levels, in contrast to the profound com-
munity attachment revealed in many low-income, eth-
nic communities. Conversely, a community desire of
much more widespread signicance, access to the
outdoors, being able to get away from even the most
satisfying home, is important or essential for ap-
proximately half the people in each social class. At
lower status levels, however, these refer to local re-
sources, generally available in the immediate neigh-
borhood like parks and playgrounds. For those
of higher status, outdoor spaces and ease of access
to nature means accessibility (e.g. transportation,
vistas) to the great outdoors, to seashores, moun-
tains, forests and lakes. In corresponding fashion,
Zimmer (1975) has shown a linear increase in ex-
tended travel behavior with increasing social posi-
tion. The desire for such outdoor environmental
facilities appears to have expanded over time
(Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989; Bonnes et al., 1994; Moudon
& Ryan, 1994).
200 M. Fried
Earlier results from many studies, albeit with
narrowly based samples, indicate that social class
position is the single most powerful correlate of re-
sidential satisfaction. Data from more broadly based
samples strongly document that observation (Fried,
1982). Numerous analyses including many full-scale
multiple regressions and analyses of variance drawn
form this large, national study of community lead
one to clarify this further. The latent structure of
this relationship can be traced to the dynamics of
social class position. The higher the social class po-
sition, the higher the cost of housing; and the high-
er the cost of housing, the better the objective
quality of the neighborhood and dwelling unit. This
is even more striking for those of minority status
since, independent of social class position, Afro-
American, Hispanic-Americans, and members of
other minority groups obtain relatively poorer resi-
dential environments and are, thereby, less satised.
Thus, in an immediate sense, the overall quality of
the residential environment is the strongest variable
inuencing residential satisfaction, but this is ulti-
mately a function of social position.6
Despite the strength of these class and ethnic
ndings, other variables are involved in accounting
for residential satisfaction and, more broadly, com-
munity attachment. There are also intricate inter-
relationships between a number of community attri-
butes and indirect but signicant indicators of so-
cial class position and ethnicity. Community size is
among the most important of these primarily be-
cause smaller communities, like suburbs, ex-urbs,
and even small cities, are generally of higher aver-
age status and usually have better objective residen-
tial conditions. Large cities, those with large
populations of nonwhites and of poor, and those
with predominantly rental housing suer, by and
large, from inadequate conditions and meager com-
munity facilities to provide a satisfactory level of
municipal life (Fried, 1980). Neighborhood and com-
munity variables are, thus, more potent inuences
on residential satisfaction and certainly on commu-
nity attachment than is housing even at higher sta-
tus levels. Studying the psychosocial signicance of
the neighborhood in metropolitan life reveals a dif-
ferentiated view of local orientations (Galster &
Hesser, 1981; Fried, 1986). These data, among others,
lead us to modify earlier views, based largely on tra-
ditional working-class residential areas, that a vivid
community life was central to all viable social ex-
perience. They also lead us to reject, at the opposite
extreme, the `eclipse of community ' thesis that com-
munity is dead. Communities remain important
forms of social organization for human needs and
desires. Daily life is contained within local commu-
nities despite increased cosmopolitanism (Rossi,
1972). But we need a subtler sense, even a more var-
ied language, for thinking about the range of rela-
tionships between individuals and their local
areas. Several studies have formulated dierent
types of investment in local areas: bonding, attach-
ment, dependence, satisfaction, sentiment (Riger &
Lavrakis, 1981; Shumaker & Taylor, 1983). These be-
gin to provide the specicity to capture the varie-
gated tapestry of community ties. In developing a
facet approach to place analysis, Canter (1997) pro-
vides a related theoretical analysis which gives si-
milar emphasis to the multidimensionality of place
experiences. Many of these dierent dimensions,
moreover, converge in the concept of home as the
primary locale of identication and commitment.
But this too easily takes on a quasi-mystical sense,
neglecting its varied social, cultural, and psycholo-
gical meanings. Indeed, home may be a motor van, a
bicycle, a workplace or, most unhappily, a doorway
of a store at night or a public shelter. The signi-
cance of any ` home', however, in its positive and (la-
tent) negative components is that well into
adulthood, role behavior and role relationships are
linked to specic places, often with sociospatial
imagery from the past. Communal forms, however,
that capture the quality of home are most signi-
cant for those people for whom alternative options
are not readily available. Not only is this the case
of the low-income ethnic groups but for many other
subgroups, e.g. the elderly, women, ` racial' minori-
ties, who are either frozen in place or experience
discrimination and restricted benets.
