DUMBARTON.

OAKS TEXTS

IV

THE LETTERS OF

MANU E L 11 PALAEOLOGUS
 CORPUS FONTIUM
HISTORIAE BYZANTINAE

CONSILIO SOCIETATIS INTERNATIONALIS

STUDIIS BYZANTINIS PROVEHENDIS DESTINATAE
EDITUM

VOLUMEN VIII

MANUELIS II. PALAEOLOGI

EPISTULAE

EDIDIT, ANGLICE VERTIT,

ET ADNOTAVIT
GEORGE T. DENNIS

SERIES WASHINGTONENSIS
EDIDIT IHOR 9EVCENKO

In aedibus Dumbarton Oaks

Washingtoniae, D.C.
MCMLXXVII
 THE LETTERS OF
MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS

TEXT, TRANSLATION, AND NOTES

by

GEORGE T. DENNIS

Dumbarton Oaks
Center for Byzantine Studies
Trustees for Harvard University
Washington, District of Columbia
1977
 All rights reserved by the
Trustees for Harvard University
The Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection
Washington, D.C.

In accordance with the rules adopted by the International Commission

for the Edition of Sources of Byzantine History,
the text and translation of this volume have been verified
by Ihor 9evicenko.

Distributed by
J. J. Augustin, Publisher
Locust Valley, New York 11560

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER 77-14898; ISBN 0-88402-068-1

PRINTED IN GERMANY AT J. J. AUGUSTIN, GLUCKSTADT
 FOREWORD
Ten years ago Fr. Raymond J. Loenertz suggested that I undertake
the task of editing and translating the Letters of Manuel II Palaeologus.
With the. aid of a grant from the John Simon Guggenheim Foundation, I was
able to begin preparing a critical edition of the text and organizing material
for a commentary. The project, particularly the .work of translating the
letters, proved more complicated than I had anticipated. Other problems,
not all of my making, also caused delays, with the result that this book
appears much later than I had hoped. Undoubtedly it is still imperfect, but
to attempt to remove all the imperfections would cause further postponement
of its publication. I should apologize, then, both for the delays and for the
imperfections.
Whilethe importance of Manuel's letters for studying the history of
Byzantium in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries has long been
recognized, relatively little use has been made of them. The basic reason for
this is that, as they stand, they are difficult to understand and to interpret.
An edition; therefore, of the Greek text without. a translation into a modern
language would be of limited use to scholars.
Two problems concerning the translation should be noted.. The first is
its accuracy in rendering the Greek original. In this regard I have done my
best and received valuable help from others. Manuel composed his letters in
a rhetorical Greek which is not always clear and at times seems deliberately
obscure. Some words and passages, after lengthy study, still admit of two
legitimate but different interpretations. Eventually though, only one can be
chosen. I have generally pointed out such difficulties or given alternate trans-
lations in the notes.
The second problem concerns the manner of translating the Emperor's
artificial Greek into readable, modern English. A literal translation would
have resulted frequently in meaningless phraseologies. Hopefully without
distorting the meaning, I have had to take some liberties with the Greek;
leaving out, for example, all sorts of transitional words. When a phrase
exactly translated made for an artificiality incompatible with the formal yet
conversational tone of the original, I have not hesitated to redo it as a writer
in English might have phrased it. At other times I have employed a more or
vi FOREWORD

less literal translation for certain passages which I think were meant to
sound pedantic or intended to be obscure or open to different interpretations.
In the course of this decade I have had reason to be grateful to many
people for their encouragement, assistance, or at least non-interference. First,
I would like to express my gratitude to the John Simon Guggenheim Foun-
dation for financial aid granted me in 1964-65 to begin research on this
book. My thanks are of course due to Fr. Raymond J. Loenertz, O.P., who,
despite serious illness and other preoccupations, always generously gave of
his time and advice. Thanks are due also to Fr. Joseph Gill, S.J., for his help
with the translation. I owe special thanks to Professor Ihor gev5enko of
Harvard University, who devoted far more time and energy in going over
the text and translation than his editorial duties required and whose sug-
gestions have made the work much more accurate than it would otherwise
have been. I am also much indebted to Professor Thomas West of the
Catholic University of America for generously going over the translation in
the final moments and helping to make it into readable English. I am grateful,
too, for the assistance and the suggestions of many others: the late Fr.
Vitalien Laurent, A.A., Fr. Jean Darrouzes, A.A., M. Charles Astrue of the
Bibliotheque Nationale, Professor Donald Nicol of the University of London,
Professor Erich Trapp of the University of Vienna, Professor Leendert G.
Westerink of the State University of New York at Buffalo, Professor Speros
Vryonis, Jr. of the University of California at Los Angeles. I am grateful for the
support and understanding of my colleagues at Loyola University of Los
Angeles and at the Catholic University of America, and in many ways, great
and small, to the staff at the Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies.
Whether the results of my efforts prove satisfactory will be disputed
by scholars. What I do here is present these results to provide further material
from which the reader can more easily and better understand the author. of
the letters, his friends, and the times in which they lived.

Washington, D. C. George T. Dennis, S.J.

27 June 1974,
624 years after the birth of Manuel Palaeologus
 TABLE OF CONTENTS
FOREWORD ....................................:.......... v

INTRODUCTION ........................................... xiii

PROSOPOGRAPHY ........................................ xxvii
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................ lxi
LIST OF SIGNS ............................................ lxiii

TRANSLATION and NOTES .................................. 2

TEXT ...................................................... 3

APPENDIX ................................................ 219

BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................... 228

INDICES
I. PROPER NAMES .................................... 232
II. TERMS and VOOASVLARY ............................. 235
III. CITATIONS ......................................... 241
IV. INCIPITS .......................................... 244

V. CHRONOLOGY ....................................... 245

VI. GENERAL ......................................... 246
DUMBARTON OAKS TEXTS

IV
 THE LETTERS OF
MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS
 INTRODUCTION
1. Manuel II Palaeologus, Emperor of the Romans
Manuel, the second son of Emperor John V Palaeologus and Helena
Cantacuzena, was born in Constantinople on 27 June 1350.1 At the age of
five he bore the title of despot and was already being used as a pawn in the
old game of negotiating for Western aid, a game he would spend much of
his life playing. At fifteen he learned another lesson when he was detained
as a hostage in Hungary after his father's vain quest for aid there. At nineteen
he had to put what he had learned into practice as governor of Thessalonica,
the second city of the Empire. This marked the end of his formal studies in
classical literature and writing. He was swept along, as he later remarked,
from letters to other cares. "For many things, as though in league, rained
upon me then in close succession; difficulties, wrestling with various mis-
fortunes and all sorts of dangers. As though I had been caught up in a whirl-
wind, I was unable to catch my breath."2 Despite Manuel's penchant for
exaggeration, these words are a fairly accurate description of his adult life.
While he did find time for some reading and study, for scholarly discussions
with Cydones, Cabasilas, Ivanko, and the Moslem Muterizes, and for pleasant
literary gatherings, he lamented that they were just interludes, brief, enjoyable
moments snatched from a routine of administrative detail, meetings with
ambassadors, quarrelsome prelates and monks, tedious journeys by ship or
on horseback, and the harsh realities of war.
Negotiations for military assistance led his father to Rome in 1369,
where he made a Catholic profession of faith, and then to Venice, where he
ran out of money. To his urgent appeal for help his oldest son, Andronicus,
turned a deaf ear, and it was Manuel in Thessalonica who gathered the
amount needed and in mid-winter 1370-71 sailed to Venice. After obtaining
John's freedom, he remained for further negotiations with the Signoria,

' For the details of Manuel's life, see Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, and Barker,
Manuel II, both of which contain abundant references. Further references are given in
connection with the individual letters below.
2 This is from a theological essay addressed to Alexis lagoup: see Dennis, Manuel
in Thessalonica, 14; a longer excerpt has been translated by Barker, Manuel II, 410-13.
xiv INTRODUCTION

returning to Thessalonica in the summer or fall of 1371. In gratitude John V

confirmed him in his rule over that city and granted him whatever other lands
he might be able to occupy in Macedonia.
While Manuel busied himself in Thessalonica, trouble was brewing in
Constantinople. John V was cooperating more closely with the Turkish Emir,
Murad 1, and their eldest sons, Andronicus IV and Saudji-celebi, were also
cooperating, but in a slightly different direction. In May 1373 they joined
forces to overthrow their fathers. Although Saudji fought on until the end of
September, Andronicus was soon defeated and on 30 May taken into custody.
For the succession to the throne John now looked to his second son, and on
25 September 1373, at the age of twenty-three, Manuel was proclaimed
emperor.3
In the summer of 1376 Andronicus escaped and, with Genoese and
Turkish troops, entered Constantinople. After some bitter fighting in which
Manuel was wounded, John V and his two sons, Manuel and Theodore, were
forced to capitulate. They were then subjected to a strict and harsh imprison-
ment in the Anemas Tower, which Manuel never forgot. Their own escape
and recapture of the city in the summer of 1379 sent Andronicus fleeing to
Galata, where he and his Genoese allies were besieged for almost two years
by John V, who was aided by the Venetians and the Turks.
In the peace treaty of May 1381 John V had to recognize Andronicus
as heir to the throne. Manuel, then at the Ottoman Porte, does not even
seem to have been mentioned in the agreement, nor was there any mention
of him in the subsequent Greco-Genoese treaty of 2 November 1382. His
reactions are not recorded, but one significant step he took clearly indicated
his feelings.
In October or November 1382 Manuel secretly sailed for Thessalonica
and established himself as independent emperor. In opposition to his father's
policy, he waged war against the Turks, successfully at first, but by November
1383 the Ottoman army had encircled the city. As he remarks in Letter 8,
Manuel tried every expedient, every possible alliance, including ecclesiastical
union with Rome, to fend off the Turks. None of these succeeded, and the
grumbling and discontent of the citizens at the rigors of the siege increased
daily. Finally in April 1387 Manuel and a small group of followers sailed
away from the city, which then surrendered. They found temporary refuge
on Lesbos, where Manuel wrote his Letter 67 to Cab asilas. Then, after some
negotiations, he went to Brusa and made his peace with the Emir Murad.
His rash adventure, however, was not so quickly forgiven by his father,
who exiled him to the island of Lemnos. He was there about two years when
John V, old and ill, urgently needed him back in Constantinople, for the son
3 His formal coronation by the patriarch does not seem to have taken place until
1392, after the death of his father. A detailed study of the sources is given by P. Schreiner,
"Hochzeit and Krbnung Kaiser Manuels II. im Jahre 1392," BZ, 60 (1967), 70-85,
esp. 73-75.
 MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS av

of Andronicus, John VII, was attempting to take over the throne. Manuel
arrived too late to prevent him from occupying the city, but found safety
with his father in the fortress by the Golden Gate. After some unsuccessful
attempts, Manuel, with the help of the Hospitallers, was able to drive out
the usurper on 17 September 1390.
No matter how much the Byzantine emperors preferred to fight among
themselves, it was clear that the real power lay with the Turkish Emir
Bajezid. The emperors were his vassals, and as such both Manuel and John
VII led their contingents to aid Bajezid in combatting his foes in Asia Minor
in the fall and winter of 1390. On 16 February 1391 John V died, and Manuel
secretly fled from Bajezid's camp, raced back to Constantinople, and assumed
power. But in June he again had to take part in the Ottoman campaign in
central Asia Minor, a particularly difficult one lasting well into the winter,
during which he found time to write a few of his more informative letters.
Returning to his capital, he married the Serbian princess, Helena Dragas,
on 10 February 1392, and on the following day they were solemnly crowned
by the patriarch.
In winter 1393-94 Bajezid had his Christian vassals assemble in Serres
with the intention, so Manuel claimed, of disposing of all of them at once.
They managed to escape, however, and Manuel's inherited policy of cooper-
ation with the Turks was ended. In spring 1394 Bajezid began his long siege
of Constantinople, which at times was so severe that Manuel even thought of
abandoning the city. A Franco-Hungarian attempt to aid Byzantium ended
in disaster at Nicopolis in September 1396, and was lamented by the Emperor
at great length in Letter 31. As the situation grew more desperate, Manuel
intensified his efforts to obtain military aid from the West. In 1399 a French
force under Jean le Meingre, Marechal Boucicaut, arrived and achieved some
minor successes. But more massive assistance was needed. At Boucicaut's
suggestion, so it seems, Manuel decided to make a personal appeal to the
Western rulers. He was reconciled to his nephew, John VII, whom he left to
govern the city during his absence.
On 10 December 1399 Manuel embarked on a Venetian galley to begin
his remarkable journey to Northern Italy, Paris, and London. Although his
quest soon proved fruitless, the Emperor did not give up easily and, long
after it must have been clear that he would receive little but promises, he
continued his negotiations. Not even the defeat of Bajezid by the Mongols
at Ankara on 28 July 1402 made him hurry home. He did not leave Paris
until the end of November and did not arrive in Constantinople until 9 June
1403.
On his return Manuel was faced with a complexity of problems. The
disunity among the Turks after Ankara called for new policy formulations.
Matters had to be settled with the Latin powers. The situation in the Morea
was as bad as ever. The conflict with John VII flared up again, but he was
soon allowed to go off and rule in Thessalonica. There were financial diffi-
xvi INTRODUCTION.

culties, and there was a serious controversy in the Church revolving around
Patriarch Matthew, alluded to in Letters 63-66. Perhaps the best general
sketch of Manuel's preoccupations in the period following his return is given
in Letter 44.
Throughout the rest of his reign Manuel kept up diplomatic contacts
with the West, which centered on military aid and ecclesiastical union,
although he came to be quite realistic about the latter. In 1407 he lost his
brother Theodore, to whom he had been very closely attached. He. named
his own son, Theodore, to succeed him in ruling the Morea and, about a year
later, visited the region in the hopes of establishing order, a perennial problem,
as he remarks in Letter 51. Apparently this visit was cut short by the news
that his nephew, John VII, had died in Thessalonica on 22 September 1408.
He hastened there to install another son, Andronicus, as governor. Back in
the capital early in 1409 he found the Empire in proximate danger of being
drawn' into the wars among the sons of Bajezid. After defeating Suleyman
in February 1411, Musa turned to besiege Constantinople. This critical
situation, spoken of by Manuel in Letter 57, lasted until July 1413 when
Musa, in his turn, was taken and strangled by his brother Mechmed.
Manuel was now free to attend to some pressing problems within what
little territory remained to the Empire. On 25 July 1414 he sailed for Thasos,
occupied by Giorgio Gattilusio (see Letter 58), and after a siege of three
months, returned the island to Byzantine control. He then devoted the fall
and winter to administrative matters in Thessalonica. On 29 March 1415 he
landed at Kenchreai on the Gulf of Corinth and immediately set to work
restoring the Hexamilion, the defensive wall built by Justinian across the
Isthmus. The project was completed in less than a month, an accomplishment
that greatly impressed his contemporaries. He then directed his energies
against the rebellious nobles of the Morea and, in a series of battles and sieges
lasting through the summer, managed to subdue them. His reflections on
this campaign are expressed in Letter 68.
In March 1416 Manuel returned to the capital and continued negotiating
with the Western powers, for he knew well that the peace with the Turks
was but a temporary one. On the death of Mechmed in May 1421. the war
party in Byzantium, including the heir to the throne, John VIII, determined,
against Manuel's advice, to intervene in the Turkish struggle for succession.
But they backed the wrong candidate, and when Mechmed's son, Murad II,
emerged victorious, he besieged Constantinople in June 1422. John VIII
vigorously conducted the defense of the city until the Turks withdrew early
in September.
On 1 October 1422, while conducting diplomatic discussions, Manuel
suffered a stroke which left him partially paralyzed. The business of govern-
ment was carried on by John VIII. Manuel never really recovered and, as
the end approached, he assumed the monastic habit under the name of
Matthew and died on 21 July 1425.
 MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xvii

On Manuel as a personality and a literary figure, there seems to be

little need to enter into detail in these pages.4 It should be sufficient to refer
the reader to Manuel's own letters and to the notes given below. A complete
listing and study of his extant writings still remain to be done," They represent
the sort of literary endeavor 'one would expect of a well-educated Byzantine.
There are the letters, of course, polished and revised for posterity. There are
the usual rhetorical exercises: the supposed reply of Antenor to Odysseus,
Tamerlane to Bajezid, a benevolent ruler to his subjects, to a drunken man,
and so forth. Poetry is represented by his verses addressed to an ignorant
person, to an atheist, and by an epigram on Theodore, but more character-
istically by religious poetry in imitation of the Psalms and liturgical hymns.
Other religious writings include prayers before communion and a meditation
on recovering from illness (see Letter 68). In the classical manner he composed
Counsels on Imperial Conduct to his son, John VIII, as well as seven ethico-
political essays addressed to him. We also And an essay on the nature of
dreams, a decision in a dispute about being and non-being (see Letter 54),
and a rhetorical description (ekphrasis) of a tapestry in the Louvre. His
mother and himself are the discutants in his Dialogue on Marriage, which he
kept emending until it was entirely deleted (see Letter 62). Among his
oratorical works are sermons on the Dormition (see Letter 61), on Sin and
St. Mary of Egypt (Letter 52), on Holy Saturday, and the like. More important
are his Discourse to the Thessalonians (see Letter 11), his oration on his
father's recovery from a serious illness (see Letter 12), and the lengthy
Funeral Oration (epitaphios) on his brother Theodore (see Letter 56). He
discussed the study of theology in an essay addressed to Alexis lagoup, and
he also wrote a short work on the Trinity. As a result of his discussions with
a Moslem scholar in Ankara in the winter of 1391, he composed a series of
twenty-six Dialogues with a Moslem Teacher (see Letter 20). Finally, as a
true Byzantine, he compiled a treatise on the Procession of the Holy Spirit;
this was occasioned by a syllogism presented to him by a monk of Saint Denis
near Paris in 1400-2, which the Emperor answered in 156 chapters and which
still remains unedited.6

4 Cf. Barker, Manuel II, 395--439.

5 See J. Berger de Xivrey, "MBmoire sur la vie et lea ouvrages de l'empereur
Manuel Paleologue," MgmAclnscr, 19,2 (1853), 1-120; L. Petit, "Manuel II Paleologue,"
in DTC, IX, 2 (Paris, 1927), 1925-32. Important corrections have been made by R. J.
Loenertz, "Ecrits de Macaire Macres et de Manuel Paleologue dans lea mss. Vat. gr. 1107
et Crypten. 161," OCP, 15 (1949), 185-93 (= ByzFrGr, I, 71-79). Barker (Manuel II,
426-39) gives a survey of Manuel's writings based on the surviving manuscripts; to these
should be added the coda. Vat. gr. 632, Vat. gr.1879, Urbinat.. gr. 80, Ambros. gr. L 74 sup.
(487), Paris. gr.1253; Coislin. gr. 341, Marcian. gr. XI, 505 (coll. 767), Scorial. gr. 475
('V-IV-1), 14 (R-I-14), 243 (Y-I-4), Collegio Greco, cod. 11.
9 Extant in cod. Vat. gr. 1107, fols. 1-130; this contains a number of corrections
which have been incorporated into the copy of the treatise in cod.. Barberin. gr. 219. fols.
93-180.
xviii INTRODUCTION

2. The Letters of Manuel II

Manuel's writings are primarily of a rhetorical nature, intended to be
read aloud before a select literary circle. As such they reflect the worst
characteristics of the rhetoric employed by the Byzantines.7 There is a
fundamental dishonesty: while living in one world, they speak from another.
It is unimportant whether or not what they say is related to reality; how
they say it is what matters. With the world crumbling about him, Manuel
could devote himself to composing an oration in the style of Demosthenes
or a dialogue in the style of Plato .8 With Turkish siege weapons pounding
the city, he and his friends could calmly sit around in a "theater" and applaud
a piece of rhetorical fluff being read to them. It all seems very unreal; yet
for generations, indeed for centuries, this was the sort of thing they had been
trained to value. Whatever the daily realities might be, it was the "authority
of the ancients" that dominated their mentality in almost every sphere of
life: law, political theory, philosophy, theology, even military science and
medicines This was especially true in the realm of literature. To them the
term Byzantine Literature was meaningless. If one could ask a fourteenth-
century Byzantine to list the outstanding authors of his literature, he would
respond with names such as Homer, Plato, Demosthenes, and Xenophon.
Classical Greek Literature was the ideal, and one's excellence as a writer
depended upon how closely one imitated the classical authors. Originality,
and even clarity, were not highly regarded. Excerpts and selected works of
certain authors, reproduced in countless anthologies, were proposed to the
Byzantine student as models of "fine" writing. In particular, four Hellenistic
rhetorical handbooks seem to have formed the basis of all Byzantine writing:
these were Apollonius Dyscolus and Herodian on grammar and syntax, Hermo-
genes of Tarsus on literary style and criticism, and, perhaps most influential,
the Progymnasmata, or Rhetorical Exercises, of Aphthonius of Antioch io
7 For the present discussion the following works on Byzantine rhetoric may be
useful: K. Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantintischen Literatur (Munich, 1897; rep. 2 vols.,
New York, 1958), 450-98; G. Bohlig, Untersuchungen zum rhetorischen Sprachgebrauch der
Byzantiner (Berlin, 1956); F. Dolger, "Der Klassizismus der Byzantiner, seine Ursachen
and seine Folgen," Geistige Arbeit, 5 (1938), 3-5; rep. HAPAEIIOPA. 30 Aulsdtze zur
Geschichte, Kultur and Sprache des byzantinischen Reiches (Ettal, 1961), 38-45; H. Hunger,
"On the Imitation (MIMHEIE) of Antiquity in Byzantine Literature," DOP, 23-24
(1969-70), 17-38; R. J. H. Jenkins, "The Hellenistic Origins of Byzantine Literature,"
DOP, 17 (1963), 39-52; P. Wirth, Untersuchungen zur byzantinischen Rhetorik des 12. Jahr-
hunderts (Dies., Munich, 1960).
e Of. Jenkins, "Hellenistic Origins of Byzantine Literature," 44-45; he cites Manuel
II as the most remarkable example "of an intellectual malaise that was nearly universal."
9 The most concise study of this mentality or world view is found in F. Dolger, "Die
Kaiserurkunde der Byzantiner als Ausdruck ihrer politischer Anschauungen," Byzanz
and die Europdischen Staatenwelt (Ettal, 1953); R. J. H. Jenkins, Byzantium and Byzan-
tinism (Cincinnati, 1963).
io Jenkins, "Hellenistic Origins of Byzantine Literature," 434, with examples.
Manuel's own dependence on Aphthonius is seen in Letters 3, 44, 67, and 68.
 THE LETTERS OF MANUEL II six

What has been said of rhetoric applies also to epistolography, for one
displayed his rhetorical ability as readily in a finely polished letter as in a
sonorous oration. The public reading of a letter was often compared to a
performance in the theater; on several occasions Manuel compliments his
correspondents on the applause their letters received when read before
himself and his friends (Letters 9, 24, 27, 32, 34, 44, and 61). Byzantine letters
have been described as lacking every element which, ordinarily speaking,
characterizes a letter.'1 Generally we expect a letter to convey a message of
some sort, but the average Byzantine letter was about as concrete, informative,
and personal as the modern, mass-produced greeting card. Just as we have
a wide selection of illustrated cards suitable for every occasion, so the Byzan-
tine had his formularies of model letters. Most appear to be stylized variations
on the theme that distance cannot really separate those linked by genuine
friendship. Today we might select a particularly artistic reproduction of a
Madonna and Child to convey Christmas greetings to a friend. The Byzantine
would delve into his handbook of classical allusions and ornate metaphors to
embellish an otherwise stereotyped text. In general, then, Byzantine letters
tend to be conventional and impersonal and, one might add, terribly boring.
While personal letters, particularly those of prominent figures in
government, are regarded by most historians as excellent primary sources,
the Byzantinist approaches the letters in his area with some hesitation,
aware of the frustrations to follow. Even the best letters were written
according to rules which abhorred proper names, precise dates, and concrete
details.12 The criterion of a good letter was the "purity" of its Attic Greek,
including such items as the dual, obsolete for over a thousand years. Words
and terms designating a specific Byzantine institution or office are rare, for
the vocabulary had to be such that a contemporary of Thucydides might
understand it. If the Albanians, Serbs, or Turks were not written about in
the fifth century B.C., they must be referred to as the Illyrians, Triballians,
and Persians. Byzantine references to the Scythians, or simply to the Bar-
barians, often reduce the historian to sheer guesswork.13 Persons or places
may be identified only as "our common friend," "that man you know,"
"this once splendid city." If the letter was meant to convey a message, other
than generalities about friendship, it was often formulated in such tortuous
grammar and syntax as to be practically unintelligible. The real message,
if any, was conveyed by the bearer of the letter, either for reasons of security
u W. Schubart, cited by G. Karlsson, Ideologie et ceremonial dane l'epistolographie
byzantine (Uppsala, 1962), 14. On Byzantine letter writing, consult also the authors
mentioned in note 7, esp. Jenkins, 45-46; also N. Toniadakes, BuZavt v ima-roxoypIXptn.
Etaaymy-i, xeteva, xor&Xoyoc 7CC6roXo'(J&9 v, 3rd ed. (Athens, 1969-70).
12 On the "deconcretization" of the Byzantine letter, see Karlsson, Ideologie et
ceremonial, 14-17.
13 See G.Moravesik, Byzantinoturcica, II (Berlin, 1958), 13-17; idem, "Klassizismus
in der byzantinischen Geschichtsschreibung," Polychronion. Festschrift F.Dolgerzum 75.
Oeburtstag (Heidelberg, 1966), 366-77.
 .INTRODUCTION

or because of the requirements of style.14 The letter itself was a gift to be

treasured, not necessarily understood, by the recipient.
Efforts to utilize these letters as historical sources can be maddening.
Yet, if patiently studied, they can often be placed in their proper historical
context and further data derived from them.15 This is particularly true of
letters of the Palaeologan period, for a surprising number of those that have
survived, while still enmeshed in archaic rhetorical forms, actually seem to
be communicating something. The problem lies in deciphering the message.
In some instances this may prove impossible, but in others a close scrutiny
of allusions to persons, places, or. events, a careful analysis of terms, and a
comparison with established facts may be rewarding. In addition, the student
of Manuel's letters has one advantage, a relatively rare one; in many cases
the corresponding letter of Cydones survives and, as may be seen in the
following pages, it often clarifies the Emperor's meaning.
The letters of Manuel may be difficult to understand; nonetheless they
are real letters, written to communicate real messages to real people. Some
are trivial, others obscure, and many were subsequently edited for publication.
The message is not always easy to extract from the verbiage in which it is
buried. Manuel shares all the faults of the Byzantine rhetorician: his writing
abounds in cliches, worn out proverbs, anachronisms, excessive (and some-
times unclear) allusions to classical authors, belabored and confusing meta-
phors, wandering parentheses, and what might best be called a studied
obscurity. His meaning is often uncertain owing to his repugnance for proper
names and his insistence on an archaic vocabulary. The syntax is sometimes
so intricately twisted about as to be almost devoid of sense. Still, his letters
are actual letters and, written by the Emperor himself, they are historical
sources of the first rank and contain a great deal more information about the
man and the period than one might suspect.
Berger de Xivrey long ago asserted that Manuel's collected letters had
been carefully arranged in chronological order, a view admitted by Loenertz
as a good working hypothesis.16 Examination of the dates proposed for each
letter in the present edition tends to confirm this assumption-with some
qualification. Letters 62 to 68 were not part of the original collection, and
do not fit into the general chronological framework. For a very few letters, e.g.,
1 and 2, only a terminus ante quem can be established. A few others contain

14 Karlsson, Iddologie et ceremonial, 17-21.

16 See, for example, L. Robert, "Les kondakia de Nicee, le combustible de Synnada
et les poissons-scies. Sur les lettres d'un metropolite de Phrygie an Xe siecle, philologie et
realit6s," JSav (1961), 97-166; (1962), 5-74; I. gevicenko, "Nicolaus Cabasilas' Correspon-
dence and the Treatment of Late Byzantine Literary Texts," BZ, 47 (1954), 49-59;
Loenertz, Caldcas.
16Mdmoire sur la vie et les ouvrages de ... Manuel Paldologue, 60 note 3; R. J.
Loenertz, "Manuel Paleologue et D6metrius Cydones, remarques sur leur correspondan-
ces," E0, 36 (1937), 271-87.
 MANUSCRIPTS AND EDITIONS xxi

no chronological indications at all, but if one admits a general sequential

order in the collection as a whole, one could cautiously assign a relative dating
to those according to their location. Of the first sixty-one letters some
forty-one may be dated with certainty, at least as belonging to a particular
year or a certain two- or three-year period. About six others may be given a
highly probable dating, and another six a probable one. The reasons for
proposing these dates are given in the notes. The chronological order of the
letters, however, must be interpreted in. a broad sense; that is, one cannot
prove that they have been arranged in a strict sequence, 1, 2, 3, according to
the date they were written, although this is certainly true of some. Rather,
we have to imagine the Emperor going through a packet or copybook of
letters belonging to a certain period, for example, those he wrote in Thessa-
lonica from 1382 to 1387 or those he wrote in Western Europe from 1400 to
1403, and selecting the ones he wished to publish.17 From the first "packet,"
then, we. have Letters 1 and 2 (perhaps 5), written before 1383.. The second
group, Letters 3 to 11, consists of letters written in Thessalonica from
1382 to 1387, but not arranged in strictly sequential order within that period.
The third "packet," Letters 14 to 21, was written while Manuel was cam-
paigning in Asia Minor in 1390-91. The fourth "packet," Letters 22 to 36,
contains letters written in Constantinople from 1392 to the end of 1399. The
fifth, Letters 37 to 42, consists of those dating from the Emperor's Western
journey in 1400-3. The sixth "packet," Letters 43 to 50, derives from the
years 1403-8.. The remaining letters, to 61, extend from the end of 1408 to
about 1`4117. The general arrangement of the letters, then, is certainly a
chronological one, but the ordering of each letter in a "packet" or grouping
is not necessarily sequential.

3. Manuscripts and Editions

The codex Parisinus graecus 3041 has long been regarded as the principal
manuscript of Manuel's writings, primarily because of the corrections made
in it by the Emperor himself. This was first pointed out by Boissonade in
1844 in connection with the Dialogue on Marriage.' In 1853 Berger de
Xivrey added to this observation. "The first part [of the manuscript] is
laden with corrections and excisions drawn by a practiced hand, which is
nevertheless no longer that of a professional copyist. This is evidently the
author, who himself retouches his work with a meticulous severity....
Not only phrases, not only entire pages, but all of one work, are ruthlessly

17 He may have kept copies of his letters in "books" or fascicles (TcTp&Sia), as did
Cydones, who generally copied letters of one period into the same fascicle: R. J. Loenertz,
Les recueils de lettres de Ddmdtrius Cydones, ST, 131 (Vatican. City, 1947).
1e Qui dialogus, post multas lituras et correctionum tentamina, f uit demum a capite ad
ealcem totu8 cancellatus, manu, quis dubitet? ipsius auctoris augustissimi: Anecdota nova
(Paris, 1844), 249 note 1.
xxii INTRODUCTION

crossed out."19 Legrand in his edition of 1893 was also of the opinion that the
corrections "could only have been carried out by the august author of the
letters."20 These judgments have not been disputed by subsequent scholars.
Close examination of the manuscript reveals that the corrections, both in
the Letters and in the Dialogue on Marriage, have been made by the same
hand, which is that of a contemporary but not of a professional scribe.
Furthermore, while most of the emendations have to do with stylistic
matters, some, as in Letter 1, are of such a personal nature that they could
only have been made by the author himself as he prepared his work for
publication.
In its present condition the manuscript is composed of two distinct
parts. The first, fols. 1-136, contains works of Manuel and a few other items
and, up to fol. 104, is written by one hand. The second part, from fol. 137 to
the end, containing sections of Nicetas Choniates and George Acropolites,
was not part of the original manuscript and does not concern us here. The
manuscript (i.e., fols. 1-136) is composed of seventeen quires of unequal
length, although most are quaternions, the quire numbered 2 ((3') beginning
on fol. 2. Each folio was numbered in red at the top right corner, but on
most pages it has faded away or been cut off. The numbering which remains
was almost certainly done by the same hand that wrote the text and numbered
the Letters. Folio 1 of the present pagination was originally fol. 27, for the
present fol. 2 is numbered in red as %-I'; the present fol. 104 (the end of the
Dialogue on Marriage) bears the original number 130 (pX'). There are two
watermarks on the paper, both similar to those attested on French and Italian
paper from 1392 to 1427.21

The contents of the manuscript follow:

1. Fols. 1-lv. Fictitious Letters, that is, part of Letter 63, Letters 64,
65, 66 (see notes to Letter 63).
2. Fols. 2-37. Sixty-three Letters of Manuel. Letters 53 and 59 are not
real letters and have been omitted in the Barberini manuscript and in this
edition, although published by Legrand. Fol. 37" is blank.
3. Fols. 38-38". The Image of Spring on a Royal Tapestry. The title is
in red, above which another hand has added: "In Paris," iv Hapuatcp. Ed.
J. Lowenklau (Leunclavius), Praecepta educationis regiae (Basle, 1578); rep.
PG, 156, cols. 577-80.
is Mdmoire eur la vie et lee ouvrages de ... Manuel Paldologue, 3-4; trans. Barker,
Manuel II, 428.
20 Lettres, xii.
21 The first is a unicorn, similar to no. 9968 of C. M. Briquet (Lee filigranes, Diction-
naire historique de8 marquee de papier des leer apparition vers 1282 jusqu'en 1600, 4 vole.
[Paris, 1907]), found in Gex, 1397; Damme, 1400; Paris, 1402; Le Puy, 1417. This mark is
found on fols. 1-107, except for the third and fourth quires, fols. 22-37. The second water-
mark is a bow and arrow similar to Briquet, no. 791, found in Lucca, 1393; Pisa, 1392-95;
no. 793, found in Palermo, 1424; Colle, 1427; no. 799, found in Paris, 1406; Turin, 1410-11.
 MANUSCRIPTS AND EDITIONS xxiii

4. Fol. 38v. What Tamerlane Might have Said to Bajezid. Ed. Lowen-
klau, op. cit.; rep. PG, 156, cols. 579-82; Legrand, Lettres, 103-4; English
translation by Barker, Manuel II, 513-14.
5. Fol. 38v. On the Defeat of B4jezid in the Form of a Psalm. Ed.
Lowenklau, op. cit.; rep. PG, 156, cols. 581-82; Legrand, Lettres, 104;
English translation by Barker, op. cit., 514-15.
6. Fols. 39-46. What One Might Say to an Atheist. Eight hundred
twelve political verses in two columns, unedited.
7. Fol. 46v. Prayer Before Communion. The title is in red, somewhat
faded; the text is written across the top of the page and down the left
margin. Ed. Lowenklau, op. cit. ; rep. P G, 156, cols. 575-76; and with com-
mentary by S. Cirac Estopaiian, "La Eucaristia y la paz del alma en una
poesia del emperador Manuel II Paloologo," XXXV Congreso eucaristico inter-
nacional. Sesiones internacionales del estudio, II (Barcelona, 1952), 713-26.
There is also a three-line poem, unedited, in the middle of the page.
8. Fol. 46v. The Response of Antenor to Odysseus. Ed. J. F. Boissonade,
Anecdota graeca e codicibus regiis, 11 (Paris, 1830), 308-9.
9. Fols. 47-51. Advisory Discourse to the Thessalonians When They were
Besieged. Ed. B. Laourdas, in Maxe8ovixa, 3 (1955), 290-307; see Letter 11.
10. Fols. 51v-60. Consideration Regarding a Drunken Man. Ed.
Boissonade, Anecdota graeca, II, 274-308.
11. Fols. 60v 65v. Epistolary Essay to Cabasilas. Letter 67 of this
edition; see notes.
12. Fols. 66-72. Panegyric on the Recovery of His Father from Illness.
Ed. Boissonade, Anecdota graeca, VI (Paris, 1844), 223-38; see Letter 12.
13. Fols. 72v 85v. Epistolary Essay to Alexis lagoup [On the Study of
Theology]. Unedited.
14. Fols. 86-88. Epistolary Essay to Andrew Asanes [On Dreams].
Ed. PG, 156, cols. 87-92; ed. Boissonade, Anecdota graeca, VI, 239-46.
15. Fol. 88v. To Cydones. Letter 62 of this edition.
16. Fols. 89-104. Moral Dialogue, or Concerning Marriage. Unedited;
see Letter 62.
17. Fols. 104-105. Canon to the Mother of God for Aid in the Present
Situation. Ed. Legrand, Lettres, 94-102; see Letter 57.
18. Fols. 105-127. Synaxarion in verse (by Christopher?) of Mytilene.
Not by Manuel, and in a different hand than the preceding works.
19. Fols.127 V 128. Prayer of the Stormtossed Adapted from the Psalms.
Clearly attributed to Manuel in the Barberini manuscript; unedited.
20. Fols. 128-131. St. Athanasius Against the Jews.
21. Fols. 131-132v. On the Seven Ecumenical Councils. Whether this
and the following work were written by Manuel is doubtful.
sxiv " INTRODUCTION

22. Fols. 132x-133o..On the.Condemnation of Paul of Samosata.

23. Fols. 133V-134x. Excerpt from St. Augustine on the Liturgy.
24. Fols. 134x--136v. Liturgical Prayer on the Lord's Tomb for Holy
Saturday. Perhaps by Manuel.

Much of the codex Barberinus graecus 219 was apparently copied from
the Paris. 3041, for it incorporates the corrections made therein by ' the
Emperor. Some of it was also copied from the cod. Vat. gr. 1107, since it
includes corrections made in Manuel's treatise on the Holy Spirit. An early
fifteenth-century manuscript, it is fairly ornate and may-have been an edition
of the Emperor's works prepared as a gift. It is written in the same hand as
the cods. Crypten. yr. Z.6.I., Vat. gr.1580, and Vat. gr.1619, which also contain
writings of Manuel.22 It is composed of 23 quires of unequal size adding up to
180 folios.
It begins with the verses to. an atheist (fols. 1-9), as in the Paris
manuscript, and continues with the Discourse to the Thessalonians (fols.
9-14), the Consideration Regarding a Drunken Man (fols. 14-23v), Letter 67
(fols. 24-29V), the Panegyric on his father's recovery (fols. 29v-36v), the
Essay to Alexis Iagoup (fols. 36v--50), and the one to Andrew Asanes (fols.
50-53). The Letters are found on fols. 53"-88v, to the number of 62, numbers
53 and 59 of the Paris. 3041 being omitted. Immediately following (fols.
89-90V) and numbered consecutively are the "Fictitious Letters," i.e.,
Letters 63 to 66 of this edition. This is followed by Seven Proverbs (fol. 90v),
Antenor's Response to Odysseus (fol. 91), the Prayer of the Stormtossed
(fols. 91V 92), and some verses addressed To, a Completely Ignorant Person
.

