Jallianwala Bagh massacre 1

Jallianwala Bagh massacre

Jallianwala Bagh Massacre

Narrow passage to Jallianwala Bagh Garden through which the shooting was conducted.

Location of Amritsar in India

Location Amritsar, India

Coordinates 313714N 745249E

Date 13 April 1919

5:30 pm (UTC+5:30)

Target Hindu, Muslim and Sikh religious and political gathering

Attack type massacre

Weapon(s) Rifles

Deaths 379-1,000

Injured 500-1,100

Perpetrators British Indian Army unit under the command of Brigadier-General Reginald Dyer

Number of participants 50

The Jallianwala Bagh massacre (also known as the Amritsar massacre), took place in the Jallianwala Bagh public
garden in the northern Indian city of Amritsar on 13 April 1919. The shooting that took place was ordered by
Brigadier-General Reginald E.H. Dyer.
On Sunday 13 April 1919, Dyer was convinced of a major insurrection and thus he banned all meetings. On hearing
that a meeting of 15,000 to 20,000 people including women, senior citizens and children had assembled at
Jallianwala Bagh, Dyer went with fifty riflemen to a raised bank and ordered them to shoot at the crowd. Dyer kept
the firing up till the ammunition supply was almost exhausted for about ten minutes with approximately 1,650
Jallianwala Bagh massacre 2

rounds fired.[1] Official Government of India sources estimated that the fatalities were 379, with 1,100 wounded. The
casualty number estimated by Indian National Congress was more than 1,500, with approximately 1,000 dead.[2]
Dyer was removed from duty and forced to retire. He became a celebrated hero in Britain among people with
connections to the British Raj.[3] The massacre caused a reevaluation of the Army's role in which the new policy
became minimum force, and the Army was retrained and developed suitable tactics such as crowd control.[4]
Historians considered the episode as a decisive step towards the end of British rule in India.[5]

Background

India during World War I

During World War I, British India contributed to the British war effort by providing men and resources. About 1.25
million Indian soldiers and labourers served in Europe, Africa, and the Middle East, while both the Indian
administration and the princes sent large supplies of food, money, and ammunition. However, Bengal and Punjab
remained sources of anticolonial activities. Revolutionary attacks in Bengal, associated increasingly with
disturbances in Punjab, were significant enough to nearly paralyse the regional administration.[6][7]

After the war

In the aftermath of World War I, high casualty rates, increasing inflation compounded by heavy taxation, the deadly
1918 flu pandemic, and the disruption of trade during the war escalated human suffering in India. The costs of the
protracted war in both money and manpower were great. In India, long the "jewel in the crown" of the British
Empire, Indians were restless for independence. More than 43,000 Indian soldiers had died fighting for Britain.
Indian soldiers smuggled arms into India to fight British rule. The pre-war Indian nationalist sentiment revived as
moderate and extremist groups of the Indian National Congress ended their differences in order to unify. In 1916, the
Congress succeeded in establishing the Lucknow Pact, a temporary alliance with the All-India Muslim League.

Prelude to the massacre

The Jallianwalla Bagh in 1919, months after the
massacre.
an economic depression in India.[9]
Ever since the Rebellion of 1857 British officials in India lived in fear
of native conspiracies and revolts; they warned each other that the
natives were most suspicious when they seemed superficially
innocent.[8] Investigators at the time and historians since have found no
conspiratorial links whatever to the events in Amritsar, but the British
fears animated their responsesGeneral Dyer believed a violent
thrashing would dampen conspiraciesand afterwards he was hailed
in Britain for having preempted a terrorist attack. The events that
ensued from the passage of the Rowlatt Act in 1919 were also
influenced by activities associated with the Ghadar conspiracy. British
Indian Army troops were returning from Europe and Mesopotamia to

The attempts at mutiny during 1915 and the Lahore conspiracy trials were still causing fear among the British.
Rumours of young Mohajirs who fought on behalf of the Turkish Caliphate, and later, in the ranks of the Red Army
during the Russian Civil War, were circulated in Army circles. The Russian Revolution had also begun to influence
Indians.[10] Ominously for the British, in 1919, the third Anglo-Afghan war began and in India, Gandhi's call for
protest against the Rowlatt act achieved an unprecedented response of furious unrest and protests. The situation
especially in Punjab was deteriorating rapidly, with disruptions of rail, telegraph and communication systems.
Jallianwala Bagh massacre 3