There are many forms of social organization in
modern societies and communities which can pro-
vide some of the social network needs for those
who have a wider range of choices. Selective social
interaction is quite fundamental for most people.
But for many people, that kind of community is best
which is least communal, where impersonal friend-
liness among neighbors substitutes for friendship
and mutual help. The eects of local social interac-
tions are, thus, complex. Invariably important, they
reveal striking contrasts in the signicance of local
social relations. Some people love their neighbors
because they are so close; others love their neigh-
bors because they are distant.7
In an eort to understand more fully the struc-
ture and signicance of community satisfaction,
the same large community data set was subjected
to many intricate analyses (Fried, 1984). The exami-
nation of structure was based on factor analyses
using an iterative process to reduce the number of
 Continuities and Discontinuities of Place
derived indices and scales. Community satisfaction
is revealed as a complex, nonunitary construct. It
emerges, rather, as a coherent but dierentiated set
of community orientations with four distinctive
community satisfaction factors. These consist of:
(1) local residential satisfaction, primarily satisfac-
tion with the neighborhood and the dwelling unit;
(2) local convenience satisfaction, comprehensive sa-
tisfaction with the availability of local resources
and facilities; (3) local inter-personal satisfaction
based on neighbor relations; and (4) local political
satisfaction which includes both the delivery of ser-
vices and the responsiveness of government. The
same factor structure emerges in analyses disaggre-
gated by social class position, indicating the stabi-
lity of this structure. However, the analysis of
structure is only a rst step towards appreciating
the potential value of community satisfaction and,
thus, of community life.
The analysis of the signicance of community sa-
tisfaction, however, raises the question of ultimate
import, the contribution it makes to life experiences
more generally. Given this fairly stable and coherent
structure, how profoundly does community satisfac-
tion actually aect the lives of people? To estimate
this, we used a composite life satisfaction indicator
as the dependent variable in multiple regression
analyses to point up the eect of community satis-
faction on people's lives. We wanted to examine the
contribution of community satisfaction, both as dis-
crete components and as a composite, compared
with several of the major widely documented deter-
minants of life satisfaction, like marital role and
work role satisfactions. The focus was on the rela-
tive signicance of community satisfaction rather
than the precise explanatory value among a full ar-
ray of potential contributors.
As one might anticipate, marital satisfaction is
the single most potent variable accounting for life
satisfaction. However, the overall contribution of
community satisfaction to life satisfaction is quite
substantial, albeit greater at lower than at higher
status levels. There is a linear decline in the impor-
tance of the composite form of community satisfac-
tion for life satisfaction from the lowest social class
subgroup (where it accounts for almost 10% of the
variance) to the highest social class subgroup (with
only 2
7% of the adjusted variance accounted for by
the composite of community satisfactions). Indeed,
at all social class levels except the highest the com-
posite form of community satisfaction is stronger in
explaining life satisfaction than is work role satis-
faction. But, on the other hand, as we might sus-
pect, work role satisfaction itself is increasingly
201
prominent in accounting for life satisfaction with
each increase in social class position. And at all so-
cial class levels, local residential satisfaction as a
proxy for community attachment was by far the
strongest of the four community satisfaction factors
as an inuence on life satisfaction.
It is important to note a nding that looms across
these variations. Emphasizing the gross inequity in-
volved, despite the fact that community satisfaction
is more important for life satisfaction among these
lower social positions, the lowest levels of commu-
nity satisfaction are revealed by the lowest social
class.
Functions and dysfunctions of community attachment
These ndings across four decades with diverse
samples and approaches lead toward a dieren-
tiated and multifaceted conclusion. Residential and
community environments vary considerably from
one another and have very dierent meanings and
consequences for people dierently placed in the so-
cial system. While communal attributes of the resi-
dential environment are of relatively modest
importance for many people in middle and higher
social positions, they remain extremely signicant
for people at lower social class levels. More gener-
ally, discrimination, derogation, diminished oppor-
tunity, whether for ethnic minorities, women, the
elderly, or for those of lower social class levels, ac-
centuate the need for shared conditions like those
of community. But, while communal conditions have
a dierent meaning and entail dierent structural
conditions for people of higher status, the desire
for community is far from irrelevant for many peo-
ple at higher social class levels. Indeed even in the
most advanced, contemporary societies there is a
certain yearning for a fantasied paradise lost which
eventuates in eorts to romanticize the past. Rarely
do we nd instances where community life conforms
to the romantic image of a semi-rural, blissful pat-
tern of stable, conict-free cooperation. It requires
little speculation to recognize that this is an exter-
nalization and expansion of a personal past, known
or unknown, a retrospective dream impelled by the
conicted and stressful lives people lead, conicted
internally and in conict with other people and con-
ditions. Concepts like community attachment and
spatial identity are sometimes meant to epitomize
the realization of such a communal ideal. Indeed,
less romantically, stable community attachments
within a fairly homogeneous community appeal to
many for reasons of security when the world seems
too precarious and discontinuities make it more so.