(fol. 92). Finally is his treatise on the Procession of the Holy Spirit (fols.
93-180).
The codex Coislinianus graecus 341 contains on fols. 3,56 to 361v a copy
of Letters 1-5 and 7-9, the last being incomplete and followed by a fragment
of the Discourse to the Thessalonians (fols. 362-363v). As may be seen in the
critical apparatus, these letters represent an earlier version than that of
Paris. 3041, for they include readings which have been changed in the latter.
Possibly, they may have formed part of the copybook from which the Paris
manuscript was taken. The codex is dated to the fourteenth century, one
section apparently having been written in 1318. It is composed of five
distinct sections, two by the same hand, but it seems that these sections
were bound together fairly early and the quires numbered consecutively by
a Slavic scribe on Mount Athos....
Other manuscripts containing individual letters of Manuel are.discussed
in the notes to those letters. They are cod. Vat. gr. 632, Letter 52; cod.

22 C. Giannelli, Codices Vaticani graeci 1485-1683 (Vatican City, 1950), 287.

 MANUSCRIPTS AND EDITIONS xxv

Vat. gr. 1879, Letter 54; cod. Scorial. gr. 475, Letter 62; cod. Crypten. gr.
Z.B.I. and cod. 11 of the Collegio Greco in Rome, Letter 68.
Finally, two other manuscripts should be noted, although they are now
lost. Legrand in the preface (pp. viii-ix) to his edition of the letters mentions
that Theodore Avramiotis, a collector of manuscripts, purchased a miscel-
laneousGreek codex of unknown provenance in Ragusa in the spring of 1890.
It was composed of eleven distinct sections. The ninth belonged to the fif-
teenth century and was made up of forty folios containing Letters 1 to 63 as
arranged in Paris. 3041. Although Legrand claims to have noted some
variants, this manuscript was presumably copied from. Paris. 3041. The next
item, also dated to the fifteenth century, contained, in 28 folios, Letters 1 to
42. According. to Legrand (p. x), in addition to some variants, this copy
included annotations, apparently by a contemporary, to some of the letters,
as well as notes in Latin by a certain Petrus Anconitanus, who seems to have
known several of the Emperor's correspondents.
Nothing further is known of these two. Avramiotis manuscripts?s
Legrand promised to reproduce the variants and the annotations of the second
one in his commentary, which has never appeared, if indeed it was. ever
written. After Legrand published Manuel's Letters in 1893, M. Treu informed
him of the existence of the Coislin manuscript, to which he replied: "J'en
ferai mon profit quand paraitra le second fascicule des lettres de Manuel
Paleologue."24 This did not appear, though, and no trace of any material for
such a commentary was found among the notes and books left by Legrand
at his death 25
Although Legrand claimed to have studied the two Avramiotis manu-
scripts, his edition of the Letters of Manuel II in 1893 is.simply a transcription
of the Paris. 3041. In the preface (p. xii) he promised to indicate the correc-
tions in this manuscript, but he did not do so. He was also unaware of the
Coislin manuscript and unable to locate the Barberini. His "edition" is, in
general, a faithful copy of the Paris manuscript, but no more than that.

The present edition of Manuel's Letters is based on the cod. Paris.

gr. 3041 (= P), as all editions must be, for the reasons given above. The
first part of Letter 63, missing in P, has been taken from the cod. Barberin.

29 In 1965 M. Richard of the Centre Nationale de la Recherche Scientifique informed

me that he had had no success whatsoever in tracing these two manuscripts.
24 M. Treu, "Demetrios Chrysoloras and seine hundert Briefe," BZ, 20 (1911),
110 note 1.
25 Treu, be. cit., "... such in seinem Nachlass hat sich, wie H. Pernot die Giite
hatte mir 1907 zu schreiben, zu diesem Teil kein Material vorgefunden." Apart from some
manuscripts given to the Bibliothr que Nationale, most of Legrand's notes and books
became the property of H. Pernot; cf. his Notice sur la vie et les csuvres d'Emile Legrand
(Paris, 1900).
Xxvi INTRODUCTION

gr. 219 (= B); the variant readings in this and in the cod. Coislin. gr. 341
(= C) are given in the apparatus to the text. The other manuscripts con-
taining copies of individual letters are noted in the apparatus to those letters
(52, 54, 62, and 68).
The letters are arranged in the order in which they are found in P,
with the few changes made in B, that is, Letters 53 and 59 of P have been
omitted in B and in this edition. Letter 62, located apart from the other
letters in P and published by Legrand as 64, is here, as in B, numbered in
order. This is followed by Letters 63 to 66 of B, which do not form part of the
corpus of the letters in P. Letter 67 is regarded as a separate work in both
P and B, but because of its genuinely epistolary nature has been added to
form part of this edition. Letter 68 is not found in P or B, but its epistolary
nature dictated that it be included.
This introductory chapter is followed by a prosopographical survey
of Manuel's correspondents and of certain other persons mentioned in his
letters. The text, translation, and apparatus have been prepared in accord
with the rules adopted by the International Commission on Byzantine
Studies for the Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae.26 The notes to the
translation offer an explanation of the dating of the letters and an identifi-
cation of persons and places mentioned. They also include excerpts from the
letters of Cydones and some historical notes in order to place Manuel's letters
in their context and to make them more intelligible to the reader. An Appen-
dix presents a few unedited texts or portions thereof which are connected
with the Letters of Manuel. The Bibliography is limited to those works which
are of particular importance in understanding the letters or which have been
used a number of times in preparing the notes.
20 Association Internationale des Etudes Byzantines, Bulletin d'in/ormation et de
coordination, 4 (Athens-Paris, 1968), 24-31.
 PROSOPOGRAPHY
THE CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS
AND PERSONS MENTIONED IN HIS LETTERS

1. Constantine Asanes
With the settlement of the deposed Bulgarian King John III Asen in
Constantinople in 1280, together with his wife Irene, the daughter of the
Byzantine Emperor Michael VIII Palaeologus, the Asanes came to be one
of the most prominent and prolific noble families in the Empire? Their
second son, Andronicus, had at least two sons, John and Manuel Raoul,
who achieved distinction, and a daughter, Irene Asanina, who about 1318-20
married John Cantacuzenus, the future emperor.2 Their daughter Helena,
in turn, became the bride of John V Palaeologus and the mother of Manuel II.
The precise relationship of the Constantine Asanes to whom Manuel addressed
Letters 18 and 30 is difficult to determine. In a patriarchal document of 24
August 1383 he is referred to as the uncle (6eZos) of Emperor John V.3 Among
the Byzantines this term was loosely employed, often designating simply a
cousin. He could only have been an "uncle" of John V by marriage, that is,
as an "uncle" of Helena Cantacuzena, John's wife. He was much too young
to be a brother of Helena's mother, Irene Asanina, born about 1300, but was
more probably her first cousin, the son of her father's youngest brother,
Isaac, who died about 1351.4 Although called the "uncle" of Helena Canta-
cuzena and of her husband, John V, Constantine cannot have been much older
' See T. Uspenskij, "Bolgarskie Asenevici na vizantijskoj sluzbe v VIII-XV vv.,"
IRAIK, 13 (1008), 1-16; Loenertz, Calecas, 73-74; B. Krclcic, "Contribution a 1'6tude des
Asanis h Byzance," T_'l1, 5 (1973), 347-55. In the Poem of Belisarius, the Asanes are listed
among the leading Byzantine noble families: E. Follieri, "I1 poema bizantino di Belisario,"
:ltti del conoegao in.ternazionale sul terra "La poesia epica e la eua /ornrazione," Accademia.
nazionale (lei Lineei, Problemi a.ttuali rdi scienza e it cultura, quad. 139 (Rome, 1970),
583-691, esp. p. 622, 53, p. 637, 313.
2 See D. Nicol, The Byzantine Family of Kaitakoazenus (Crrrilacrrzt'nmm) ca.1100-
/1(i()..i (;enealogical and Prouopographical6'tud y, DOS, XI (Washington, D.C., 1968), 104-8.
'M-M, II, no. 361, p. 56.
See Loenertz, Calecas, 74 note 4. It is unlikely that he was the son of the third
brother, Constantine, since Byzantine noble families did not generally give the son the
same name as the father.
Xxvii; PRO SOPO GRAPHY

than Helena, born in 1333, and may, in fact, have been younger. The appel-
lation "uncle," which, when not used strictly, generally designated an older
cousin, may simply have been given to him because he was a first cousin of
Helena's mother. He seems to have been a young man when Cydones wrote
to him in 1358 and was still active in the imperial government in 1409, for
in August of that year he took part in a synod and was described as the
"uncle" of Emperor Manuel II." Quite possibly he was still alive in 1415, for
in the Satire of Mazaris, Holobolos asked Mazaris on his return to the upper
world to convey his greetings to the most noble and preeminent philosopher,
the beloved uncle of the Emperor, Asan.e If he were definitely still alive in
1409 and perhaps in 1415, it is unlikely that he was born before 1330.
The Asanes, as mentioned above, were a prolific breed and, as was
common among the Byzantines, the same baptismal names recur constantly.
In the sources, moreover, particularly in letters, persons are often referred
to only by their last names, so that it is difficult to determine which Asanes
is meant or, for that matter, which Constantine Asanes. For example, in
1342 the regular renewal of the treaty with Venice was witnessed by a Con-
stantine Asanes, almost certainly not the correspondent of Manuel and
Cydones, who would have been too young, but perhaps his uncle.?
Almost all of our information about Constantine Asanes, the "uncle"
of John V and Manuel II, is derived from the letters of Manuel, Demetrius
Cydones, and Manuel Calecas.8 From each of the latter two at least six letters
to him have been preserved. Those from Cydones, written between 1358 and
1381, depict him as a well-educated and prominent person, an advisor
and companion to the Emperor (both John V and Manuel), an imperial
envoy, and an anti-Palamite. Once Cydones refers to him as the uncle of the
Emperor, but does not specify which emperor, and on another occasion
refers to Asanes, the uncle of Manuel II, but does not specify which Asanes.8
The letters of Calecas, written from about the early 1390's to 1400, present
Asanes as his influential protector and benefactor (Letter 30 of Manuel II also
does this), the owner of a library who loans and occasionally gives him books.
He was listed as one of the principal adversaries of Pala.mism and twice had to
make an official abjuration of the teachings of Barlaam and Acindynus, once
under Patriarch Nilus (1379-88) and again under Patriarch Antony (1391-
1397).10

5 Cydones, Letter 3; cf. Loenertz, Caldcas, 75; Tome of 1409, ed. Laurent, "Tristi-
piscopat," 134, 253.
Mazaris, Jounce,, Into Ilades, 160.
7 MM, III, no. 26, p. 114.
8 Cydones, Letters 3, 71, 109, 155, 186, 426; Calecas, Letters 11, 35, 37, 50, 54, 69.
Cydones, Letters 146:21; 212:4.
10 C. Mercati, \'otizie di Prucoro e I)e,,u'trio C'iilone, Manacle ('aleca e Teodoro
Meliteniota ed altri appunti per la storia della teologia e della lettera.tl(ra bizaritir a del secolo
X1 Y, ST, 56 (Vatican City, 1931), 222-23; MItI, II, no. 502, p. 267; he signed this simply
as the servant (So5aoc) of the emperor.
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xxix

2. Michael Balsamon
Another noble Byzantine family, prominent in ecclesiastical administration,
was that of Balsamon. During this period, in fact, there were three by the
name of Michael; the first was a priest and grand skevophylax about 1380;
the second, to whom Manuel addressed Letter 34, was a deacon, protekdikos,
and grand chartophylax about 1400; and the third was deacon and grand
ecclesiarch in 1429 and grand chartophylax at the Council of Florence ten
years later.1' The sources do not clarify their relationship to one another nor
to others, such as Manuel and Demetrius, who bore the same family name.
In February 1394 a Balsamon, probably the second Michael, appears
in the patriarchal register as protonotary, a position he still held on 20 March
1397.12 In a document of January 1397 and in another apparently issued a
few months later, the position of protekdikos was held by John Syropou los,
who in October and November of the same year is listed as sakellarios.13 In
several patriarchal documents dated from December 1399 to May 1400,
Michael Balsamon appears as protekdikos, a rank he must certainly have
attained between May and October 1397 when his predecessor, Syropoulos,
was promoted to the next higher rank.14
During his tenure as protekdikos, Michael Balsamon also held the post
of universal teacher (8t8avxcAoS xocOo)ix6S, perhaps similar to the modern
ordinary professor) and taught both profane sciences (E)J,,gwxa
and theology. In Letter 34 Manuel has high praise for his rhetorical ability.
Patriarch Matthew appointed him professor in the patriarchal school and,
at his order, Balsamon also instructed the notary, John Chortasmenos, in
geometry. He was regarded by Chortasmenos with the highest respect for his
learning and virtue.", Sometime after June 1400 Chortasmenos wrote to him
apologizing for some poetry he had composed, which Balsamon had mocked.16
In June 1400 Balsamon was promoted to grand chartophylax, in which
function his name occurs frequently in the extant patriarchal registers to
January 1402.11 After that date nothing further is known of him; he is not
11 J. Darrouzes, Pecherches snr les 'Opg1[xta de l'eglise byzantine (Paris, 1970), 286.
The first of these may be identical with the priest, Michael Balsamon, who in August 1362
bore the title of exarch of the Great Church and taboullarios: 0. Theocharides, 0[ Ti;a-
raaxoveS. 2:u.43oai1 e15 T7jv Bui;avrm,v Alaxe3ovtxijv rrpoaorcoypap[av ro5 IA' atwvoc, in
blaxe3ovtx&, 5 (1961-63), 125-83, esp. 140-41.
12 MM, II, no. 461, p. 206; no. 512, p. 275.
13
Ibid., no. 508, p. 272; no. 518, p. 292; nos. 549, 550, p. 348.
14 Ibid., no. 536, p. 327; no. 559, p. 369; no. 505, p. 376; no. 569, p. 383; no. 570,
p. 385; no. 575, p. 391. On the position of protekdikos, the defender of the accused in an
ecclesiastical tribunal, see Darrouzes, Recherches set les 'Ocp(Pixia, 323-32.
11 Hunger, C'hortasieenos, 15 note 20. 16 Ibid., Letter 15, pp. 165-66.
17 AIM, II, no..579, p.396; no. 585, p. 409; no. 606, p. 438; no. 617, p. 453; no. 638,
p. 485; no. 649, p. 498; no. 644, p. 507 (cf. Darrouzes, Recherches stir les 'Ocpp[xea, 351
note 1); no. 646, p. 512; no. 678, p. 557; no. 685, p. 566; and finally, H. Hunger, "Gu den
restlichen inedita des Konstantinopler Patriarchatsregister inl Cod. Vindob. hist. gr. 48,"
REI3, 24 (1966), 60, 67-68. On the chartopllylax, see Darrouzes, op. cit., 334-53.
xxx PROSOPOGRAPHY
to be identified with the Michael Balsamon who was grand chartophylax in
1439 and a correspondent of George Scholarios,18

3. Nicholas Cabasilas Chamaetos

The Cabasilas to whom Manuel TI addressed Letters 6, 7, 15, and 67
was Nicholas Chamaetos, known generally by his mother's maiden name of
Cabasilas. Greatly respected for his learning, integrity, and deep spirituality
by his contemporaries, as well as by later generations, much has been written
about him, but very few facts of his life are actually known.19 Even these few
facts have been long in gaining acceptance; for example, the fact that Nicholas
was never archbishop of Thessalonica. Finally, some of these "facts" are still
uncertain. This may be attributed largely to the confusion between Nicholas
and his uncle, Neil Cabasilas, who did become metropolitan of Thessalonica.
Neil was the name he assumed on becoming a monk, sometime between the
end of 1354 and 1360, whereas his baptismal name was probably Nicholas.BQ

is See Darrouzbs, Recherches sur lea 'Opq(xLa, 136, 286; Hunger, op. cit., 85-86.
Cf. J. Gill, "A Profession of Faith of :Michael Balsamon, the Great Chartophylax," ByzF,
3 (1968), 120-28.
"See H.-G. Beck, Kirche and theologische Literatur im byzantinischen Reich (Munich,
1959), 780-83; S. Salaville, Dictionnaire de la spirituality, If (Paris, 1932), 1-9; idem,
"Quelquesprbcisionspour labiographiedeNicolasCabasilas,"Acts of the.. inchInter2wtional
Byzantine Congress, Thessalonica, 1953 (= Hellenika, suppl. vol. 9, 3) (Athens, 1958),
215-26; J. Gouillard, in DHGE, XI, 14-21; P. Enepekides, "Der Briefwechsel des
Mystikers Nikolaos Kabasilas," BZ, 46 (19:53), 18-46; I. Sevbenko, "Nicolaus Cabasilas'
Correspondence and the Treatment of Late Byzantine Literary Texts," BZ, 47 (1954),
49-59; idern, "Nicholas Cabasilas' `Anti-Zealot' Discourse: A Reinterpretation," DOP,11
(1957), 79-171; R. J. Loenertz, "Chronologie de Nicolas Cabasilas, 1345-1354," OCP, 21
(1955) 205-31 (= ByzFrGr, I, 303-28); M. Lot-Borodine, 1'n .Maitre de la spiritualite
byzantine au XI Ve siecle, Nicolas Cabasilas (Paris, 1958). One of the principal manuscripts
of his writings is entitled: Tog oocpw-&TOu xai AoyLut&TOU xai Tolq UAOLS &YLwT&TOu xUP05
NLxoa&ou Kap&a0,a coy xai Xa sae-OU abyoL: cod. Paris. gr. 1213, fol. 1.
20 He was undoubtedly the Nicholas Cabasilas who was it candidate for the patri-
archate in November 1353, for it is unlikely that the synod would have proposed his
nephew, Nicholas Chamaetos, then only about thirty years old. John Cantacuzenus later
recalled that at that time Nicholas Cabasilas, surely the uncle, was still it private individual,
ovTa TL L& -mr', that is, not in orders or not a monk (Hint., 4, 38:111, 275). The implication
is that he did sometime later enter religious life. One suspects that he did so about the
same time as Cantacuzenus himself in December 1354. An undated patriarchal document,
probably issued in January-February 1361, mentions the hieromonk, Neil Cabasilas,
metropolitan-elect of '1'hessalonica (MM, I, no. 181, p. 417), said it document of July 1361
again speaks of the metropolitan-elect of that see (ibid., no. 183, p. 429). That Neil's baptis-
mal name was Nicholas was first suggested by R. J. Loenertz in 1948 in a communication
to L. Thomas (RLB, 6 [1948], 117-21). This would aid in solving several problems. For
example, the letter of Theodore Pediasimus, apparently written in 1332, would indeed, as
it is in the manuscript, have been addressed to Nicholas Cabasilas, the uncle (cf. gevbenke,
"Nicolaus Cabasilas' Correspondence," 56 note i ; also see his " `Anti-Z alot' Discourse," 86
note 22, for another instance). The more recent edition of Sphrantzes' Chronicon minus
also makes it clear that it was Neil, the brother of Nicholas Chamaetos' mother, who was
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xxxi

Nicholas Cabasilas Chamaetos, the nephew, was born in Thessalonica

of a well established family, sometime about 1320-23, and received his
education there. In the summer of 1345 the partisans of John Cantacuzenus
seized power in the city and acclaimed him emperor. They then sent Nicholas
and a man named Pharmakes as envoys to his son Manuel in Berroia to obtain
reinforcements, but these arrived too late to prevent the adversaries of
Cantacuzenus from regaining control.21 Probably not long after the victory
of Cantacuzenus on 2/3 February 1347, Nicholas followed his uncle to
Constantinople to pursue further studies, and from this period date several
letters to his father in Thessalonica.22 While belonging to the entourage of
Cantacuzenus, no specific office or title can be ascribed to him.23 In 1350,
together with Cantacuzenus and Cydones, he proposed to enter the monastery
of St. Mamas and then that of St. George in the Mangana, but nothing came
of the project.24 In 1347-48 he participated in the trial of Niphon, monk of
the Lavra, accused of Messalianism, and in September of 1350 he testified in
his defense before the patriarchal synod together with two other domestics
(oixe%ot) of the Emperor.25 At the coronation of Matthew Cantacuzenus in
February 1354 he delivered the ceremonial oration.22 He was familiar with
both ecclesiastical and civil law, and in some way was connected with the
legal profession, apparently having been offered a judgeship.27 There are no
indications that he ever became a monk, for the letters of Manuel II in 1387
and 1391 and those of Joseph Bryennios in 1390-96 are clearly addressed to
Nicholas as a layman.28 The date of his death is not known, but it must have
been not long after these letters, that is, sometime in the 1390's.

metropolitan of Thessalonica (Georgios Sphrantzes Dlen?orii, 1401-1477, ed. V. Green

[Bucharest, 1966], 18, 1-2, p. 32).
21 Cantacuzenus, Kist., 3, 94: II, 574; of. R. J. Loenertz, "Note our une lettre de
Dumetrius Cydones ii Jean Cantaeuzene," BZ, 44 (1951), 40,5-8 (= Br1zFrGr, I, 279-83);
idern, "Chronologie do Nicolas Cabasilas," 205-31.
22 Eel. Enepekides, "Der Briefwechsel," Letters 1-6, pp. 29-34, erroneously dated
ca. 1320. In Letter 1 Cabasilas expressly says that it was his admiration for his uncle and
his reputation that persuaded him to leave Thessalonica for Constantinople. According to
Cydones (Letter 87), he came to the capital at the personal invitation of Cantacuzenus.
23 F. Dolger, .1 us den Schatzka>nmere des heiligen Bergen (Munich, 1948), 64, suggests
that the Cabasilas bearing the title of grand papias in 1351 was Nicholas, but this is by
no means clear: see eveenko, "'Anti-Zealot' Discourse," 87 note 26.
24 Cantacuzenus, Hist., 4, 16: III, 107; see Loenertz, "Chronologie de Nicolas
Cabasilas." This does not mean that he intended to become a monk, but he might simply
have wanted to join the community by acquiring an adelphaton, as Cydones later did.
25 MM, 1, no. 133, p. 298.
26 M. Jugie, "Nicolas Cabasilas, panegyriques inedits de Mathieu Cantacuzene et
d'Anne Paleologine," IRAIK, 15 (1911), 112-21.
27 See Letters 6 and 15; Cydones, Letter 124:22-26; R. J. Loenertz, "Pour Is,
chronologie des oeuvres de Joseph Bryennios," REB, 7 (1949), 17; P. Lemerle, "Documents
et problemes nouveaux concernant les juges generaux," Ac)-.Xpar.'Apx.`E-., 1 (1964),
37; ev6enko, "'Anti-Zealot' Discourse," 86-87.
21 Loenertz, "Pour la chronologie des oeuvres de Joseph Bryennios," 16-17.
 PRO.SOPO GRAPHY

Cabasilas is best known and most highly regarded by both Eastern and
Western Christians for his spiritual writings, which have earned him the
appellation "The Mystic." The most famous of these are his Explanation of
the Divine Liturgy and his Life in Christ.29 His other writings include sermons,
theological treatises, religious poetry, and some philosophical works; notably
a refutation of Sextus Empiricus and a short treatise on syllogisms. Although
belonging to the Palamite party and noted for his adherence to official
Orthodoxy, he carried on the most cordial relationships with pro-Western
Byzantines such as Cydones.30 The extent of his involvement in the anti-
Latin polemics of the period is still a matter of some dispute.
The Mystic was also interested in social questions, at least, those of a
politico-ecclesiastical nature. As a young man he eulogized Empress Anne of
Savoy and addressed to her a treatise on usury.31 More important, perhaps,
is his lengthy "Discourse Concerning Illegal Acts of Officials Committed
against Things Sacred," which had once been regarded as dealing with the
Zealot regime in Thessalonica during the 1340's, but which has now been
definitely established as having no connection with the Zealot program or
movement.32 Was the Discourse, then, directed against certain specific
authorities and, if so, under what circumstances? In answer to this question
various suggestions have been made: perhaps it was aimed at imperial and
ecclesiastical officials in the 1340's, such as the Loyalist authorities in
Constantinople (Alexis Apocaucus and John Calecas); perhaps it could be
more accurately dated to the 1370's or 1380's; perhaps the writer had officials
of Manuel II in mind.33 A careful study of the Discourse, however, indicates
that it was not directed against any specific individuals. The Discourse is
concerned with unlawful acts in connection with sacred matter, primarily
the secularization of church property and simony, which have been committed

29 Ed. PG, 150, cols. 368-492; 493-725; trans. S. Salaville, Nicolas Cabasilas,
Explication (it, la divine liturgie (Paris-Lyon, 1943); J. M. Hussey and P. McNulty, A Com-
vnvdary on the Divine Liturgy (London, 1960); S. Broussaleux, La Vie en Jesus-Christ
(Anuay, 1932); (-4. Hoch and E. von Ivanka, Sakramentalmystilc der Ostkirche (Kloster-
neuburg-Munich, 1958); see Lot-Borodine, op. cit.; R. Bornert, Les co,nmentaires byzantines
de la divine liturgie du VIII au XVe siecle (Paris, 1966), 215-44.
30 See Cyclones, Letters 87, 124, 125, 126, 213; also Appendix 1, ed. Loenertz, I,
169-73.
31 See 8,evirenl o, "Nicolaus Cabasilas' Correspondence," 54-55.
32 'I'llis has been clearly proven by Sevicenko, "'Anti -Zealot' Discourse." Also see
id,-)a, "A Postscript on Nicolas Cabasilas' 'Anti-Zealot' Discourse," DOP, 16 (1962),
4u3 -s, in which he examines several criticisms of his interpretation of the Discourse
and finds, rightly, that none of them adduces any new information or invalidates his
prilicipal conclusion.
31 See ev6. enko, "'A nti -Zealot' Discourse," 161-71; idem, "Postscript," 403; Dennis,
.llan'I,I in 90 note 30. Sevbenko ("Postscript," loc. cit.) points out reasons
fi,r assigning a later date to the Discourse, to which one could add that the work itself
jut set-nl t o be that of a young lean, as was Cabasilas in the 1340's, but that of a more
niature iniud.
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xxxiii

by persons invested with legitimate authority, but who misuse that authority.
These persons must be the Emperor (or a sovereign despot) and a. prelate.
Cabasilas supposes that their actions are due not to bad will but to error or
ignorance, and he sets out to enlighten them. To this end he refutes the
arguments of those theoreticians who attempt to justify such acts, which
Cabasilas regards as contrary to the divine law and the canons. These persons,
theologians, jurists, or moralists, are not named, although a few decades
later George Gemistos Plethon would be their spokesman. It is possible, if
not probable, that the Emperor was a friend of the writer and that this
treatise was composed to advise him, perhaps at his request. In other words,
the preoccupations of Cabasilas are not political or mercenary but of a higher
intellectual and moral order; he is concerned with canonical and theological
arguments and not with any specific adversaries.
Finally, eighteen letters of Cabasilas, containing some biographical
and historical information, are extant. The shortcomings of their edition have
been pointed out, and several important corrections have been made.34 Two
of the letters, though, merit further comment. Letter 17 is addressed simply
To the Emperor, whom the editor identifies as probably (vermutlich) John VI
Cantacuzenus, and which he dates after 1341. A more attentive reading,
however, makes it clear that the letter was addressed to John V Palaeologus
in October or November 1364. The writer praises the Emperor for his
philanthropy and his zeal for the common good which has led him to hold
"meetings of wise men, both those of old and contemporaries, those who
speak from books and those who use their tongues, and whose concern for
the soul and for expression is equal." In particular, he is commended for
devoting much time to these matters, time which has not been wasted. "By
taking time from your labors on behalf of the common good, you have in
another way benefited that common good by appointing a very deserving
leader for us" (xaXXlw rcouov ildv Tov 7rpoar&Tn v). The "leader" is obviously
the same person who is referred to by the same word (7spoar&-r7)S, xoLvoS
npoa,ra'rric) in Letters 11:15; 12:8; and 13:14. He is Patriarch Philotheos
Kokkinos, appointed for the second time in October 1364 after much hesitation
on the part of John V, clearly alluded to by Cabasilas in Letters 11 and 12.
Letter 17, then, belongs to the same sequence as Letters 11, 12, and 13.
Cabasilas commends the Emperor, John V Palaeologus, for convoking and
apparently attending theological discussions in which patristic texts played
a key role, and he thanks him for naming Philotheos patriarch.
A more attentive reading of Letter 18, whose addressee is unknown
according to the editor, clearly reveals that it was addressed to an unnamed
emperor who is absent, apparently among the Turks, and whose valor and
''' Ed. Enepekides, "Der Bricfivechsel." Five letters are also published by Loenertz
in his edition of Cyclones' correspondence, Appendix 1, I, 169-72. See the critical remarks
of Loenertz, "Chronologie de Nicolas Cabasilas," and of SevCenko, "Nicolaus Cabasilas'
Correspondence."
 PROSOPOGRAPHY

labors, it is hoped, as in the past, will benefit the city and the common good.
The writer suspects that the addressee will not be free to return for some
time and urges him to send a letter, or at least an oral message, by means of
a certain Boullotes. It is quite possible that this letter was addressed to
Manuel II while he was on campaign with the Turkish Emir Bajezid in
Anatolia in 1390-91, during which time Manuel sent his own Letter 15 to
Cabasilas. The text of this letter, together with a translation and some
comments, is given in the Appendix (p. 221-23).

4. Demetrius Chrysoloras
The eight letters (33, 41, 43, 44, 46, 48, 50, and 61) which Manuel wanted
preserved from his correspondence with Demetrius Chrysoloras indicate
the esteem in which he held his friend. In fact, even when Demetrius was in
the service of John VII, the relationship between the two men seems to have
been extremely close (see Letter 33). Probably about the same age as the
Emperor, Demetrius belonged to the elite literary group at Manuel's court.
He and the Emperor exchanged their compositions and engaged in literary
pleasantries with one another; indeed, Demetrius was particularly noted for
this. Manuel constantly expressed the highest praise of Demetrius' writings,
although he had to reproach him for indulging in flattery (Letters 46, 48).
The same high opinion of his rhetorical ability, as well as the charm of his
conversation, is remarked on by others, such as John Chortasmenos and
Theodore Potamios.35 He also shared the same Orthodox theological views
as Manuel and belonged to the anti-Latin party in Constantinople.
Unfortunately, there exists very little factual information about his
life, and most of his writings remain unedited 36 His relationship with
Manuel Chrysoloras, who addressed a piece of epistolary rhetoric to him,
remains obscure, although it is clear they were not brothers.37 Apparently
about 1384-85 Demetrius was sent by the Emperor, presumably John V, on
an embassy to "the Barbarian," probably the Turkish Emir Murad I, which
involved a third power, perhaps a Latin one 38 During the 1390's it is quite
possible, if the interpretation given below of Letter 33 is correct, that he
served in the court of John VII in Selymbria. It also seems that sometime
before 1400 he had traveled to Western Europe, apparently to France, but
when and in what capacity is unknown (see Letter 41). During Manuel's own
journey to the West (1400-3) he remained in Constantinople with John VII
'' See Manuel's Letter 45; Hunger, l'horlasmc.eos, 90-94; Potainios, Letter 8,
Appendix, p. 226.
an In general, see Beck, Kirche ,i, d theologische Literatur, 751; M. Treu, "Demetrios
Chiysoloras and seine hundert :Bride," BZ, 20 (1911),106-28; V. Lundstrom, "Ramenta
13vzantina 1'111," Cranos, (i (19o(i), 50-54; Caminclli, illannele C'risolora, 198--201; Hunger,
( h ,rEaneenu. , 91-98.
31 Cammelli, loc. cit.
38 Potamios, Letter 8, Appendix, p. 226.
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xxxv

in some sort of official position and kept in regular contact with Manuel by
letter 39 On 28 July 1403, shortly after the Emperor's return, he delivered an
oration of thanksgiving on the anniversary of the battle of Ankara.40 Later
in the year (October or November) he settled in Thessalonica to serve as
mesazon for John VII until September 1408. During this period he continued
his literary activities, including his correspondence with Manuel II. In
Letters 43 and 44 Manuel depicts Demetrius as somewhat sedentary and
uninterested in hunting or military matters; he was apparently well off
financially, although the public finances, with which he was concerned, were
not in such a flourishing state. His public duties involved some connection
with the law courts. About 1407 he was sent by John VII to Constantinople
on some unspecified business 41 In August 1409, as a member of the senate
(auyx),yroc) and a domestic (oixrioq) of the Emperor, he took part in the
synod which excommunicated the former bishops Macarius of Ankara and
Matthew of Medeia, and spoke about peace in the church so eloquently that
his words "would make a stone shed tears."42 He is last heard of as an
imperial delegate to the synod of April-May 1416 held to elect a new patriarch
and to clarify the rights of the emperor in the church.43
The extant writings of Demetrius have been well characterized by
P. Gautier as neither very abundant nor very important.44 They comprise
anti-Latin polemics, including a dialogue between himself, Cydones, Neil
Cabasilas, and Thomas Aquinas, a number of homilies, some astronomical
tables, court orations, and other rhetorical efforts, several of which are
discussed in connection with the letters of Manuel addressed to him.

5. Manuel Chrysoloras
Approximately the same age as the Emperor and Demetrius Chrysoloras,
Manuel Chrysoloras, the recipient of Letters 37, 38, 49, 55, and 56, was also an
extremely close friend and trusted minister of the Emperor, playing a major
role in diplomatic negotiations in Western Europe.45 In 1388 he must have
planned to accompany Demetrius Cyclones to Venice, for on 5 July of that
00 Manuel, Letter 41. If Hunger's alternate dating, 1402-3, of Letter 22 of Chortas-
menos is correct, then he would appear to have held a prominent position as an archon:
Chortasm.euos, 93.
10 Ed. P. Gautier, "Action des graces de Dembtrius Chrysoloras in Theotocos pour
I'anniversaire do la bataille d'Ankara (28 juillet 1403)," REB, 19 (1961), 340-57.
91 Syropoulos, 3, 12, ed. V. Laurent, Les Mdmoires du grasul ecclesiarque de l'Eghse
de Gbrwtantinople, b'yleestre b'vjroporlos, sur le enucile de Florence (Paris, 197]), 172-74;
cf. Dolger, Kaiserregesteu., 3207, p. 77.
42 Tome of 1409, ed. Laurent, "1'risi+piscopat," 134, 136.
19 Syropoulos, 2, 3, ed. Laurent, 102.
u Gautier, op. cit., 340.
.15 The basic work is Canunelli,.llantule Crisolora. Also see Loenertz, l.'alecas, 63-71;
Hunger, Chortos,nenos, 97-101; I. Thomson, "'Manuel Chrvsoloras and the Early Italian
Renaissance," ORBS, 7 (11)6(i), 63-82.
xxxvi PROSOPOGRAPHY

year both were named as executors of the will of John Laskaris Kalopheros
in case they should be in Venice at the time 46 But it was not until 1390-91
that the two men actually arrived in Venice, and during their visit Manuel
established contact with the Italian humanist circle of Coluccio Salutati,
perhaps at this time giving some instruction in Greek to Roberto Rossi.47
In 1394-95 Manuel was again in Venice to request aid against the Turks.
Back in Constantinople he gave lessons in Greek to Jacopo Angeli da Scar-
peria, who also followed his courses a few years later in Florence and who
joined the Roman curia in 1401.48 Early in 1396 the city of Florence discussed
inviting him to teach Greek there and on 28 March sent him an official letter
of invitation. About the end of September, together with Cydones, Manuel
left Constantinople for Venice and arrived in Florence on 2 February 1397 to
begin a five-year teaching contract. A year later his salary was raised from
150 to 250 florins a year. But on 10 March 1400 he left Florence, citing the
danger of the plague, although the real reason was undoubtedly the arrival
of Emperor Manuel II in Italy. The following day he joined his nephew,
John Chrysoloras, in Pisa, and then the Emperor in Pavia. Most of the next
three years was spent in Lombardy soliciting aid for Byzantium. He returned
to Constantinople, perhaps in the company of the Emperor in June 1403,
but in December of 1404 was back in Venice as imperial envoy. His close
contacts with the Latinophiles in Constantinople, particularly with converts
to Catholicism such as Calecas and Cydones, made him suspect among the
Orthodox, so that John Chortasmenos called on him to make a public
declaration of his orthodoxy.46 It is not certain when Chrysoloras formally
became a convert to Catholicism, but about the end of 1405, while still in
Constantinople, he requested an indult from Pope Innocent VII to be
ordained in the Roman rite with permission to say Mass in Greek. Although
this was granted by the Pope on 19 February 1406, Manuel was never actually
ordained. In Constantinople he continued teaching, his most appreciative
and influential student being Guarino of Verona, who retained the fondest
memories of his sojourn with Chrysoloras in the Byzantine capital. Early in
1406 he was in Venice and Padua and about the end of 1407 began a much
lengthier mission for the Emperor which took him to Paris, London, perhaps
Spain, and about May of 1410 to the papal court at Bologna. On behalf of
the Emperor he presented to the monastery of Saint Denis in Paris a rich,
illuminated copy of the writings of Denis the Areopagite, containing a

48 A. Eszcr, Das abenteuerliche Leben des Johannes Laskaris Kalopheros (Wiesbaden,

1969), 96; Loenertz, Ddnadtrius Cydoues Correspondance, I, Appendix V, 10, pp. 191-92.
47 Loenertz, Caldcas, 54; Cammelli, Mccnuele Crisolora, 21-29; unless otherwise
indicated the following remarks are based on Cammelli.
'8 Loenertz, Caldcas, 71-73; H. Weiss, "Jacopo Angeli da Scarperia (ca. 1360-
1410/11)," Medioevo e 2i7wsciniento. Studi in onore di Bruno Nardi, II (Florence, 1955),
803-27.
49 Hunger, Chortasmenos, 100-1; Letter 29, pp. 179-80.
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xxxvii

portrait of Manuel II and his family and an inscription by Chrysoloras

himself.60 In 1410 he returned to Constantinople, but in April of the following
year was back in Italy and accompanied the papal court to Rome, remaining
there for two years in an effort to negotiate ecclesiastical union and Western
aid, an effort he soon came to realize was futile. Toward the end of 1413, in
the company of papal legates, he conferred with King Sigismund near
Lugano and, after more travels in Northern Italy, possibly a quick visit to
Manuel II in Thasos or Thessalonica, he arrived at Constance in the fall of
1414. The esteem in which he was held is shown by the fact that he was
considered for election to the papacy. But he died there on 15 April 1415
and was buried in the Dominican convent.
Apart from his diplomatic activity, Manuel Chrysoloras was best
known for his teaching of Greek to the early Italian humanists. His method
in particular was admired and continued by such men as Guarino. For
teaching Chrysoloras composed a sort of text, the Erotemata, or Questions.
His other writings are not many. There is a Discourse to Manuel II, a
Comparison of Old Rome and New Rome in the form of a letter to John VIII,
translations of Latin liturgical prayers, a pro-Latin theological work, and
twelve letters, primarily of rhetorical interest.61