Revolt was in the air, many Army officers believed, and they prepared for the worst. In Amritsar, more than 15,000
people gathered at Jallianwala Bagh. This situation deteriorated perceptibly during the next few days. Michael
O'Dwyer is said to have believed that these were the early and ill-concealed signs of a conspiracy for a coordinated
revolt around May, at a time when British troops would have withdrawn to the hills for the summer. The Amritsar
massacre, as well as responses preceding and succeeding it, contrary to being an isolated incident, was the end result
of a concerted plan of response from the Punjab administration to suppress such a conspiracy.[11] James
Houssemayne Du Boulay is said to have ascribed a direct relationship between the fear of a Ghadarite uprising in the
midst of an increasingly tense situation in Punjab, and the British response that ended in the massacre.[12]
On April 10, 1919, there was a protest at the residence of the Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar, a city in Punjab, a
large province in the northwestern part of India. The demonstration was to demand the release of two popular leaders
of the Indian Independence Movement, Satya Pal and Saifuddin Kitchlew, who had been earlier arrested by the
government and removed to a secret location. Both were proponents of the Satyagraha movement led by Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi. The crowd was shot at by a military picket, killing several protesters. The shooting set off a
series of violent events. Later the same day, several banks and other government buildings, including the Town Hall
and the railway station, were attacked and set afire. The violence continued to escalate, culminating in the deaths of
at least five Europeans, including government employees and civilians. There was retaliatory shooting at crowds
from the military several times during the day, and between eight and twenty people were killed.
For the next two days, the city of Amritsar was quiet, but violence continued in other parts of the Punjab. Railway
lines were cut, telegraph posts destroyed, and government buildings burnt. Three Europeans were murdered. By
April 13, the British government had decided to put most of the Punjab under martial law. The legislation restricted a
number of civil liberties, including freedom of assembly. Gatherings of more than four people were banned.[13]

The massacre
On April 13, the traditional festival of Vaisakhi, thousands of Sikhs,
Muslims and Hindus gathered in the Jallianwala Bagh (garden) near
the Harmandir Sahib in Amritsar.
An hour after the meeting began as scheduled at 4:30 pm,
Brigadier-General Reginald Dyer came along with a group of
sixty-five Gurkha and twenty-five Baluchi soldiers into the Bagh. Fifty
of them were armed with rifles. Dyer had also brought two armoured
cars armed with machine guns; however, the vehicles were left outside,
as they were unable to enter the Bagh through the narrow entrance. The
Jallianwala Bagh was surrounded on all sides by houses and buildings
and had few narrow entrances. Most of them were kept permanently
locked. The main entrance was relatively wide, but was guarded by the
troops backed by the armoured vehicles.

General Dyer--without warning the crowd to disperse--blocked the

main exits. He explained later that this act "was not to disperse the "The Martyrs' Well" at Jallianwala Bagh.
[14]
meeting but to punish the Indians for disobedience." Dyer ordered
his troops to begin shooting toward the densest sections of the crowd (including women and children). Firing
continued for approximately ten minutes. Cease-fire was ordered only when ammunition supplies were almost
exhausted, after approximately 1,650 rounds were spent.[15]

Many people died in stampedes at the narrow gates or by jumping into the solitary well on the compound to escape
the shooting. A plaque in the monument at the site, set up after independence, says that 120 bodies were pulled out
of the well. The wounded could not be moved from where they had fallen, as a curfew was declared; and many more
Jallianwala Bagh massacre 4

died during the night.