202 M. Fried
But place attachments which become intense and
exclusive can preclude all alternatives or even infor-
mation about alternative future potentials. Thus,
they negate the dialectic interplay between chan-
ging needs, desires, conditions, and overt transi-
tions. These become dysfunctional when adaptation
to new growth opportunities or possibilities of
greater gratication in personal or community life
are renounced.
The most familiar form of such failures to adapt
to discontinuities occurs when new conditions arise
with expanded options: increased incomes, new job
opportunities, a wider range of residential and
inter-personal choices, and personal maturation.
Despite these discontinuities that allow for indepen-
dent grappling with choices, many people remain
addicted to encompassing forms of continuity which
readily become deleterious. They cling to commu-
nity attachments that remain meaningful albeit lim-
iting, since they no longer require them for stability
in the transition from more limited resources to a
wider world.8
The dysfunctional aspect of place attachments be-
comes even more patent when the desire to cling to
the fragments of a home which has been physically
or socially destroyed persists against all possibility
of living there again. Numerous reports reveal how
place attachments can become thoroughly dysfunc-
tional: e.g. people have returned to stay in buildings
that have been bombed out by German missiles in
England during World War II; or the evidence that
many German Jews who had migrated to the United
States were willing to return to Germany if only
they could do so and nd jobs; or even the continued
visits to watch the destruction of the buildings in
the West End redevelopment despite the excruciat-
ing pain entailed (see References).
Modern societies, with a plethora of means of
communication, transaction, and transportation,
allow for a wide range of potential sources of sup-
port, interaction, networking, and commitment in
informal or formal collectivities, conditions that fa-
cilitate transitions even across discontinuities. This
too varies considerably and is less easily available
for those with the least adequate economic and so-
cial resources. Potentials for conict loom in every
environment in the face of competition and drastic
inequalities. Attachments which link people to
places and, thereby, to one another are extremely
valuable. But such intense aliations also readily
produce inter-ethnic, regional, and national con-
icts, an observation that Leanne Rivlin (1994,
1995) has noted. At the community level, conict
for shared spaces arises readily as in the recent re-
crudescence of immigrant^host battles throughout
the West. While these may be initiated and carried
out by right-wing extremistsneo-Naziis, skin
heads, bully boys, regional or subethnic tribal
groupsthey are the symptomatic expression of far
deeper social and territorial strains. Most powerful
inter-group hostilities occur when authoritarian
controls, which have maintained a precarious peace
between distinctive subgroups who share a common
space, are overthrown. Place attachment can lead to
extreme commitment to culturally-identied terri-
tories involving massive, hostile eorts at hegemo-
nic control. We need only think of the republics of
the former Soviet Union, of the former Yugoslavia,
of Rwanda, and of Somalia, of the alternating geno-
cidal struggles between Hutus and Tutis, and the
raging conicts in Indonesia to become painfully
cognizant of its tragic potentials. Environmental
psychology has paid too little attention to these lar-
ger issues and the problems of power and authority
in the social, cultural, and geographic environment.
A roundtable discussion of nationalism, of parti-
cularism and universalism focuses entirely on
inter-ethnic struggles and authoritarian oppression
(Tikkun, 1992). One discussant commented: ` the
surge of particularist politics is an explosion of ag-
gressiveness, rage, and liberation from the supere-
go', from the autocratic powers that fed these
antagonisms while keeping their overt expression
in check. Ethnic particularisms alone cannot ac-
count for the fury and the bloodshed, although ear-
lier eorts by colonial or military powers often have
created some of the ercest antagonisms between
ethnic or pseudo-ethnic groups. An issue of Cultur-
al Survival Quarterly (Summer/Fall, 1994) discusses
several instances of population manipulations and
their territorial implications. The additional forces
of economic strain and the demise of oppressive,
autocratic, and punitive controls (the release of
superego strictures), the violent, savage and often
deadly struggles provide a more nearly adequate ex-
planation. The multifacted conditions of dysfunc-
tional behavior lack only the territorial meaning,
the desperate attachment to a spatial and social
community that symbolizes the deepest and most
primitive desires for clinging and embodiment. But
the contrasting and particularist group identities,
supplemented by all the oppressive conditions of
past and present, embody territorial rivalries as
concrete targets for such murderous ethnic hatreds.