6. Demetrius Cydones
The venerated teacher of Manuel II and one of his closest friends, to
whom twenty of his published letters were addressed, was the prominent
statesman and scholar, Demetrius Cydones. Primarily owing to the publi-
cation of his correspondence, some 450 letters, it is possible to put together
a fairly clear picture of his life.52
Cydones was born about 1323 of a noble family in Thessalonica, where
he made his studies under Neil Cabasilas. When his father died in 1341, on
returning from a mission to the Golden Horde, Demetrius became head of
the family and was taken under the protection of John Cantacuzenus, who
had himself been proclaimed emperor in October of that year. During the
civil war of 1341-47 his support of Cantacuzenus earned him the enmity of
the Loyalists, who forced him to leave the city in 1344-45, and he sought
50 Now in the Louvre in Paris, reproduced in Barker, Manuel 11, fig. 5, p. 101;
fig. 20, p. 264.
51 See Cammelli, Afan uele Crisolora, 178-83. The Comparison of Old and New Rome
is translated by F. Grabler, Europa 211E XV. Jahrltundert von Byzantinern gesehen (Graz,
1954), 109-41. Also see C. G. Patrinelis, "An Unknown Discourse of Chrysoloras Addressed
to Manuel II Palaeologus," ORBS, 13 (1972), 497-502.
52 No complete biography or study of Cydones has yet been written. See Beck,
Kirehe end theoloyisehe L it eratu r, 733-37; R. J. Loenertz, Les recueils de lettres de Dimitrius
Cydonis, ST, 131 (Vatican City, 1947), 108-22; the section up to the year 1375 has now
been superseded by his articles: "D6m6trius Cydones. 1. De la naissance a 1'ann6e 1373,"
OCP, 36 (1970), 47-72; "D6m6trius Cydones. 2. De 1373 11375," ibid., 37 (1971), 5-39.
 PROSOPOGRAPHY

refuge in Berroia with Manuel Cantacuzenus. The adversaries of Cantacu-

zenus seized power in Thessalonica and in August 1345 massacred a large
number of his followers, an event which brought ruin to Cydones' family,
and which he recalled on several occasions. After the victory of Cantacuzenus
on 3 February 1347, Cydones entered his service, soon becoming his chancellor
and chief minister. During this period he also seems to have instructed
Cantacuzenus' daughter, the young Empress Helena, in Classical Greek
language and literature. It was apparently about this time that Cydones
began his religious and intellectual journey away from the hesychastic or
Palamite positions predominant at the court of Cantacuzenus, a journey he
was able to undertake without antagonizing his friends. This was a trait he
preserved throughout his life: the ability to retain the friendship of those
whose theological views he did not share. In 1350, together with Cantacuzenus
and Nicholas Cabasilas, he thought of entering a monastery, and it may
have been about this time that he acquired an adelphaton at St. George in
the Mangana. He disapproved of Cantacuzenus crowning his son Matthew
coemperor in 1353 and of his rejection of the lawful Emperor, John V
Palaeologus. But on 22 November 1354 John V entered Constantinople, and
on 4 December Cantacuzenus abdicated and became a monk with the name
of Joasaph, and Cydones retired to the Mangana.
As minister for John Cantacuzenus, Cydones had learned Latin from a
Dominican in Pera and begun his translation of the Summa contra Gentiles of
Thomas Aquinas, which he completed on Christmas Eve 1354. During his
retirement in the Mangana he began translating the Summa theologica, the
study of which accelerated his religious evolution, and led him, probably
about 1357, to make a profession of the Roman Catholic faith. His religious
development is documented by five "Apologies" on his conversion, his
sincerity, his spiritual testament, on the authority of the Latin Fathers, and
on St. Thomas Aquinas.13
His retirement did not last long, however, for John V Palaeologus
soon invited him to the palace to become his chief minister or, properly
speaking, mesazon, a position he was to hold for about thirty years. During
the 1360's Cydones was intensely involved in the business of government,
which came to entail more and more contact with the papacy. At the same
time he kept up his literary interests, probably including the instruction of
the Emperor's second son, Manuel, carried on a voluminous correspondence,
and continued writing against the Palamite theology. Although the Patriarch
Philotheos Kokkinos had promised not to liarrass the anti-Palamites, in the
spring of 1368 he had Demetrius' brother, Prochoros, hieromonk of the Lavra
on Mount Athos, condemned by a synod. Demetrius then wrote against the
Patriarch and in defense of his brother.
53 The first three are edited by illercati, Notizie di Procoru e De,netrio Cidone,
359-435; German translation of the first by H.-G. Beck, inOKS, 1 (1952), 208-25; 264-82.
The last two are unedited: cods. Vaat. gr. 614, 1103, and 1879, and cod. Viiulob. theol gr. 260.
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xxxix

In 1369 he accompanied John V to Rome, assisting at his profession

of faith, and then remained with him in Venice until March 1371. Profoundly
impressed by Rome, as well as by Venice, both Emperor and prime minister
were soon quite disillusioned about their chances of obtaining Western aid
against the Turks. Although Cydones retained his position in the government,
serious disagreements developed between him and John V after their return
from Italy, as John came to follow a policy of cooperation with the Turks.54

Cydones found himself unwelcome at court and spent some time in semi-
retirement at the Mangana and also on Lesbos. But he remained loyal to
John and refused to serve Andronicus IV, who usurped the throne from
1376 to 1379. During the resultant civil war and the period immediately
following, Cydones resumed his place at court, but his known sympathies for
Manuel II, ruling independently and in defiance of his father in Thessalonica
from 1382 to 1387, apparently led John to mistrust him. About 1385-87 he
resigned from government service, and was excluded from the council called
to determine the fate of Manuel.55 In the course of his flight from Thessalonica
(April 1387) and his exile on Lemnos to 1389, Manuel received a number of
letters from Cydones.b8 Probably not long after Manuel's return to Constan-
tinople and his reconciliation with his father about the end of 1389, Cydones
sailed to Venice, a journey he had been planning for some time. He spent
most of 1390 there, receiving in January 1391 the grant of Venetian citizen-
ship, and in March returned to Constantinople.57
During the next year or so Manuel addressed a number of letters (14,
16,19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, and 26) to Cydones, who seems to have been occupying
himself in editing his correspondence and having copies made. It was during
this period, too, that he entered into contact with Manuel Calecas. In late
September 1396, along with Manuel Chrysoloras, he embarked for Venice,
and it was probably there that he received from Manuel Letters 31 and 62.
He then sailed to Crete, where he died during the winter of 1397-98.58
As far as the present work is concerned, it is clear that the most
important of Cydones' writings are his letters, some eighty of which were
addressed to Manuel II. These letters not only furnish significant factual
information, but also enable one to discern the personality, the thoughts, and
the feelings of the writer.58 Despite their divergent theological views, the

51 Dennis, 3laiauel in Thessalonnica, 26-37.

55 Ibid., 112-52.
51" R. J. Loenertz, "L'exil de Manuel 11 Paleologue a Lemnos, 1387-1389," OCP,
38 (1972), 116-40.
57 Loenertz, (:'alecas, 54.
:.e Ibid., 56-57.
On the letters of Cydones, see Dennis, .11ate!tel in Thee,aloitica, 20-22; sub-
sequently, 15 letters have been translated into German by Eszer, Das abeuteuerliche Leben
des ... Kalopheros, 201-44; three into Italian by G. Fedalto, Siruone Atmnan,o, dlorueco di
Studio, Arcivencovo Latino di Tebe,secolo 11 V (Brescia, 1968), 127-48; live into French by
Loenertz, inOC'P, 37 (1971), 24-38.
xl
PROSOPOGRAPHY

close friendship linking

Manuel and Cydones stands out clearly in a reading
of their letters. Whether Cydones instructed Manuel in rhetoric and literature
in a formal manner is not certain, but Manuel definitely regarded him as his
teacher, constantly sought his advice, and spoke of him with the greatest
veneration and affection.

7. David and Damian, Monks

During the sojourn of Manuel II in Thessalonica from October-November
1414 to March 1415 a number of monks from Mount Athos took advantage
of the occasion to have certain matters settled or to obtain certain privileges
for their monasteries (see Letter 68). Whether in connection with such affairs
or not, two hieromonks, David and Damian, presumably also from the Holy
Mountain, visited the emperor and entered into close friendship with him.80
They expressed interest in a religious work he was composing, a meditation
before holy communion after recovering from a serious illness, and he
promised to send them a copy of the completed work. Its completion took
longer than he anticipated, and Letter 68 is his apology for the delay.
Nothing else seems to be known about these two monks except that Manuel
addresses them as priests and spiritual fathers and clearly held them in high
regard.

8. Euthymius, Priest and later Patriarch

Euthymius, the priest to whom Manuel addressed Letters 39, 40, 51, and
54, was born about 1340 of a wealthy family and educated in Constantinople.61
He embraced the monastic life at an early age and became noted for his
learning, both secular and religious, and for his oratorical and polemical
abilities. He was a very close friend of the Emperor and belonged to the
literary circle at his court. Letter 54, for example, is concerned with a literary
work on which they had collaborated. He may well be identical with "the
good Euthymius" sent by Manuel as an envoy to Pope Urban VI from
Thessalonica in the spring of 1385.62 Cydones (Letter 314) describes him as

60 A&T6 1T6 P6(lXloVl XOCTa T6Va T6X71V '26V 6rro,W en:eSil ceiS siV i7U8-Jlo5am Tp T05
Calmmou xaaa(an1 noaem: cod. Vat. gr. 1107, fol. 315. A David was higounienos of Esphig-
menou in 1357 and 1398: Dolger, Ans den des heiligen Berges, 51, p. 142;
Actes de l'Athos. II, Actes du Pantocrator, ed. L. Petit, suppl. to VizVrern, 10 (1903), 13,
p. 43; a David was also protos of Mt. Athos in 1389: J. Darrouzes, "Liste des pr6tes de
1'Athos," Le Milldnaire du Wont Athos, 963-1963, Etudes et Didlanges, I (Chevetogne,
1963), 432. A Damian was higoumenos of Chilandari in 1384: Actes du Pantocrator, ed.
Petit, 6, p. 15; another Damian was ecclesiarch of Karves in 1387 and 1395: Actes de
Dion.ysiou, ed. N. Oikonomides (Paris, 1968), 207-8; as higoumenos of Menitze in 1394
and 1400: ibid., no. 8, p. 73; no. 9, p. 80.
81 J. Darrouzes, "Euthyme II," DHGE, XVI, 59-61.
82 Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 137-38. In the Synodikon of Orthodoxy read
in Thessalonica Euthymius receives a lengthier encomium than the other patriarchs, as
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xii

playing a prominent role in the controversies against the Latins, as a monk

and convinced Palamite, but also as a good friend, an articulate, intelligent,
and virtuous man who would make a favorable impression in Rome. About
1390 he was named abbot of the monastery of Stoudios in Constantinople
and given the honorary title of protosynkellos.63 In 1397 he was a candidate
for the patriarchate, and during the long controversy instigated by Macarius
of Ankara and Matthew of Medeia he acted as the arbiter, whose moral
authority was respected by all. When the Emperor refused even to look at
what he felt was a libellous pamphlet, Macarius sent a copy to Euthymius,
saying he would go along with his judgment.84 Although Macarius and
Matthew were excommunicated in 1409, the disturbance in the church does
not seem to have abated fully, and on the death of Patriarch Matthew in the
following year, the Emperor looked to Euthymius as best able to restore
peace. He was consecrated and enthroned as patriarch on 26 October 1410.66
A serious conflict with Manuel regarding the Emperor's rights over the church
was averted by his unexpected death on 29 March 1416; he was buried in the
monastery of Stoudios.66

9. Frangopoulos
Frangopoulos, to whom Manuel II addressed Letter 24, was a common
family name in the Late Byzantine period. One branch was prominent in the
Morea, and the remains of a large house belonging to the family still exist in
Mistra.67 Letter 24 was probably written in the years 1392-96, and the best
known Frangopoulos about that time was Manuel, who bore the title of
protostrator and represented the despot Theodore I in concluding a treaty
with Venice on 28 August 1394.68 A year later, his brother John, governor of
Grevenon, was murdered at the orders of the metropolitan of Patras.69 After

though he had some special connection with the city: J. Gouillard, "Le Synodikon de
1'Orthodoxie, Edition et commentaire," TM, 2 (1967), 105.
es R. Janin, La geographie ecclesiastigne de l'empire byzantin. III, Constantinople, les
e'glises et les Tn.onasteres, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1969), 433-34; Loenertz, Calecas, 104. In the early
1390's he received a letter from Joseph Bryennios: idem, "Pour la chronologie des oeuvres
de Joseph Bryennios," 17-18.
84 'IIZ;tce.aa aTa),Yvat Tb (3L(3AiOV 7rp6C TbV 7raV0aL6TMT0V EV 1Epol40Vcx0L4 xal
SpLrgv Tou 2:TouStou xup E64R61.uov, xai rb Trap' a&rou SLarpt$Ev aripEo xai AUTO'S: cod.
Paris. gr. 1379, fol. 50"; see Laurent, "Trisbpiscopat," 44, 157.
Os V. Laurent, "Les dates du patriarchat d'Euthyme II de Constantinople," BZ,
54 (1961), 329-32.
60 Ibid.; Janin, op. cit., 435; on the conflict, see Svropoulos, 2, 1-2, ed. Laurent,
Les Mimoiree, 100-2.
A. Orlandos, T& Traa&TLa xal Ta m it z Tou Muotpa, in 3
(1037), 3-114, esp. 106. Also of. V. Laurent., "Lttgendes sigillographiques et familles by-
zantines," EO, 30 (1931), 466-84, esp. 467-73; ibid., 31 (1932), 344-47.
08 D. A. Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de 1.1oree, I (Paris, 1932), 138; II (Athens,
1953), 98.
84
Ibid., I, 129; MM, II, no. 493, p. 250.
 PROSOPOGRAPHY

the death of Theodore I in 1407, Manuel Frangopoulos governed the Morea

during the minority of Theodore II.70
Some time later, the protostrator John Frangopoulos became the chief
minister (xal&oaix6S v) of the Despot Theodore II in Mistra, where
he founded the Pantanassa monastery and in 1444, according to a document
of Constantine XI, bore the title of general (ysvsp&acs -rids paaastas
11ou).71 He seems to have been the protostrator who was sent on missions by
the despot in 1428 and 1443, by John VIII to Murad II in 1430, and who was
later in the service of the Despot Thomas in Mistra.72 An unnamed Frango-
poulos is referred to as grand stratopedarch in the 1430's.73

10. Gabriel, Metropolitan of Thessalonica

Gabriel, to whom Manuel II addressed Letters 52 and 57, was the son
of a priest, a diocesan official in Thessalonica, and at a tender age entered
religious life under the direction of Macarius Choumnos.74 He also received
a good classical education and apparently displayed the gifts of a good

70 Zakythinos, op. cit., I, 166. A young Greek cleric of the same name from Constan-
tinople studied Latin in Rome during the 1370's at papal expense and served in the Mores,
as secretary to John Laskaris Kalopheros: Eszer, Kalopheros, 63, 70, 146. A Frangopoulos
is mentioned in May 1387 as owning property near Serres: Actes de i'Athos. III, Actes du
Esphigminou, eds. L. Petit and W. Regel, suppl. to VizVrem, 12 (1906), 21, p. 42.
71 Zakythinos, op. cit., II, 98-99, 103. On the title xa,9o) r.xls see J. Ver-
paux, "Contribution A 1'etude de 1'administrationbyzantine: 6 Eaci o v," Byzantinoslavica,
16 (1955), 270-96; R. J. Loenertz, "Le chancelier imperial sl, Byzance an XIVe at au XVe
siccle," OCP, 26 (1960), 275-300 (= ByzFrGr, I, 441-66).
72 Zakythinos (op. cit., I, 265; II, 99) mentions Leo and Nicholas Frangopoulos,
both protostrators, but these are clearly inventions of ?Macarius Melissenos (Pseudo-
Phrantzes), whereas Sphrantzes himself (ed. Green, pp. 26, 66) speaks only of the proto-
strator Frangopoulos, who is probably John.
73 S. Lampros, flaaa!oa6yEt0C xai IIEaoirovvraeax&, I (Athens, 1912), 165. In the
spring of 1391 the deacon, George Frangopoulos, signed a promise to the patriarch con-
cerning his promotion to the priesthood: 1131, II, no. 420, p. ],51. Another George Frango-
poulos is mentioned in a property settlement in Thessalonica on 4 April 1421: Dolger,
Avs den Schatzlea7nnter72 den heiligen Bergen, no. 102; and also in an act concerning the
monastery of Dionysiou in 1430: Actes de Dionpfsiovt, ed. Oikonomidk, no. 25, p. 149.
A Demetrius Frangopoulos attested an act of 1415: ibid., no. 14, p. 97. An unnamed
Frangopoulos was a bishop of Nicaea: Mancuelis Philae carmine, ed. E. Miller (Paris,
1855-57), 11, 286; another was a leader of the anti-Cantacuzenus faction in Adrianople
in 1315: Cantacuzenus, Hist., 3, 90: II, 556; still another was connected with a person
punished for trying to destroy icons in 1393: 1111, II, no. 437, p. 171.
74 Much of the information on Gabriel derives from a panegyric composed shortly
after his death: cd. L. S. Laourdas, 'Cyxci mcv Et; -.6,) &p7ic7:iaxozov 9E(Yaa).ovtx7jS rot'-
ill MaxEBovcx&, 4 (1955.60), 352-70. See also G. I. Theocharides, Duo via E- ypaya
&popo0v-7. Et; -iiv NE.av ,Nloviv ibid., 3145-51; A. E. Bakalopoulos, '0 &p-
/ceaiaxo7rcS Ix(ip! ;n xul r` rpc5rq roupxtxi xa;oy-; v ; Oersaa),ovirg5, ibid., 371-73;
11. Laourd+ls,'0 Pa(ip:rn in'AOrva, 56 (1952), ] 99-214; 1'. Laurent, "Le me-
tropolite de Thessalonique Gabriel et Ie couvent de la Nic 'EA),rvLx&, 13 (1954),
241-55.
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS

administrator and superior, for when Macarius was called about 1374 to
become abbot of the monastery of Stoudios in the capital, he left his Thessa-
lonican community, referred to simply as the New Monastery (Nice MovI),
in the charge of Gabriel. There he remained until early in 1384, when he felt
there was no hope of saving the city from the Turks and of avoiding slavery,
and with several of the monks he fled to Constantinople.75 He was named
abbot of the monastery of Chora and overseer of all the monasteries in the
capital. In April 1389 he was named metropolitan of Chalcedon, a see which
no longer had any faithful, but which possessed privileges and property in
Constantinople that were to occasion several controversies. Sometime before
January 1394 Gabriel returned to his New Monastery in Thessalonica as
superior. On the death of Metropolitan Isidore Glabas, 11 January 1396, a
long conflict arose over the succession, but in the summer of 1397 Gabriel
was named metropolitan of Thessalonica. He was remembered for his
successful efforts in obtaining milder treatment for his flock from the Turkish
conquerors, efforts which required energetic action and large sums of money.
After the city recovered its freedom in the summer of 1402, Gabriel con-
centrated on his pastoral and administrative duties, of which one mani-
festation is a collection of some sixty-six sermons delivered in Thessalonica,
most of which remain unedited.76 He became involved in ecclesiastical
litigation, for example, a conflict over the rights of the bishopric of Chalcedon
and a long, drawn out property dispute with the Monks of Akapniou. Since
his appointment as metropolitan of Chalcedon, Gabriel had been at odds
with Matthew, then bishop of Cyzicus, over the perquisites of Chalcedon. The
hostility continued after Matthew's election to the patriarchate in 1397, and
Gabriel joined the party led by Macarius of Ankara and Matthew of Medeia
which sought to depose him. In fact, in the synod held the second week of
June 1403, Gabriel, by his representatives, voted to depose Matthew from
the patriarchate.77 Peace between the prelates of Thessalonica and Constan-
tinople seems only to have been restored during the patriarchate of Euthy-
mius, 1410-16. Gabriel's death occurred sometime in 1416-19.
The relationship of Manuel II with Gabriel raises some interesting
questions. Gabriel's flight from Thessalonica in 1384 must have struck
Manuel as desertion by a friend whose support was then urgently needed.
Furthermore, Gabriel's opposition to Patriarch Matthew and his alliance with
Macarius of Ankara must have been regarded by the Emperor as just short
of treason. Yet Manuel's extant letters to him manifest a common intellectual

See Dennis, Alamoel in Thessalonica, 97-98.

ve Seven sermons have been published by B. Laourdas, Pmpp ila UE saxi.ovcxns o:-
i,ixa, in'AO-1vz, 57 (1953),141-78. The collection is found in cod.58 of the Theological School
of Chalki: of. A. Ehrhard, Uberliefer n.g end Bestaed der hagiographischen mail hoiniletischeea
Literatur der griechischen Kirche (= Tl', 52, 5) (Leipzig, 1943), 714-17.
"(. Dennis, "The Deposition and Restoration of Patriarch ;Matthew 1, 1402,-1403,"
By;?, 2 (1967), 104 note 19.
 PROSOPOGRAPHY

and religious concern

and indicate that a most cordial friendship existed
between them.
11. Giorgio Gattilusio
Although it cannot be affirmed with certainty, there is reason to
believe that Manuel addressed Letters 58 and 59 to Giorgio Gattilusio on
Thasos during the summer of 1414. Apart from his seizure of the island, or
at least the citadel, of Thasos at that time, all that is known about Giorgio is
that he was an illegitimate son of Francesco II Gattilusio, lord of Lesbos
(1384-1403/4) and in September or October of 1397 was sent by his father on
a mission to the duke of Burgundy, then at Constance.78

12. Guarino dei Guarini

The first of the Italian humanists to travel to Constantinople for the
express purpose, of learning Greek was Guarino dei Guarini of Verona, to
whom Manuel addressed Letter 60. Guarino was born in 1374 and educated
in his native Verona, Padua, and Venice.79 While in Venice, his "second
fatherland," in 1403 he met Manuel Chrysoloras, who was accompanying
Manuel II on his return to Byzantium from Western Europe. With the
encouragement and financial assistance of a prominent Venetian, Paolo
Zane, Guarino sailed to Constantinople a few months later to study Greek
under Chrysoloras. During the absences of Manuel, Guarino was instructed
by his nephew, John Chrysoloras. He remained there until 1408 and always
treasured the fondest memories of his instructors, particularly Manuel, and
of his sojourn in Constantinople, recalling the Chrysoloras house with its
pleasant courtyard and cypresses. He also performed certain official duties,
for example, composing the Latin version of the Byzantine-Venetian treaty
of 22 May 1406.80 Judging from some letters and exercises of his, Guarino
71 "George, file naturel de Frangois Gastelu, seigneur de Methelin, arriva aupr6 du
Due a Constans, auquel it etoit envoih de la part de son pore, pour 1'asseurer que le Comte
de Nevers, avec les princes et seigneurs etoient arrivez a 1'isle de Methelin." Prosper Bauyn,
Mdrnoire du voyage fait en Hongrie: Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. Collection de
Bourgogne, 20, fols. 357-58. On the Gattilusio family in general, see W. Miller, "The
Gattilusij of Lesbos (1355-1.462)," BZ, 22 (1913), 400--47; rep. in Essays on the Latin
Orient (Cambridge, 1921), 313-53; G. Dennis, "The Short Chronicle of Lesbos, 1355-1428,"
Aso vx&, 5 (1965), 3-22.
's On Guarino, see Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora, esp. 131-39; W. H. Woodward,
Vittoriruw da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators (Cambridge, 1921); M. Baxandall,
"Guarino, Pisanello and Manuel Chrysoloras," 28 (1965), 183-204. The letters
of Guarino, as well as further biographical data, are found in R. Sabbadini, L'epistolario
di (Marino Veronese (Venice, 1915-19).
Si He signed the document: "Ego Guarinus de Guarinis de Verona, imperiali
auetoritate notaries at canzellarius prefati domini ambassatoris et curie Venetorum in
Constantinopoli." MM, III, no. 34, pp. 152-53; ef. Dolger, Kaiserregesten, 3311, p. 03. The
original still exists in the State Archives in Venice; it is reproduced in Barker, Manuel II,
258-59.
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS z1v

seems to have learned Greek rapidly and well. On returning to Italy he

taught first at Florence and then at Venice, Verona, and Ferrara. Noted for
his educational methods, which he had learned from Manuel Chrysoloras, he
was influential in the development of other Italian humanists. He died in
Ferrara in December 1460.

13. Helena Cantacuzena Palaeologina, Empress

While Manuel certainly wrote a number of letters to his mother, the
only one extant is that which he had placed first in the collection. Helena
was born in 1333, the youngest daughter of John Cantacuzenus, and became
the bride and empress of the sixteen-year-old John V Palaeologus on 28 or
29 May 1347 81 She received a good classical education, one of her instructors
apparently being Demetrius Cydones, who complimented her not only on
her beauty and virtue, but also on her progress in studies and her literary
talent 82 As empress, Helena played an important role in the religious and
literary life of the capital. She also actively participated in its political life by
advising her husband and her sons and at times meeting with foreign ambas-
sadors. In 1376 when her oldest son, Andronicus IV, usurped the throne,
she was caught in the middle and tried in vain to reconcile him with his
father. During the subsequent imprisonment of John V with their two sons,
Manuel and Theodore, she was accused of favoritism by both sides, and when
they escaped in 1379 she was suspected of having planned it. Andronicus fled
to Galata taking her, her father, and two sisters as hostages, subjecting them
to a rigorous and harsh imprisonment, made worse because of plague and
famine during the siege of Galata. She was not released until May 1381 and
was welcomed back by the people of the capital with great rejoicing. After
the death of her husband on 16 February 1391, she determined to become a
nun. She distributed her goods to the poor and provided special gifts for
certain close friends, among whom was Cydones, who composed his lengthy
Letter 222 in gratitude, to which Manuel's Letter 23 is the response. She
then entered the convent of Kyra Martha in Constantinople taking the
religious name of Hypomone. Exactly when she took this step or how strictly
she was bound by the cloister is not clear, for she participated with her son
Manuel in governmental activities at least until July 1392. She died in
November 1396.83

81 On Helena, see Nicol, The Byzantine Family of Kantakouzenos, 135-38, from

which most of these details are taken.
12 To Helena, Cydones addressed Letters 25, 134, 143, 222, 256, 389; of these the
lengthy Letter 222 contains a great deal of biographical information and has been translated
into French by G. Cammelli, De,nelrius Cydones Correspondance (Paris, 1930), no. 28,
PP. 68-77.
11 V. Laurent, "La date de la mort d'Helene Cantacuzene. Une precision," REB,
14 (1956), 200-1.
 PROSOPOGRAPHY
14. Constantine Ivankos
Almost all that is known about Ivankos is derived from Letter 45 of
Manuel addressed to him, one of the longest of his letters. At the time the
letter was written, 1404-8, Ivankos was a venerable old man, and his career
as a rhetorician and teacher had been a long and extraordinarily brilliant one.
Probably a native of Thessalonica, he may well have received, as did Nicholas
Cabasilas, some of his education in the capital. At some time, probably in
the 1360's or early 1370's, he was Manuel's instructor in literature and
rhetoric, although whether in Thessalonica or Constantinople is not clear.
Manuel regarded him as an outstanding teacher and cherished fond memories
of him. Ivankos was a respected rhetorician himself and prominent in legal
and governmental circles. If the interpretation of certain passages in Letter
45 is correct, Ivankos provided firm moral support and counsel to Manuel
during his troubled reign in Thessalonica from 1382 to 1387. The only extant
writings of his are a monody on the death of Isidore Glabas, metropolitan of
Thessalonica, presumably given in 1396, the year of the prelate's death, and
a rather biting letter, written about 1410 or 1416, to Simon, Protos of Mount
Athos, who had severely criticized some of his writings.84
Another student of Ivankos, apparently in the early 1400's, was a
certain Katadokeinos, known as Katablatas, altered to Skatablatas in"a
scurrilous and vulgar little pamphlet composed by a person named John
sometime after 1423 or 1430; because of his erotic involvement with
another pupil, however, Ivankos expelled him 85 This pamphlet also makes it
clear that Ivankos, together with the hieromonk Simon, Protos of Mount
Athos, was a judge in Thessalonica, sometime in the period from about 1402
to about 1420, for the same Katadokeinos served as their secretary and
perpetrated a rather crude prank upon Simon, in which Ivankos also joined.86

14 The monody and the letter are published by Legrand, Lettres, 105-12. Simon
was protos of Mount Athos from about 1405 to some date before 1424: see infra, p. lv.
In the letter to Simon (lines 47-49), Ivankos claims to have been honored by emperors,
rulers, and by "the common leader, teacher and lord (To5 xoe1o5 7rpoa-&Tou xai BLSaaxa''AOU
xxi Seaaurou), the one who is now in heaven." These are terns one would apply to the
ecumenical patriarch; so this letter must have been written shortly after the death of
Matthew I in 1410 or after that of Euthymius II in 1416. In 1364-65 the governor of
Lemnos sent a certain Ivankos to visit the Lavra on Mount Athos: Cydones, Letter 96: 51.
"5 Cod. Vallicell. 86 (F 20), fols. 277-291v. This information and a transcription of
the manuscript were kindly given to me by Professor N. Oikonomides, who is preparing
an edition of the work. Fol. 281: 'AA),a yap iv TOUTotq div, &.'1& or Tov aopdv exeivov
67reA46v 'I(iayxJv, oux o18' 6irwq ehh (POLT71T'&C, eTEAeaac exeivou' 7 X ,,v &a).' iTEL&aE Y-4
1A)TO-, T TOU TrrLSOC, e7rt1Lc yr J.rVOV &px 7recpdpaxE, v yEW4 ixELOr' ey&Wac.
tl" Fol. 252v: '0-e v yap c&c 'I(3ayxh xai ZL( Lovt rots Twv OETTaXWV 8Lxaarals
iroypaa-eiwv, Tire aU 'r6v 'lova, ra's -roc'-J,9' Eeprv &ytpa xai Trs &yea71; Twv ovaycav,
L).r raTOV &v-' e),aviacOU gv TLVt TLilV xptaLoyp&pe v uroy&ypagpas. Sre xai Tdv 'I(3ayx6v
TOUro `eaa&EVOS 6,56q paaty exaTrvw. 'rriS xa1Ri8paS xai &roYepW Ka,}'f,=t TO cUVBtxacrou
xxi Tiv epwevov alTiav TSq &7roat&aewq, 65 oX6year6c Te el-% &xouaat xal at& Touro
--qS xe&s8pc exeivov &TroXwpi)aat, l i pipovra Trv EE auro5 cpepoevrly &rocpopxv. 6 8e
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xlvii

15. Theodore Kaukadenos

In Letter 27, Manuel granted Theodore Kaukadenos a tutorial position
with the imperial family. All that we know about the man is that he had been
trying to obtain a position at court for years. Probably sometime in the early
1380's Cydones wrote three letters (210, 215, and 357) recommending him for
the imperial service as a good man, a skilled rhetorician, and one devoted to
the Emperor. The Emperor, apparently John V, was persuaded by the first
letter (210) and granted Cydones' request by appointing Kaukadenos to
some sort of position in the imperial bureaucracy with a modest stipend,
which he confirmed by an official prostagma (Cydones employs the precise
word twice in Letter 215). But certain officials kept trying to prevent him
from actually obtaining the position. "They claimed it required further con-
sideration and thought it well to ask you [the emperor] the same questions
over again and, in general, they are destroying the man by their daily delays.
Although they say they used to love him, and they promised there was
nothing they would not do at a mere nod from you, yet now even after the
prostagma, they are lazy and on holiday and do not feel like paying any
attention. Instead, on one occasion they simply sent him away when he came
to discuss the matter, and on another presented him with riddles more obscure
than those of the Sphinx. Finally, they are devising a way of having him
depart without obtaining your gift." Cydones then urged the Emperor to
assert himself and show that he and his decree (prostagma) cannot be ignored
(Letter 215).
The letter seems to have been successful, and Kaukadenos obtained his
position and stipend, but soon lost them, so that a few years later, about 1386,
Cydones, no longer in favor with John V, wrote to his minister, the mesazon
Goudeles, to ask that Kaukadenos' former position and salary be restored
(Letter 357). Apparently the same bureaucrats were continuing to intrigue
against hint. "He has been harmed by insolent people who seek to increase
their own position at the expense of the empire. They envied the small
livelihood he was receiving from the emperor, and by depriving him of this,
they have condemned him to poverty. So he sits at home with his wife and
children with nothing coming into the house and spending what he has saved
for so many years." Kaukadenos now wished to return to his former service

E(Lo LaLV6t vov 6XWa xaL cuJ60Vra ToV 'I(iayxov u7ro),a(36v, EL 6; &X7)iEWC, TOLOUTOV a6T6V
of yr0, 4418EV ETCLp poVTa, ExELVOS sU46S T6 U7r vo a(;' C8E aaur6v,
(QTaLv, EvTaU9a OXOXearov xi, T(0 9py p T05-CO 7Ck7rov ca , 8ELHV6C, T(il BaxTUX c) TOG
''O 6)6';(EU-0C kV LEpo LoV&XoL[" 6 8E r& IA'7rp6Ta 6nep.EL8(aoev, CO-' OUTCil
ate-,acrpagJELC xcL Taup7186v EVLBWV ao4, Troa).OLS ac xal ELUp(OLS TOLS aX6L(1.JCaty EpaaaE,
aLpe), TLVa xaXwv xaL &Cpu`r xad au.&xoupov, xal Tq) Twv ypaaTewv ou8' ix-rap,
i (P'aaLV, ETL[30,X0VTL, EL TL yE LGTC0 Val 6aa yE L6TW auvepyeZ [fol. 283] Trpoa7rEpux6Ta-
xaL vu xev av ae (.LLxpoU r&v xux).(y&Wv E icacrev, EL 1.7 cc r 6v KLxuv64ev 4c hyr v
6 8LS&axa),o4 'I(3ayx6c TepLTOLOUevoq Tapaxav6aXe.
alviii PROSOPOGRAPHY

(67Crpzaiav) and his modest salary. "With a good disposition he will give due
service (AEvtoupyfav) to
the emperor and will not allow anyone to steal or
embezzle public funds, as so many have been doing." Oydones was chief
minister or mesazon for a long period and was careful in his use of terms such
as prostagma, service, and public funds. Kaukadenos, then, held an official
position in the government which, in some way, involved overseeing the
finances. Whether he regained this position or not is unknown. In these
letters Cydones also praised his rhetorical ability, which later impressed
Manuel II enough to employ him as a tutor for his children. Nothing else
seems to be known about him.87

16. Manuel III Comnenus, Emperor of Trebizond

Letter 53 of Manuel II is addressed simply to the Emperor of Trebizond.
That this was his namesake and distant cousin, Manuel III the Grand
Comnenus, is almost certain owing to the approximate date of the letter,
1409-10, and the reign of Manuel III, 1390-141798 By diplomacy, marriage
connections, and a fair amount of luck, he managed to preserve his declining
state in relative prosperity and to avoid being absorbed by the aggressively
expanding empires of the Turk Baj ezid or the Mongol Timur. In 1404 the
Castilian ambassador to Timur visited him and was impressed by his hand-
some and regal appearance.89 In 1395, after the death of his first wife, he
married Anna Philanthropena, distantly related to the Byzantine imperial
family, and at the same time, his son Alexius married Theodora Cantacuzena
of Constantinople 90

17. Theodore Potamios

Theodore Potamios, or Potames, to whom Manuel addressed Letter 47
about 1404-8, had died by 1414, for in that year Mazaris saw him in Hades
and satirized him as an ancient old rhetorician with a formidable talent for
invective.91 Practically nothing else has been known about him, except that
he delivered a lengthy monody on the death of Emperor John Palaeologus

87 A certain Doukas Kaukadenos was the subject of a synocial decision in an uncanon-

ical marriage in March 1394 and in one involving the ownership of a vineyard in April
1400: MM, II, no. 457, p. 204; no. 567, p. 379. Cf. D. I. Polemis, The Doukai, A Contribution
to Byzantine Prosopography (London, 1968), 133.
Ne Both had Cantacuzene mothers; see Nicol, The Byzantine Family of Kantakouzenos,
141-10.
81 Huy Gonzalez de Clavijo, Encbajada a Tamorlcmn, ed. F. Lopez Estrada (Madrid,
1943), 75; see W. Miller, Trebizond, The Last Greek Empire (London, 1926; rep. with
introduction and bibliography by A. C. Bandy, Chicago, 1969), 71-79.
011t ta'ra Toy I Iavapsrou, Ilepi Tcly iMey&).wv KovrvcT v, ed. 0. Lampsides (Athens,
1958), 81; of. Nicol, The Byzantine Family of Kantakouzenos, 168-69.
".Journey Into Hades, 150; see M. Treu, "Mazaris and Holobolos," BZ, 1 (1892), 92.
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS xlix

and that he wrote some letters.92 A careful reading of those letters, however,
reveals much more information about the man. An inventory of manuscripts
on Mount Athos compiled early in the eighteenth century lists twenty letters
of Potamios in a manuscript, now located in the Monastery of Iviron (cod.
184).93 The manuscript has since been torn in places, and some pages are
missing, so that it now contains only thirteen letters, with a fraction of a
fourteenth. Pertinent sections of these letters are given in the Appendix, to
which subsequent references are made.
Potamios wrote to Isidore Glabas, metropolitan of Thessalonica (25 May
1380-11 January 1396), in the hopes of renewing their old friendship, inter-
rupted by the evils of the time (Letter 9). He recalls their studies together as
youths. Isidore was born in 1342 and became a monk in 1375.94 Potamios,
then, as a contemporary of Isidore, must have been born sometime about
1340, which would make him about seventy-five when Mazaris depicted him
as an ancient old man.
Letter 2 was written to renew his old friendship with Pothos, whose
first name is not given, at a time when "the emperors have put an end to
their former differences with one another," and "the beauty of peace has
driven out all suspicion." Pothos' letter, to which this is the answer, reminded
him of their old friendship and the time they had spent together as boys
studying literature. Potamios, though, regrets that he has lost his touch
for fine writing and explains why. "In addition to the other evils which the
past ten years have brought upon us and which have made us become like
barbarians, we have, first of all, been living in constant contact with vulgar
men and spending our time in places absolutely uninhabited by the Muse or
by Hellenic culture, and then, deprived of all books owing to the disturbance
of the civil wars, we were unable in any way at all to bring ourselves to do
some writing.... We recalled those earlier studies of ours, which at least
helped a bit while we were not acquiring any of the better things in our flight
from the fatherland. In fact, we happened to suffer the opposite. What we
had generously cultivated and gathered together from youth, this now, as
we approach old age, we seem to have lost because of the harshness of
fortune, not to mention the meanness of spirit of the rulers, which has been
the cause of all our suffering."
The peace between the emperors must be that between John V and
Andronicus IV in May 1381 or its confirmation in the Greco-Genoese treaty
of November 1382.15 It could not be that between John V and Cantacuzenus
02 The monody, probably on the death of Jobn VII in 1408, and excerpts from
sonic of the letters, have been published by S. Lampros, l)s66wpoc 6 Ilo.icos xai r) dS
'lceavvr,v ^,Lv flanaLovY"v jJov(,)SLcc aUTO5, in 2 (1885), 48-62.
93 K. N. Sathas, MersxLCOVLxr I3L ,XLo }ii rr, I (Venice, 1872), 282; S. Lampros,
Catalojue o/ the Greek 31anascripts on 31omt Atho$, II (Cambridge, 1900), no. 4304,
pp. 4.1-50.
94 See Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 16-17.
95 ]bid., 44-51.
I
PROSOPOGRAPHY

in 1354, for then Potamios would not be able to say that he was approaching
old age. The evils of the past ten years and the mention of the civil wars are
certainly applicable to the 1370's. The fatherland he fled from is not specified,
but it may well have been Thessalonica. At any rate, as he wrote this letter
he had been ten years in a barbaric place, possibly one of the Latin states.
In Letter 4, also to Pothos, he mentions that he is dwelling among people
who speak a strange and barbarous tongue.
More informative perhaps is his Letter 8, addressed to Theodore
Cantacuzenus, the uncle of the Emperor (Manuel II). He speaks of being
thirteen years in "this turbulent and miserable community." This letter,
then, was written three years after Letter 2 to Pothos, that is, about 1384-85.
Again, he laments the loss of some of his books during the civil wars and the
loss of others to pirates who were constantly attacking the triremes sailing
there. His place of exile, then, must have been a seaport or an island. He
tells Theodore that their mutual friends, Chrysoloras, undoubtedly Demetrius,
and a certain Bryennius, "on an embassy for the emperor to the barbarian,
because of the common nature of the negotiations, have arrived here."
Pothos was also present for the pleasant conversation which ensued. The
embassy presumably was sent by John V either to Murad I or perhaps to
Khairaddin Pasha, then besieging Thessalonica.96 The place where Potamios
was residing, perhaps a Venetian or Genoese possession, was also involved
in whatever negotiations were in progress.
A letter of Potamios to two young religious men, Gemistos and Atheno-
doros, perhaps monks, indicates that he belonged to the strict Orthodox
party in Byzantium (Letter 7). He wrote two letters to Cydones, the second
of which (Letter 12) conveys the news that "the two emperors (ro v (ict6Lagoiv)
have risen up against each other to the greatest detriment of the Romans,
... and like a flame have rekindled civil strife." His use of the dual, repeated
later in the letter, makes it clear that he is speaking of just two emperors,
who must be Andronicus IV and John V in their war of 1373, possibly that
of 1385, for he would have been too young to write about the wars between
John V and Cantacuzenus, and in the other dynastic conflicts during Cydones'
life, more than two emperors were involved. Letter 13 is addressed simply
To the Emperor, who is not named. In it he excuses himself for not being
able, owing to illness, to travel to Constantinople to make a certain request
in person. From Letter 47 of Manuel, it is clear that he was a friend of
Demetrius Chrysoloras and may have been in Thessalonica about the same
time, 1403-8.