The number of deaths caused by the shooting is disputed. While the official figure given by the British inquiry into
the massacre is 379 deaths, the method used by the inquiry has been subject to criticism. In July 1919, three months
after the massacre, officials were tasked with finding who had been killed by inviting inhabitants of the city to
volunteer information about those who had died.[16] This information was incomplete due to fear that those who
participated would be identified as having been present at the meeting, and some of the dead may not have had close
relations in the area.[17] Additionally, a senior civil servant in the Punjab interviewed by the members of the
committee admitted that the actual figure could be higher.[18]
Since the official figures were probably flawed regarding the size of the crowd (15,00020,000), the number of
rounds shot and the period of shooting, the politically interested Indian National Congress instituted a separate
inquiry of its own, with conclusions that differed considerably from the Government's inquiry. The casualty number
quoted by the Congress was more than 1,500, with approximately 1,000 being killed.[19] The Government tried to
suppress information of the massacre, but news spread in India and widespread outrage ensued. Yet, the details of
the massacre did not become known in Britain until December 1919.

Aftermath

Tagore's response
Rabindranath Tagore received the news of the massacre by 22 May 1919. He tried to arrange a protest meeting in
Calcutta and finally deciding to renounce his knighthood as "a symbolic act of protest".[20]
In the repudiation letter, dated 30 May 1919 and addressed to the Viceroy, Lord Chelmsford, he wrote

I ... wish to stand, shorn, of all special distinctions, by the side of those of my countrymen who, for their so called insignificance, are liable to
suffer degradation not fit for human beings

[21]

Gupta describes the letter Tagore wrote as "historic". He writes that Tagore "renounced his knighthood in protest
against the inhuman cruelty of the British Government to the people of Punjab", and he quotes Tagore's letter to the
Viceroy

The enormity of the measures taken by the Government in the Punjab for quelling some local disturbances has, with a rude shock, revealed to
our minds the helplessness of our position as British subjects in India ... [T]he very least that I can do for my country is to take all
consequences upon myself in giving voice to the protest of the millions of my countrymen, surprised into a dumb anguish of terror. The time
has come when badges of honour make our shame glaring in the incongruous context of humiliation...
[22]
English Writings Of Rabindranath Tagore Miscellaneous Writings Vol# 8 carries a facsimile of this hand written
letter.[23]

British responses
General Dyer reported to his superiors that he had been "confronted by a revolutionary army".
British reaction was mixed. Both Churchill and Asquith openly condemned the attack, Churchill referring to it as
"Monstrous", while Asquith called it "One of the worst outrages in the whole of our history".[24] In a telegram sent to
Dyer, British Lieutenant-Governor of Punjab, Michael O'Dwyer wrote: "Your action is correct and the Lieutenant
Governor approves."[25]
O'Dwyer requested that martial law should be imposed upon Amritsar and other areas. This was granted by the
Viceroy, Lord Chelmsford, after the massacre. The "crawling order" posted by Dyer on 19 April, under the martial
law, was rescinded by O'Dwyer on the 25th.[26][27]
Jallianwala Bagh massacre 5

The Hunter Commission

On 14 October 1919, after orders issued by the Secretary of State for India, Edwin Montagu, the Government of
India announced the formation of a committee of inquiry into the events in Punjab. Referred to as the Disorders
Inquiry Committee, it was later more widely known as the Hunter Commission. It was named after the name of
chairman, Lord William Hunter, former Solicitor-General for Scotland and Senator of the College of Justice in
Scotland. The stated purpose of the commission was to "investigate the recent disturbances in Bombay, Delhi and
Punjab, about their causes, and the measures taken to cope with them".[28] The members of the commission were:
Lord Hunter, Chairman of the Commission
Mr Justice George C. Rankin of Calcutta
Sir Chimanlal Harilal Setalvad, Vice-Chancellor of Bombay University and advocate of the Bombay High Court
Mr W.F. Rice, member of the Home Department
Major-General Sir George Barrow, KCB, KCMG, GOC Peshawar Division
Pandit Jagat Narayan, lawyer and Member of the Legislative Council of the United Provinces
Mr. Thomas Smith, Member of the Legislative Council of the United Provinces
Sardar Sahibzada Sultan Ahmad Khan, lawyer from Gwalior State
Mr H.C. Stokes, Secretary of the Commission and member of the Home Department
[28]