In the absence of a more universalist identity and
free from some of the more extreme autocratic
oppressions of the recent past, the conuence of
these forces and attachments creates conditions of
 Continuities and Discontinuities of Place
unexpected discontinuities, produces the explosive
and paroxsysmal destruction of places and peoples.
These are the pathologies of community attach-
ment, the inability to resolve successfully and uti-
lize productively the inevitable discontinuities of
social and political events. These are disorders of
territorial attachment. While they are engendered
by externally imposed transitions and the conver-
gence of many economic, social, and historical
forces, they so often result in the displacement of
these dynamic forces on to territorial identities.
Such pathologies are contagious within the collectiv-
ity and entail territorial competition, warfare, tribal
conict, mass murder, even genocide. For decades at
least, growth, development, and universalist trends
are bound to be postponed, if not wholly negated.
Such vastly destructive territorially-conceived
hostilities are ordinarily geographically contained,
although they may be prolonged. Larger, more en-
compassing conagrations extend beyond territorial
limitations although they may seize upon ethnic ha-
treds as in the Holocaust or the Armenian mas-
sacres, or on contrasting political extremes as in
the Spanish Civil War and more recent Latin
American conicts. But even in these instances,
underlying territorial attachments help to engender
powerful motivations to exterminate an enemy who
is viewed as intrusive, as alien and therefore as a
threat to the integrity of the territorial community.
Under more stable conditions, especially in indus-
trial societies, the normal range of the continuities
of territorial attachments is more modest and more
exible. There remain problems, of course, because
of the precarious life situations of people who have
few resources, feel alienated from the larger society,
and need the security of close-knit networks in a
bounded community. Because of vast economic and
social inequalities, the availability of such commu-
nities is itself a highly functional if unfortunate as-
pect of inegalitarian societies. And the ability to
locate oneself and integrate within such a commu-
nity is functional for the individual, in a personal
sense. It can become dysfunctional if it obviates
change and transition when these become either ne-
cessary or desirable. Much of the history of poor
peoples, throughout the urban world, pose this kind
of double dilemma: barriers to incorporation within
the transitional society and, once incorporated, bar-
riers to movement out of such security into a less
certain environment with more alternatives and,
consequently, greater ambiguity. But a restless de-
sire for some form of community, modest though it
may be and despite the many strains it can entail,
is quite widespread even among people in higher so-
203
cial positions in modern societies. Societal and com-
munity planning have yet to learn from the
community attachments of low-income ethnic envir-
onments how a modicum of communality can be
transposed into more exible and less obligatory so-
cial and community forms to meet the overt and la-
tent wishes of a wider population.
Notes
This paper is a revised version of a paper presented at the
23rd International Congress of Applied Psychology in
Madrid, July 1994, Tommy Garling and Juan Ignacio
Aragones, Chairpersons.
(1) The mental health implications of such displacements
have recently been reviewed by Fuillilove (1996).
(2) Stokols et al. (1983) had previously shown that, even gi-
ven more modest relocations, health problems were more
frequent among high-mobility persons. See also Brown
and Perkins (1992).
(3) David Canter's (1998) editorial gives a ne overview of
subsequent transitions in environmental studies.
(4) See the summary of some of these materials in Brown
and Perkins (1992).
(5) Cheuk Fan Ng (1998) traces the developmental incor-
poration of new immigrants in Canada. Hays (1998) views
the integrity of place attachment as a multidimensional
development among the Maori.
(6) Bernard and Levy-Leboyer's paper (1993) on residential
satisfaction, unfortunately, obscures the determinants of
residential satisfaction by its failure to recognize the in-
direct inuences on social class.
(7) Marans and Rodgers (1975) and Janowitz and Kasarda
(1974) confound this issue in asserting the strength of po-
sitive social relationships in community attitudes. The
variable Marans and Rodgers employed, the generic im-
portance of neighbors, could imply distaste as well as
pleasure. Janowitz and Kasarda distort their analysis of
the importance of local groups in excluding essential resi-
dential and community variables related to local satisfac-
tion.
(8) A congruent personality attribute is seen in the resis-
tance many people have, a defensive retreat from develop-
mental achievements which promise gains at the cost of
psychological struggle.
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