18. Pothos, Manuel Pothos

Letter 17 of Manuel is addressed simply to Pothos, while Letters 35
and 42 are addressed to Manuel Pothos. Whether these two are to be identified

90 Ibid., 129.
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS 1i

or not is a matter of conjecture, for Pothos was a common family name in the
Palaeologan period. In 1341 a John Pothos, referred to as in the service of
the pinkernis, Angelos, was one of the envoys sent by John Cantacuzenus to
discuss peace with the Empress Anne of Savoy.97 He is possibly the same
John Pothos, this time in the service of Cantacuzenus, whom Cydones wrote
to in the Morea in 1352 (Letter 51). About five years later a Mark Pothos is
also mentioned by Cydones (Letter 61). About 1380-82 Cydones' Letter 234
was addressed simply to Pothos, then in Constantinople, and concerned a
sum of money due him from the Emperor. Four letters (2-5) of Theodore
Potamios are addressed to a certain Pothos, an intimate friend with whom
he had studied as a boy, whose writings he praised and who, most probably
in the early 1380's, advanced to an influential position in the government.
About 1384-85 this Pothos visited Potamios in his place of exile and carried
on a long conversation with (Demetrius) Chrysoloras, then on a mission to
the Turks (Potamios, Letter 8). In 1385 when Manuel II sent an embassy
from Thessalonica to Pope Urban VI, Cydones amused himself by imagining
the reaction of the anti-Latin party, particularly Pothos.98 No more is said
about him than that, but he must have been well known to both Cydones
and Manuel and may have been in Thessalonica at the time. In 1391 Manuel
wrote to thank Pothos for sending him so many letters, assured him that he
hopes to return to Constantinople soon, and speaks of him as a competent
judge. The Emperor was careful in his choice of words, particularly those
which had a technical meaning, and his use of the word judge, both as noun
and as verb (xpvdr , xpivr.v), afford solid grounds for believing that Pothos
was or had been a judge. In Letter 35, probably written in the late 1390's,
Manuel expressed his admiration of a literary composition of Manuel Pothos.
From Paris in 1401 he encouraged the same person to continue his efforts in
Constantinople, on behalf of the security of the Empire, which implies that
Manuel Pothos held a responsible position there (Letter 42). In 1408 he
accompanied the Emperor to the Morea and there received a letter from
Joseph Bryennios, which indicates that he belonged to the anti-Latin group
at court.99 One is inclined to believe that Pothos and Manuel Pothos were the
same person, but this cannot be proven.

19. Manuel Raoul

According to Letter 32 of Manuel II, written in 1396-97, Manuel Raoul
was a Byzantine emigre in Cyprus, where he held an important position at
the court of King James I de Lusignan (1382-98).109 The Emperor oompli-

97 Cantacuzenus, Hist., 3, 29: II, 183.

98 Letter 302; cf. Dennis, AManuel in Thessalonica, 139.
ee Loenertz, "Pour la chronolgie des oeuvres de Joseph Bryennios," 24-25.
100 On the family, see S. Fassoulakis, The Byzantine Family of Raoul-Ral(l)es
(Athens, 1973); A. Chatzes, Oi 'Paoua, 'Pxa, '116:aa.L 1080-1800 (Kirchhain, 1908);
iii
PROSOPOGRAPHY

mented him on being able to keep up his literary interests while involved in
and recalls a visit made by him to Constantinople not
public administration,
very long ago, 1395-96. During this visit it seems that Raoul also made the
acquaintance of Manuel Calecas, who in the course of the next few years
wrote some five letters to him.'' From these one learns that he was anti-
Palamite, probably pro-Latin, and, at least until about the end of 1402, still
influential at the Lusignan court on Cyprus.

20. Theodore I Palaeologus, Despot of the Romans

Theodore, the fourth son of John V Palaeologus and Helena Cantacu-
zena, was probably born in the middle or late 1350's.102 In 1376 he was
designated governor of Thessalonica, presumably with the title of despot,
and in August and September of that year played a leading role in defending
his father's palace against his oldest brother Andronicus IV and his Turkish
allies. Although, according to Manuel, who was wounded in the fighting,
Theodore was free to go to Thessalonica, he chose to remain in Constanti-
nople, and after the victory of Andronicus in October was imprisoned with
John V and Manuel in the Anemas tower. On their escape in June 1379 and
upon obtaining Turkish aid, they recaptured Constantinople and besieged
Andronicus and the Genoese in Galata. During this period Theodore issued
a prostagma regarding some property in Thessalonica. Then, sometime
between the death of the Despot Manuel Cantacuzenus on 10 April 1380 and
May 1381, when the civil war ended, Theodore was named governor of the
Morea, arriving there probably in the fall of 1382.103
The situation facing him there on his arrival may best be described as
chaotic 104 Shifty Greek and Latin barons warred against one another and

review by N. Veis, in BuZ ocvrtS, 2 (1911-12), 250-55; B. Mystakides, 01'P&a(a)ca,

5 (1928), 256-82. The family was listed among the nobility: Follieri, "I1 poema
bizantino di Belisario" (supra, note 1), p. 622, 52; p. 637, 316. Manuel Raoul is not to
be identified with Manuel Palaeologus Raoul of the Morea, whose letters have been edited
by R. J. Loenertz, "Emmanuelis Raoul epistulae XII," 'E7r.'ET.Bu2;.Err., 26 (1956),
130-63.
101 Loenertz, Caldcas, 77-78.
101 That he was the youngest son is clear from Manuel's Funeral Oration: &v S`e r1
7pfvn 5o z oro ri,>v &r6cacp&v: ed. S. Lampros, fl0Ca0CloA6yEla xai Ileao7rov1j7locax&, III
(Athens, 1926), 19. A papal letter of 6 November 1367 was addressed to the three older
brothers, Andronicus, Manuel, and Michael, without mention of Theodore: 0. Halecki,
l'it e 0 pereur rle Byzance it Rome (Warsaw, 1930),367. Barker (?l1anuelll, 6,273) mistakenly
refers to hint as the third son. On Michael, who was killed in 1376-77, see P. Schreiner,
N'hulieu zu den 13l'AXEA XPONIKA (Munich, 1967), 151-55.
:' Sec Dennis, lllauuel in. Thessalonica, 28-29, 42-43. The date of Manuel Canta-
1

euzenus' death is given in R.-J. Loenertz,"La chronique breve nloreote de 1423,"Melanges

Engine lI (= ST, 232) (Vatican City, 1904), 399-439, no. 11, p. 404.
Un 'T'heodore in the Morea, see Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec do Moree, I, 125-65;
I1, Ja.cnm; Dennis, lu uel in Thessalonica, 114-28.
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS liii

acted in almost complete independence of any central authority. Pirates of

various nationalities and mercenary bands of Navarrese and Turks spread
terror and devastation throughout the land. Theodore's political and military
attempts to assert his authority over the troubled region are too complicated
to detail here. In general, though, his successes were almost evenly balanced
by his mistakes and failures. Yet, despite some notable miscalculations, he
showed himself to be a skillful diplomat, extended his territory, established
his authority over his subjects to a limited degree, and repopulated deserted
areas with Albanian nomads. While it is true that he was faced with an
extremely difficult situation and was very short on resources, one has the
impression that, although intelligent and clever, he really did not measure
up to his mission.
In 1383-84 he had married Bartolomea, the daughter of Nerio Accia-
juoli, lord of Corinth, but they had no son to succeed to the despotate. After
a long illness, Theodore died in 1407, probably on 24 June, assuming the
monastic habit with the name of Theodoret.105 Manuel's affection for him is
expressed in Letter 9 and in the lengthy Funeral Oration he composed.
Cydones also addressed six letters to him.

21. Triboles
As is clear from Letter 9 of Manuel, Triboles belonged to the Emperor's
literary circle. In Constantinople shortly before May 1381 he drew up the
peace treaty between John V and Andronicus IV. Cydones informed Manuel
of it in the following words: "You will also see Triboles, who has become
more important than ever after the peace between the emperors. For it is he
in reality who has reconciled the viewpoints of the two parties in writing and
whose literary abilities have consolidated the truce for us."108 Two other
letters of Cyclones (293 and 421), written in 1383 and 1389, locate him in
Mistra as a secretary, perhaps chancellor, of the despot Theodore I.

22. Macarius, former Bishop of Ankara

The probable addressee of Letters 63 to 66 was Macarius, deposed
bishop of Ankara, a canonist, a theologian of sorts, and, as far as Manuel was
concerned, a restless, troublesome ecclesiastic.'07 A native of Thessaly, he
became a monk and first attracted attention in Constantinople as an ardent
defender of Palamism and an aggressive adversary of the Latinophiles, such
as Manuel Calecas. An irresponsible attack on Patriarch Antony, which
earned him the enmity of the prominent metropolitan of Medeia, Matthew,

105 Loenertz, "La chronique breve moreote do 1423," no. 21, pp. 406, 425-26.
106 Dennis, illunuuel in 44-45.
' See the notes to these letters. For details, see Laurent, "Trishpiscopat," on which
the following sketch is based.
liv PROSOPOGRAPHY

resulted in his condemnation and deposition from the priesthood in September

1396. But Macarius had influential friends in the hierarchy, and during the
brief patriarchate of Kallistos (May-August 1397) he was not only rehabil-
itated, but was made metropolitan of Ankara. So angry was Matthew of Medeia
at this that he refused to take part in the episcopal assemblies. Then, in
October 1397, another Matthew, bishop of Cyzicus, who had played a leading
role in having Macarius condemned and in opposing his elevation to the
episcopate, was named patriarch. Relations between Macarius and the new
patriarch remained strained, and would surely have become worse had not
Macarius left the capital in December 1399 to accompany Manuel II on his
journey to Western Europe.
The Emperor undoubtedly wanted to prevent the quarrelsome prelate
from causing further trouble during his absence. At the same time, he would
need ecclesiastical advisors on his visits to the courts of the Catholic West.
Macarius did, in fact, compose a long treatise against the Latins, which is
characterized by a nearly complete lack of originality and organization.
Returning to Constantinople on 9 June 1403, Macarius found that his
old enemy, Matthew, had been deposed from the patriarchate by John VII,
largely owing to the machinations of his other old enemy, Matthew of
Medeia. Their hatred of the Patriarch now brought these two together in
close alliance. Manuel II was furious at what had transpired during his
absence, but he seems to have underestimated the hostility of the bishops
toward Patriarch Matthew and, implicitly at least, toward himself. A synod
held a few days after his return only confirmed the Patriarch's deposition.
It required six months for the Emperor to win the bishops over to his views.
Another synod was held, this time in the imperial palace; Matthew was
restored to the patriarchate, and concelebrated the liturgy with the other
bishops, including Matthew of Medeia and Macarius. A synodal decree of
reconciliation was drawn up and confirmed by imperial chrysobull about the
end of 1403 or the beginning of 1404.
Macarius, together with Matthew of Medeia, continued to attack the
Patriarch. Some calumnious pamphlets compiled by Macarius came to the
attention of the authorities, including the Emperor himself. After returning
from a mission to the Morea, Macarius was about to withdraw to Mount
Athos when the Patriarch, with imperial consent, brought charges against
him. He managed to delay matters for a while, but in September 1405 the
synod deposed both Macarius and Matthew of Medeia. Macarius, however,
continued his offensive against the Patriarch, and also directed his attacks
against the Emperor as well. In particular, he composed a lengthy canonical
treatise against the Patriarch. Manuel II made a number of attempts, in-
eluding personal interviews, to bring Macarius to cease these activities, but
to no avail. It is in this context that Letters 63 to 66 were written. Finally,
Macarius and Matthew were excommunicated by the synod in August 1409
and sentenced to exile.
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS lv

23. Simon, Protos of Mount Athos

Letter 57 is addressed to the metropolitan of Thessalonica (Gabriel)
and to the protos of Mount Athos. The letter is dated to 1411-12 (see the
notes to the letter); the protos was Simon (Simeon?), who held that position
from about 1405 to sometime before 1424. He signed a document for the
monastery of St. Paul in November 1409, and in 1410 or 1416 was the
recipient of a letter from Constantine Ivankos.108 Simon had been very
critical of some writings of Ivankos, and the letter is an angry response to his
criticism. Simon was also a colleague of Ivankos in the judiciary in Thessa-
lonica, and was the victim of a crude joke in which Ivankos joined.'09

24. Antiochos
Antiochos, mentioned in Letter 44, is almost certainly the old man,
apparently well known in Byzantine court circles, whom Mazaris visited in
his Journey Into Hades. The meeting is described in part as follows.l10
"Then, as though from a bed chamber, there hurried forth from a pile of
excrement that famous old man, Antiochos, or rather, that crazy old wencher.
Before embracing and hugging me, as was his wont, he first asked me, `Tell
me, you, how is that most lovely girl friend of mine doing, she whom I have
kept in my heart night and day, in Britain, in France, and everywhere, and
even now in Hades?"' Antiochos then identified her more closely as a
beautiful, wealthy, and wine-loving lady who dwelt near the gate of St.
Romanos. On hearing that both her beauty and her wealth had faded away,
he exclaimed, "Alas, the most holy emperor had forbidden me to harry her."
Mazaris then reminded him of his daughters and his son, whom he refers to
by the name of Kakoalexios. This person is mentioned earlier as the nephew
of Holobolos, probably Manuel, with whom Mazaris also spoke in Hades."
Antiochos, then, seems to have been the brother or brother-in-law of Holo-
bolos and, as is clear from the above citation, was also one of those who
accompanied Manuel II to Western Europe.112

toe Darrouzes, "Listes des protes de I'Athos," 407-47, esp. 434. The letter is edited
by Legrand, Lettres, 109-12.
toe See supra, p. xlvi.
110 Journey Into Hades, 147-49.
111 Ibid., 130-31.
112 In 1453 a Demetrius Antiocllos was an aide to a,jucice: J. Darrouzes, "Lettres
de 1453," REE, 22 (1964), 90, 115. The name is also found among Latins in the Levant.
For example, a Venetian document of 2 August 1415 is concerned with Angelo Andiocho
(Anthioco) of Negroponte: Venice, Archivio di Stato, Avogaria di Com.un, Raspe, VI, 2,
fol. 91V.
lvi
PROSOPOGRAPHY

25. John Chrysoloras

John Chrysoloras, mentioned in Letter 56, was born on 8 July 1360.113

Not much is known of his early life, except that he was the nephew of
Manuel Chrysoloras and spent some time with him in Florence and Northern
Italy about 1400; probably during that period he married Manfredina Doria
of Genoa 114 From 1403 to 1408 he was in Constantinople, where he assisted
his uncle in instructing Guarino of Verona in Greek. In February 1410 he
arrived at the papal court in Bologna as the envoy of the Emperor (see notes
to Letter 56). He was also sent on missions to the Morea (see notes to Letter
60) and to King Sigismund of Hungary. He seems to have died sometime
before 1427.

26. lagaris
Iagaris, mentioned in Letter 34, whose first name is not given, was
apparently well known to Manuel and to Michael Balsamon. Possibly he may
be identified with Mark Palaeologus Iagaris, a domestic (oixecoS) of the Em-
peror, who in October 1400 was involved in some litigation concerning a garden,
in which case Michael Balsamon, as grand chartophylax, also took part.116
Later he received the title of protovestiarites and then that of protostrator
and was the envoy of John VIII to Sultan Murad II in 1422 and 1430, and
in 1438, with the title of grand stratopedarch, to Pope Martin V.116

113 He has written the date himself in a copy of the works of Aristides: cod. Vat.
gr. 1299; on fol. 263v is his name, 'Io &vvou Tou XpuaoXwp&; on fol. 264 his birthdate,
1i vi iouaa(ou rl', lV8LeTLivoS Ly', evTOUS and on the verso are three mono-
condylia of his name. It also occurs twice, once in monoeondylion, in a codex containing
works of Libanius: Leyde, cod. Vossian. GR F 77, vol. 2, fol. 214; vol. 3, fol. 139v.
114 See Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora, 189-97. Manuel Chrysoloras several times
refers to him explicitly as his nephew, &8eapL8o554, nepos: ibid., 189 note 1.
115 MM, II, no. 649, pp. 497-99. Andronicus lagaris, a rhetorician and diplomat, was
sometime between 1422 and 1438 sent by the Emperor to Egypt (Dolger, Kaiserregesten,
3405, p. 110), in 1436 as ambassador to Trebizond and Iberia (ibid., 3458, p. 121), in 1437
to the Turkish emir (ibid., 3475, p. 124); he was present at the Council of Florence and in
1443 was an envoy to Pope Eugene IV (ibid., 3503, p. 129; of. Syropoulos, Les Memoires,
ed. Laurent, pp. 162, 320, 630). See also G. Moravesik, "Greoeskaja gramota mamljukskogo
sultana vizantijskomu imperatoru," VizVrern, N.S. 1S (1961), 105-15, esp. 110. Manuel
Palacologus Iagaris (Iagros) was in the service of John VIII at the Council of Florence
(Syropoulos, Les Alernoires, ed. Laurent, pp. 240, 260), and in 1449 was sent to Mistra for
the coronation of Constantine XI (Oeorgios Sphrantzes, Memorii, ed. Grecu, 29, 4, p. 72).
A Manuel Iagaris Doukas 'l.'yris was the copyist of cod. Paris. gr. 2305 in the year 1418:
Polcmis, The Doukai, 122.
n9 See A. Papadopulos, Versuch einer Genealogie der Palaiologen, 1259-1453
(Munich, 1938), no. 185, p. 94; Guilland, Recherches, I, 227, 489, 511-12; Syropoulos,
Les 9lernoires, ed. Laurent, p. 118.
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS lvii

27. Kananos
All that is known about Kananos is derived from Letter 13: about 1390
he seems to have come from the Morea to assist Manuel II in Constantinople
and not long afterward to have returned to the Morea, presumably in the
service of the Despot Theodore I. His first name is not given. In the Poem of
Belisarius the name of Kananos is given a place among the leading families of
Byzantium.117 But the only known individuals bearing this family name are
John Kananos, who wrote a description of the Turkish siege of Constantinople
in 1422, otherwise unknown, and Laskaris Kananos, who wrote a brief
account of his Northern European voyage about 1438.118

28. Demetrius Skaranos

Mentioned in Letter 49, Skaranos is almost certainly Demetrius
Skaranos, referred to in autumn 1386 by Cyclones (Letter 359) as "the noble
Skaranos," who was apparently a financial agent for John Laskaris Kalo-
pheros. He is mentioned in the will of Kalopheros made in Venice on 5 July
1388, and after his death in 1392 took care of the family interests, probably
as executor of his will.119 In this connection, he spent much of his time in the
first decade of the fifteenth century sailing between Constantinople, Venice,
Crete, and Cyprus. Both Constantinople and Venice claimed jurisdiction over
settling the Kalopheros property, and the dispute lasted at least until 1410.
He was in Venice probably in 1404, certainly in 1406-7 and 1410. He had been
in Crete in 1399-1400, where he took part in the theological debate between
Joseph Bryennios and Maximos Chrysoberges and probably wrote the letter
to Bryennios, erroneously attributed to Cydones, which accompanied the
treatise by an unknown author published incorrectly under the title "Against
Joseph Bryennios."120 From this it is clear that he was well educated, anti-
Palamite, and Catholic, as were his friends, Calecas and Manuel Chrysoloras.
In 1411-12 he seems to have been in Rome and sometime before 1416 became
an oblate in the Cainaldolese monastery of St. Mary of the Angels in Florence,
the residence of Ambrogio Traversari. Thereafter he is frequently mentioned,
usually as an old man (senex), in the correspondence of Traversari, Guarino,
and Giovanni Aurispa. He died about mid-September 1426.121
14 Follieri, "II pocina bizantino di Belisario" (supra, note 1), 622, 53; 636, 314.
128 On John Kananos, see 111oravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, I, 320. On Laskaris Kananos,
see V. Lundstrom. Sndirre Byzantiska Skrilter, I (Uppsala, 1902), 14-17; German trans-
lation of his work by F. Grabler, Europa iln XV. Jahrhundert von Byzantinern gesehen
(Graz, 1954), 101-5. An archon named Kananos is mentioned in 1453: Darrouzes,
"Lettres de 1453," 90.
I'll On Skaranos, see Loenertz, Calecas, 86-89; Eszer, Das Leben
des ... Kalopheros, 85, 114. Although no first name is given, it was probably this Skaranos
who represented the Emperor at a synod in summer 1396: Laurent, "Trisepiscopat," 55.
120 Loenertz, Calecas, 95, 339.
121 Ibid., 86-89; Eszer, loc. cit.; Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora, 66, 193. The
name Skaranos does not appear very often in the sources. About 1270-74 a monk,
lviii PROSOPOGRAPHY

To this information Letter 49 adds that Skaranos was a relative of

Chrysoloras and that he was favorably regarded by the Emperor, who
praised his competence. He had just been given some assignment, something
in which he had had experience, perhaps connected with the Kalopheros
legacy. He was in Venice in 1407, and it is likely that he then discussed with
Chrysoloras the object of the request made to the Emperor. Whatever the
task allotted to him, Manuel felt that it would indeed prove Skaranos to be
an outstanding servant or minister of the Empire and his lord.122 The favors
requested are not specified, but at least one involved some expenditure since,
as Manuel remarks, Skaranos was well acquainted with the financial status
of the Empire. In classical usage, which Manuel almost invariably follows,
Xoyta s connotes a financial official such as treasurer, comptroller, or auditor.
Skaranos, then, may well have held the position of aoyaptaa-ri4S auaijS, in
two lists called the aoyLa-r*, treasurer or comptroller of the court. Perhaps he
was in charge of what might today be called the payroll office. His duties com-
prised verifying the salaries of those serving at court, making up deficiencies,
and seeing that they performed the services for which they were paid.123
Although the Emperor held a high opinion of Skaranos, others at his
court did not. In a particularly vitriolic passage of his Journey Into Hades,
Mazaris has some remarks to make about the imperial treasurer which both
confirm and add to our other sources and, at the same time, present a few
more riddles to the Late Byzantine prosopographer. In Hades he met the
Latin, Bartholomew de Langosco, who asked about his son, Mazaris' colleague
at court.124 Was he still involved in the salt administration as formerly, or

Theodosius (Theodoulos) Skaranos made his last will and testament: Actes de Xeropotamou,
ed. J. Bompaire (Paris, 1964), no. 9. pp. 71-88. About 1344 a certain Skaranos had been
offered a rich reward to assassinate John Cantacuzenus, but he did not do so and was
praised by his intended victim: Cantacuzenus, Hist., 3, 79: II, 488-89. On this person, as
well as on a George Skaranos, see V. Laurent, "L6gendes sigillographiques et families
byzantines," EO, 30 (1931), 466-84, esp. 478-79. Finally, among the signers of the Synodal
Tome of 1409 was Niphon, bishop of Rhaidestos, who added the qualification "formerly
Skaranos": 6 ra7celvo; k7vlaxo7coq `Pac86orou N-;<puv, 6 pore Exap&voq: cod. Vat. gr. 1858,
fol. 42v.
122 Lord (8cair6-S) must here refer to Manuel himself or to the deceased Kalopheros.
123 J. Verpeaux, Pseudo-Kodinos, Traite des Offices (Paris, 1966), index, s.v., esp.
186, 323, 337.
124 Journey Into Hades, 152-53. In his edition (p. 152) Boissonade gives his name
as N-reaXay&axoq and cites Hase's suggestion that it indicated his place of origin: Delagasco,
de la Gascogne. But the manuscript (cod. Paris. gr. 2991A, fol. 471) clearly has Nieaaay-
x&axoc. Bartholomew, then, belonged to the de Langosco family, descended from the
Counts Palatine of Lomcllo near Pavia. Various branches of the family were located in
Pavia, Piacenza, Vercelli, and Brescia. But it is not known to which branch this Bartho-
lomew belonged or what he was doing in Byzantium. At any rate, it is clear from this con-
versation with Mazaris that he was a convert to Orthodoxy from Latin Catholicism, a
teacher of some sort and well known to the Emperor. In January 1401 a certain Bartho-
lomew, whose last name is not recorded, abjured Latin teachings and made an Orthodox
profession of faith: Mill, II, no. 618, p. 454.
 CORRESPONDENTS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS lix

was he merely acting as an interpreter between Latins and Greeks? Mazaris,

addressing him as professor r&), replied that he was performing both
functions well, but that he had to face an audit of the salt accounts. Bartho-
lomew then asked who was the current state auditor, the one in charge of the
accounts (aoyt ouc) of the Romans. Mazaris explained, "Don't you remember
the fellow who came from Babylon to the Golden place that time and stood
trial together with that senile Peloponnesian, Sophianos the Softhead,
regarding that business of the imperial timber which was shipped to Alex-
andria ?"125
"You mean," the Latin replied, "that mangy Misael Mouskaranos,
that slanderer, that despicable thief, that lewd sneak and pickpocket, who
thinks he knows everything past, present, and future, but apart from a lot
of impudence, he is nothing at all, that stargazer who cannot speak Greek
properly, that Latin sympathizer, that circumcized one, who has been un-
faithful both to the Triune God and to the emperor, whose friendship toward
all others is not genuine, but mercenary, deceitful, and cheating. Are you
telling me that this absolutely abominable, debauched, delirious madman
wants to call my dearest son to account ?"
He then requested Mazaris on his return to the upper world to convey
secretly the following message to the Emperor. "He must not send this foul
and filthy beast, this Latin sympathizer and enemy of the creed, who should
be called Iskariot rather than Mouskaranos, as his ambassador to the podesta
in Galata. I can swear that it was on his advice that the podesta at one
moment had the insolence to throw the imperial standard down to the ground
like a barren tree, though the next moment he came to his senses, as though
he had been drunk, and raised it up to its former position with all possible
pomp and ceremony. Therefore, if the emperor does not tell him to go to hell,
one of these days the podesta will do the. Queen of Cities no end of harm if
he listens to the counsel of this deceitful, murdering ass-sticker. For he is the
sower of weeds in the Great Church of God. He is the one who by his advice
and continuous writing persuaded his son-in-law, that most wretched one,
Little Raoul the Ant, to purchase the pride of the Romans, the island of
Thasos."

Mouskaranos, the cow-brained or dim-witted Skaranos, whom Mazaris

describes as keeping the accounts (noyusu.otic), is clearly the accountant
(Xoyt6-rr;c) of Letter 49. Here he is reviled for his Jewish origin and his inept

'25 This incident, unclear as it is, is not otherwise known. Babylon could mean
Baghdad or perhaps some other Moslem territory, but it was often used to designate Cairo,
which would make more sense lure, since the timber was sent to Alexandria. The Golden
place (cr Zp,)ejr,) could mean the Golden City, i.e., C'hrysopolis (Scutari, then in Turkish
hands) or, more prohabl. y, the Golden ( ate of Constnntinople or the fortress constructed
around it. The Sophiauos family was prominent in the Morea, but it seems idle to speculate
here on which member of the family is Meant.
lx
PROSOPOGRAPHY

concentration on astrology. Apart from these and some more common insults,
he is attacked for his adherence to Latin Catholicism, particularly the teaching
on the Procession of the Holy Spirit (unfaithful to the Triune God, enemy of
the creed). Yet, he does seem to have been an advisor and trusted servant of
the Emperor, as Manuel also indicates in his letter. The incident of the
imperial standard in Galata is otherwise unknown; the text, incidentally,
seems corrupt in places. The reference to the purchase of Thasos is more
interesting, but just as obscure. In 1357 John V granted two brothers, Alexis
and John, hereditary title to several places including Thasos and, after
Alexis' death, John continued to exercise authority over the island until at
least 1386, perhaps to 1394, when he died.12e Then, practically nothing is
known about the island until its occupation by Giorgio Gattilusio and its
recovery by Manuel II in the summer of 1414 (see Letter 58). Since it was
just at that time that Mazaris claimed to be visiting in Hades, the sale to
Skaranos' son-in-law must have occurred before July 1414, and it may or
may not have had some connection with the venture of Gattilusio. The
identity of Little Raoul the Ant, `Pao6?aoS Mupp.,IE, remains a mystery; it
could be a translation of a Latin name, a nickname, or simply a derogatory
epithet.
It would seem, then, that Skaranos retained his position as imperial
treasurer or comptroller until the summer of 1414, when Mazaris dated his
Dialogue. But the tone of the above passage leads one to suspect that by the
time it was actually read before Manuel and his court, Skaranos must have
left Byzantium, possibly in disgrace, for Italy.

126 P. Lemerle, PAilippes et laMacedoine orientale (Paris, 1945),200-12. A. Mompher-

ratos, Ot llz)aio),6yoa &v 11eAonovv-haw (Athens, 1913), 35, asserts that the archons Asanes
Raoul and Branas had seized power over the island, and that their subjugation was the
object of Manuel's expedition in 1414, but the source he cites, Phrantzes, says nothing of
the sort. C. Hopf also states that a certain Raoul, lord of Thasos, was expelled by Manuel II
in 1414, but he gives no source: Chroniques Greco-Romanes inedites ou peu connues (Berlin,
1873), table ix, 2, p. 502. See Letter 58.
 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
'ApX.Bui;.Mvl.`E?.: 'ApXeiov riiv But;avTI.v v Mvr)eelov T71S `EA]A&Soq

Barker, Manuel II: J. W. Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus (1391-1425). A Study in Late

Byzantine Statesmanship (New Brunswick, N. J., 1969)
BX: BpaXs'a Xpovtx&, eds. S. Lampros and K. Amantos (Athens, 1932)
ByzF: Byzantinische
ByzFrOr: R. J. Loenertz, Byzantina et Franco-Graeca, 2 vols. (Rome, 1970-72)
BZ: ByzantinischeZeitschrift

Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora: G. Cammelli, I dotti bizantini e le origini dell' umanesimo.

I, Manuele Crisolora (Florence, 1941)
Cantaeuzenus, Hist.: loannis Cantacttzeni imperatoris historiarum libri IV, ed. J. Schopen,
3 vols. (Bonn, 1828-32) ; references are to book and chapter, then to volume and
page
Cydones, Letter: the letters of Cydones as numbered in R. J. Loenertz, Ddmdtrius Cydones
Correspondance, 2 vols., ST, 186, 208 (Vatican City, 1956, 1960)

AeaT.Xptot.'ApX.'ET.: As).Tlov r ; `Erce pe(ac

L1eXT.'ET.`E).A.: DEATIov T7 q `Ie-optxcls xal 'E3voaoytxiq `ETatpeiz TY)c `EXA&Sos
Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica: G. T. Dennis, The Reign of Manuel II Palaeologus in
Thessalonica, 1382-1387 (= OCA, 159) (Rome, 1960)
DIIGE: Dictionnaire d'histoire et de geographie dcclesiastiques (Paris, 1912-
Dolger, Kaiserregesten: F. Dolger and P. Wirth, Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des ost.-
r6mischen Reiches von 56.5-1453. V, Regesten von 1341-1453 (Munich, 1965)
DOP: Dumbarton Oaks Papers
DOS: Dumbarton Oaks Studies
DTC: Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique

Is'O: Echos d'Orient. Revue d'histoire, de geographic et de liturgie orientales

'F.tsn pie 'E-atpeias But;av-tv&v ?'nou87)v

Guilland, Recherches: R. Cuilland, Recherches stir lee institutions byzantines, 2 vols.

(Amnsterdani, 1967)
GRBS: Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies

Hunger, Chortasvueaos: H. Hunger, Johannes (hortasmenos (ca.1370-ca.1436/37). Briefe,

(iedichte und. Kleine Schriften. Einleitung, Regesten, Prosopographie, Text (Vienna,
1969)

I RAIK: Izv &tija Rasskago Arheologiceskago Instituta v Konstantinopol5

 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

JOOBG: Jahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzantini8chen Gesellschaft

JSav: Journal des Savants
JWarb: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes

Karathanasis, Sprichworter: D. Karathanasis, Sprichworter and sprichworterliche Redens-

arten in den rhetorischen Schrif ten des Michael Psellos, des Eustathius and des
Michael Chorviates, Bowie in anderen rhetorischen Quellen des XII. Jahrhunderts
(Munich, 1936)
Laurent, "Trisepiscopat": V. Laurent, "Le trisbpiscopat du patriarche Matthieu Ier (1397-
1410). Un grand procbs canonique h Byzance au debut du XVe siecle," RE B, 30
(1972), 5-166
Legrand, Lettres: E. Legrand, Lettres de l'empereur Manuel Paldologue (Paris, 1893)
Loenertz, Caldcas: R. J. Loenertz, Correspondance de Manuel Calecas, ST, 152 (Vatican
City, 1950)

Mazaris, Journey into Hades: &i .Xoyoc vexpnx64. 'Erci37) dm M&t;apL iv "ASou, ed. J. F.
Boissonade, Anecdote graeca, III (Paris, 1831) 112-86
MdmAcInsrr: Mdmoires de l'Institut national de France, Acaddmie des Inscriptions et
Belles-Lettres
MM: F. Miklosich and J. Muller, Acta et diplomata graeca medii aevi sacra et pro fans, 6 vols.
(Vienna, 1860-90)

OCA: Orientalia Christian Analecta

OCP: Orientalia Christian Periodica
OKS: Ostkirchliche Studien

Paroem. gr.: Corpus Paroemiographorum Graecorum, eds. E. L. a Leutsch and F. G.