After meeting in New Delhi on 29 October, the Commission took statements from witnesses over the following
weeks. Witnesses were called in Delhi, Ahmedabad, Bombay and Lahore. Although the Commission as such was not
a formally constituted court of law, meaning witnesses were not subject to questioning under oath, its members
managed to elicit detailed accounts and statements from witnesses by rigorous cross-questioning. In general, it was
felt the Commission had been very thorough in its enquiries. [28] After reaching Lahore in November, the
Commission wound up its initial inquiries by examining the principal witnesses to the events in Amritsar.
On 19 November, Dyer was called to appear before the Commission. Although his military superiors had suggested
he be represented by legal counsel at the inquiry, Dyer refused this suggestion and appeared alone. [28] Initially
questioned by Lord Hunter, Dyer stated he had come to know about the meeting at the Jallianwala Bagh at 12:40
hours that day but did not attempt to prevent it. He stated that he had gone to the Bagh with the deliberate intention
of opening fire if he found a crowd assembled there. Patterson says Dyer explained his sense of honour to the Hunter
Commission by saying, "I think it quite possible that I could have dispersed the crowd without firing but they would
have come back again and laughed, and I would have made, what I consider, a fool of myself."[29] Dyer further
reiterated his belief that the crowd in the Bagh was one of "rebels who were trying to isolate my forces and cut me
off from other supplies. Therefore, I considered it my duty to fire on them and to fire well".[28]
After Mr. Justice Rankin had questioned Dyer, Sir Chimanlal Setalvad followed, asking Dyer if
"supposing the passage was sufficient to allow the armoured cars to go in, would you have opened fire with the
machine guns?"
"I think probably, yes."
"In that case, the casualties would have been much higher?"
"Yes." [28]
Dyer further stated that his intentions had been to strike terror throughout the Punjab and in doing so, reduce the
moral stature of the "rebels". He said he did not stop the shooting when the crowd began to disperse because he
thought it was his duty to keep shooting until the crowd dispersed, and that a little shooting would not do any good.
In fact he continued the shooting until the ammunition was almost exhausted.[30] He stated that he did not make any
effort to tend to the wounded after the shooting: "Certainly not. It was not my job. Hospitals were open and they
could have gone there."[31]
Jallianwala Bagh massacre 6

Exhausted from the rigorous cross-examination questioning and ill, Dyer was then released. Over the next several
months, while the Commission wrote its final report, the British press, as well as many MPs, turned hostile towards
Dyer as the extent of the massacre and his statements at the inquiry became widely known.[28] Lord Chelmsford
refused to comment until the Commission had been wound up. In the meanwhile, Dyer, seriously ill with jaundice
and arteriosclerosis, was hospitalised.[28]
Although the members of the Commission had been divided by racial tensions following Dyer's statement, and
though the Indian members had written a separate, minority report, the final report, comprising six volumes of
evidence and released on 8 March 1920, unanimously condemned Dyer's actions.[28] In "continuing firing as long as
he did, it appears to us that General Dyer committed a grave error."[32] Dissenting members argued that the martial
law regime's use of force was wholly unjustified. "General Dyer thought he had crushed the rebellion and Sir
Michael O'Dwyer was of the same view," they wrote, "(but) there was no rebellion which required to be crushed."
The report concluded that:
Lack of notice to disperse from the Bagh in the beginning was an error
The length of firing showed a grave error
Dyer's motive of producing a sufficient moral effect was to be condemned
Dyer had overstepped the bounds of his authority
There had not been any conspiracy to overthrow British rule in the Punjab
The minority report of the Indian members further added that:
Proclamations banning public meetings were insufficiently distributed
There were innocent people in the crowd, and there had not been any violence in the Bagh beforehand
Dyer should have either ordered his troops to help the wounded or instructed the civil authorities to do so
Dyer's actions had been "inhuman and un-British" and had greatly injured the image of British rule in India.
The Hunter Commission did not impose any penal or disciplinary action because Dyer's actions were condoned by
various superiors (later upheld by the Army Council).[33] The Legal and Home Members on the Viceroy's Council
ultimately decided that, though Dyer had acted in a callous and brutal way, military or legal prosecution would not
be possible due to political reasons. However, he was finally found guilty of a mistaken notion of duty and relieved
of his command on 23 March. He had been recommended for a CBE as a result of his service in the Third Afghan
War; this recommendation was cancelled on 29 March 1920.