Schneidewin, 2 vols. (Gottingen, 1839-51)
PG: Patrologia graeca, ed. J.-P. Migne (Paris, 1857-66)

RE: Paulys Realencyclopadie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, new rev. ed. by

G. Wissowa and W. Kroll (Stuttgart, 1893-
REB: Revue des etudes byzantines

ST: Studi e Testi

Suidae Lexicon: Suidae Lexicon, ed. A. Adler, 5 vols. (Leipzig, 1928-38)

Thiriet, Rdgestes: F. Thiriet, .llegestes des deliberations du sent de Venise concernant la

Romanie, 2 vols. (Paris-The Hague, 1958-59)
TM: Travaux et Mdmoires. Centre de Recherche d'Histoire et Civilisation byzantines
T U: Texte and Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur (Leipzig-Berlin,
1882- )

VizVrem: Vizantijski Vremennik

 LIST OF SIGNS
cod. Paris, gr. 3041
cod. Barberin. gr. 219
cod. Coi8lin. gr. 341
cod. Vat. gr. 632
cod. Vat. gr. 1879
cod. Scorial. gr. 475
cod. Crypten. gr. 161
rl = addita a scriptore in marg. vel supra lin.
suppleta ab editore
 LETTERS OF MANUEL II PALAEOLOGUS

1. To his Mother the Holy Empress'

1365 -June 1383

This choice is said to have been presented long ago by an oracle to

two lovers: choose either your own death or that of the person you love.
Now the first reasoned that it would be far more difficult to continue living
without his beloved than to end it all and die, and so he voted for his own
death. The second, in turn, followed the same reasoning, but concluded
that the other should die, saying, I would rather not force the worse decision
upon the one I love. Although these choices were exactly opposite, still it
should be clear to all that they were really in agreement according to the
saying: "Death is better than life for those who have to live separated from
their loved ones."
Now you have actually suffered the loss not merely of one of your
loved ones but of so many, so good, and all so very young, dear to you not
only because of their natural qualities and the ties of kinship, but because
you shared so closely in their daily lives.2 You derived great pleasure from
your efforts to raise them as you endeavored to form their characters, aware
that good character is the proper attribute of men, and these labors of yours
present no small evidence of the extent of true love. It is understandable,
then, that just as they have departed, so you too are eager to leave this
world; at least, this is indicated by your actions. For what else, one might
ask, is intended by your neglecting your health and paying practically no
heed to its foes? Are you using your position as a defense? Is this why you
do not obey the doctors in attendance? But certainly, you must obey the
emperor, because he is your father and because of the habit he has long
worn.3 As much as possible, he never ceases, whether by admonition or by
command, to get you to protect your holy body, which still suffers from
those misfortunes. But I feel I must speak with more boldness, so far as to
remind your majesty that for the characters in the story, who were pagans,
a different law prevailed; but for us who have been taught to give thanks in
all circumstances and to rejoice always, "worldly grief produces death."4 I
would suggest that thanksgiving, not grief, is the attitude expected of you,
for you know full well that the souls of your dear ones dwell in the arms of
their Creator, by His grace.
f. 2 1. Tp &yia 8eano'LT xaL r)TpL a

Mpeaty 7r&Xat 8ta BuoZv 8E806,9-at Xe'yeTaL yLXouEVOLV,

11 TbV G8LOV H&VIXTOV 7rpOEXe'a&CL YI TOV OUTLVOC, 4pa' xai. TOv ILEv Ta xaxc S
c)VTOC BLOLTeXELV Epo .6VOU Tot) &7c( TE&v&vat Te xai
5 xaXe,rCJTepov Xoyta&evov eauTOU xaroc -j?Laaa$at &&vovrov, Tdv 8' au
TOLL aUTOLC, XpYia&.j.EVOV XoyL6(.LOLc (.t&XLa,&' ov ecpLXU &aveLV xExpLxEvc
EXELVO EL7C6VTa' ' TW ytXT&TW T)1v xeLpW EI;ev&yxOLi.Lt 4)flcpOV. EVIXVTLce
[ZEV OUV ockozq 'Y) LAp64 e'aTLV E EVY1VEy(J.EV7), aUi.LCpWVOS 8' 4cc 7Caa6
a6CeLEV IV xaTa yE To' <(&VELVWV 0 4&&VcTOC, r' q o' OLS f3to5v 7cp6 .vroc6
10 rlov cpLXouPakvWV xcopLS.))
'A7C'POLXXEs 105v1, Y C5, xai oct r oux Ev 'r v cpLATOGTWV, &AX' Oaoc
xa.L ota xai e'v awpcp 7r&vTa -c 7 XLxLa ouX - ov cpLAa T cpuaEL xad
auyyeVi Tw ooBLadTC0 xat ooTpo7CW. xad of 7rat8etas 8E Xapty 7rovo.
8Ez5 ous a6T71 xaTe(i&Xou Ta i h TOUTWV xoaouaa, TOUTOGS tLOVOLC
15 a4lpc 7roLS Tbv xoaov EIvat ou txpov y' ELC ay&7tY, Xoyov
1EL6tV W6T EtxOS IXVTt TouTwv-epyotS 8 E6Tt aAtaTa TOUT Et EVIXL
TOZS 6oLC,-TWV (.dTaaTYiVIXL 6E 67rC68ELV. TL yap &XXo
cpocb TLS &v, TO tM)TE 6aUTY eLS UyLELIXV 7rpOV0ELV xai, TWV TCC 7roAEj1LWv
UXEBOV 7rapcAEL7rELV (418)66; 7CP0p&XAY) To xaL &Ck TOUTO ToL 7CcL6Lv
20 oUX 67reLxELC, TWV LaTpOYv; TW yoUV paa.Aei 6nemELV as Xp' 7raTp't TE
OVTL xa.L Tot) IXUTOU 7r&XUL axYjNaTOS, 06TtC, as 7rpoaTayaaL vou8'ETWv
TET0CAIXL7rWpr7COT6 TW C&) 9ICL(; GCUl.LcTL TOtq 6UEI.RaaLV, CoC EI;EaTtV, E7Ca-
uvety xa.L & Liilv 70t6ETat 068aws. aXA' eTt ToXr xp>7azeov 8oxw
TOaOUTOV TO a6v 67roE.LV'Yiaat Xpc ,oc, wS nep'L cLv Tb &J'y- oc ELp-jroct, "EX-
25 oSaLv &XAoS o vooq "'iv 8' <d2 Tou xoaou Xu7t77 '&vcrov
xaTepyTaL zv 7ravTL EuxaptaTEiv 8L8aaxoEVOLS xcL Xaipety aEL & of
xcd aXXov &vTL Tou Au7reZ9`hat 7rpo -4xety E(,7roev &V, ELBuLx r&vTWS
xaXwS (")S TWv cpcXT&TWV aoL aL tJ oxm, Tay Toy A-%Itoupyou xEZpa.;
OLxOu L X-PETE T7) a&706.
4 1, 2
You must then, I believe, have pity on me, your needy suppliant, as
if I were making use of every possible means of supplication, and, as far as it
depends on you, you must be concerned about your good health, for I need
this more than I do my very breath.

i Helena Cantacuzena Palaeologina, the wife of John V Palaeologus and mother of

Manuel. The death of Helena's father, the former Emperor John VI Cantacuzenus, on
15 June 1383 is the extreme date of this letter: BX, nos. 52, 50-53, p. 89. He had abdicated
and become a monk, taking the name Joasaph, on 4 December 1354: A. Failler, "Note our
is chronologie du regne de Jean Cantacuzi;ne," REB, 29 (1971), 292-302. But Manuel was
only four years old at the time, so that this letter could not have been written earlier than
a decade or so later. It is also possible that Manuel had it taken out of sequence and placed
first in the collection as a token of respect for his mother.
Around September 1388 Cydones (Letter 398) complimented Manuel on "the fine
letter" he had sent to his mother, the empress, who in turn had shown it to him. But the
date of the letter, which is certain, and the fact that Cydones refers to Manuel's health
and not to that of his mother, rules out any connection with the present letter.
2 The identity of these children is uncertain. In the words he has deleted in the Paris
manuscript (line 11) Manuel ascribes their death to his own sins. Perhaps they were illegi-
timate children of his who were raised by his mother.
5 Manuel uses the same word, aX%koc, to designate the position or state in life both
of Helena and of her father. In medieval Greek this term generally refers to the monastic
habit, but Manuel almost invariably employs it in the classical sense of position, rank,
characteristic attribute. In this letter it must refer to Helena's imperial dignity, since it
was written before 1383, and she did not enter the convent until after mid-February 1391:
see p. xlv. Regarding John Cantacuzenus the term could be translated as: "his former
position," i.e., as emperor, but it seems more likely that Manuel is speaking of his state
in life as a monk.
4 I Thess. 5:18; Phil. 4:4.

2. To the Protosebastosl

1373-1390

If in jest you are able to attain your goals more efficaciously than
others who are in earnest, could anything at all elude you if you were really
in earnest about it ?
Your letter was so full of wit-it contained just the proper amount
of playfulness-that, when we heard it, it quickly led us to turn from the
serious concerns in which the present situation has us trapped and to burst
into laughter. It was, moreover, so nicely phrased that what you refer to as
it cheap little gift we regarded as a perfectly wonderful one which we much
appreciated. Finally, the fact that at a time when I was suffering in body
you managed by what you wrote in jest to draw my mind away from worry-
 5
1, 2
30 DEi 8k as, wS of eu, xap,e Tov aov ix6T-qv 01xTEEpety
7raaLv uiaTr p 'ro%S EiS LxeTEL(Zv ijxouat, xai T6 yE EiS as i)xov
Euc faS xaA o 'r5 &vayx0CtoT6pocS

1: 2-8: of. Xenophonem, Memorabilia, A, 2, 16. 9-10: locum non inveni.

25: II Cor. 7, 10. 26: I Thess. 5, 18; Phil. 4, 4.

B f. 53v-54 C f. 356-356v. 1 tp &yLc 8Eo vo(vp C 11 2 Exatkpw 86o SE36a3at )kystat

ptaou6vwv C 11 11 Taiq o5v a ccZ(; &apttatc &7rc(3&),ou C, tail o5v i(uc% &apTLatS del. P II
15 y' om. C 11 17 (io6),eaSat om. C 11 20 67rcLxn C 11 30 Lxir : odx6-rnv C

f. 2v 2. Ti 7rpwToarpaaT6) p'

Ei 8E xai aXAav ka rr.; a (Tot 8e8ox-at Trpoo-'xovT' St'(;

T AoS &yayE6v of a7rou8&Z;ov-ES, Ti aE 8uvawT' av 8tacpuyeiv Twv
8eo'VTWV 177roU xEY -%LEVov;
5 ' Hv .EV yap &7-i ToaouTov T& rc xai
a7TT4LEVa aup.p,&Tpw; 77at8:1; 'C-,S TouTwv &xpoaT&; EiS Y6),O r' &76
Aoytacov, otS 6 vuv xatpbS 8'txlv 8tXT6wv xa-E7E1, pa8iw;
rp.ETapaAEiv1. yEvvn c 8' au ou-coq v iilo3" o au cpil; cpau?6v am 8wpov
xocl atxpov w; lLEya 77E7.aat xai XplYTOV auv X&ptTt roui
10 r&XXO xai To xxp.vovr6; OL TOU awpcToS acpraxuaat Tov vouv t-OXavaaaa'
Twv &-o T=O; v6aou cppovTLBwv, oiS EypacpEq, Eu
 21 3
ing about my illness might suggest to thoughtful people that you were after
all in earnest. For the reaper at harvest time who stops reaping to sharpen
his sickle cannot rightly be accused of idleness by his employer.
But, since you have sent something to help me in my illness, I am in
return sending you what I can to help an old man in his struggle against
winter.

1 The Coislin manuscript contains a more elaborate version of the second half of
this letter, most of which was copied into the Paris manuscript and then deleted (see
critical apparatus). After Manuel's expression of gratitude for the gift sent by the Protose-
bastos, the Coislin text continues : "... since a person in our position must imitate as closely
as possible those whom you suggested we look upon as models, those truly excellent
emperors." By position, Manuel refers to the imperial dignity. This and the allusion
to imperial models indicate that he already possessed the title of emperor. This letter, then,
was written after 25 September 1373, the date on which he was proclaimed emperor: BX,
nos. 47, 49, p. 81; also in an astrological notice cited in the Bonn edition of Ducas, Historia
Byzentina, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1834), 12, 4, p. 555. If, as suggested below, the gift sent
to the Protosebastos was a sheepskin from Lemnos, the letter might well have been written
while he was actually on the island, 1387-1389, or before then, while he had easy access
to it. After 1390 Manuel was so involved in problems in Anatolia and Constantinople that
a later date seems unlikely. Manuel's allusions to his illness and other preoccupations
provide no sure chronological indications, for, as a perusal of his subsequent letters
shows, he was frequently ill and constantly preoccupied.
The identity of the Protosebastos, apparently an elderly gentleman, is unknown.
At this period the title was merely an honorary one: R. Guilland, Recherches sur les insti-
tutions byzantines, II (Amsterdam, 1967), 283. The gift sent by the Protosebastos to
Manuel is not specified, but in the Coislin text he speaks of it as follows: "Since you
mentioned that your gift suits the nature of young men and will be helpful to us against
the illness with which we are now struggling...." This could refer to some sort of medicine
or, more probably, to wine. The Emperor's choice of a present which would aid his elderly
friend in fending off the cold of winter may well have been a sheepskin coat. Cydones makes
several references to such garments, 6.cpliMpe, youva, as useful in winter and readily
obtainable on Lemnos: Letters 232:6, 16; 397:24; 404:4; 427:22, 26.

3. To Cydones

Constantinople
Thessalonica, winter 1382-1383

What you were so fondly requesting you have, your Plato.' But we
like to think that there is nothing strange in presenting the man as a gift to
you. Actually, he has just as much reason to express his gratitude to us as
you do on receiving hirn, that is, if one subscribes to his teaching that a
living thing is better than a non-living thing. Now, something which does
not move or act or speak could never he properly called alive in any sense
at all. This, in fact, has been his condition for many years, since he did not
fit in with the monks, who have long ago renounced worldly wisdom.2 But
 7
2, 3
cppovo5mV ELxOTWS av v0(J.LalhE7). I'oU8E1 yap 6 &p. y p e'v T rot
ZJp% 71 v T6 8p67r0cv6v YE S yWV V, aa, SLIXpcAXoLT' av eWYCO; &pytac
TW p,LaSwaoCJL6v ).
16 'AX),' 67re r'Ta T'r'y v6aw aU(.A.pOC VOVT(X i XEL NLOt 7rocpa aou1, 8lj xai
OCUTW a0Z 1-7rOLp' EAwV- 'r& y&pOVTL re OVTL xOLI
XeL(L J VL.

2: B f. 54 C f. 356v-357v. 8 ETapa)ety: corr. ex gereveyxety P, Ereveyxeiv

C 11 9-17 ... SeZ;aa,&aL, et ye See TCil xaO,' Saov epLxT6v exLeea&Ou ON hE.L&S
] ktWaM4 6q etq Trap&SELya 3XE7reLV, paaLXeeS yE &p(aTOUS SVTOS CxE(vOuC,. xad (L1 v Hat Td
VOaoUVTOS T6 aw(ia &CPe),Y.6aaL kLOU T6V VOUV &) p.L aL 7C pay(..L0LTE6aaa7& ppOVT(S& V TE Hat
&aXoXLwv y_p6vov yo5v .LLxp6v, aTrou& govToc eu cppovouav etx6TWS &v x&xeivo xpLDe(-O.
ouTe yap 6 &rjTip ev Tp Tou & 6p5 V Ta Spenav6v ye 4ywv i) &a, SLap&XXOLT' aV
e6X6yo c &pylec rL) 4w49,0u4&V W. xat 6 IL&XXOV 1 [La'aTLy6 XP64evoc &p(.La CXIX6vcov, &V-rl T05
TOV T67rov r6 T&Xoq xaTaXapety 7rp6S 6v7CEp C7rELyETat STL T&XLOTa, TOUS t7C7000S ,ISC poSLCeLv
9UVIXTWC, 9XOVT(XS TUXbv Se yE xat T6 &Pa TI acpSpa TwV rpo)(6v xal
aUVT6vy r v rY bola; CV a6T/il 8Lx-ly SLxakWS 6cpX7 aet. &X),' 617cel xal vee v p6aeaL
gy-% aupaevov To O ) OV xad XUaLTEXOUV V X Ta v6aou 7(XXa(o1i.ev i al), 57 xal
a6TCil aoL r& yLyv6eva i xeL yepo -rL re SVTL xad 7rceXatowr 0 119 post L

del. et ye See Tw 7 twv xa&' 6oov oti6v Te u4eia&ou oJ; T14&c il;LWaas dS etS
Trap&SeLya pXe7CELV, paaLXecLS Ye &pLaTOUC, 6vra Cxe[vouq xad P 11 12 o68e: corr. ex o6re P II
14 post LMNO=4e'vcp del. xat 6 &XXov Tp L&orLYL XPdevoc &pa CXauvo v, &vti Toy T6v
T67rov r6 T&XoS XIXTcXapeLV 7rp6S 6v7rep eTCetycTat 6t T&XLaTCL, T064 ZTC7rous 7lSe
SUVeTws it'XOVTeS Tu)ov Se ye xrd T6 &p Le Tl MpOSp'X TWV TpOXWV xat
auv-6vcp xLViOEL Tov TES &vo(a4 iv akep S(xr)v SLxa(WS 6pXTjaeL P 1115 post eiret del. xai v&Wv
q)11aE6L g(p7)6 aupaevov T6 Swpov xai XueLTeAOUV tiV xaT& TT5C, v6aou 7rpoa7r(XAa(oev
irs,, P

3. Tw Ku&;avr

"0 cpLXwv EXeLS, Tov IIX&TWVOC. a),Xa T6 Tov Mpa aoL

8iopov yev6a8c oux &707o') &EJ.o L V yEzaaaL, (.aXL6Ta SE xai XapLTas
OUTOV &VO LOXOyEiv ? LLV 8ixacov 067 TTOV ij a6 yE TOUTGV 8e5&E.aevov. et,
5 yap TO wvTO; To COV 86ov 8oxeiv T5 'xeiVOU aopix, cov 8e
xupLwc o6x &v 77OTE Xeyovro 068' 091V eVr o p,J xLVEiraL p.I)6' Evepyez qaE'
X6yeL. V 8' UUTOC, OUTWC, Ere v TOaOUTOLS &T' aVOLp(LO T0C, .L.OVOLXOLf
7,aaL ri v Toll x6a(.Lou aoyt(xv xOLTCCXL7ro5aL. WVTU. 8E v5v LCU^Ov all xoci
8
3

you now bring him to life and make him active again, and it is I who am the
cause of this. If this is really how things are, then there is truth in our asser-
tion, strange though it might sound, that a person who has been sent as a
gift and placed in a position of servitude should be grateful to the man who
has done this. Why should I not phrase it more forcefully? If the only thing
we caused him to experience was this, as if he had been a corpse to come
to life again, his debt of gratitude would be a small one unless he also re-
turned to life as a philosopher. But, since he has both, and what he would
have prayed for has come about, should he not be full of gratitude for all
that has been done for him? After all, if it is true that each man is like those
whose company he enjoys, then one could reasonably assume that, since he
has come to live with you, he is enjoying pleasant living and, what is more,
living as a philosopher. Where else could he do this if not with you?
I feel ashamed, however, when I look at this old man braving the seas
now in the middle of winter, and then when I think of you paying no heed
to your fatherland and to us, dwelling in comfort there in the Mangana-
for I hesitate to say that you have been trapped there.3 Of course, we do not
mean to imply that he is any better than you, except that time has long ago
proven his worth, as it is now proving yours. Still, this good fortune seems
to have been granted to his worthy Excellence, that he might fully enjoy
your company by himself.
If we were freed from our troubles, if things flowed more smoothly for
us, right away our overwhelming desire would make the whole of life seem
as one brief hour, and every effort would be made to loosen the bonds
holding you fast, so that each of us might be allowed to enjoy the company
of a friend. If nothing is more bitter than separation for those who most
vehemently desire to be together, and if life becomes unbearable for those
who know how to love in a fitting manner, what pleasure could equal their
sharing each other's company again? According to God's will, however, the
present moment is not working out well for us, the enterprises begun have
not yet come to term, and the outcome of our activities here is obscure.
Isocrates it was who remarked: "The future is unseen."4 This led me to decide
that I alone should carry on the struggle, while you should be allowed to
spend your time in relaxation; such was the dictate of friendship.
But this does not mean that a person so favored may be unconcerned
about the one who has done him this favor. Nor, because we preferred not
to share our hardships with you, ought you to make the same choice, but
you should, it seems to me, interpret my silence as speaking louder than any
words, and without delay quickly set out on the way to us. I know where
you will seek refuge and what excuses you might offer. But I recall the
saying: Necessity is the mother of invention. Prove yourself a real friend by
boarding the ship as soon as possible, and by entering the realm of Poseidon-
but enough of fables-by setting sail with all dispatch toward us. These
 6
0
\ t /
c
Ao,ld3A3 .513A1xd)o11x
c / o
33 x317x &m1nol 'm..3
/ c
13
c
xlnxl AQA1O1
I
1119x1 3).
01 '13X3 9 A37)-4d) '53.eLt 13 1ZX &01D)07inxC 1971 .13`O3 h3 ( S11 AOd(hg
7xx AO,O 13n3'(QOs 61901 (101901 A7dioX 1x&3333 i.t 4' 31 GI.7)
01
'3 E

91
d33L99 xl&o
5md)QDO(7d) AkDOd3L
G

0119
33

o
dv)) 73
'7xAm7cJ A;3dxlri
t G i

/
13U'
3
&m7ik

t
/I
.nOl (blnx
AJ

7/oxG73X3/xd310d)7iW
\
17x&93 Ax Akl A1dxX 7xD71x3 13 DLd) '50ln0101 'A7Dxd)
\
AOA97i

U73 A1d;oX A(I)'33(h0 13

0
w
Ax
/
C)3
t
'3jdL
3.L9

017x
W
`3h0Z3
91 AodX3A
JxX 91 AUL
Am701L
/

5oimoxp o d3.w 1x136 `AmAn MIDA 109 0l IA 5(y)? Anl07d 5m19X13 &p

11.30X9 1xx 50d1L 3). 1.7.3 01 '5md10DOY1d) (lO3L d;od 33 xdxa,1tri `.709
VV, m d$ 0
1x7iOA9XD3
'
Amdm3 Aol A37i x1AOd3.L 3&01(101, 'OA(Ori13X

Lk$4J 501An0D37i 5(1o)-' .xlA(n7)YOlxl)Ox 3D 3 xl&(0d0d31Ln 5os,dix31

33L

09 3Y Ixx Amri(;C X01 oMOLL;oN 31 x1A(10x30 7xx AOA37)4n703LxAI0 A3 m&X9-51014x

dW, A131L33 'x1A3GxdkG 1o17)OxJ CLOD 3), A3sno (,03Y1L 61(1x (MRLIOS AT &73X3
719 A37i 0 5OA9dX 'AO1nx 3D 33 A(1A GYYp 3X703 01(101
7x.pkdmX3xA.nD ).1X91 IGWLo not no1971Y3d (1O1D3,(Y)ox tAl A139)003LV

5m&9.g6x noD 50AOri '11X3

98 3a A37i '70&3ri/IxXXtk.U-o 33 7010x A(lod &v?1 )X313d(` x1
'x1x7U;oda. XI-4.1, ixx q
xdm )013X)odd Sold 50YO 0110)17)0& 6,G03L IDn0A7i'kX
jxx l&'n1c Ab U4X;od1l3 503 7DxD9Y013 >a1 70r)D32 510 U.X3170x 31=3510d
k3343 n0Y76 5x3DnoAnD ox 'A)Otndlxl ixx p 5701 Ao1)01mx1A)Ori 1DnO63d1
A0.GO31 &32no not 7x&b1937S) `nod319dx111 nolm?db 31 not A03d xlox9633L
c t / I / c a c \
of 1370x 5901 Sm &kdX Axd3 `7DOxm&).3 11 110&31, Ax 513 f &AOS
>
&091 901
.L37'i AmYkYY- 5(101901 1xA13AnD ! tks131L3 t33 (T)IRO `0130 1390& A3ri
A77i1C o `5Odixx 13A73m S 11.3 701 `)01.707)iA.dl3XL3 63 o7Y1(gx s &34'(131&3 )01
Cgox .
doll vDU.d7 .51uiodxoDIt o1)) AO\(,(37i '((A01)odo10 5(10AO11 A31li
5b7ik 51701. 577013d3XDns '&133pYxa. 3.0 cs Am A3 7393&)0 A13Ip72 'A37i70X]dx3x
mind
9E

2no
j
5G1. LSx3Y7d1J 51cn371xox7d
Anoxn 3 mlo x1nx1 1x10233 not A[41 A1dZX 9X11.103L33L 5O. o 37) no31k
,Go A7r)k 3D A(Ol Amd3X9n2 maolkecwox no x437ii.(dU.Od1L 3xx 109
c
Gno1 `&O313d3x 4
-DYY-4 Ak.1 6.Il7D 7xriolo nlcl AW3 5L(Dz1L Axd3lodaL7ivY
W)d) 5 `n73YY3r) '0YY:F 01 5oX;o1 0
7os.n3.gk.)o fk1d Soda. 5brilk 'ki
0fP '9029 )Os10 9ou 93d)xlxx `k 50A71 G8 )0X3&3 (10X(11 .11D1(11xdx1L M,YY)O POX
I / I N \ I \ 1
A01 3J xlA01L13 A()03 5(o AOAZXI(7in3 Ax3Lx 01
G

C<s
&01

Aoyld) 6.L 5(o x1D1X)O1 5k.L 5m34 170f\Dd11L3 1xx (b. nO.L b\(y'b-xA(ny13DOfl
1r)1(3d)0Y 5nOg97) 770x-&13).3Y m.L Ao.L nnoYu no3LD LL Soda, 5)or3(. 1w.g911oi3u
x1nx1 Air) m73k mpb.d33 1d33L no 5nY0u O 5o.koY o )).D .x1x7i9A0 Ano1%37ino
'3 AE 9T' W pox noio &idbX mmoi, kd)rd)l3 inoi 513 5OY31 Al3kk.lp W,37iODi/An2
AG. dxll xAx.G11L 709 o U.DI(3g Am.L Am7Sod13 5n.G-n3
c
7xx &1(VOdxAx
5GA3T) nxDx1L SG_.L nogo 5m1Ar:L .Llhn no d;oA 113 x1A3.GD131L 1x.GD1C,GxX tk
10
3

few words of ours now must suffice to cover a matter which could have
entailed a lengthy discourse; you may be sure that they were not written
without purpose, but with the idea of proving effective.5 If they should
seem persuasive to you, then request provision for the journey, put aside
every hindrance and start on the way at once, for one who has been con-
vinced cannot just sit still. But even if you are not convinced, we do not
believe that we must give up hope of your coming here. For if we have not
given any truly good reasons and you still come, it will be clear that you
come without having been forced to do so. Whoever does something for a
person voluntarily does him a favor. In order, therefore, that we may be
indebted to you for a favor, my arguments will be able to convince you all
the more if they sound unconvincing, and so in either case we may expect
to welcome you here.

1 In November 1382 Manuel had secretly sailed for Thessalonica, apparently not
even telling Cydones, and there, in opposition to the policy of his father, John V, in Con-
stantinople, he waged war against the Turks, achieving some successes in the autumn and
early winter of 1382: Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 57ff., and on this letter, 69-70.
During the winter of 1382-1383 he found time to attend to such matters as obtaining the
copy of Plato which Cydones had requested. The sequence of letters in this exchange
seems to be as follows : 1. a lost letter of Cydones probably requesting the book; 2. Manuel's
Letter 3; 3. Cydones' Letter 258, which he replaced by, 4. Cydones' Letter 276; 5. Cydones'
Letter 259; 6. Manuel's Letter 4. None of these indicates which work of Plato was involved.
In a letter to Manuel's brother Theodore, despot in the Morea, in 1383 Cydones,
after deploring the lack of literary interests among his contemporaries, wrote the following:
"But the genuine interest which the wonderful emperor [Manuel] displayed in my regard
was decidedly different, for, as soon as he heard that I wanted the copy of Plato, he hasten-
ed to have someone go and obtain it for me. Since he was unable to send it from his
residence, he first had to send envoys to those who possessed it, to promise his friendship
if they gave it to him and to threaten his enmity if they refused. Finally, just to do me a
favor, he even endured dangers" (Letter 293:54-60).
2 All Manuel had done was to promise to obtain the book, and Cydones, who feared
that the monks on Mount Athos would be reluctant to give it up, urged him to take steps
to translate the promise into reality. "For those who have been once disappointed, after-
ward remain on their guard against deception. For myself now, if you were to tell me
many things of this sort about Plato, I would certainly marvel at your words and praise
your cleverness, but I will still not believe them before actually having it in hand. As a
result, even though you generously send me thousands of such Platos, I still seem to be
looking at images. Therefore, dispel this shadow and, by God, translate words into deeds
and hasten to liberate the son of Ariston [Plato] from many Dionysiuses. For Athos is
certainly not treating him more gently now than did Sicily, and perhaps they intend to
betray him twice, as did the tyrant. Their emphatic reluctance without any real reason
convinces me of this. For they wish to derive some profit from your interest, otherwise
they would have thrown it away to someone who had not even asked for it. Now, if you
approach them in a mild manner, they will call the transaction a sacrilege and will feign
indignation. But if it is the emperor who demands it, and they realize there is no refusing,
then you will see these men, who are now intransigent, giving in and thanking you for
having asked. Only be insistent with these men, and you will soon have us see this old man
[Plato] crossing not only Charybdis, but also the Aegean" (Letter 276:15-30). The refer-
ence is to Dionysius II, tyrant of Sicily (367-345 B.c. ), who twice expelled, or betrayed, Plato.
 11
3
xai TouvavTtov, ou8' cSBi Ti ]V acpc Lv Sdiv &ndLpv)x6vai.
yap -q'p."tv r)8ev6s 'rwoS elgn4lvou, e),Nwv a, Xos Eon [Z npo5
50 &vayxiv rov'ro nsrrovr)xwS 6,rw Sd T& npaxTea l.L 7rp6q avayxr)v -rou-roil
>

x&pts. N' ouv aoi. xocpLq op e[X yrc . nap' "6v, d N..Xaov &7r1,hcva
p.&A6v ae ndtad6V 86V)1c Tar., rotyapo5v ae o6x &?oyov 67ro'r pws

8: 15-16: Euripides, Phoenix (fragm. 812, 7-9, ed. Nauck), apud Demosthenem,
De falsa legatione, 245 (= 19, 417); Aphthonius, Progymnasmata, 4 (ed. Rabe, 7).
26: of. Theocritum, Scholia, 12, 2. 29: Aristophanes, Plutus, 969, at alibi. 33:
Isocrates, Ad Demonicum, 1, 8b. 41: locum non inveni.

B f. 54-54v C f. 357v-358v. 4 a6 ye To5Tov SeE&evoq C 11 6 o6S' &v: ij TL C 11 10 9xec:

9q)7) B 11 11 ti om. B II 13 6axep om. C II 14 cptaoa6gpws: 6vS6t;cS C II 7rotwv codd.,
forsitan legendum 7rotav II 19 Srl xett&voq daou C, Srf del. P II post xaTaro) i vra
add. c rt 7rA&ov ecu gxety 8otY)(tev &v o68a(.c C et ye 8Lxatot -%7rep 7r&),at (L V a6T6V 6 xp6voC,
vuv U al 9See C, eadem verbs del. P 11 20 M&yxava codd. II 29 7ccpux6Toc voteiv C II
31 ro Srouq: To6Totq C 11 35 ptXLas: &y&,tr C, corr. ex &y&7r7)S P II 39-40 &aa&- 68ou om. C II
42 TW 2om. C

8 This may allude to the displeasure of John V regarding Manuel's action, which
took the form of reprisals against Manuel's friends. The same idea seems to occur later in
the expression, "the bonds holding you fast." In his reply Cydones confirmed these suspi-
cions. "It is not, as you say, the Mangana which holds him [Cydones]-to me this is a
chain weaker than the spider's-but those adamantine shackles which you know and by
which you yourself are still hindered in many ways. But if you are bound, what chance do
I have of running away ?" (Letter 276:32-35; Cydones was apparently still in disfavor in
1387: Letter 342:111-21.) The Mangana is the monastery of St. George in the Mangana
region of Constantinople: see R. Janin, La geographie ecclesiastigue de l'ernpire byzantin.
III, Constantinople, les eglises et lea rnonasteres, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1969), 70-76.
'' Ad 1, 86.
5 The Greek is ambiguous. The words 7rept ou 7ro),6S 6 ),Lyoq may mean: a matter
[the situation in Thessalonica] which is much talked about; or, a man who is much talked
about, that is, Cydones or Manuel.
12
4
4. To Cydones
Constantinople
Thessalonica, spring-summer 1383

What a magnificent tragedy you have composed about the manifold

tribulations of that great man, I mean the son of Ariston,' for the tale truly
deserves everyone's admiration. The perils he experienced vastly surpassed
all horrors we hear of, and his overcoming them so resolutely clearly bespoke
his nobility. By the way you revealed the events in your letter, you practi-
cally made us eye witnesses, rather than mere listeners.
Suidas2 arrived here to find that we were in need of money, but,
instead of money, he only made us rich in words. But bringing an owl to
Athens did not take care of our needs.3 For it is not possible, I believe, it is
not possible for anyone to rule over your fellow citizens if their views remain
unchanged, unless he should first rain down gold on them as Zeus did for
the Rhodians in the myth. They hold such a great swarm of words in reserve
that you would not be wrong to call them all Suidases. On the other hand,
there is no doubt that they are almost all Iroses,4 and it is easy to count
those who do not go to bed hungry. Indeed, we need either the wealth of
Croesus or an eloquence above average to be able to persuade them to bear
poverty in good repute rather than to desire a blameworthy wealth. They
have to be convinced, moreover, that it is nobler and far less shameful to
suffer willingly the lot of slaves for the sake of their own freedom than,
after having become slaves in heart, to try to gain the rights of free men.
But it is impossible either to rain down gold or to chance upon the treasures
of Croesus.
Is the tablet full of all sorts of words, which need only an editor to
arrange them? I know that it is. Now, since this is precisely the sort of task
you can perform better than anyone else, it is clear that you are the one
needed. Become another Daedalus by springing to our side to help. Not
only will we be grateful to you, but you will also make yourself happier.
Now you are distressed for what I am enduring, although this is no help to
either of us. But, if you should come here, your advice will aid in over-
coming our troubles, with God's help, and you will be freed from your own
distress. But if you try to make excuses, see that you do not employ your
rhetoric on us, that rhetoric we require you to employ with others on our
behalf.

1 Plato. This letter was written in reply to Cydones' Letter 259, which described
the state of the copy of Plato sent to him by Manuel. The book arrived "all soaked
through, all torn, the outside in disarray, the inside shrunk, dark stains all over, and in
such a state that you would never have recognized it. If Homer had seen it, he would
have said what he said of Ajax: Plato perished when he drank salt water. What makes the
tragedy even more sorrowful is that after receiving his freedom he had to run into pirates
and share the lot of prisoners."
 13
4

at
4. Tc;) KuBwv-j

OLa otoS 747roAEV avjp, Tov 'Apiaro voc xkyw, o'Lav 8a` auTd
auVEyp&cIJW TY)V TpayggBLOLV, bVTWC, yap &L',LOV 7C&VTo 4Taup,&a(L. T& E.LEV yap
Bid xaxETC&C WV 7CEtpaV EL,1964 EaTL t,th' 67rEp(3oX c u7CEpY)xaaev 8aa7rEp
5 xouaroc BECya, YITTr49'EVTa BE T&VBpoc Trc GTEpp&TY)To'; To ycvvoctOV
TouTOU BLe[,apTUpec. xai au Ye ols E7rcaTExx(OV Ta yeyov6S 7rapEBijXou4
a6T07C' OC Y)(.A.&S e'a6%Mc 7COLeLV oux &xpOaT&c,.
(19'aaa4 8' c; ajas 6 EoutBas xa'L eupwv iv &TCOP'C xpr&TWv,
prc ro v &v'i xp-qNLaTWv 7rxouaiouq &7cEcprvEv &X?' ES yxa5xa
10 xExOIALxWS To EVBEOV ()6% aVE7CxY)pOU. paatxe5aat yap TLVa TWV a(ilV
7roALT6V, rTtilV yVWt,wV auTOZe p.EVOUawV xar& x(I)paV, oux eaTCV, okkcac,
oux eaTLV, EL p,Yf 7rpOTEPOV t)aEL TOUTOtc, xpllaOV WC6 0 ZEUS oBLoLs xaTa
Tov I.U&ov. e'ali&; p.Ev yap auToZ(; roaoUToq p'7)p.&T6)V
66T' d TM cpLxov 7r&vToS EoutBas xaxk= 6 TOLOU'COC, oux av al.L&pTOL.

15 ,Ipoc a' &VTLxpuC, axEBOv EI.aL 7r&VTES xad EuapW'(,l,)TOL TOiTWV Ot OU

7CELV6VTeq xoLI,LwvToL. xpELa TOLVUV 4 p.tV Y) TWV T05 KpOLaOU xpr&TWV
'YI o6 ' v TUx6VTwv prpvx'TWv, TWV 7CEtaac ELEv'roL BUVYjaOp.EVWV cpEpew
I.L ' EuxxELoS rp.axxovl 7cEVL(x' Y) EpaV 7rXO6TOU yEfl.ov' oc cJOyou xoIL au&cS
xpeZTTOv ytLa-hcc xa6 7ro'ppw nocvr iC ataxou ra Bo6Xo v 7C&a7ELv Ex6vcc,
20 ExEUD'EpLoC, x&pcv 'r c a(pWV allTWV Y) yEyoVOTaS BOUxOUS Tr yv6p,-n 'r& ,&v
EXEu& pWV xEpB&Vo.L. &xx' OUx oLOV 'CC llaac xpUaOV OuBE TWV TOU KpOLaOU
TUxEZV
BpueL 8E ()r(.I.&TWV r) BsxTOS 7COLVTO8a7rCJV xad BeZ TOy ye
ovov; W' q 8E% oTBo' ao5 TOLVUV &ECVOV ri8evos TouTd
It
25 8uva6VOU, (Tou aoyCoq Z. yevo3 8' I DaLBaxoS ETEpog E7rLat 7)4LV
f. 4 EI:,aUpVrc, WS xa'& dao(.,tENC I.LEv aoc I x(X'pLv NteZc OUx 7)TTOV
BE xai au' aocuTW xapLj . v5v 4e'v yap Ep.o5 na'axovroq &ura, T68' ov(vracv
ouBE eTepov &v E7rLBrj I aa5 'r&v BUayepi,)v &7raxxa r}S rTais 7rapa
aXUTOU au(..LpouxaLC,1, aoVacpo4e'VOU OE05, XUaELC xai aaUTOV TWv &vcapwv.
30 opa BE t' xp"a?1 'r pyTOpELa 7rp6s' &S 7rapovrouevoS i1 ae 7Cpos axxous
67rep LCV L V.

4: 9: Aristophanes, Aves, 301; Zenobius, Prov. 3, 6; Gregorius Cypr., 2, 11; Paroern.

fir., I, 59; II, 359. 12: Pindarus,Olymp. 7, 34 et 50; Libanius, epist. 348, 11; declamatio
31, 200. 15: Hmnerus, Od., 18, 6, 25. 25: cf. Diogenem, Prov. II, 37; Paroem. gr.
II, 23.
 14
41 5
2 More correctly Suds, the comprehensive Greek lexicon widely used in the
Byzantine era.
8 Similar to the English: Bring coals to Newcastle.
4 Iros was the beggar in Homer's Odyssey, 18, 6, 26.

5. To Cydonesl

You said, as you know, and you said it very correctly: "For those who
have arrived at perfection nothing further can be added." Still, there are
wise men who assert that nothing in life remains absolutely unchangeable.
Granted that our friendship has reached perfection, and that you are right
in saying that nothing further can be added, is it not likely that this friend-
ship will of necessity decline? Your annoyance at having your offspring,
your writings, remain with me and your demand for their return shows, I
believe, that such a possibility exists. To defend your position by claiming
that it is foolish for a man whose experience of literature is limited to pass
his time reading serious works would strike me as rather weak. And why not?
After all, on many occasions you thought it worthwhile to place your writings
in my hands, even though I was younger and understandably less experi-
enced in literature than now. The study of literature, moreover, is more advan-
tageous for one who is not completely ignorant of writing than it would be
either for rustics or for those thoroughly practiced in it. A lamp to be of any
use must be given to one who is still capable of seeing, but is not in the
direct sunlight.
But, feel toward us as you like, we shall preserve our pure love for
you. Although you may misunderstand us, your unwillingness to remain
hidden will reveal your real disposition towards us.2 For you are not like
those others you know, whose voice sounds sweeter than honey because they
continually indulge themselves or, you could say, overindulge themselves in
the figs of Lesbos.3

1 Apparently Cydones had asked Manuel to return some composition to him on the
grounds that he considered it poorly written. Manuel claims that this indicates a lessening
of his friendship, and he rejects an anticipated (?) argument of Cydones that a person with
little literary knowledge would be wasting his time in reading such works. After all, he
rejoins, when he was much younger Cydones had let him read his writings, and he does
have enough literary competence to profit from it now.
The general chronological order of Manuel's correspondence would place this letter
in the period from 1383 to 1385. But Manuel (lines 2-3) cites an exact phrase from a letter
(79:19-20) of Cydones written in 1371-1372. It is addressed: "To the emperor when he was
still despot," therefore before 25 September 1373: see DSlger, Kaiserregesten, 3130, p. 60.
An exact citation of this sort would be unlikely, although not impossible, some ten years
later. One suspects that Manuel's letter was written within a year or so of Cydones' Letter
79, but no certain conclusion can be reached.
 15
4,5
B f. 55-55v C f. 3580-359v. 1 T& a&rrp codd. 115 aTep6TnToc codd. 116 C II
10-11 paaLaeuaaL - (JLevoua&v: &V9pd7re yap TLVc paaLA65a0L Twv yV(cp,cJV Twv awv 7ro1L-
T45v evouawv C, av$pdrrcav yap rLvm Twv del. P II Tit 'Yvdla7l B 11 15 ou em. B II
24 dvov (it; 8et; codd. 11 28-29 Ta%S - aup.(3ouXeLg om. C

6. Tc;w Kusdvn e
6; otaaa, xai Xiav e(Pr)S op,&wc ((oux E6TL 7Cpo6-4x-nV
yCV&aI'aL TOLL, EMS EaxaTOV &pLyp,EVOLS. E6TL 8e' xai ro&ro 86Ea ao(poLS'
r
p) 6 Twv ev pLq) 7ca'v r
r p.EVELV r r i e r
&xLv vov. &p 05V e,14 EaxaTov a(PLyp.EV(P
>

5 T It4e-rkpaS &y&7x c, 7rp'4 v p.' 7cpoaNx-qv aot Tm rT o686 alreLxoS

E &v&yx jS yevEa -c xai p,elo aLV; xal. TOUT', otELat, auvIaTYIar To ToUC,
aouS 7roct3oc, cp-np.l 87') TouS A6youS, &x-ka,&oa 7cap' Ep.oi p.EvcLV xoIL
TouTOUC, cdr v e7rLaTEAAOVTa. x&V To p.&'r ov elvou 7rpop&AXp oAlyYly
7reipav EXwroc Xoycov p.ey&XWv Ev3LaTptpety wS &devES
10 'ro &' 1Y o . 7CW S YaP0U; E7reL T& a& oL 7roAA&x6 t S 7roV'
7 aTa, xaL7rE P
VEWTEPW o'TL xad &7reLpoTepo Aoymv rl vuv, WS EixoS, auTOS
-1 LouS; &AAWS -' rl Tlilv X6ywv TpLP' TW p' ravTEAwS X6youS &YVOOSVTL
ii&AAov `7rep &YpolxoLC, xai To ; To&rOuc El.' yE
3oTEOV WS Xp'Y)o ov ECVIXL TOV AUXVOV TOLS TE pry TOllS 0(P,aApoUS Exx07CEGa6
15 xai 'tots p. rpoS Xeov taTa4e'VoLS.
'AAA' ('1)67CEp p06XCL 8L&XELc5O 7rpoS aS' axepaiav aoL TJpjaop.ev
'r)v ou 3' 010; Ea7) 7repi gyp,&S Tw pI pa&etV
pouAeahu xpu7r'EaamL ou Yap 64oLOS Exe[VoLS yE au rozq ouaTLVam ota&o
YAuxkW p.EALTOS eXOUaL rh a686 T auveXEL p.ETaA*et, el 3E povAet,
20 T1i TWv Laxc8Wv TWv AEapLxwv.

6: 2-3: Cydones, epist. 79, 19-20. 19: Homerus, Il., 1, 249.

B f. 55v-56 C f. 359 -360. 1 Tw e rii codd. 11 6-6 rrpoa rjx-gv yevea,3aL aol o6Uv
ar-,EL'f6C, H. OCVxyx is xc.l (te to aL) Taint q elvca C 11 12 A6yc.V &yvlarl C 11 17 X a-n C 11 19 yAU-
XUTepOV C

2 The sense of this difficult phrase may be as follows: We will not be unmindful of
your real disposition toward us for the reason that you misunderstood my position, but
felt you had to say something in reply. Or, since the main verbs are in the future tense,
Manuel could be saying that, in the case of future disagreements, Cydones' real disposition
will be clear because, even though he may misunderstand Manuel, he will not ignore him
but will continue to write to him.
3 This allusion is not clear. Perhaps it was some sort of private joke between Manuel
and Cydones.
16
6
6. To Cabasilasl
Constantinople
Thessalonica, 1383-1387

That you pour forth works of literature more copiously than the
springs do water, while we are the only ones whom you cut off from the flow
of your writing even though we have been thirsting for it, no longer leaves
any room for speculation or conjecture, but it clearly compels us to view
your concern for the fatherland and for us as slight and fading away. Yet,
you used to think it right and good to love both, and you confirmed this in
many ways. To show little concern for us, especially now, is simply to ignore
us, and to ignore us is certainly unjust. Perhaps this is exactly what you
yourself would say, and you would not contest it. But being unjust is not
like you. Far from it.
It is true that you practice all manner of virtue; by your involvement
you have adorned the laws rather than having been adorned by them. But
what greatly accentuates this injustice is the fact that you have been a
friend of ours for so long a time; and on top of everything else, there is the
present situation, which would lead even an enemy to change his position
and be reconciled. For the state of affairs in the land which bore you and
which now holds me,2 o Savior, has surpassed and overshadowed all tragedy.
A heavier burden, though, and a greater cause of grief is the realization that
the present evils are really a period of profound peace compared with those
we expect to face very soon. This is the judgment we must form when we
restrict our gaze to our own sin, for, as long as I have my wits about me,
I would not say this when contemplating God's love for mankind, which I
am certain overcomes all sin. So it is that your beloved native land is in a
sorry state, and for our part we need some remedy to drive away the evils
we face or at least to give us some courage.
But you-for it is better to rescue a good friend by admonition than
to lose him and consider this but a slight loss-as though these events,
unknown to you, were happening beyond the Cataracts or concerned some
Paiones or Celts, you sit there unmoved. You relax, apparently sharing the
attitude of others who, on observing the situation-I hope I am wrong in
this-will think that it is sufficient to gaze with awe upon the calamities
which have befallen us and upon those still threatening, and in this way all
obligations are finished with. This would be most unworthy of an intelligent
person like yourself. For this was the way we used to look upon the in-
credible events in the history books, since it was not possible to take any
further steps or to follow a better course of action. After all, how could
anyone ward off dangers which are no longer present? But we are alive, and
you still have the opportunity to help us, both by words and by certain
actions. Will you not reason with yourself? Will you not honor what is just?
 LI

9 my ioX197od1ox S

Oy A371 A13X).3&367031 39 110x 5701 (l1 570 513 A91 Amt 9X M0) cA0x01
, c r , I r r
511 39 5)0139d70 SLct X)d103L
909 590&071 579T1Gl
11)&9&X139 d33L11OX 5X11A(0r1719

Skl1qnot `51l0A3T)IAd31.o3 3180 170.G93d3w71X31 19m939 n01 n0]L10Y G90 A130A07Lf;1

9 173dmXI(io YXp A2913 1) Smdmo 5(p 7odx1Tl 309 511 1193 511Aod6
17ox 5fk1 5091d1103L pox Am71G. 70 A9Y7ox ilox A0110X19 (106) 913X16
c c , c o r I , I r
c)91L9 501970 01 9 AmYik 7odx171 39 Ai3)11AOdd) lxx X19177071 3r<
Ann A7odod33Ln 91193 91 9 L A071 670do63]Ln &73X1970 1193 '5(91&1031
J At 70X701
%

d)oL tm 511094) 11901 17ox SOtnlo 170x

xno &z .5kp&&d70 91 139 A73x190
01 no 50d3L '909 A3GO1L
.
Sk13dy A31l d7o &10331 A7J9703L c513x9z SnO7l9A 39 Ut 0137199 770
AOYX7211 5X1xkT190X3X t 1709I.C7190x3X d101L 'A(T)1n10 91 t39
(Al \O1X191O (911371
r , r rc
nnolo]L pox 1oY)o7l `5(od1rnl 110 31 LD 5OX1d) A3.G(AM `A7Tllt pox
3x161936)3 5701 19707U.7od3L ox 50d1 A3 Abx 5od.GX3 k.G67170x3 770x YI/.1.10x 'U-Uo
91
('
711 dm), Ski 39 A37l 5IL,9noxA3A3 3713 39 em SIA990X3 1707U70d3L T `d31m3

&709X1]1. d1 A1oi9(b) 3970Y1.d70]L pox '&3r'7ndx31L70 01 39 cl9 nod31(91L3y)oX pox

63 (m
A10 511 n0YY70Tl 119 d31L bt A(1A 7ox7Ox 511 13A70XA.nt
70.A9 IA.AXn9 5101 7OXl111X )OY7o71 770,09393 ood1L 51o&?T1mXo L ,Y)Od)Odho. 7on371o
9 170x 3T1Od17o71x31 4 ) 513 AIAI Am7il M11 T);o A7o11.d) fJO.U70 1531A03L3- 39no
09 d$ c1'11o31n3 `A'X1 5m3 em `mnoddxo Sm ?7ox 513 ALl1 not n03e `Aw;u.md.Gn7o1(1d)
5k1. A709701L A1011d70T1b '170T19131L3]L (0190 10.0 &371 LI. k1 131779d3L
01X16)
5mx7ox c5id1b1L A77)k 39 7013dX Amx;o71d7o6 &mx7o1(7>Xf (,noel &mtoxnd)31
091')7067011 0913 1X)

93 AOXox-39 d70), 1709m970A)o1L3 5ioX),.3X3 k AGCt 901901

AOX1d)
99 63119(0-A70711(l mAp Am1x70dd>ot7ox ( 16331
57o&it 570A01X)ll x i Amt nmlmnJl7o 109 A(,)1901 `Am&9710A),.i).
S73T13dk A(OXO9 5(n 3X103 10-)70&99 3A. 5701 510XX?o io
1X19I.CG70x 57OT)3dt7o 170x
c n ,r c r , , , c
531&091 `1X11&0913 0 `O110&3.. 5m 13Xd70 110910T1n70,G 701 70&739 701 OX .G &Mit(
I).T)

7oA91l(6.A3),3 pox X1A3T1nOX133L-4 170X 01 503dX A)01Lp 1170 0 9 3 9 0 .1101 01 dw

0 191xU. A01c-k 109 17OX 1393&99 -LU 'IA9 A3 d)a.. k 5101 nm1 &(7160191

&37)70.0(713 o1no1 `A73703L S(') xno AOA3 md3?.1xd31L A73.0X3od3L li.

. d
&m1
r I , ,
a'r c, -
1
i705xd1L "AcAOA13T170 11 511 d)o,l 970 TOX A13(,9T)7O 0].110&99 510.1 3xl4Tl
,
(,7990 ! A1Tln 9 113 A11931d3? AMTiD. A73dmrlli 770x 510),OX ox i 1X1x 570).d3

A7911.9Ro '1_^.93^3 A3T1( 'dr), no IA.`J3yvi9 Cm.1.n709 `. n0 5139I,I(T171 Ot A07X1x19 `.

is
6

Will you not make amends and compensate for your silence by sending us
many and lengthy letters? Or rather, does it not distress you that you have
been holding your hands at your side and keeping your tongue still, or that
right now there is a pressing need for you, you who esteem justice, to set
them in motion day after day to come to our assistance? If, however, you
are really convinced that you have forgotten yourself in wronging us by
not having kept up your former correspondence and having deprived us of
your usual letters, then renounce the wrong you have done, and to those
letters add three more, imitating Zachaeus, and to those three many more.3
For it would indeed be far better, I believe, and more just in every way for
a person to be ready seventy times seven, as Christ himself said, to make
amends and to come to the support of whomever he had wronged than simply
to pardon those who have erred and who denounce themselves.
If you do not agree with this, but view it differently, then state your
reasons, by God and by the Guardian of the City, the all-conquering Deme-
trius, the giver of victory. But even though he now acts very slowly and
delays in presenting himself as the victor, I would never be foolish enough
to believe, as some people might, that he would ignore us to the end and
allow the forces of evil to rush against us like rivers flowing upstream, as
though he were unable to stem the tide and turn back in flight the foe drunk
with violence. For he who has so often utterly destroyed the enemy, who
by prayer made Lyaeus weaker than an infant, and who by killing the
visible scorpion destroyed the mental one as well, who surely has the strength
to do all else with the aid and favor of God, and who remains absolutely
undefeated, such a one will hardly wish to be overcome by our offenses only.4
It is for this that I am praying through him to God, either that I may obtain
pardon, or at least that I alone may be punished. Still, in this regard it is
better and more reasonable to believe that we shall obtain God's forgiveness
and that we shall share in those good things which will greatly outweigh the
difficulties we face.
But you, my dearest friend, I know well that your reverence for the
truth will make you stop dealing in subtleties, and that you will not have
to make apologies. Rather, you will seek out some way to pay back with
full interest, aware that this alone will enable you to clear yourself completely
of my accusations.

' The references to Cabasilas' native city and to its patron, St. Demetrius, place
the composition of this letter in Thessalonica, and at a time when Manuel was in serious
difficulties. These facts and its position in the manuscript make it almost certain
that the letter was written during the Turkish siege of Thessalonica, 1383-1387. Manuel's
expectation that his troubles would grow worse suggests that it was written early in the
siege, perhaps 1383-1384. See Dennis, lllanuel in Thessalonica, 77 ff. It is not found in the
Coislin manuscript.
 19
6
35 06 ELa7rP& YI 7rapa aaUTOU EE &V Lpp67COU 7rE117rwv I CV
7ro?Aa Te xat .axp&; OU BuaXepavEZ(; pt.&AAov oTL Tw XELP
xaTEaXe; 7rapa aauT) xai Tr]v yXj)TTav E7rEaxsc, ort aOL vuv XPEia g?,Cx
f. 5 7roAA Ta 8ixata TLti SvTL LEpc S oAa; Taura xtv6v 7rpo To $luav
I

po7],k7.v; &AA' ei E.LEv TigEaaL 7retaRkt; w; EAcAoetq aaurov ljp.as a8txc;ev

40 'a' ot; 7rp6TEpov e7rE6TEAAE; xai Ta SIWH"rcc
7rpoaa7roarepwv, &7r68oS &7rep xat 7rpo; TOUTOLC, 9Tepoc Tpia,
Tov ZaxxaZov [,Lp,o6evoS, xoc 7rp6; ToLC, rptat 7roAA0G. co)) 7yap
pEATLOV EL''-l &V, 01(L L, xai 8txat6Tepov eNexa 7r&v'r v xat

E7r,r&, ToUTO 8 To T05 X9LaTOU, Eaurov 7rapeXELV &7ro(S686VTa 're xat

45 7rapa(..U,&O6evov ovrty . TLS 8'=JXSV 57rep TOZS V.0CpTYJx6 r xat a(pa;
0c6T06S 7rpoaayyEAAouaL auyytvhaxeLV.
El 8' ou'x Ev8i8wS &AA' &AXe S aot Ta 7rp&yPLara xkxpvroa, cpp&aov
&v,D' 6TOU 7rpo; OEOU xat T05 T'j 7r6AEL cp6Aaxo; 7r0Cva&evouS
Tou xai rAS vixa; &vnp-%tEVOU. et 8E 8 acp68pa PLEAAeL xai avail&XAEToa
50 vuv BE ou Tov vtx-1'iv, our( ELaveb-jv Eyw Tau-ra TLaty Evvocwv
8' 7rcpL6 )eTc L thXpt TEAOU; T& xaxa XWPEiv auyXwpwv &vw 7tOTap.& V
xa;' cov, 6a7rEp oix o6 p.6vov xwA6aou &AA& xai 7rpoS Tou;
E u 3p x6TaS o yap 8j 7ravaTpart4 Tov;
7rXeLar(X'&LS 8tacpkLpa;, T6v re Auaiov e6Xj xai rwv ppecp Tov
55 &BpaVEarepov &7ro8eLEa;, xat Tov vor)Tov 0-xop7riov 'r ato yr auv-
vexp(SaaS, c&;A& re 7r&vT' 11ax6wv Tp roe Oeo3 Te xat
xai oXw; TLS u7r&PXwv axOA, ye 'r v 4ErEpwv E.t6vwv
&TwV "TTwv &E,L()CTL cpavrlvaL, xai Tacur' 8eO VOU 8L' GCUTOU 7rpo;
OE' YTOL auyyv67)S TuXE%v ryouv Trap' e[100 xat p.6vou y'
60 'r v 8ixjv. &AA& 7rept tEv To6-rwv &.Letvov xai Toy eixo'roS EX64vov To
xat auyyv(il i.r); 7rapa OeO5 7rta re cr.v xai 'r v ayc & v Le'9'-
cc

EOELV 7roAAw Tw 7repL6vTL VLxwvrwV T&

Eu 8', w p&ATtare, Eu 018' o7L r"v &A0Etav aiaXuvSeiS To Aev
aO piacw pi4eL;, a7roXoyL6V 8' 06 8E7jap E7ri 8E To aTro8oUVaL auv
L

65 TORO) 7r&vrwS 7rou xaracpe6 yvou LJC, TO&r() 6V(w &7roA6aaaaL

aaurov TO)V xaAw;.

6: 42: Luc., 19, S. 44: Math., 18, 22. 51: Euripides, Medea, 410; cf. Zenobium,
Prov. 2, 56: Paroeej. gr. I, 47. 54-55: Auaiov . . . &no8eii;a5: Passio S. Demetrii a
Symeone Metaphraste, Acta Sanctorum, Oct. IV (Bruxel. 1856), pp. 88, 91-93, 98-100;
Mrvaia T06 6Xou ev(auzou, I, Sept. et Oct. (Roniae 1888), in festo S. Nestoris, 27 Oct., ad
vesp., pp. 538, 541, 543; in festo S. hemetrii, 28 Oct., ad vesp., p. 522, ad matut., p. 536.
55: vo yrl v - euvvexp6c;aq : Passio S. Dernetrii cit., p. 98; Menaion cit., pp. 538, 541, 518.
20
6,7,8
2 Thessalonica.
3 Luke 19: S.
4 According to the legend, Lyaeus was a favorite gladiator of the Emperor Maxi-
mian whom the Christian youth, Nestor, was to face in mortal combat. Demetrius prayed
over the youth, who then slew Lyaeus. It is also said that he killed a scorpion (or a snake)
in his prison cell, a symbol of the mental scorpion, error, pride, or sin: references in appa-
ratus to text.

7. To Cabasilasl

I do not think you ought to infer from my being out of touch with you
for such a long time that I have forgotten you. For I have always placed
more value on my association and constant companionship with you than
those who are enslaved to gold put into hoarding it. To be sure, my con-
centration on the multitude of tasks to be done, both at home and abroad,
might perhaps have made me somewhat sluggish in keeping in contact. But,
unless I had completely forgotten myself, I would never at all forget that
good and virtuous man who loves me very much and whom in return I
greatly love. Well then, I shall put down a few words for his sake. Whoever
has come to know you and realizes what type of person you are by nature,
and whoever knows the sort of people I am usually genuinely fond of, will
immediately believe what I have just said.
By no means, though, should you, my good friend, ask pardon because
of your own silence; either you thought you had a right to bring charges,
but were unable to do so, or you had no right to bring any charges, since you
were at fault by being silent.

1 This letter may have been placed here simply because the addressee is the same as
that of the preceding letter and the contents are similar.

8. To Cyclones'

Constantinople
Thessalonica, spring 1385

I have heard many people praise the view about poverty expressed by
Theognis, but now that it has met with your approval, how will anyone
ever think that Theognis did not express it to perfection ?2 This is what
first convinced me to take every conceivable means to avoid poverty. I also
recalled what happened long ago to Neokaisarites, who lost his position in
charge of the salt works, a position of no importance, but still a position.3
 21
6, 7, 8
B f. 56-57 abest C. 30 ' auv&aet B 1134 post Slxatov in ras. verbs duo illeg. P
55 auvexpwaaS codd. 1158 corr. ex g7av1pbou P

f. 5v 7. Tca Kap&aLA%

OU BELV as otE,LaL VoE.L cLV WS aou e1 ToaaU'r x6xp)j i L

7rp6S as Tp cil To auve"avut re xai && 7r&v'a v 'c pex' ov

'jyov akkt Y' To xpuatOV at ToU'rq 8OUAE6ouaLV. U7r' &axoXtOLC,
5 (1.h y&p 'r &TCO TOU TWV 7Cpay(,.L&TWV, TG)V Te MOV xat 'upa'ev,
Laa)s &V TOUTO 7roLEtV, Toll U xaXoll Xaycc&on xat
ay68pa iv ptc (pLXovv'roq, ap68pa 86 oL 7ce(pLAItLivou, Ei lL xat 'Eau'rou
7raVTOCTCaaLV E7rLAeX-qapLo OU8' &v 068' Exetvou 8Y17COU 7COT6. '6AtyOL4 TOtVUV
xP7laopLaL X6yoLS To&rou ye x&pLV oaTLS aou yEyeuTc yap oroS Tuyx&veLs
10 T>)V (pUaLV WV, xai ToUTO 86 yE 67COLOt TLVEC, o6S 6V ra ptXcLV
EyCJ, 7rtaTLV 68'64 7r p'EV ToLS Etp"r)[LEvoLC,.
ye 84 au, (il 'ya&E, ra'T6s ye
7rapaLTO5" Tiffs ads Evexa
aLGMr q,' ELT' EyxaXE6v E86xELC, ExELV 8LxatWS, T68' oux aoL, et-,E
[L j8EV EyxaAE6v E7revr' BtxELC, aLYCOV.

7: B f. 57 C f. 360-360v signata S 5 C 11 6 post &pau-repos in ras.

rrp6s ye r6 P II 7 post oL in ras. 6vTos ( P 11 post netp:X th ou add. TuyX&vovTo4 C 11
8 rrLAeAEaaL &rrep ou Trbrov3a C, 67CEp 06 7767ov&a del. P II Post 6AlyoLs add. 3E6v o6V w1],917nv
X6yoLS ro6Tou ye x&pLV C, quae quidem verba del. P 1112 post 'ya,96 add. au
4b oL TrapatreZaDe. & lou C, eadem del. P

8. Tro .Ku8o'v-n

Ti v 7cEpt 7evtxS P-j9Eiaav 'r Oso'yvL8L yvw*L>)v 7roXX v axj'xoa

E7CaLVOUVT6)V- OTE 8E xai'rr aYq Tr''XE 4ou, 7r(SS Tic, TOTE
r 7rmvU Exetv(O xaX6s Eipia%aL; Tau't (LE 7rp&TOV &v&7CELaE, 7rpo5
5 8E Hat To 'r NeoxaL6apt''5 7CcXaL aup&v 76 &Etav O'.LWS
TWV &X&JV OL7rOAEaaVTL, 7r&VTa 7rp&TTELV xat
(Sc r 7cevtocv BLapuyEZv.
22 8

Moreover, I thought it necessary, according to the proverb, to sow

rocks and to cast seed haphazardly on the sand and to expect a crop of grain
as from rich earth. For the present situation forces us to this extreme.
Accordingly, with good hope of success we placed our trust in that man
you know, one of those who prefer to speak falsehood rather than the truth,
even though I have often been cheated of my hopes while trusting in the
right people .4 But may God grant that I do not fall short of my hopes, at
least this time. This is what we must all prophesy, or rather we should have
faith in those who have faith in Him who said: Whatever you ask, you
will receive, if you have faith. If I did not have faith that I shall attain my
goal, it is clear that I would not be spending so much on the embassy. When
he fails to fulfill nothing of what the Lord has promised, then the person to
whom I have sent the embassy would with reason be regarded as the un-
doubted vicar of the Lord.5

1 In his endeavors to defend Thessalonica against the Turks Manuel turned to the
pope in the hope of obtaining military assistance: Dennis, Manuel in Tlaessalonica, 136-41.
Early in 1385 Manuel designated his ambassadors, of whom the only one known by name
is Euthymius, perhaps the later patriarch to whom Manuel addressed Letters 39, 40, 51,
55. About the end of the winter of 1385 Cydones wrote a long letter (302) to Manuel, which
begins:
"You seem quite willing to listen to poets, since you paid close attention to what
Theognis had to say. For that race is generally very clever and does not express itself in
words that are altogether clear, but after hinting at many things in a few words, it is
finished, and a person pursuing the thought of the poet must not stop just at the words but
must penetrate beyond to his mind and realize that the spoken word refers to everything
to which it has a reasonable application and connection. Now, someone else who had heard
the views of Theognis on poverty would perhaps have turned to money making and cheap
taverns and would be persuaded to scatter seed over sea and rocks in hopes of obtaining
money. You, however, regarded this sort of counsel as quite unworthy of a wise man. As
an emperor you listened to his views and by your own greatness of character you have
done honor to the poet. For you would think of advising a man to undertake even impos-
sible tasks to obtain the greatest goals, not just ordinary ones. The greatest thing is freedom
and not having to be subject to those inferior to oneself.... So it is, indeed, that you place
living in freedom above all else, and in your earnest endeavors to preserve it for yourself
and your subjects, you govern and send orders, you call in allies, you face dangers now by
land, now by sea, you send embassies, make expenditures, and try to omit none of the
possible means.... It is clear that, with God favorably disposed, you will not miss the
goal you aim at, nor will you be like those plowing the sea and sowing rocks.... I could
have contributed a good deal to the present embassy if I had known about it when you
were getting it ready. For I would have written ahead to my friends in Rome to facilitate
the work of the ambassadors... . Nonetheless, I did not neglect persons of influence, but
I made use of those sailing there to inform the director and the chorus about him [Pope
Urban VI and his curia or cardinals] of the good things we know about you."
Cydones expressed his disappointment that he had not been informed or consulted
about the negotiations with Rome. To all this Manuel contented himself with this brief
reply, and it is not clear why he failed to involve Cydones in the affair.
s Theognis, I, 175-76. "Poverty subdues a good man more than all else.. .. To
avoid it a man should cast himself into the abysmal sea or over a sheer precipice."
 23
8
Kai 8E%v Ao rcov 4&v, r'r 7rocpmp iocc, xai 7rETpaS a7retpeLV
xai Ta ruX6v'roc a7cEp).nx'r Tp xai (Ss &7co 7ctetpas
10 yips 7cupCov yopav 7cpoaaoxav. ToSTo yap 6 vuv .aS (aid -rou xoctp6S.
ToLyocpo5v ov y oZ8ocs Twv Euao vwv p,&AAov ' cpacyyop,avov EZvat
8oxo3VTa TOUTW 7rE7C6aTE6xa(.4eV T'V OCycc ? V EA7c(8a 7rpo(3Ep?'-%te'V06, xak or.
7ro)A&xtq ocUv )S l eua&EVTEC, xai o1c; '& 7rE7r6cTE1jx6TC,. 8oi7) 8' o E)6(;
t j '745V EA7rL8wv vuV youu"v 8cap,apTELV. ouTO yap &vayxrl avrEUEa&o
f. 6 15 7caac, 7r La e6eW 8E (I.&XAOV 7r6a'E6ouo ye r elpr)x6'rv b TL &V I (XLTY)ar)a'E
7rLcTe6ovTE4 L (B)TE yap bt aTEVOV TuXEtV chv E(pLEtLO , OY)Aov
< '' I r or
wS oux av 7rpi Tr)v 7rpa(3Eiav ToaauTa avrALaxov Eyw
r e r r
TE Tou
EwTilpos cacpi)S r6 r' av Eix6Tc S ExcLVOS cw T')V 7rpa(3ELav
a7cea'raOxa E7re&806 (.Lr18Ev EAAEL7r7) 7rXr)p&Sv'r v'r Da7r6'tm ll7rax-gtie'VWV.

8: 2: Theognis, I, 175-76. 6-7: Theognis, loc. cit. 8: Diogenes, Prov. 3, 71;

Macarius, Prov. 7, 6; Michael Apost. Prov. 14, 20: Paroem. gr. II, 48, 202, 611. 15-16:
Math. 21, 22; Marc. 11, 24, et alibi.

B f. 57-57v C f. 360v-361 signata ' 5 Neoxaiaapei-t codd. 1113 8obr 8k T& vuv C

8 Neokaisarites is found as a family name in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries:

see D. I. Polemis, The Dovkai. A Contribution to Byzantine Prosopography (London,
1968), 149-50. Philes speaks of the protoasecretis Theodore Neokaisarites: Manuelis
Philae carmina, ed. E. Miller (Paris, 1855-57), I, 444-46. Michael Neokaisarites is
mentioned in 1274: George Pachymeres, De Michaele et Andronico Palaeologis libri X111,
ed. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1835), I, 395. Another Michael held the post of grand adnou-
miastes in 1318 and 1324: Guilland, Recherches, 1, 595. Gregory of Cyprus, Patriarch of
Constantinople (1283-1289), addressed many letters to the protoasecretis Manuel Neo-
kaisarites: ed. S. Eustratiades, in a-rLx-l (h&poS, 1-5 (1908-1910). The same
name occurs in Nicephorus Gregoras, Byzantina historic, eds. L. Schopen and I. Bekker
(Bonn, 1829-55), 8, 3: I, 293. John Doukas Neokaisarites was a well-known copyist,
whose dated manuscripts belong to the period 1334-1366: L. Politis, rzpt'coy
p(pALoyp&pou'Iw&vvou Aouxa Toe NzoxamaapzLTOU, in Etc vr, i v Dr. H. A&zrpou (Athens,
1935), 587-95; "Fine Schreiberschule im Kloster TE)v `08rywv," BZ, 51 (1958), 18-19;
A. Guillou, Les archives de Saint-Jean-Prodrome cur is wont Menecee (Paris, 1955), 189.
The Neokaisarites of this letter, though, and the incident alluded to are not otherwise
known.
4 This may be a reference to the Turkish Emir Murad or to an influential personage
in Constantinople.
5 Pope Urban VI.
24
9
9. To Tribolesi

Mistra
Thessalonica, 1383-1387

We made a serious effort to have your letter read before as many

people as you would wish, and you surely wished a large number to hear it,
confident in your literary skill and expecting to be praised for it. And this
is just what happened. For the entire audience applauded and was full of
admiration as the letter was read by its "grandfather."2 Nor was he able to
conceal his own pleasure as the theater was shaken by applause and by
praise for the skilled craftsman whose teaching has led you to become such
a great rhetorician. But this made him blush so much that he was scarcely
able to continue. So it was that what you succeeded in producing struck
even your master himself, along with everyone else, with admiration and
pleasure, and made him look particularly radiant. But while the others were
expressing their wonderment, I seemed to be the only one who was not
doing so. Someone asked me how it could be possible that among the entire
group I alone appeared unaffected, that is, uninspired and lacking in admi-
ration. "I too am greatly impressed," I replied, "for I cannot help being
thoroughly amazed, not because a noble father brings forth noble children,"
referring to you and your writings, "but because the rest of you marvel at
this as though you had unexpectedly come across something new." This is
what I said, and I seemed to hit the mark, inasmuch as it brought the group
to admire the very man whom I wanted to be admired.
But tell me, by God, what in the world are those noble leaps in your
writing where you thought it proper to "leap" while you were "sitting still."
For you said, as you know: "I sit here with a radiant countenance both
leaping about and assuming a grave air." The last term then and the first
one, the gravity, I mean, and the radiance, we pass over in silence for your
sake. But how, remaining seated, you practice leaping about, and over
what distances, this I would very much like to learn. If you could teach me
this very new science, I will profess a great debt of gratitude to you. For
by making good use of this method, I mean those leaps of yours, I could
effortlessly, while still seated, pass rapidly over town and country as I might
wish, even as far as that land of Pelops where you now dwell. For that land
holds my dearest brother and friend and son.' Can you imagine how much I
desire to see it? You know how passionately I yearn to be able whenever I
should wish to see him whom I regard as myself. If it were not possible to do
it for gold, I would readily choose to purchase at the price of my own limbs
either the harp of Orpheus or the arrow of Abaris.4 More than anything else
 99
6

'6 ?J Qy9dld.L

&9110.001 109 AI'I Ak'(01D1aL3 1)oAkGD()A).7OAX (IO.LD

1712[. -(A.1O3L3aL A
70-G3T1 AmDO 3.1 I)OX .n0'C1od3 3.U? &(0)(\011 2 d,? (l0'(10d? Q1 6(069\
d)3
0.&X31 Amdd7DG 17ox &(0&170313 U.M901 31. `&()x02DodaL 9 370x (A.d3j3
9 10110.001 d7o.1 AL1.1.110 Ano19dx3 J7oX 7012 50170T1170G AO).l4 d3aL10D9 n1D100x(A.XY9
70d7o1L 5IL117o1101 011 `n0at1L (
17oX n131alndx &371 ; A0 A(

Xno A(L3 201 nodlo3G n0A3T1013D I)OX Am1A1071(Rtn3 A91 A(ti1,D1t0D d70aL As

A(01106 3390101 dmltcd `770D(A.A3)131. L1 9 32 101 A70kp &1oid.Gnd3 6023X9

A13dmX Xno 5010 31 'A(I. (0190 &31'1
610 7071bA(lD 7.07011 `)ox 601170 109 641
0Z LD160.DA(. 370.GD311(;(1(aLX3 31 I)OX GGD32 110 A3D70n3)D3170X 101A101I1
V 1 / i {

AOA9T1 nD
7 &131x31 '5131X.01 513 32 50&071 541110 A3 A1Dn0)70T1n>DG no .1(101

AG.&Zd)3 `Am101L 37ox 50&13. noA371od3 31 ioaLk2 C(13

91 Ao&971 371 A(n1 q
Am1&7oaL &101011 (A.T1 7o1n7o1 5101 1.0701139 .A73XD)oaL AnO,GA3 oA3`C 170.G.D7od0.G7ox
770X (aLx3 5m3`(C '7o1A0113.. 17071011(A,'(alx3) ('311 `A(4d)3 .0)0070 132 d7D)371 61
91 11AO (X2LX3 13` `770.GD3X3AnD /(9O 5m 50170AA3). 10X33. 5702170.u
I n I c c i c o c
3D '2 Aml.3 J7OX d3aL70 `513d)X>d), '('(70)) 'G4 593711 11101
50 k2 d701L
) AX)7)O2.0O6aL 5311&923 11 (('AOA7)7X cin701 4t3 (',Q).3
37ox 70`023 11 `A13,4)( .G&)O &T A13)71DT1n70G 60'('(7071 5101101 L3 13r AO -TT1(IX),G
170.GD3 19'(nOd3 'Ak
09 o'('(V, nD 1oT1 `3,13`( 54daL `no30 70&11 (Cs 701 70190nt3). 70613X3 -dixo
b17oT1(!1. ?o
50A371k.G1ox A701dIXD Xno v A13d);od,l ! 10GD(A.d)3 dv)l 5m
,70.GDl0 17oT1kGbx>) of (ndgi 61 (7aL(7DOdaL pox Amid7xD pox (l'5oA3T1onnAT13D
OL 31 Ai0 A01n1n3'(31 ?X)X k2 I)OX 01 `AO1mdaL &(R.1 )O.Lk10A713D m,13'( 1)0x
Al `7o1kI9d217od) AID &1d;oX 'A3T1(911(01D 9 o 5
A9 99 A701dlx9 1-)ox ')0DO1L 70d.G3'(.U '5k. oino1 32 pox 7Dd2od)D &kT13o'(nod `A13,G')DT1
`7Dx A(k 0272 5Q 3T1bx IAk.Ln7os. &(t1 A(A.A110x AkT1(.C1D1ai3 AkXF),31'1 101) A1d;oX
531A(-LO).o'(O71o 10,G3710D3 6A371(')dX dr). 61 `5mX3A(I.0 5901. ,dhxD -U
3D10T1 1T11,(.d) `A,ID10InO1. 111AOxz 7071 ()A3T1(.L.G)0X AtA A70 17110'(3.G3
, I c c I
A1/.). 1;DX A1'(9.L 01 50X70]. `A13d70'(01'bx 50 32 (ski 201
I)OX Aki(IX9 5O
02 A( 513x10 `AnA A70DnOX3 d;o.l 1071 601 A01'plnxn'(). Aod)'(3ff 170x AO'(1d) I)OX

'6031 5(').U 1310 371 Ak1n)O1 A13,GOaL &7323

! 1.GD1 371 A1D3d)3 AOA3T1(A.1X3x
VDOI AklU 101 L3'{d 673 A)O10aL0 17110'(3G3 AO AOD7
(91W
`Q-(md)3x 5m 1)ax 5n0'(3T1 n0713 1XOGD.D1d]L 170GD3'(3 5mT11013 d3iL13 xno
c - U.-d3 , c i ,
k(,3 f no1DndX U. not 5m3d)do, A7od70.Grn Ano.)(4 AO-1 5o21d7Ddyc noiDiio
26
9,10
I would choose never to be separated in body from him to whom I am
united in spirit night and day. But since, by God's good judgment, we have
been apart for no short time in order to promote the common good of the
Romans and not our own advantage, would anyone be surprised at my
statement, anyone who knows what love really is and who knows how many
things have united us and still compel us to love each other ?5
Do you really want to learn the reason for the comments we hurled at
you regarding the "leaping about"? In making those remarks it was my
intention, I want you to know, to bring you to defend yourself and to send
more splendid letters here. Now, when I say "more splendid," understand
that I am hoping for longer ones. For all your letters are sisters, and they
are all equally perfect. The longer a letter is, then, the more splendid it is.

' The vague chronological indications in this letter and its position in the collection
incline one to place it in the years 1383-1387, during Manuel's reign in Thessalonica,
when Triboles served as an official of the Despot Theodore in Mistra: see p. Iiii.
2 In Byzantine literary circles the author of a composition was often called its
father; in this case Manuel calls the teacher (perhaps loosely interpreted) of Triboles the
grandfather of the work. A few lines later he refers to him as his master, but his identity
is not known and, in any event, Triboles' letter does not seem to have survived.
' Theodore I Palaeologus, despot in the Morea: see Dennis, Manuel in Thessa-
lonica, 15.
s The harp or lyre of Orpheus enabled him to charm men, animals, and the elements
of nature. Abaris, a mythical servant of Apollo, was able to travel everywhere with the
golden arrow of the god.
6 Manuel and Theodore had been separated since 1382, the one in Thessalonica and
the other in the Morea, but had joined in an alliance against the Turks: Dennis, Manuel
in Thessalonica, 43, 58, 114-28.

10. To Cydones
Constantinople
Thessalonica, 1383-1387

Your letter arrived here bearing an indictment that what you had
previously written was nonsense, and, at the same time, accusing us of
compiling these letters of yours into a book.' But of course you said this in
jest, since you must be well aware that you have not convinced us. "For I am
not ignorant of Phaedrus unless I have also forgotten myself."2 But it has
been your lot to suffer in fact what you claimed in jest to be suffering. For
it was destined, as it seems, my very good friend, that even in making
pleasantries you did not depart from the truth. Since all of your writings
are above reproach, this letter which accuses them of nonsense has itself
been judged by all of them as guilty of the very thing for which it came and
 27
9,10
35 EAoLYjv Yap av avtt ravTOwv 1 ye a6veLL vbx'rwp xai ea' &pocv
47)8E Til a6Lc L xcxcpLahL. Eret 86, 86Eocv ourw Oerp, xp6vov SL6aTrjev
o6 Lxpdv rpac Td xoLVi'j rj)v `PWoctwv 8oxo5v au( ye'pov 686VTES xat
7rpoS To Yjiv epe'r6v, TL TLS av 'Ofauac TWv eip-%t6vwv wS ad cpLAELv
eyvwxL; 6aa 're aS aUVWA'-n66 -re xat auvo Z &AAijAouc CpLAE v;
40 Bo6AsL 4cc, etv &v&' &rou To LS PYjj.LaaL ac 6P&Xo itev EVexEV TWV
axLpTJL TWV; Lah p.OL roc roc p0UA0(.L&VW aE &Z OCL a7roAoyo6-
4EVOV Xat xaAALOUS Ta6TY) 7re7reLV E7rLaTOA&4. STav 6VTOL (Pro xaAAtouS
40CxpoT6pwv (Le V6EL, aBEApat Yap a8 7raaaL X d T' TWV
A6ywv xaTELAYjfpocc xopucprjv 'YjTLS Toivuv Tw vcxc3aa
45 t u' V)7rou xat x(xXALWV 'rWV &AAWV E6TLv.