Demonstration at Gujranwala
Two days later on April 15, demonstrations occurred in Gujranwala protesting the killings at Amritsar. Police and
aircraft were used against the demonstrators, resulting in 12 deaths and 27 injuries. The Officer Commanding the
Royal Air Force in India, Brigadier General N D K MacEwen stated later that:

I think we can fairly claim to have been of great use in the late riots, particularly at Gujranwala, where the crowd when looking at its nastiest
was absolutely dispersed by a machine using bombs and Lewis guns.

[34]
Jallianwala Bagh massacre 7

Monument and legacy

A trust was founded in 1920 to build a memorial at the site after a
resolution was passed by the Indian National Congress. In 1923, the
trust purchased land for the project. A memorial, designed by
American architect Benjamin Polk, was built on the site and
inaugurated by the President of India, Dr. Rajendra Prasad on April 13,
1961, in the presence of Jawaharlal Nehru and other leaders. A flame
was later added to the site.

The bullet holes were seen on the walls and adjoining buildings to that
day. The well into which many people jumped and drowned attempting
to save themselves from the bullets is also a protected monument
inside the park.

Formation of the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabandhak

Committee
Shortly following the massacre, the official Sikh clergy of the Golden Jallianwala Bagh memorial
Temple conferred upon General Dyer the Saropa (the mark of
distinguished service to the Sikh faith or, in general, humanity),
sending shock waves among the Sikh community.[35] On October 12
1920, students and faculty of the Amritsar Khalsa College called a
meeting to demand the immediate removal of the Gurudwaras from the
control of Mahants. The result was the formation of the Shiromani
Gurudwara Prabhandak Committee on November 15, 1920 to manage
and to implement reforms in Sikh shrines.[36]

Artistic portrayals
Entrance to the present-day Jallianwala Bagh.
1981: Salman Rushdie's novel Midnight's Children portrays the
massacre from the perspective of a doctor in the crowd, saved from
the gunfire by a well timed sneeze.
1982: The massacre is depicted in Richard Attenborough's film
Gandhi with the role of General Dyer played by Edward Fox. The
film depicts most of the details of the massacre as well as the
subsequent inquiry by the Montague commission.
1984: The story of the massacre also occurs in the 7th episode of
Granada TV's 1984 series The Jewel in the Crown, recounted by the
fictional widow of a British officer who is haunted by the
inhumanity of it and who tells how she came to be reviled because
she defied the honouring of Dyer and instead donated money to the
Indian victims. Bullet marks, visible on a preserved wall, at
present-day Jallianwala Bagh.
2002: In the Hindi movie The Legend of Bhagat Singh directed by
Rajkumar Santoshi, the massacre is reconstructed with the child
Bhagat Singh as a witness, eventually inspiring him to become a revolutionary in the Indian independence
movement.
2006: Portions of the Hindi movie Rang De Basanti nonlinearly depict the massacre and the influence it had on
the freedom fighters.
Jallianwala Bagh massacre 8

Regret
Although Queen Elizabeth II had not made any comments on the incident during her state visits later 1961 and 1983,
she spoke about the events at a state banquet in India on October 13, 1997:[37]

It is no secret that there have been some difficult episodes in our past Jallianwala Bagh, which I shall visit tomorrow, is a distressing
example. But history cannot be rewritten, however much we might sometimes wish otherwise. It has its moments of sadness, as well as
gladness. We must learn from the sadness and build on the gladness.
[37]

On October 14, 1997 Queen Elizabeth II visited Jallianwala Bagh and paid her respects with a 30second moment of
silence. During the visit, she wore a dress of a colour described as pink apricot or saffron, which was of religious
significance to Hindus and Sikhs.[37] She removed her shoes while visiting the monument and laid a wreath at the
monument.[37]
While some Indians welcomed the expression of regret and sadness in the Queen's statement, others criticised it for
being less than an apology.[37] The then-Prime Minister of India Inder Kumar Gujral defended the Queen, stating
that the Queen herself had played no part in the events and should not be required to apologise.[37]

Assassination of Michael O'Dwyer

On March 13, 1940, at Caxton Hall in London, Udham Singh, an
Indian independence activist from Sunam who had witnessed the
events in Amritsar and was himself wounded, shot and killed Michael
O'Dwyer, the British Lieutenant-Governor of Punjab at the time of the
massacre, who had approved Dyer's action and was believed to be the
main planner. (Dyer himself had died in 1927.)

The action by Singh was condemned generally, but some press, like
nationalist newspaper Amrita Bazar Patrika, also made positive
statements. The common people and revolutionaries glorified the
action of Udham Singh. Much of the press worldwide recalled the
story of Jallianwala Bagh and alleged Michael O'Dwyer to have been
responsible for the massacre. Singh was termed a "fighter for freedom"
and his action was referred to in The Times newspaper as "an
Wide view of Jallianwala Bagh memorial
expression of the pent-up fury of the down-trodden Indian People".[38]
In Fascist countries, the incident was used for anti-British propaganda:
Bergeret, published in large scale from Rome at that time, while
commenting upon the Caxton Hall assassination, ascribed the greatest
significance to the circumstance and praised the action of Udham
Singh as courageous.[39] The Berliner Brsen Zeitung termed the event
"The torch of Indian freedom". German radio reportedly broadcast:
"The cry of tormented people spoke with shots."

At a public meeting in Kanpur, a spokesman had stated that "at last an

insult and humiliation of the nation had been avenged". Similar
sentiments were expressed in numerous other places countrywide.[40]
Fortnightly reports of the political situation in Bihar mentioned: "It is
true that we had no love lost for Sir Michael. The indignities he heaped
upon our countrymen in Punjab have not been forgotten." In its March
Michael O'Dwyer ca. 1912
Jallianwala Bagh massacre 9

18, 1940 issue, Amrita Bazar Patrika wrote: "O'Dwyer's name is connected with Punjab incidents which India will
never forget." The New Statesman observed: "British conservativism has not discovered how to deal with Ireland
after two centuries of rule. Similar comment may be made on British rule in India. Will the historians of the future
have to record that it was not the Nazis but the British ruling class which destroyed the British Empire?" Singh had
told the court at his trial:

I did it because I had a grudge against him. He deserved it. He was the real culprit. He wanted to crush the spirit of my people, so I have
crushed him. For full 21 years, I have been trying to wreak vengeance. I am happy that I have done the job. I am not scared of death. I am
dying for my country. I have seen my people starving in India under the British rule. I have protested against this, it was my duty. What a
greater honour could be bestowed on me than death for the sake of my motherland?
[41]

Singh was hanged for the murder on July 31, 1940. At that time, many, including Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma
Gandhi, condemned the action of Udham as senseless but courageous. In 1952, Nehru (by then, Prime Minister)
honoured Udham Singh with the following statement which had appeared in the daily Partap:

I salute Shaheed-i-Azam Udham Singh with reverence who had kissed the noose so that we may be free." Soon after this recognition by the
Prime Minister, Udham Singh received the title of Shaheed, a name given to someone who has attained martyrdom or done something heroic
on behalf of their country or religion.
References
[1] Collett, The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer pp 266,337
[2] Brian Lapping, End of Empire, p. 38, 1985
[3] Derek Sayer, "British Reaction to the Amritsar Massacre 1919-1920," Past & Present, May 1991, Issue 131, pp 130-164
[4] Srinath Raghaven, "Protecting the Raj: The Army in India and Internal Security, c . 191939," Small Wars and Insurgencies, (Fall 2005),
16#3 pp 253-279 online (http:/ / www. tandfonline. com/ doi/ abs/ 10. 1080/ 09592310500220528)
[5] Brain Bond, "Amritsar 1919," History Today, Sept 1963, Vol. 13 Issue 10, pp 666-676
[6] Gupta 1997, p.12
[7] Popplewell 1995, p.201
[8] Steven Patterson, "The Imperial Idea: Ideas of Honor in British India," Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History (2007) 8:1
[9] Sarkar 1983, pp.169172,176
[10] Sarkar 1983, p.177
[11] Cell 2002, p.67
[12] Brown 1973, p.523
[13] Townshend, Britains Civil Wars. p137
[14] Collett, The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer p 255-58
[15] Collett, The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer pp 266,337
[16] Hunter Report, p116-117.
[17] Nigel Collett (2007), The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer, Hambledon and London, p.263
[18] Hunter Report, p117
[19] "Amritsar Massacre ninemsn Encarta" (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 5kwriIrvt). Archived from the original (http:/ / au. encarta. msn.
com/ encyclopedia_761579959/ amritsar_massacre. html) on 2009-10-31. .
[20] Rabindranath Tagore; Sisir Kumar Das (January 1996). A miscellany (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=EZOu04e1bNQC&
pg=PA982). Sahitya Akademi. pp.982. ISBN978-81-260-0094-4. . Retrieved 17 February 2012.
[21] "Tagore renounced his Knighthood in protest for Jalianwalla Bagh mass killing" (http:/ / articles. timesofindia. indiatimes. com/ 2011-04-13/
india/ 29413338_1_knighthood-protest-honour) (in English). The Times of India (Mumbai: Bennett, Coleman & Co. Ltd.). 2011-04-13. .
Retrieved 17 February 2012.
[22] Kalyan Sen Gupta (2005). The philosophy of Rabindranath Tagore (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=B15fqPp2BSwC& pg=PA3).
Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.. pp.3. ISBN978-0-7546-3036-4. . Retrieved 17 February 2012.
[23] Rabindranath Tagore; Introduction By Mohit K. Ray (1 January 2007). English Writings Of Rabindranath TagoreMiscellaneous Writings
Vol# 8 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=KmurjO7AQ1sC& pg=PA1021). Atlantic Publishers & Dist. pp.1021.
ISBN978-81-269-0761-8. . Retrieved 17 February 2012.
[24] Derek Sayer, "British Reaction to the Amritsar Massacre 1919-1920," Past & Present, May 1991, Issue 131, p.131
[25] Nigel Collett, The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer (2006) p. 267
[26] Derek Sayer, "British Reaction to the Amritsar Massacre 1919-1920," Past & Present, May 1991, Issue 131, p.142
Jallianwala Bagh massacre 10

[27] Nigel Collett, The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer (2006) p. 372
[28] Collett, Nigel (2006). The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer. Continuum International Publishing Group. pp.333-334.
ISBN1-85285-575-4, 9781852855758.
[29] Steven Patterson, The cult of imperial honor in British India (2009) P. 67
[30] Nick Lloyd, The Amritsar Massacre: The Untold Story of One Fateful Day (2011) p. 157
[31] Collett, The Butcher of Amritsar p. 337
[32] Cyril Henry Philips, "The evolution of India and Pakistan, 1858 to 1947: select documents" p.214. Oxford University Press, 1962
[33] Winston Churchill (8 July 1920), Winston Churchill's speech in the House of Commons (http:/ / lachlan. bluehaze. com. au/ churchill/
amritsar. htm), Retrieved on 14 Sep 2010.
[34] Royal Air Force Power Review (http:/ / www. raf. mod. uk/ rafcms/ mediafiles/ BC18F893_1143_EC82_2E16AC19F19FE2D2. pdf), 1,
spring 2008, , retrieved 24 October 2010.
[35] Ajit Singh Sarhadi, "Punjabi Suba: The Story of the Struggle", Kapur Printing Press, Delhi, 1970, p. 19
[36] Indian critiques of Gandhi Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=GGGudMuE4PIC& pg=PA173& dq=sgpc+ saropa+ general+
dyer#v=onepage& q=sgpc saropa general dyer& f=false), Books.google.com, 2003, ISBN978-0-7914-5910-2, , retrieved 2011-02-01
[37] "In India, Queen Bows Her Head Over a Massacre in 1919". New York Times. 1997-10-15.
[38] The Times, London, March 16, 1940
[39] Public and Judicial Department, File No L/P + J/7/3822, Caxton Hall outrage, India Office Library and Records, London, pp 1314
[40] Government of India, Home Department, Political File No 18/3/1940, National Archives of India, New Delhi, p40
[41] CRIM 1/1177, Public Record Office, London, p 64