9: 34: Libanius, epist. 143, 3.

B f. 57v-58v C f. 361-361v signata r)', mut. ad finem. 1 anep. C 11 23 xal 8h xai:

reliqua desunt C

10. T6 Ku86v-j

'HxEV rj%v e7fLaTO? ypacprv EV 6rtys'p0uaa pXuocp.cc oLS

auveyp4W, Yj(LLV EyxaAouaa TauTa (iL(iALOV Epyaaa6voLS. &AAoc a6
Y E raL WV EV TIXUT' E YaS
i 8' Ell La&L , OUx EyELS.
5 ((068E yap (Dai8pov &yvoW El -) xat EauTOU erLA6ArjaaL. aUIp'pYjxe
8s (70L 7ZU.9Efv &Teyv(7)S o 8' xai 7-.aLSWV EAEyES rerov&wvaL EBEL yap ae,
WS EOL%eV, W p6ATL6TE a6, xaL ty &AJ`UELac pj ExrEGELV.
7r0LVTWV yap I&61177WV aOU Twv 7,OV j&T(OV 6vTWV, pXuapiaS a6TOL
&w'XOUaa ) e7rLaTOA), au-,r) raps raaLV EhcLvoLS EvEXO6VYj ri
28
10,11
denounced them. You should not, then, press the charge of nonsense against
your works, for by this expression you may be caught in the very trap you
are trying to escape. Neither should you feel free to make accusations
against us in a matter in which you owe so many payments. Let these pay-
ments.be made by your willingness to fill up as rapidly as possible that
place we have reserved in the volume for future letters.

1 While in Thessalonica Manuel had the letters received from Cydones copied into
a special volume, with blank spaces left for future letters: Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica,
96. The copying was entrusted to Acacius, whom Cydones regarded as an intelligent and
religious man: Letter 263:10-11. The present letter is in reply to Letter 326 of Cydones,
which reads in part as follows:
"Apparently you feel I must be punished for my friendliness toward you, and so
you have compiled my foolish scribblings into a book. For apart from some fault of mine,
I can see no other reason why you have condemned me to be made a laughing stock, not
only to my contemporaries, but also to future generations, who will read the words, or
rather the mistakes, in it where one might find more solecisms than phrases.... A person
might think it even more laughable that you call upon me to write more of this sort of
thing, since you say you have prepared a place in the book for future letters."
2 Plato, Phaedrus, 228a.

11. To Cydones'

Constantinople
Thessalonica, fall, 1383

Being an accomplished speaker is clearly preferable to being wealthy;

it provides something more pleasurable than all pleasure as well as a glory
which is greater. But the opposite might well be true for those attempting
to make speeches without having thoroughly practiced the art of rhetoric
from childhood. A person who wishes to deliver a faultless speech must also
consider first what will please his hearers and the topics which will make them
feel glorious and enviable. He must have natural ability in addition to
practice; his desire must have the assistance of intelligence and, furthermore,
of the proper occasion. Held back, therefore, by all these considerations, we
thought it best to observe silence and to hold to it firmly. You know how long
I have adhered to this decision, since you have not been receiving my custom-
ary letters. But since the great love and the equally great good will which
I cherish toward your fellow citizens has completely overpowered me, I
was unable to persevere in my resolve. For there was need of advice, and I
spoke about what I believed would best aid the city.
 29
10,11
10 ' v &AAwv jxe (.L'-re ToEvuv cpXuapEaV r&v aawTOu
xaTayvcac iva 1177 Tw 7rpoap7'aTL TOUTW oL TeUyee&q 'roUrot &XwS, pr)
rjty e'yxaXEty uTiv xat uc ouc ocpthaELc 6-CL 7to?ao6C,. eaTwaav
8e of p.Laaot To v TOLp.&aocjlev xcilpav Ev q) (3L(3AEca -roc-LS Eaovkvous
E?CLaToXa1.C,, TOLLTY)V WS T&x6aTa 70,Y)p6a(XL &E),'GOCL.

10: 5: Plato, Phaedrua, 228a.

B f. 58v.

11. Tt;> Ku vy La

To p,ev AeyeLv EaxueLV xpetTTov aacp&SS 7rXouTEty, Tcov TS >7UWv

MOV 7r&VTWV xat 8'Emv ye T v &eivw ykpv. TouvavTEov kvroL ye
&7rav auzL(3c vov EupoL TLS &v Tots ? 'cLV p.Ev 7rELpW L&voLC, Jr 7r&VU
5 8' Ex 7raE8wV Ta 7rEpt Xoyouc. 8Et 8e yE xai Tbv AE'ELV
E1SEVaL L7CTWC> OVTa TOU' q ?OyoUS 7rpo' 7r&VTWV &ycLV OLC, TE Tpu p&V
e E6TL Tou(; 7rouS xai &7ccp euBOxE LoUS c ou'; xat >)awTOUS
&7repy&SETaL, EXELV TE T))V cpuacv &7rOp.EVjV T'f &aXYI YEL xai Tf TOV

vouV xat 7rpoc ye eTL Tov xaLpoV auvepyov. xai TOEvuv &?LG'74LEvoL 7r&VTWv
10 TZOV aTepycLV 8ety w+,&77ev Trjv xat TauTjS eXEaaaL
&7rpLE;, xcd LEVTOLyE xaL ECX4IIv 6Tr06oV oLahc Xp6VOV all r0 Ta EGWHTa
(a'J ypL4L MTa. &AX' E7rEL87 PE To tkkya cpEATpov xai Ecp&LXXo4
TOUT() eu&veum a Tots aot 7Crjxt- L Tp&Lpo v cEp,t ou
xaT&xpao, ouX otov TE (i7rky-YVeV EZvaL EV+LVELV Tots Y)v
15 yap Xpeia xai EZ7rov T& y' Epoi 8oxo5vTa 6uvo cLV Tn TroaEL.
30
11,12
Of course, we are not hiding this "failure" of ours from you, and we
are showing you our composition. For if it is proper and prudent not to
communicate something secret to those who are not one's friends, then it is
quite improper and even dangerous to keep something secret from such a
friend as you are to us. For our part, then, we reveal our "failure" to you and,
in a certain sense, we denounce ourselves to you. But you will be indulgent,
I am sure, for I suspect that frequently, dominated by love, you have
trampled on the precepts and laws which you yourself set down. Here then
is the work; surely you know to whom you may show it if you think it is
well composed and of such quality that it should not be hidden. Pluck then
the sweet fruit for yourself, you who are the cause of it, for it was you who
provided us with the seed, and it was by you that the plant was abundantly
watered. If, on the other hand, it seems a work fit to be cast into the fire, do
not expect to incur any penalty from us, since you are already incurring it,
inasmuch as you sowed the seed of literature in us, and irrigated and culti-
vated it.

1 In late September or in October 1383 the commander of the Turkish forces closing
in on Thessalonica delivered an ultimatum. Before an assembly of the citizens Manuel
delivered a formal oration advising them on the course of action they should take: Dennis,
Manuel in Thesselonica, 78-85. He then sent a copy to Cydones accompanied by the present
letter. The discourse is edited by B. Laourdas, '0 `Eu(3ooXcortx6c np6q tio6q Oeaaa).o-
vLxeeS' ro5 IIaaawadyou, in Maxe&ovix&, 3 (1955), 290-307. There is a detailed
analysis and summary in Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 81-84; the letter is also
translated by Barker, Manuel II, 415-16.
On receiving this letter and the copy of the Discourse, Cydones wrote a rather
effusive reply (Letter 262), praising his former pupil on his rhetorical performance, in
which he found "a certain echo of Demosthenes." After continuing in this vein and refusing
any credit for himself, he ends with a prayer. "Savior, grant to the emperor the occasion to
compose and to deliver panegyrics instead of the counsel which he has just given. For him
there will be more ambition in his eloquence, for myself more pleasure in listening. For at
the moment my pleasure has been considerably lessened because I see that my fellow
citizens had need of exhortations when their own safety was at stake."

12. To Cydones'

Constantinople
Constantinople, fall 1389-
spring 1390

Now that you have the staters in your hand, will you believe that you
have received them ? I feel sure you will. Be hopeful, therefore, about what
we prophesied yesterday would follow upon the recovery of the emperor,
who with God's help overcame an illness stronger than the skill of the doctors,
 i8
ITT gy
h141n1oy k2 AG1 A1011 3120 92A371012L9dx n09 170x 91 7or114.A9u
A371ROd3Aw6 p d7o,. &9777x38 11 pox 53y10d)9b t.3i &13A(9A10x 5101 -fl 510Y)6
M21 ddouw `nmi mddou (1037ox18 31 I10X 53y1od)91u3 91 Soda Ao,(3d) A01n0101
573A AT 5odu 5)orfl no1kddoum &13X3 11 YX:p 51371(. A31# 109
.
5010 n9
AlA,1 31 f A7o11 A31io1unY10x70AT ?70x 51ori
'3 AL OZ 1O Ao1LOd1 Z&11 -oodu
5no1n1o

-A3rioXl(I3)1.C10
n9 32 23 890 119 U9(mnl)n9 `51xw'(YOU `710rjjo S7o9(;C17o1L
%

50A3T1n0AA70dn1j OuR Ln0d1'(3o5 5nor393,G 17ox 5n031ok o5r

,,t 91 70111/AOU

101n37'1 .11001 n3? 3), 98 U 503Y7ox 17o913G31nn9 1bx A0l0 7 c `17oG931u1dx

591&79 nb 5k3oAL 53o .513338 I7ox nou3d8 nolcd7ox 6nBk 5tn &019011 5o11l7o
9Z `n 31 d),
c17or3d?u9 591n10 53X936702L `A17ll t 31 W1,326 5Q7&0-qd)Z f
7701(lX3xx3 7od7o3L
'(109 33 c.4 (1010 513 dnu 13 17oAL&J7 `11o113A1o6 (C7 7311A
A13d10( f d) `Amrrl; n9 3 R7o1 AI41 (334)0 Am 0 I= S1od33u9 A171(; A91 ( o).9 d 11ox
77ox nmldm3J,

:IT :gZ Jo aQ'ruauar{7.souaQ `71uoi00 691 '(089)

g '3 '69-,89 19 sod zu 570.OU ut sTea 9-up oA1o 56u

'aT mi U&m8ng ,J7

Jody, 1X1A3d)L(.Y13 5139n3191u 5noi 14.1'X119 57o& AOd10y ! I'MiO.G33u 3.L

An0dX).101. n0A3;, 170x 5oin ,d3u 31 &(2 nU1 A70770d31.Od1 -0(131&70T13
7o.G37 oub not, not 703C19pd U1 J07X10P1Hn.0 0030 5C~C

5onol.s13dx Sk&Y-?.L , Amd? `no90A pox id3.u Am 50].&70 513A7oX)ln1. 51u'(3n3 A(h
32 12
and about the things which you yourself are hopeful about. He who gave
you no hope that you would receive even one hundred staters has now
unexpectedly poured out twice that amount, as Zeus once rained down gold
upon the Rhodians through a cloud. Now, do not tell us that it is easy for an
emperor to give a thousand staters and to give that amount frequently,
when it is difficult for him to assert his power over the nation, which in a
way he has been serving for quite some time.2 For that is the way things are
by the nature of the situation. But if the creator and ruler of the nature of
all things should only wish-it is to Him after all that the emperor looks
and in whom he places his good hopes in trying to do all he can to benefit
the people-then at once everything would seem easy, even those matters
which now appear impossible.
Well then, now that you can be encouraged by good hopes, my good
friend, you would do right, all things considered, if, even though you have
obtained the provisions, you put off everyone inviting you to travel to a
foreign land.3 You should cling to the fatherland no less firmly than the
octopus to the rocks. It must also be obvious to you that the emperor is
well disposed toward you; indeed you always placed this above everything
else. And to prove it, he has of his own accord, though not completely
recovered from his illness, provided you with this gift.
Listen to me, then, and, as a recompense for what I consider good
advice, give us your own promise to follow this advice, and put your own
mind to rest by admitting that this is the only way you will be able, far
from the waves of the sea, to bring order and joy to your fatherland and to
support it by your counsels as it is battered by the tempest. For in time of
trouble one must be blind to reasonings, a certain wise man has declared,
whom I have very often heard you praising, and of all the things he said,
not the least have you praised this very phrase.

1 After being forced to leave Thessalonica in April 1387, Manuel first found refuge
on Lesbos and then spent a short time on Tenedos and in Brusa. Probably in September
he returned to Constantinople, but was soon exiled by John V to the island of Lemnos:
see Dennis, lblanuel in Thessalonica, 151-58; Barker, lllanuel II, 59-66; R. J. Loenertz,
"L'exil de Manuel II Paleologue Lemnos 1387-1389," OCP, 38 (1972), 116-40. He re-
mained on Lemnos for about two years; none of his letters have survived from this period.
Exactly when his exile ended is not clear, but it was certainly before April 1390 and prob-
ably during the autumn of 1389: see Barker, Alan uel II, 67, esp. note 186. On 31 March
1390 Manuel was in Constantinople to support his father in the conflict with John VII;
it is likely that be had arrived in the city earlier. The illness of John V, Manuel's oration
on his recovery and the exchange of correspondence with Cydones all imply that Manuel
had returned and been reconciled with his father before the uprising of John VII in March
1390. The strange dream-allegory of Cydones (Letter 411) does not speak of a reconcilia-
tion, but of a continued disagreement. After describing John's curious behavior, it states
that Manuel "was in a tent outside the gates, since his father had not permitted him to
enter," and that he did not have enough food for his own servants. Possibly he had re-
turned from exile without John's permission, or this may refer to his earlier return in the
summer or autumn of 1387.
 33
12
baTLs aE TouC, Exa'COV aTMT1')paS ''Y'JxL6Ta r&VTWV EX7rE(,E.v
u'aev or. 8L4 Toao&rouC, 7roV o ZEUS
`Po8LoLS Tbv && verpeA-JS Xpuak xab pL' Aeyc paarov [Lev etvm xaL
xLA[oUC, (3aa,Ae0C BollVML xec 7roXA&CxLS roao&rouq, E9'vouS 8e
10 roukov olg O'41Yerr] auxvo'v xpovov 8ouXe6r. e'7rLetx6s XaAErov.
Tn (.Lev yap Tou 7rp&y[twroq, T69EL 68[ 7rW5 EXEL' el 8e [1.ovoV (30UAJ9tb
o T' q 7r&vTWV rpvaeWc xaL xaL xpMTwv CI; ov a7ropAe7r1Wv o
PMwLAEUC, T'V rpopr(iArJ.LevoS EA7r[8a 7rarL TOLL, TW yeVeL 80x05aL
auvo[atLV 7r&V4' OJLOU paaTa T"jVLxauTa Mo etEV &V XML T&86VMTa
15 8oxouv'a.
'EA7r[at roLvuv &yce e t 8uv&[.Levo4 rpegsa,&aL, 6 'yaN, xo
T&rLTYJBELM xExT-q[.I.&VOC, 8[<MLOC, &V e'L-gS TOU AoLroU r&VTOC [.L&V &7r0-Ha,'YaL
TOV ElS GLAAo8a7tf CC 7rMp1xaAOUVTM 7COpEllEa,'aL,'r [ 8e 7rmrp[BoC, EXEa,&ab
OUx Y[TTOV TWV 7re'ptV Ot 7roXU7ro8E5. ExotS 8' OLV ElBevoc xcd
20 TYJv PaaLA&WC, yVO'+-1V w' q &yoc$' rEp[ ae, TOUTO 8Y) orep ael 7rp6 Twv
f. 8 &r&VTWV ET[kLS' El; lily cUTO[,LaTOS COL xaL TMUT' ou x i&c pwS I &7ZaAAMyeL4
Tou VOOE,v Ta yLyvo[.LEVM xexopr[yrJxev.
8 [Lot xaL &ro8os [Lev h[.L-v [.LLaMv 'r [ wS oIN.c u,
aUJLP0UAYlc TO' rC7E CFO'ML TY =U705 8e' yaA'Y'JV-IV rOLC, AOyLa[LOLS
25 iw [LOvw Aeycv TpLxuL[ac xwpLS xab xoaJteE v xad earLav 'r v
7Zavp[8a xc &VEXELV Taw, auJ43ouAatc. Ev yap v ji
TETap&X 'c TOUS Aoyba[LoUC, &v&yx7J rugXo5ahu, TLS aorp6v &recp1JvMTo,
OV aE E7ra6vo5vTOC roXAoC roAA&xLS &xY[xoa xML r&VTWV J,Lev WV etrEV, 06X
xaaTa 8e xaL 8La TovBe Tbv Aoyov.

12: 7-8: Pindarus, Olyrnp. VII, 34 et 50; Libanius, epist. 348, 11; declamatio 31, 200.
19: Macarius, Prov. 7, 21: Paroem. gr. II, 203. 26-27: locum non inveni.

B f. 59-59v. 1 'cw au'ri1 codd.

Although precise dates cannot be given, the chronology regarding this letter seems
to be as follows: illness of John V, Manuel returns to Constantinople from Lemnos, Cy.
dones' Letter 410, recovery of John V, oration of Manuel on his recovery, Cydones' Letter
83, Letter 82, Manuel's Letter 12, Cydones' Letter 424. It is possible that John V was
already ill when Manuel arrived; in fact, his illness, as well as the rebellion of John VII,
was probably the principal reason for his return. Cyclones (Letter 410) complained that a
serious illness had prevented him from greeting Manuel on his return after a lengthy
absence, but he is consoled by the hope that Manuel will save the Empire. "All call upon
him [Manuel] as the sick call upon the physicians. They were troubled by his delay and
cursed the winds which did not allow their pilot to come to them more swiftly. But now,
on seeing him, they seem to have come to life again and feel that with you bore they will
more easily confront all dangers. Come then, and with God's help, fulfill the hopes of all,
34 12,13
for you know that nothing is more honorable than enduring danger on behalf of one's
fatherland, particularly since it is not only on its behalf that you are about to take up
weapons, but also on behalf of your father." Instead of the correct reading, rsaTpds, Cam-
melli has navr64 in his edition: Demdtrius Cydones Corre8pondance (Paris, 1930), no. 22,
p. 51.
Upon the recovery of John V, Manuel delivered a formal oration of thanksgiving
before the court: ed. J. F. Boissonade, Anecdota nova (Paris, 1844), 222-38. Cyclones, who
was present, then received a gift of money from the old Emperor (&pyupiov: Cydones,
Letter 83:5; 200 aTwr:jpas according to Manuel). The next day Cydones wrote to thank
John V for the unexpected present: Letter 83. In Letter 386, apparently written about
the same time, he thanked John V for a gift of 600 staters, but otherwise there is no con-
nection with the present letter. At the same time Cyclones wrote to Manuel. After effusive
praise of his rhetorical ability, he remarked: "This was the sort of feast you gave us yester-
day when you professed your gratitude to the Savior for the health of your father the
emperor, which he has recovered after having almost tasted death." He then commented
on the generosity of John V and concluded with the remark that "yesterday's banquet was
good in quite a number of ways" : Letter 82. It was on the same day that Manuel wrote the
present letter to Cydones, as is clear from his reference to the prophecies made "yesterday,"
the recovery of the Emperor and the gift of money.
2 Perhaps this is a veiled allusion to the Turks or to the rebellion of John VII.
8 Despite Manuel's pleas, Cyclones did leave for Venice not long after this letter,
apparently early in 1390: see Cydones, Letter 435.

13. To the holy Despot the Porphyrogennitus, his Brothers

Mistra
Constantinople, 1390

This excellent man, Kananos, impelled by affection for you, cannot

stand living in pleasure, although he could easily do so, while you are bearing
weapons in the field. So that he might share in your labors and dangers he
pays no heed, as you know, to his own land, his friends, his relatives; he
pays no heed to the imperial favor and good will which made him an object
of envy. He has pushed aside public functions which used to be so effective
in providing heroic beginnings for lovers of wealth and seekers of glory. He
has sailed over the Aegean and found you for whom he was longing in the
land of Pelops. Even though he experienced no wandering, he arrived at
Ithaca as another Odysseus. So it is that you draw the whole man to your-
self. You, I am certain, will not be unimpressed by all this, as you have made
clear by your having treated him so well. He seems to be acting correctly,
though, in letting his own good qualities be forgotten, but everywhere he has
loudly proclaimed the benefits he has received from you, calling you a haven
for your friends and a model for your subjects, and boasting that you have
now caused your once fearsome enemies to tremble with fright. For he has
only one concern: constantly to sing your praises.
 35
12,13

13. TW ayLW AEar6T', TG) I-,r6 LBLc) lacxcpc;>> LyY

'0 xp, crr64 ouToai Kavavoc Tw repL ae ro&w xLvoui.evoc xai 4

Tpucpav &ve;(og.evoc, p&8Lov 8v c rr S, aou ye wvTOc Ev oraoLc, orcoc aoL
TWV r6vWV xcd T()V x:v86vc v yevovTO xOLvc,)voc urepopa EV, 6c oia9'a,
5 rc pLBoc xai cpLawv xai auyyevcov, urEpopa 8E rpovoiac xai 6veLccq
8i' a aco- O 7 V' &rWaaTO 8E XEvTOUpyLoc aL xc ToZC, 7LXoUTE6V
ayari3am xai LOUD &MVat iJ &V )V Tac
acpopp.&c. r?euaac 8E ALyatov xat aE Tov rolouEAvov Ev Tp Tou llUaoroc
xaLTot 7Xavjc rEZpav o68ag,6c ELX qx c o&XAoc o& roc 'O8uecre6q
10 'Iac&% Tuxdv' ourc,)c oaov Tov &' pa au g.Ev ouv, Eu 018', oTc
TauTa L xpa our' EpEic ou9'' oic auTOV eu rerobjxac auTOC, 8E
TwV EV eauTOU eu roWwv EOLxE aa(ieiv, wv 8' &7-'l w raga aou
xaL OtWc cU TOtc g.Ev cpLXotc XL. v, To%c 8' 6r0 as xaVWv, Exapouc 8E TOUc
rpoTEpov cpo(3o5vTac 1)5V oppWBouvTac POa.aaL roLE6 ravTao6.
15 v yap Epyov (XUT . Ta aa. 8L& aTOgaTOc cp&peiv.
36
13,14
What more than anything else proves the vehemence of his devotion
to you is that when he saw you freed from your troubles, and then heard
exactly the opposite about us, he knew that it would please you if he could
in some way manage to be of assistance to me, and so, having first obtained
permission from you, he raced here. His love for you, however, did not per-
mit him to adhere to his decision and to spend much time with us, although
he certainly was not unaware that to serve me and to serve you are the same
thing as far as you are concerned.
He comes to you, then, more enthusiastically than sailors arriving in
harbor from the high seas. Because he wanted to sprout wings, but could not,
he blames fortune for not having made him another Daedalus. When we
asked whether he desired a letter requesting that he might enjoy your good
favor as formerly, he replied that he needed no more assurance than your
own character. He would not accept a letter which might convey the im-
pression that he was ignorant of the person whom, in fact, he knows very
well. I commended him on the love and hope he cherishes in your regard,
and since I was unable to fulfill his desire for a pair of wings, the least I felt
I should do was to give him a horse so that he could present himself as soon
as possible to the one he loves. To you, though, I am not suggesting how you
are to receive him in a manner commensurate with your goodness and with
his own eagerness to reach you. For in so doing I would seem to be ignorant
of my brother, whose great goodness and kindness is manifest not only to
Kananos, but to a blind man as well.
1 Theodore I Palaeologus, despot of the Romans, governor of the Morea, 1382-1407.
This letter seems to have been written in the fall of 1390. Presumably, Kananos had come
to help Manuel in suppressing the revolt of John VII and, when this was accomplished,
had returned to the Morea.

14. To Cydonesl

Constantinople
Asia Minor, summer 1391

Among my friends who possess some literary skill there are those who
have written to us two or three times, but have received scarcely one letter
in reply. But you, whether you keep your hands at your side or write, you
still call upon us to write.
Regarding the first point, then, the reason is not that I hold my friends
in slight esteem or that I attach little importance to composing something
which might please them. Never would I show so little concern for my
friends. The reason is that it is not easy for us to write even when we have
the time, for, as they say, it is only on our fingertips that we have had a
 37
13,14
'0 8e TOUTOV .L&AAOV T&v &AAWv BELxvuaL aou p,avLxdv Epoca Tdv,
ErEL8 ae ev &op6(3wv iSV'O ewpa, rEpt ti V.6v 8e' r&v TouvavTtov
wS aot xaPLC%a'a.L kAAEL eL TL auvoiaov kELot
To6v86aLp.ov Aa(3wv rpoTEpov rapa aou Taxews wS 4L&S
20 98poc v. &Aa' ovsLv cep 86yaTL xat roAuv 4E -Lv auvetvaL xpo'vov oux
ill
f. 8's' ELOCCEV o rcpt I ae r6,oS, xatTOL yE r&.vTWS oux &yvoe6 tos To eot
BLaxOVEtV - Got 8LaxovEGV taov SUVaTaL rap& aOL.
"EpxeTaL TOLVUV rap& aE rpo&UIL6TEpOV TWV &r6 TOU rEA&yoUS rP6S
T6V Ml4e'Va xa^rayot.Levwv, xat T6) EN' ?ELV p.ev cpuaaL rTep&, i) Suvaa&aL
25 T T6x1 ELE(L p6E.Levoc OTL yE ETfpOV all by OUx 'Erob aE DatSaXOV.
eposvwv 8e, rfl.u)v Et TL 8kovro E c orO?,AV aOL 6rws aroXavOL
rapa aou -c rpoTepc S e6votaS, 6 8e &pxcta&aL aeyrL Tp a'j (pUaEL 6vr)
xat oux &V Bo cw o yp&tpvroc 7rept auTOU 86Eav rap&xeLv 8uv&(IEvoc 65
&pa &yvoez 8v ErtaTaTaL. ey6 8e To5Tov EraLVeamq xai ay&rnc xat
30 T) eArL80q V rrcpt ae Tpe'TEL, E7rrt EL) awT(il T'V rcpt Twv
rTEpWV E7rL4U(1.taV iX70, aaL, o AoLr6v, aUTW (d.ev LrrOV 805VOLL (SEEN 9yVWV
8UV&4EVOV, OL[LaL, T "V Ta)(L6' V aUTW TOV r0&O6ELEVOV Got Se OUSEV

YPdccpc Sro)S U OCLO TouTOV & kL aou xai Tou rapa as TouTOU
e86xouv yap av Ta6T71 Tov aBEA(pov &yvoeiv Ov To i yehc TES xaAoxaya-
35 lrtaq o6 T(;) Kavavw i.6vc;) &AA& 8rEAov6TL xai TuyXw.

13: 35: of. Macarium, Prov. 3, 29: Paroem. gr. II, 156.

B f. 59-60. 1 T(4 7roppupoyevvfrrq em. B 11 7 'jpo v codd., (ilv pwv forsitan male pro
6veEpe v? 11 20 7ro))d B 11 35 8, XovoTLE codd.

14. Ti;) Kuac vr L8'

'AAA' ofr.C, ELEv TWv (pt),( v A6ywv E.LETEaTL TExvlq TOUTOLC, 814 Hat
Tp4 :rtaTeD.acL L6ALS rou ELta rap' Jp.cov ap,oL(3aia, au Se X004 Tw xEipe
rapa acUTW xaTe(WV oux TTOV Y) ErL(TEAAWV rapaxaXErS erLa-,EZXc .

5 To p,ev ouv rpw-ov oux 6ALywpta Tc roLst xai To cxp&

Tou ToLS (pLaoLS xexapLa&Va dptO&' ouTws eyu) 7 cpt Tou
ytAous 6p.E cbr1v F06-CL yep LZV Ou paBLOV &youcL xai axoA'v
&xpoLc, 8 (paaL, 8(Xx'ruXoLS ycyeu.EVOLS 'r&)V A6yo v, ou Le'a prlT6pwv
38
14
taste of eloquence, and we have not danced with rhetoricians in the gardens
of the Muses, and what is more, as you may well imagine, we have so many
things to do, so many preoccupations and troubles. I have marched with the
Romans from our own land to wage war with the Scythians in the land of the
Scythians2 and to command troops for our enemies. What Demosthenes
would not be frustrated by this and find himself incapable of utterance?
This then is my first point.
And the second must simply be attributed to your Sirens, whose
singing overpowers their hearers, not only because of the pleasure they
provide, but also because they make them better men. Even when they do
not sing, they cast an even greater spell on those who have experienced
their charms; for those wounded by love yearn all the more for their loved
ones when they are absent. So it is that since I have not received your
usual letters, I greatly desire them, and in the midst of war and strife, as I
am about to mount my horse and make immediate trial of my weapons,
which I have just put down, I do not hesitate to write to you, so that you
may have cause to answer.
But do you wish to learn exactly what circumstances we find ourselves
in? I feel sure you do, and I would have satisfied your curiosity if the present
situation did not prevent us in every way. I think it is enough to say just
this: we exchange fear for fear, danger for danger, labor for labor, small
compared to the more serious ones, I mean, those we now undergo in league
with the Persians3 compared to those we can expect from them if we do not
fight along with them, just as the coins your companion Plato speaks of.4

1 In the fall or winter of 1390 Manuel was compelled to accompany the Turkish
Emir Bajezid on campaign in Western Asia Minor. On hearing of his father's death on
16 February 1391, he raced back to Constantinople, arriving before 8 March, and secured
possession of the throne for himself. Then on 8 June he left the capital to join Bajezid on a
long and difficult campaign in the heart of Asia Minor, from which he returned early in
January 1392. See Barker, Manuel II, 84-10:5. While on this campaign he wrote eight
letters, of which this is the first, probably dating from the summer of 1391. It has also
been translated by Barker, Manuel II, 88-89.
1 In Byzantine usage "Scythian" is a loose designation, generally referring to the
nomadic peoples of the South Russian steppes. At this time it was often used for the
Mongols or the Tatars: see Gy. Moravesik, Byzantinoturcica. Sprachreste der Tiirkvolker
in den Byzantinischen Quellen, II (Budapest, 1943) 282; idein, "Klassizismus in der byzan-
tinischen Geschichtsschreibung," Polychronion. Festschrift F. Dolger znm 75. Geburtstag
(Heidelberg, 1966), 366-77. But it is difficult to determine how precise Manuel intended to
be in employing the term. Possibly he is referring to non-Turkish peoples, or peoples
not yet subject to the Ottomans, such as the quasi-independent emirates throughout Asia
Minor, some of which were vassals of the Mongols. In Letter 16 he is more explicit.
Turks.
This is an obvious paraphrase, probably from memory, of a passage in the Phaedo
(69a): "This is not the right way to purchase virtue, by exchanging pleasures for pleasures,
and pains for pains, and fear for fear, and greater for less, as if they were coins."
 39
14
Xope6acc v e'v Mouc v ddj7roL4, xai 8rj xat 7rpayt1aTwV xai
10 aaXoXEaL 7roaacd xat 'rpLxup,EaL, 7r6q OtEL. To yap oUS xai cc&t u
&p&v'c cc T4lV aur6V Ev T Exu`&cov TOtC, Ix64'aCq 7roXEp,ELV xai aTpa'r yELv
Tots EX,%poZq, TEvoc TouTo OrjpoaOrEv-tlv ou auVExEEv av xai 7rpos a6ywv
T6XOV E7rrjpwaev; TOUTd p.Ev ouv To 7rp<.&TOV.
To 8e` 8e67epov TL5v awv EeLpijvwv epyov &TEXvwS 48ouaaE Te yap
15 TouS &xo6ovrco XeLpouvTaL otS ou 'r&p7roUor p6vov, &AX& xcd (3eATEoUS
&7rocpaLVOUcL T06TOUS, xcd A 7rOL05CM TollTO p.&XAoV nEpt xaat & X-
f. 9 Yew I Tous EdS 7reLpav T06TWv Eav6v-r . TouS yap Epwjjlvouc p.&XXov
7 o oUo v a7r6V'rmq of rsrpWp.Evot. OS'eV Ta c o 6Ta pil
ypap.(dara BLacpep6v'r( To6Twv OXeZv E O)V, iv t4acp Te 7roaip.c;.) xad
20 hop6py E7rl Tov i7r7rov &vaprjaea& pEAawv xai auTExa 67cXoLS,
evayXo; xaTa,&6. vos TauTa, o6x 1Sxvrjc & aoL i:v' eX-ns acpopp.Yjv
E7rL6TEaL.
E7rtau4eLS pal8ety e'v oLS Eaev xahpws; ot8a -re xai TYjv
E7rL,'U(.LEav E7rAYjpoUV ON E6 [k" 7raVTa7raaLV &7r&Tpe7teV 0 xaLp6y. TOaOUTOV
25 8E BEGV E67LEGV 6rj4rjv povov &r cpopouc 7rpoS cpopouc xo xLVBuvouc 7rp S
wv86vouC, xai 7r6vouS 7rp6C 7r6vouc &v Ta?X - 6(.r.eM, p.Lxpo6S
7rpO4 TouS vuv p.e'r& TwV IIEpawv 7rpoc TouS acrro T06TwV ei Eat
aut4aXOErjp.Ev ucpopwp.bouq, 6a7rep Ta vop.Eap.ara O ak ETZLpo4 IIX&Twv
cprjaiv.

14: 8: of. Zenobium, Prov. 1, 61; Diogenem, Prov. 1, 29: Paroem gr. I, 24; II, 5.
8-9: of. Platonem, Ion, 534a. 15: of. Homerum, Od., 12, 188. 28: Plato,
Phaedo, 69a.

B f. 60-60v.
 15
15. To Cabasilas

Constantinople,
Asia Minor, autumn 1391

A certain strange and unusual feeling came over me on reading through

your letter. For you, because of your close friendship, have always attached
great importance to receiving letters from us, and now that you have not
received any, you are understandably distressed. My own reaction to this
was one of sorrow as well as of joy, both of which I seemed to feel at the same
time; both feelings mingled and came upon me, and I experienced neither
one by itself. First of all, I was distressed because you yourself were distressed
and because this was occasioned by me, a friend to a friend. At the same
time, I was filled with joy because what distressed you, of all things, gave
proof of the greatness of your friendship, which of course was not previously
unknown. The astonishment of the others when they saw me reading your
letter was something to see. They looked at one another, nudging, all the
while glancing sideways at me; by their expression and every gesture they
pointed out that I was both happy and distressed at the same time.
This, then, is what I meant by that certain unusual feeling which so
strangely came over me. Now, you say that you would like to learn my
opinion of your letters; you would like an apology for my not having written
for such a long time; and you would like to learn about our present circum-
stances, since we have been away from home so long and, as you can guess,
facing one danger and difficulty after another. You insist on knowing all the
details.
First of all then, I can give no higher opinion about your most recent
letter to us than that which you know we have already given about your
previous ones. I do not believe this one is in any way more striking than the
others, for it is like a sister to them. The reason for this is that they have all
been brought forth by the same father; what is already perfect, moreover,
cannot be improved on.
Secondly, I think it only right, even if you had not insisted, to explain
why I have not written. Actually, I was intending to remain silent, primarily
because it was beyond my ability to give you an exact account of events
here, for Xenophon, the general of the ten thousand, even with his power
of narration and with sufficient time, would scarcely be able to do so. Further-
more, we had nothing pleasant to talk about, only extremely distressing
topics. For the difficulties had not yet passed, and the time had not come to
recount such matters as might give you reason to leap for joy with a cheerful
countenance and to offer hymns of thanksgiving to God. Still, I do hope that
 U?
91

91 m,L vm io-(1D; 31

A01D)071n70Q 11 n0D MAI

'AIAXOID71L3 n9
d>o,l m1 vd3od)D A73`(1d) 91 3.1 17O.gD3X33 101)07'1717Od,t
A371
c c , , I c c ,
du %OTi 33770 11. .971 x0 53.1.1 7)Ox k Ann 5m11ox13 'coL. m),3 33
g 51atnX 31 fto710 5kA03k 70170X A01 A01n)O A(lT10A1X163 AOAOdX -lAXD31371
17OX OX)

.5mx ?rl>onb 3 ;od3lod)rlp 1071 13X(3)1u3u3AnD pox AOX731.371 nod3133Ro

I , , n ,
c c c
Smd,o.g7ox nkrim7n A371 l db 710 31 501n7o k mm 77ox 11.0
, d. c c

no713 001 3
501AnO)(16 0 .50y3d) 013Xdk.013un 33 1071 170x AO3k 119 d3u 530 /m7Atc cpodxl
&. 33 A1333 pox
%

01 n0d1'C3cb AOD9 5A&X3333 70191X. pox A1du

pj SnO1, AL]. AG(`(01D7u3 371 SX11Amdo Sn0A37'10X3An9 Sp1A0u3`(d
31. pox SX11A0)1`(n3A0x pox 5101 3D>o11r13' 31'1 15701Annx733oun

)010gkA.3). d)O)k n0r10 MX )O1Am`())XDr) (71 31 mumDOd,L 17OX 5701 19)01'l(;(XD

A13)Ou AOIMO-l3 7'13 AomA S701n70
L J1nO A3T1 &90 9 10rl kd3AnD AOUO1X 71 50.g-4u 0 m tmn6d31Ln 5U6
Qj 33 m3.Gw-(1 m3y?.p 1 'Q( no9 5101 1D7o*1r1mdA. 171m333 `Ao6t4 A703A,0`(ou)p 33
'J A6 ioo ROY 1'1 'n0AXn9 770x 39 ;0313 170 A3 510 'A3r193
no&odX~,WA3d)Xld),3),
q 70dx70r1 `OX AmAn3A1x UID3T1 170x 5X)3`(OX9n3 T
`5noX 5(y)1L .UA37lOX3d) A1L.1N01 33 n0 ,3 An071Dmu0 -513.mrur
`1310 nL

AOd)(.(JIl &371 An0 A1A.'((30 mA137ir 5101, M1. 5brfl. 1Df0g`(3 5109 5)
Og 130d). A7970rF XnO coX3 G( d31LAlA. 5X1320 nolodu d)ou A(nr1U. 5101.