Further reading
Brown, Emily (1973), (in Book Reviews; South Asia). The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 32, No. 3. (May, 1973),
pp. 522523, Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia, ISSN0030851X.
Cell, John W (2002), Hailey: A Study in British Imperialism, 18721969, Cambridge University Press,
ISBN0-521-52117-3.
Collett, Nigel. The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer (2006)
Draper, Alfred. The Amritsar Massacre: Twilight of the Raj (1985)
Gupta, Amit K (1997), Defying Death: Nationalist Revolutionism in India, 18971938.Social Scientist, Vol. 25,
No. 9/10. (Sep. Oct., 1997), pp. 327, Social Scientist, ISSN09700293.
Hopkirk, Peter (1997), Like Hidden Fire: The Plot to Bring Down the British Empire, Kodansha Globe,
ISBN1-56836-127-0.
Judd, Dennis. "The Amritsar Massacre of 1919: Gandhi, the Raj and the Growth of Indian Nationalism, 1915-39,"
in Judd, Empire: The British Imperial Experience from 1765 to the Present (Basic Books, 1996) pp 258- 72
online edition (http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=6969240)
Lloyd, Nick. The Amritsar Massacre: The Untold Story of One Fateful Day (2011)
Narain, Savita. The historiography of the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, 1919 (New Delhi, Spantech and Lancer,
1998) 76pp ISBN 1-897829-36-1
Popplewell, Richard J (1995), Intelligence and Imperial Defence: British Intelligence and the Defence of the
Indian Empire 19041924 (http://www.routledge.com/shopping_cart/products/product_detail.asp?sku=&
isbn=071464580X&parent_id=&pc=), Routledge, ISBN0-7146-4580-X.
Sarkar, B.K. (1921), Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 36, No. 1. (Mar., 1921), pp. 136138, The Acedemy of
Political Science, ISSN00323195.
Sarkar, Sumit (1983), Modern India, 18851947, Delhi:Macmillan, ISBN978-0-333-90425-1.
Swinson, Arthur. Six Minutes to Sunset: The Story of General Dyer and the Amritsar Affair (London: Peter
Davies, 1964)
Tinker, Hugh (1968), India in the First World War and after. Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 3, No. 4,
191819: From War to Peace. (Oct., 1968), pp. 89107, Sage Publications, ISSN00220094.
Jallianwala Bagh massacre 11

External links
An NPR interview (http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=6687085) with Bapu Shingara
Singh the last known surviving witness.
Churchill's speech (http://lachlan.bluehaze.com.au/churchill/amritsar.htm) after the incident.
Amritsar Massacre at Jallianwala Bagh (http://www.amritsar.com/Jallian Wala Bagh.shtml) Listen to the
Shaheed song of the Amritsar Massacre at Jallian Wala Bagh.
A description of the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre (http://kabira.freeservers.com/jallianwallabagh.html)
Amritsar Massacre as a turning point in the British Raj (http://www.britishempirehistory.com/pages/7.html)
Description and analysis of the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre.
Article Sources and Contributors 12

Article Sources and Contributors

Jallianwala Bagh massacre Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=519008074 Contributors: 6th Gurkha, 7mike5000, A.Ou, Aatomic1, Abutoum, Aim Here, Ajraddatz,
Alamandrax, Alexvincent2, AlfaPiKapa, Ali@gwc.org.uk, Alren, Amitoj911, Amritsar, Andre Engels, AndrewHowse, Anilkumarav, Anotherclown, Anthony Appleyard, AnthonySD, Anupam,
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Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors

File:Jalian Wala Bagh Memorial 311.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Jalian_Wala_Bagh_Memorial_311.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: PP Yoonus
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file:India location map.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:India_location_map.svg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Contributors: Uwe Dedering
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File:Red pog.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Red_pog.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: Anomie
File:Jallianwallah.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Jallianwallah.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Abhishekjoshi, Anne97432, Hermitage17, Herrick,
Patstuart, Roland zh
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File:Jallianwala Bagh Bullet Marks.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Jallianwala_Bagh_Bullet_Marks.JPG License: Public Domain Contributors: User:Vinoo202
File:Massacre memorial in Amritsar.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Massacre_memorial_in_Amritsar.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: ChristianBier,
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