A7D70DIO.gW
%

33Q0 dv)l 'n(OA33X3 `17071jO 0,1.)Ox 11 (93v)OX t1

t , c b { 0 I f I , , , ,
.AnA X1)`(33)0 3 A00 1(1701, 510A13X3 '01.3n17od)3 01 32 A0111V A01m61L A371
I s , I c - I, c c c v
119 d3u 513 dkLnu gA70u no-do `10x31 c.g13u3 11.0 3n0 513 mDoQ7u3 1)o-gD3x1d)ID
5101 57073`(3.1 A03.0 '31
33

,
770AnO2O.UV, AOY A0),O-( (101 7ik 1X)A3d))0d1,3). Ao1)Ox13 3), Ak.gk(b AVX

'
I Ii
SO1AUo xno 'S131ULXc1 AnOAUu3 O1 A( O1 A01c9d1L &37'1
1.7.9
d31L 5m1A
I , ... I , I
77000373 'b1 grx c

1k 570
o
o &c01 dnrl n( 5oUiaaods.9 A(w)d)OA3 17)X k
<
CtOA73)

701.1.m`(A .Onod)0`( Iox (0X9 Ak 51`(Ori A3nXDn mi'e co .gnX/1 A17i d3un

O8
AlThMn2 Al '(,13W3 1.731L3 gno 52o A13Apodd)n3
X1197`(011 'A707AYJ no
.
th 3.G`(kd)o]1 701 'ltd3XDn3 1)OX
A131L73 AIk,

1333 1X1g913)UI.73 S(ouo

61 '63 . io of
Xxw 530 )01

Am1d1x9 (,n9 11kiod37X1d) Sno3dG.197d7oX 5(ion11n 5Ud3d>Dodu

42
15,16
you will be able to do this very soon, whenever with God's help we return
and give you your fill of our customary jesting; we shall complain of your
innate laziness, which always led you to aim at avoiding the judge's bench,
a position which many desired and sought after, but which, when the op-
portunity presented itself, you could not bear to accept.'
We have found ourselves in circumstances we would not be in of our
own accord. It was this, o good friend, that kept my hand still and managed
to keep my tongue numb until now. I suppose it might have been better to
continue in my silence, except that you in your letter do not permit me to
do this and it would be wrong to hold what you wrote in disdain. Either,
therefore, be pleased at this letter because it comes from us, or, if you should
be displeased because it bears worse tidings than you expected to hear, then
either blame yourself or admit your gratitude.

1 See p. xxxi.

16. To Cydones'

Constantinople
Asia Minor, winter 1391

A great expanse of land has your letter traversed; after passing over
mountains and fording rivers, it has finally found us here in a tiny, little
plain, encircled by a chain of precipitous mountains, as a poet would say, so
that it barely suffices as an encampment for the army. In appearance and in
reality it is an extremely savage place. Apart from a little wood and some
murky water, it cannot provide us with anything. It has been deserted by
the inhabitants, who have fled to the clefts in the rocks, to the forests, and to
the mountain heights in an effort to escape a death from which there is no
escape, a very cruel and inhuman death without any semblance of justice.
For every mouth which is opened in answer is immediately closed by the
sword. Nobody is spared, neither very young children nor defenseless women.
For those whom old age or illness prevents from running away there is no
hope of escaping that murderous blade. What is even worse, the very re-
spectful title accorded to the more revered among the Persian priests, Maula
na (rogue would be a better name),2 assures him of no better treatment from
his own people than from the Triballians, the Mysoi, or the Illyrians.1 These
latter, in fact, believe that they are inflicting punishment in return for what
they Suffered in the past at the hands of this people,4 and with loud cries
that they are avenging Christ, they ceaselessly slaughter everyone they come
 E$
91`91
13u3 `n- nv noA3riodi noi `(103
11 4

4130 3.0 70YD7XTI mn31D1U

53Yn0Gy3N0u3 AmYr311m1(D 3D AmY Am1OGmj3 `\311mD(R.Y]l.113 51kY nod)od1.AfD
5)033,G(A 10A3110d)r13ri 41S M4 AQY not n13n3dx A311 nongdG A13),.n36 130
99 &Quoxo `no.Gq A73d)0y 33 nod)ou xno noXD3A3 9 o]L 510) AOlZ..xn3 XD 1L x
1)Ox
N
A3 510YR0101. n311kt A3 510 53YAOx3 xn0 'A371(f rlnx-L
r &U-1, &311 )od13X 13XD3u3 A4(Y A>DYYmx), 32 Noxdlon nodu 13A3` 1dX311
'AnA AI 32 o
>od `AOn73r1>Q `1>Dr(10 ?70x 1Y3 `A70um79 3 GIr1 70Y (lOD 1D7s 5G1
OF '1001 xn0 50YA(n3 `A1310u 50x13uw A( )Odmu A0Y2)0() QOD .9' i 1'O

AOY cY73 An0 5k13,GAbdd)n3 v12 5(A1 5(yo.L,01u3 11.0 d3u 'wd3Y3111;
3_13 mo A03YA)OAn0Y 1no (,1.1704 o u
Amn9d13X 50y3AA.30 (k 5)OxO23DOd.u

`I)O.GD3D9ox70 1oiIR (bYM.170.GD3671311 co k A1d)OX 1rn3xmAk3

:91 EE : 'snppoaag 't '9S `entuvq ?67da 'fiipi

a '3 'i9-A09

'3 01 '9T ")L ('lAmSnx 51

kj t &311 A4(yyou 3,G'((,I.1L3 noo 4( '(AxOYD1u3 3S do k 1)Ox -)OYOU

5no11 70D)Od)013 (011 51 A3dp 5)0114( A3
6123.U 1A1.2 L QM 1D3d0 d>o).
1D3X3A(1D AOA311n0'(xnx `A1D70Y'-od1l(4 A3iI3 A70
L.10u o a 59r1.G> 511orl
9 3D3xdl Li,, )01Y70dYD0 4(g pox bd9od).o A01dkp 13xos 3Y 170x `11.D3
x
p 9
Ac Am'(n V% I
N4.U U e L
-
no nA)0u 5noS1313 A3Sno A1114( A063Y3
11

lo &o 3Y 'Ap,LLdoX roikx3ox drL mY 5no.L 5nox10113 A13LR3d) .um n0.7.n10

50du 5n011bdV( 3.1 170x OY9 5 1)Ox A(ndo `5706ndox 5(y)u9 A)0 n31o).n6x3 AO
no 170YAkAn932 oAo6 r Ao.Lmio11(q 31 V.LA9 1)Ox AOY'b1,0umd.GA701L)O
01 pox 5vpoxlS (106k4 'S'1dmX 5odu
&_01L A3Gd)O79 d3uD(n
d)od 70110_9
AoYYbd6r13 13A1pGd) OY 32go nodmw &no.k xixk 5'o 1X1Y3g13d) 39n0
5o61 17ox

5'p13x1YJA(V. 5'b13A3.GDX I7ox 'Sm3D(ld) Anoxno pno 51o 111 S1r)7onn nj1d=
-91LdX 110 510_ L ?D0 Sodu (,4(.lnd) G. m_ xdfk.l ( (4)DOA nL.Y xmod) ( nkigmi
nxdmXzr1 A13.lndi>o1g 53 'o_3n3) im
k2 `Aod3_mv(.L3XD 50 n3 5,o_ nmY
oY
91 AmDd3JI 1Dn3d31 m.G91Ad33-5oA113D 32 i)ox
510 (-O 4. D_,>0YOA713.0 liLmo b1d0.lkDOdu n38no no3,(iL 1?d>oaL
Am_ M9\\nd)orlo os,3A3.13 U. Md;ou Am_ L AmT('(d-ld 'OX &T-00W 170x (YJ nmldn
,o 6kx13 .gAO Am (3(mddou 01Ln no-, 5nOA.G3 A1DbgA01L31L 10A3ri010 -r(70y
A13Abd pox AO_ AOYD1dX 531ACOd `A13x12Y,31L3 1Dn0A131x 1%311 5noY -n].DOdu
44
16
upon. And they also-but I ought not to recount all this; you will probably
hear it from others. So much then for this slaughter.
The small plain in which we are now staying certainly had some name
when it was fortunate enough to be inhabited and ruled by the Romans. But
now when I ask what it was, I might as well ask about the proverbial wings
of a wolf, since there is absolutely nobody to inform me. To be sure, you can
see many cities here, but they lack what constitutes the true splendor of a
city and without which they could not really be termed cities, that is, human
beings. Most of these cities now lie in ruins, a pitiable spectacle for the people
whose ancestors once possessed them. But not even the names have sur-
vived, since they were destroyed so long ago. Actually, when I inquired after
the names of these cities, and the people I asked would reply: "We destroyed
these cities, but time has erased their names," I was seized with sorrow
although I bore it in silence, since I was still able to manage some self-
control. But as you can imagine, when someone having no idea of the ancient
name of the city would instead call it by some barbaric and strange-sounding
name, I lamented loudly and was scarcely able to conceal my distress,
although I really wanted to restrain myself.
Admittedly, I seem unable to inform you clearly in what part of the
world we find ourselves. For how can anyone spell out places which no
longer have a name? Therefore, we shall have to try the next best way, that
is, to take you as far as I can on an imaginary tour through the other places
whose names have not been destroyed and in which we are spending some
time.
You have heard of the city of Pompey,5 beautiful, marvelous, exten-
sive; rather, that is how it once was, for now you can barely make out its
ruins. It is situated on the banks of a river which is crossed by a stone
bridge, adorned with colonnades, marvelous for their size, their beauty and
their skillful construction. Indeed, this city and these magnificent remains
offer no less evidence why the Romans bestowed on its founder the surname
of "the Great" than the many victories which amply justified this title. Now,
after leaving this city and then the city of Zeno behind us, with Sinope off
to the left and the Halys on the other side, we have already been marching
for many days, using the sun for our guide.6 For we must head directly
toward the rising sun if we are not to lose our way.
Are you interested in learning why the leader' of the army decided to
do this? He believes that a certain satrap, by name Peisha,8 who rules over
the territory bordering on Sinope and Amnisus, as well as a few villages and
a small number of men, should either be subdued or forced into an alliance.
Then with Sinope too surrounded, he can either subject it to himself or else
compel Isfendiyar,9 the ruler of Sinope, to accept and observe whatever
91
09 5)01noX 5)01n)9u 79md2 XXp-32 x90 1o713 3xwod2L lnDl '&13U33
A(T) r2 Sm91 UD(1oxb 112)01 &371 A20 ;01 201 nOA9d)
d)ou QQ

?I 32 &0)23.U AS (b AM ATAD3 3X13 A971 X)&11 &xid0A1.9odu 5m1Abu 31R

13X(1193 OUn O71md> Am3 AOA3T1901)OU 31 pox .AOA371o)0UD32 MIA 32 11An011A.
AU.19701 293.4)071 nox9 d3YL ' 9 `A19X)d) 5cAX31o 1071 A131k U.Y
99 201 5o1&oSip272 io3rl463 513'(ou 32 &1321 A371 A11D3 )042)9123 `SzXXo31.
An0%Q0 2 510 1)O1AnOT1DOX 513X9U ?)Ox A(,9 5dmX xno A0
5midnx
o1A7oy)ox 51v(OU 5)0Do0X31d3u SnoU(ndGAp p)o 32 5no33Xu Y9x 17O1A73x
b7i)o3.G Sio19o1 A9A733-q Am, L iwy( 1071[.3.) 5101 lodu 570&o `AOXdku(,i ,yx f
no 7o710A(g01 n70.. 791)012)01 (n1 d'p.Gd)312 0 7 A3GmA30 '11013u33\(7d33L pox
09 M A( 5oA3Tlod3 5c0L X70 5i3yOU 'o1A70);o1ioA0 A7o213u3 A3T1 ol.Aion3dxou)o
6u 151 5p &7923L .5()1)071no1ou A9T1 `5)019)01 o 50A9dX 18
51371k*
on
doA.(wodL ipmp 170
2371 50.423 UJ.1D 32 5m3Y (').GA3U
A13A0ddmD 113 '50A37i-kAn2 13 32 511 omod1vdno AST1 7.Al( AIA. od.U AWjdo).k 370
5m(ou `01&[.1x3)3 13D1.r(.G90dL 32 TAi1 AOd>odd3J pox '&oloxo)(X)o An9 blot
9E AOL70Y 32(10 1)0,GD31u9dx '&023XD 5(0L `1310 50A3T1ol(n0J 0L A(O

')0x3&13 7)071)0&92
1)031 n2A101 131L3 ((71 AkT17)OAn2 5mdOD 3D I2 DOSM; n0L 5Lt." -A3T1D3
5nouo1 d)0), S1o 3220 )0,do)koOdu 0YU13y3y3 531 C(A73Xk11 ml(L& i)o )072

Aod31932 v)ox Ao% 1)099&) 1)09Y)d13L 1)3 .&(IO)Cz

OF i)ODL10L `3D 5(i)
AS
'9) )012
pox A01
Amt AmXX) A(0LOY 510
AS 510 'A3710d1dib12
(10 'd)312 O imd ,o11OARo1
707DX)1A)06 1X)G93A3).
51390x67, n0,73,kU71011 A(.1 px 1))x ri `AU.X)0)
.
32 nli.1 310U AU.l9)0101 'A)ODnO AAnA d70 51).071 (10.1L X)&)0 )01 5klt
`17013A7)Offi 5odL U,GXo 201 n0T1)OYOU 501AoX3 Axdnd)3,l X3 Am,G'ly
AkA37i13xry
Am1D 1012 A(OOYD 61 31 13.63A3T1
O7i(11O pox (71 MX 73)(Y pox VI U&X31
'Am(,3T1k71DOX3x 5111 (k2 51X9L A01 AOA37i=1132 &i6.371 )Od)OU 5101)OTlmd>
oodu 7o1A3Gn3do) pox AmXyoa Am3)oUod1 3&U.Lmi AU.i wodL AX)3d0U.
X(1O t
Ao1 &X)).371 A3x(kd9ldX11371 170&13 5101 7ikkd33 51oe

t
)0Dno3
GAr Akl()01 2 Ak Ar(OU pox 5odu Uaxoo
r
nO1 50&(OALf.Z n1]L91)3X
c
12 11"VP 13
c
09 53Y(%3d)r pox (U.Y &3-ti Akum&13 AS 5103.
7D3d371 5101
Si0. `51od3Y3
3M
A3110Anxr 5X)d311k k6 5)oXXou d3L70G70x 1A9T13A.L( 1. (J (')iyk
'7oA37j(9dX 132 dw,C 573 AO:-(1X) )o1AoX91AXl 70113 'Y)O)( A)013.GG93

A73dmX 13 3). 5m `19YJ6

,'7X).G9391A.,GX)d73U
13'(908 A13.GXrd Arolp 2010 1 .L(1 ) 1)O`ydL 13x02 (1)1 11AO1.3 &tt.Y
r n r > r r t. n >
99 A)011)Od1D ` 7)0-310 3,l 5(r) Ab A(lLY.rd-709 `)OA7Y () )0710&201 nod9Tl9
9LD32 XJ-Ao 5U.), U_- 31 U.LMA17 pox T 69A1Tf S(o 32 190x Am3&Xl)(OL
pox AmlkTiG1dx93 `Amd2Ap (202 D(n i%J-u AOXX)7ir199 `U.dVyDOdu d3L9(n
A3 5i0L(OX pox (AL nJ.Lmn1' )Z' `A() k 60 )O .i ( 1X)13Dt410L Ik 510
w t
A)O 50120
r r
U.1OA). A13).d319 31 pox 7)7G93u3 5loxdo A01
n i r
ALd)O1A3.U 0-5)01AR31L
>
46
16
oaths he might like him to swear. Finally, with all these trophies he will
strike terror into the ruler of Sebasteia together with the Scythians 1O If all
this proceeds according to his plans, then he will return home, they say, and,
with the help of God, so shall we.
Obviously, it is not easy to bear all this, not to mention the scarcity
of supplies, the severity of winter, and the sickness which has struck down
many of our men, and which, as you can understand, has greatly depressed
me. I could also enumerate the other difficulties, which the rules of letter
writing exclude, as well as those which are likely to cause serious harm to our
affairs at home, since we have already been absent for such a long time. It is
unbearable, though, not to be able to see anything, to hear anything, to do
anything during all this time here which could somehow contribute to the
formation and betterment of our spirit. For this terribly oppressive time
makes no concession to us who regard it of prime importance to remain
aloof from and to have absolutely nothing to do with what we are now
involved in or anything connected with it, for we were not educated for this
sort of thing, nor accustomed to enjoy it, nor is it in our nature. But it is on
the present state of affairs that we must place the blame, not to mention the
individual who ought to be blamed."
The worst part of these terrible things which have managed to reduce
us to this sad plight is that the illnesses and bad humors we daily experience
increase and become more intense than before. Certainly, no intelligent
person will expect to be freed of these afflictions unless he first frees himself
from those things the performance of which, while he was still healthy, led
him to become ill.12 May God now deliver us from this terrible condition and
enable us to enjoy good health once again. Indeed, everything considered, it
is better to be optimistic, and accordingly, with these hopes in sight, to try
whatever might be of some help.
I know that I have exceeded the proper limits of a letter, but perhaps
I have not exceeded your eagerness to learn about our present circumstances.
While another person on reading this letter might believe he was listening
to Thersites giving a speech,13 you will say that it is laconic. But, good
friend, do not pursue the unattainable by having me tell you about every
one of the difficulties we have experienced, or how many incidental problems
derive from them, which I must pass over in silence. Onto this sea your ship
must sail, since our own small bark cannot put out into the deep at all. In
fact, this sea is so wide that my eyes would never gaze upon its further
shores, and I must be satisfied with sailing along the coast hoping to chance
upon a harbor before sunset and find some anchorage.'4 Owing to these
problems, therefore, I have neither said everything nor held everything
back. At any rate, I believe I have done the right thing by fulfilling my
obligation to you-for friends who cannot be together have an obligation
 Lt
91
09 Sk- u(0n73 5li 2 9
n9Xd 50190 17Ox-11D3 not 57O331D10d33 10YAOXd3? A$D 5101
'J II 5110G9X:K 5?01 510190901 .51omUOd1 n7O213u10x I (91910 0170x
&no& 101(101 .dcX of `t ,G91 ` 5(p `MDkd) 59190 31 3210X10 170X
5131l
o1970Y `A3,dODIk10U non3T1Od110AnD '203
1O6(1Ox A3l A0 3390 7oIn701 A13d9d) `10A11 290 t M01 Am3nm
1
1
c
0, 01L S9 13X (,(T)7 710x k 5090& 770X nm1 &md3131'ik Amumd.G&T 3
`kA)3TiMDk10u 5(0U `1310 nO'd 3xkXd3d 101 31 7OXX>Q 7099 31 0
5O19. d13 13) 5G.3. oiu3 5kXo A731'I.G7d10 17ox )oDo 13), &oAX(iD k2t AOAodX
`Am1A907H1202-70 5101 10X10 A13d36 dU ,) 1DioTI A703T1k 59x13 '&71.03 A01kd0d)1O
32 114 31 3190 A731L3Xd .9O A13fOx7O 3190 A731170d2L 6410 31 10,Gn)OiA3

OL 57o1A0d7d11O12 3 A
nm MO kXnrh 5m3D93217OU 31 5m3D(n71X3d 01110&92
`A13XDX)131i J)Ox 1.Lo 510 190 A31'1kd)Md13 3180 A1361-4X A31113.G(1)13 k -)OX9d)3u
`&31'1 9(91901 Y)0.GD3X33L'f IDYU101A103L nod3.1D01Xdnod3L `510A3Tjn010u 17oX

0u _p xoo
13d3d) Soda 01(101 1D(10u1X)ld7OU A32W 0 7O1M0U 50Y10191)O7d
iDO190 50d710x x90 3.A1DmQ724\ n0311011170 60), 5931 901. &Odl)OX 5)0193670
9L n9 '132
91 32 A0170X')O63X A(Y)1 M0A132 d3U1O 533 01001 A(01 n(Ox)0x 170IGD3xid)m
'570T1[( 1n)01 n3 &ITTk n0631"1Lt.Y /O1 31 .0On i'
10110 J)OX
T7%10 WI
&OXX)O7l
L d3 nol0du 13)X7i%1O 31 1')OX
TX ld0 'b n3.e9 non 511 AmX31311 X390
, , V
c

&kknXX)o1L inmlfo1 13DkX0200du )Tj Aod31OdU 3x3

I' s a
M )OUM 513)70y'' 7O

pg A0)10u 5c(1J.9 kG)Od13U3 Ski. U102 32 5930 Smd)7OD 5R1DIX)OX

N'(IOD9(
S7o1A3J,7oXX)oun SL(.11)012 201 n0u10X S)013A9 A73970XOU1o 157od7o.q)ox 0 (L2
AmXXOu 70X3&73 A0A131139 1193 7bGD3Dk&3). C02D0dU A) 110X Si
b5)019)01
57021UX3 15no(,3TloXX)ododh Y13 A13d13X1,3 510&33x3 'b A13D70AnD '13X02
70210 01 &Odi3Ti jd3Un 0 5 SGY `St(X01D7U3 m/_L 3 ADD A1037InG1u3 ABC
, c o o , , c s
a8 50du 01 A13A70GA)oTi 513X3 101 .G)OX 570Iilt. 5mD X90 .Akd3d3un 1D(9 5oXX7O
A3Ti(1011.063E) 5OYAn0dO)Ltk-dL(2 A139OX)3
13202M
((1 AkX0YD7U3 `5no00onlo
nD 32 Af1.1n)OY 7YJx Akx1M0X)0X 'S13d3D0dU `,XX1O M `3G70Ac C7
&13x()12 Sc 01 3A. )01A10U /0912 170 Am 31 513 AX)d132L A3710GX A(0d3XDn2 170x
17090 x3 Am1noi 7YJYAOn(b 1)0TIod2.Dd)0u 1)07Xlx),'>DAXJ 10Ti '170GD70Um1D 513 01(101
0g G.2 oY 50,70X31L (Al (AD 132 )Of, `A13XU oY wd3Y37i 50cb'pxD Anoxno 513
5o,1>oX3u .1>on13d)1o 1)ox /01nn1 3) &O1(I0D01 5(n 3sk,(.1'i oY 5)0d3U ;n0Y(I01 5101
'J All 51or1X7).Gd)9 `mo-owd0 Ao1k1:>0).10 170.GD13,U( 33 A03XU)0d70U 510XVI)MO
AOY )0&3111 901970 (IOU (1071d0 'AM3Xn1 (,m1901
9dU AmIjDn2 0{> AYJD 50du
MfA101 )OX3&13 3Yf10 )O1A/OU AOU13 3190 1&)0U ')0DU)I1D3 5mXX0 31 170X A01)OX12
gp 01 9M kc) (k{ 0Dm7D0d)b AOA3T 01 5o9dX-5o3dX 2 530 5md3 1D3
48
16
to take the effort to write to let each know how the other is doing-without
stretching out a story which would only distress you.
This is just what I am doing as I bring this letter to a close. For al-
ready I can all but make out the messengers inviting us to go off to the
ruler.15 I suppose he again wants to drink a few toasts before dinner and to
force us to fill ourselves with wine from his varied collection of golden bowls
and cups. He thinks that these will assuage the depression caused by what
we have been writing about, while, even if I were in good spirits, they would
only fill me with sadness."

1 Because of its intrinsic interest and the surprising amount of information it

contains, this letter has been commented on and translated several times: J. Berger de
Xivrey, Mdmoire sur la vie et les ouvrages de l'empereur Manuel Paldologue, M6moires de
1'Institut de France, Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, 19, pt. 2 (Paris, 1853),
55-59; P. Charanis, "The Strife among the Palaeologi and the Ottoman Turks, 1370-1402,"
Byzantion, 16, 1 (1942-43), 310-11; R. J. Loenertz, "Manuel Paltologue et Dgmhtrius Cy-
dones. Remarques sur leurs correspondances," E0, 36 (1937), 281; Barker, Manuel II,
90-93. It was written during the campaign of Bajezid against the rulers of Sinope and
Kastamouni in the north central area of Asia Minor (ancient Pontus) in the second half
of 1391. Although Manuel speaks of the severity of winter, this need not be taken literally,
and since the rest of the campaign and subsequent letters have to be accounted for, this
letter could be dated to the fall, perhaps early winter, of 1391.
3Maula na (auXwva;) derives from the Arabic, mauls na, our master or lord
(Turkish, mevlena) and was a customary title of address to revered religious leaders. A
Dervish order in Asia Minor named after Jalal-al-din Rumi, known as mauls, n5,, was
called the Maulauiyya (Turkish, Mevleviyye). The only point Manuel seems to be making
here is that the Moslem religious leaders are not spared in the general slaughter and that
they are just as brutally treated by their own people as they are by their Christian enemies.
In other words, he is simply stressing the utter barbarity of the whole situation. See D. S.
Margoliouth, "Mawlawiya," Encyclopaedia of Islam, III (London-Leiden, 1936), 418-19.
The Mawlawis are discussed in detail and with abundant references by S. Vryonis, The
Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the
Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century (Los Angeles, 1971), 381-96.
3 The Triballians are the Serbs, the Mysoi the Bulgarians, and the Illyrians the
Albanians. Manuel uses these names to refer to the Balkan vassals of Bajezid, such as the
Serbian Prince Stephen Lazarevib, who, like Manuel himself and John VII, had to ac-
company the emir on his campaigns.
The Turks.
Pompeiopolis (-riv IIomltou) was built in the western part of Pontic Paphla-
gonia on the river Amnias by Pompey the Great in 64-63 3.o. (modern Taakopru). Magno-
polis on the river Lycus, which he also settled and named after himself, is too far to the
east: see A. H. 11. Jones, The Cities o/ the Eastern Roman Provinces (Oxford, 1937),
159-60; D. Magic, Roman Rule. in Asia Minor (Princeton, 1950), 368-72; Costantino
Perfiroyenito, De themulibus, ed. A. Pertusi, ST, 160 (Vatican City, 1952), 7, 21, p. 72.
6 Zenopolis (-r ;v -rou has not been identified. The cities of this name in
Lycia and Cilicia are too far south to fit Manuel's description. It must have been to the
cast of Pompciopolis, for the army was marching due east from there with Sinope (modern
Sinop) on the Black Sea to the north and the River Halys (modern Kizil Irmak) to the
south.
 49
16
yp&l.L.Laaty epyov ExeLV Ta xa&' au'OUS breL8av
aUVWat-(LY) 4) & &VLaD'e1', TYV atL y7)aLV e'7CL'Cel'.VeLV.
"0 B xai 7roLwv &7)p..% Td yp&cpcLV. 47re'L xai "a-r ovovou rouq
xaAaav'r 3a&7ro) 65 `r V &.pxOVTa &7tL6vaL. Lams yap cpLaovrla(aV
100 7Cpo7CLELV T&XLV && AsL xai, L& xcr o 6 7roXoU Tou oLVOU 4LyopYl"y t 8LOL
xpa - pc v TS xai 4x7r(o&Tmv xpucWV 7raV'ro8oc tc v, TOU'roLC,
oi6evoc T-;lv & wv eip7lxaev &&uEav, 8L' civ, ocv et xai eu&up,ouv, &vLo
av 470,rlpo6L v.

16: 4: of. Homerum, Il., 15, 273, 619; 16, 35; Od., 9, 243; 10, 88; 13, 196. 24:
Diogenes, Prov. 6, 4; Michael Apost., Prov. 10, 80: Paroem. gr. I, 270; II, 509; Libanius,
epist. 515, 3; 1184, 11. 86: of. Homerum, Il., 2, 212-44. 87: Homerus, Il., 17, 75.

B f. 61v-63. 99 xaMvovvas B

7 The Turkish Emir Bajezid.

8 Peisha is otherwise unknown, if indeed this be his name: see Moravcsik, Byzan-
tinoturcica, II, 250. Manuel's concern for exactness in foreign names was minimal, and this
may simply be a combination of the Turkish titles, bey and shah.
9 Isfendiyar (E7rrs-r&pr15) is the name of the dynasty which ruled Sinope and Kasta-
mouni (Qastamouni, modern Kastamonu) ; the name of the ruler at this time was Suleiman
II (1385-1392/93). Actually, it was not until the following year that Kastamouni and
Sinope were taken by Bajezid, who had Suleiman murdered within a year after 17 No-
vember 1392: E. Zambaur, Manuel de gene'aiogie et de chronologie pour l'histoire de l'Islam
(Hanover, 1927), 149; Charanis, op. cit., 311. Ducas (ed. Grecu, 19, 1, p. 123) also refers
to the ruler of Sinope by the dynastic name, E7revTL&p. In April 1392 Bajezid was making
preparations for a naval attack against Sinope in which Manuel was supposed to parti-
cipate, although it seems that he did not actually do so: Thiriet, Rdgestes, 813, 820.
1u The ruler of Sevasteia (Sebasteia, modern Sivas) further inland to the east was
Ahinad Qndi Burhunaddin Ghilzi, 1380-1398: Zambaur, op. cit., 156. The Scythians
generally refers to the Mongols or perhaps their vassals in Eastern Asia Minor.
11 Undoubtedly Bajezid, whose name is never mentioned by Manuel.
12 11lanuel's illness has been caused by the rigors of the campaign, intensified by
his state of depression, but he expects his health to improve when it is over and he has
returned home.
19 Homer, Iliad, 2, 212-44.
16 illanuel is simply saying that a thorough account of his present circumstances
far exceeds his meager literary ability. Rather, it calls for the skill of a master such as
Cydones to sail safely out into such a vast sea of writing, whereas Manuel considers him-
self a simple amateur who dares not leave the coast line; the best he can do is deal with the
matter in a very sketchy fashion. For Manuel's use of this metaphor, see E. Trapp, "Der
Sprachgebrauch 31anuels II. in den Dialogen mit einem `Perser,"' JOBO, 16 (1967), 191.
15 Bajezid.
16 To this letter Cydones wrote a lengthy reply (Letter 432), which reads in part as
follows:
50
16
"I read through that letter of yours, as beautifully written as it was long, which
you so well said might perhaps strike others as lengthy, but which we would look on as
laconic.... Your assumption was correct for, unlike others, I certainly did think that the
letter was laconic.... I do not believe that your interest in writing was frustrated by the
drink and the wide, golden cups and all that nonsense about your drinking companions
.... But now, my sadness at what you recounted has expelled most of the pleasure I got
from your letter. What could be more depressing for your friends than this long absence
of yours, not to call it servitude? ... Your situation is indeed a sea of misfortunes which
does not need, as you say, my ship, but rather the Muse of Homer filled to overflowing by
the storm tossed waves breaking about you. For there is the struggle against the burning
sun and the piercing cold, the drinking from muddied wells and the illness stemming from
this, seeing your companions in arms suffering similar afflictions, finding no way to alle-
viate your discomforts, and all the rest which I shall not recall. Then too, it is not only the
tongues of those returning here that tell of the suffering, but their very faces shout aloud
the illness.... But I myself had been convinced of this one thing, and I told everyone
before hand that it would surely overpower you, and that is what you yourself mentioned
as the most bitter and difficult of all, your living together with barbarians.... For you to
have to live with these people and to be forced to share their company, you a religious man
from way back, holding fast to the virtues of religion, a lover, as well as a craftsman, of
Hellenic writing, who from childhood have never let yourself grow used to hearing or
saying anything which did not tend toward virtue, this, I think, is a burden not even the
mythical Atlas could bear.... As you said, the most grievous thing for you was to share
the company of men from whom you might not hear anything of benefit to your soul.
But even more than that, for an emperor of the Romans to see cities, which had of old
been peopled by the Romans, now under the lordship of the barbarians, cities which have
cast off the name given by their settlers and exchanged it for those ruins, who would not
be dejected in spirit and fill his eyes with tears? It was this, as you admitted, which trou-
bled your mind as you viewed the venerable possessions of your forefathers subjected to
indignities by these offsoourings."
In his Dialogue with a Moslem, Manuel recounts that after having spent the morn-
ing (December 1391) hunting with Bajezid, he returned at noon to find his Moslem
friends eagerly waiting for him to continue their discussion. He remarked that it was
difficult to carry on a calm dialogue. "How can I be calm when I am leading such a large
army for so long a time now during winter in a foreign land, even though you might term
it a friendly one? Added to this is the scarcity of provisions, and the terribly high price
one must pay for them overwhelms the mind, since we have already spent so much in
warfare away from home. For the men with me are strangers in customs, language, and
faith, and in a well organized city they are barely able to purchase the leftovers of what
is being sold in the marketplace. What are they likely to suffer, especially when they just
about have to light against your men if they want to snatch some little thing from the
hands of the hucksters ? In addition to this, think of the folly, the arrogance of those who
occupy the highest rank before the satrap I Bajezid], their insatiable greed, their constant
demands, their brutality, their jealousy of one another, the anger each one feels towards
strangers, their turning away to avoid having to give up anything or return home com-
pletely naked. Above and beyond all this, should we not mention the daily hunting, the
 51
16
dissipation at meals and afterwards, the throngs of mimes, the flocks of flute players, the
choruses of singers, the tribes of dancers, the clang of cymbals, and the senseless laughter
after the strong wine? Is it possible for those who suffer through all this not to have their
minds dulled?" Dialogue 10, ed. E. Trapp, Manuel R. Palaiologos. Dialogs mit einem
"Perser" (Vienna, 1966), 120-21.
52
17
17. To Pothos'

Constantinople (?)
Asia Minor, winter 1391

What you have been doing so consistently is without a doubt the action
of a friendly and well-disposed man. Your snowfall of letters has enabled
you to surpass many of those to whom we have personally written, yet the
fact that you have not received a like amount has not caused you to be
distressed or even to insist on learning the reason. Since you were content
to yield to those to whom I did give the reason,2 you gave the clearest proof
of your friendship, and you showed yourself an excellent judge. For it is
clear that you are competent not only to pass judgment on the wrongs
wrought by men and to prevent them from continuing, but also to judge
the wrongs wrought by circumstances upon men. This led you to attribute
our tardiness quite correctly to circumstances, and to understand that we
would never treat a friend with disdain.
There are not a few, however, including some who have not been
particularly close friends of ours, who would immediately have denounced
us: "We have been slighted," they would have cried, "the emperor has
wronged us; we are of no account; indeed he has forgotten us very quickly,
although he made it known that he regarded us kindly when he was here
at home with us." This form of malice is frequent among us these days and
causes the greatest harm. Now, since we do not know the reasons to which
we should impute the misfortunes confronting us, there is a compulsion to
hate the innocent. But when matters reach this stage, it follows that there
are times when one should love even those who hate. And I do not think
that you have to read about how this scourge has destroyed cities and peoples,
for this is more obvious than the proverbial common notions, and the facts
themselves bear witness to it.
If you receive just this one letter from us now, much later and shorter
than those sent to others, still, I think you should really value this one much
more than those longer and more frequent ones. For the object of your
prayers, that you may soon see me return safely to you bringing as the
reward of my labors and dangers the safety, as far as possible, of our father-
land, this is already conveyed to you by this letter.

Its place in the collection and the allusion to Manuel's return and the safety
of the fatherland date this letter to the winter of 1391.
2 Potho did not have to hear the reason, as did the others.
 53
17

17. Tuq II6,%(p

'AvTLxp6q Ean 7rp65 &v poc E7rvr7jadoU xai Ellvou roi3&' 0 v3v a')
CU l` VrS'XEaaq 7COLCJV. OTOV yap Eorr. To TALC, VL(p&aL TWV E7CLaroXWV
7rapevsyxOV'ra 7CoA),oUS ExddVWv v Twv (hcr pwv yELp(ov,
5 aE Ta Lam tk. Eyov&aX&AAELv pt7 ,re yoUv 'Y)TY)aou rv oc r ocV
a'Mv. otS yap v EI7rov ED'ou X(Opcty, a0tykarocr& yE r6v (pLao3vTa
EBEExvus, xa4 7Cp6S yE ETL TOV OVTWS OVTa xpLTY)V. SY)XOV yap WC, of O7CWS

T&v,&p67rmv xpivELV -re xai Etpyety A XWpeiv oZBaS, &aaa

xal Ta Teov xoc pwv 7rp6c &vSp67vou5. 0%ev Tots xcLpoZS &va&Edq To aup,3av
10 opmc BLavo-qSEis 0680C.Lws e'vop.Lamq (pLXo5v'roc.
'AXX' oux evrot ye, e1 xai ou Twv cy6apa 7l Lv E7nT7]8EEWv ETUyXavov
ovres, &XX' Eu$'uC av ^7wV xaTEPOWV' (atapEWp&jLE-a, AAyovTES,
nxev 'iLas o (3aaLae6S, o? tg >1p.cov ),6yoc, T>]S oVTWS >jpas
xaiTOL yE llakWS CSELxvUC opav o'W E7CE8'Y tm & (oaE TaXEWq.)) TOUTG
15 8>7 To xaxov 7roa6 rm v6v Trap' pLLv xai Ta EyLara r)p,LO6v, ots yap oux
Laev rOZ4 aiTioLS a 4(LLv auvavTa 7roXXaj &v&yx7tl
TOLL, &aWOUC, LLYEGV- OTe 8E To5a' ofTWc EXEL, xaf. TOUS 46ao6VTaS E7CE'CaL
Ea,rLv OTE (prXELv. 057CWC, 8E 7COAELS T68c xai &TMVLCrCCL BELVOV out
f. 12 aeyELV 18ezv OTv.aL, xocvwv TE Yap Evvoawv aa(pEaTEpov, o (paaL, xai T&
20 7rp&yaTa Lo rupE4.
Eoi 8' Ei xai p,ia lL6XLS "XeL vuv E7rLaTOX Trap' p.mV 7COau TIAV 7rpo5
&aaouS BEUTkpm xai ppaXUTEpa, &AX' o6V 7roXXo6 &v, olp.at, 'r v8E Ta5
EIaxpm5 xat 7CO?,a'aS ExELVas TLft71aaLTO TLS 0 yd.ap NLLV
ll '
EV EllXaGS , E E aWV
TaXEWS E7aV )XOVr LBELV TWV TE 7COVWV xad TWV x.vC woV
25 pLaSov, TO TY)S 7r 'rp 8oc WS OIOV TE EaTLV &6(pa0,eC TOUTO Y18 or.

Y)xEL To yp&.N.a.

17: 17-18: ef. Mantissam, Prov. 1, 77: Paroe)n. gr. II, 756. 20: Suidae lexicon,
K 2551 (ed. Adler, 3, 200).

B f. 63-63v. 11 ou om. B
54
18
18. To Constantine Asanes'

Constantinople
Asia Minor, winter 1391

I know very well the kind of letter you love to receive, for it is the
same I myself would long for were I still at home. If it were you who were
absent, I am certain that you would love to get the same kind of letter.
People suffering from the same affliction need the very same remedy, that
is, lengthy letters full of lengthy reports. After all, when friends dwell far
apart this is the only way to bring them together.
Now then, there are many topics which provide me with the begin-
nings of a long letter, but those very topics which give me so much to write
about do not allow me the opportunity to write. To the extent that they
furnish material for writing, the tasks we are engaged in leave us with no
free time and engulf us in a veritable blizzard of problems. Listen to what
sounds like a riddle, but is nonetheless absolutely true. And I think this
might enable you to see clearly in your imagination all the other circum-
stances in which we find ourselves. Not one enemy soldier has attacked this
army of ours. As a matter of fact, the enemy is nowhere in sight and has not
even made a sound from the woods. At least that much would be expected
of most hostile forces in their own country when they are in a very weak
position. Especially would this be expected of the Scythians, who behave
like dogs; when they are afraid, they turn tail and run away, but keep bark-
ing in an effort to frighten their pursuers. So it is that now the once formi-
dable Scythians tremble and allow their own land to be ravaged with im-
punity.
But the scarcity of provisions has taken the place of any damage the
enemy could inflict upon us. For many days now, a person searching for
barley might as well have searched for the proverbial wings of a wolf, and it
would have been easier for him to find a white Ethiopian than barley. But
now there seems to be some available here and there. Anyone who has the
luck to uncover some of this precious commodity immediately finds himself
prosperous and famous. Still, there is no grass around or anything green
with which to feed a starving horse. For throughout this region the soil is
without moisture and like sand. This has made a large number of our horses
waste away and become useless. One man was forced to sell some of his horses
to buy barley. Now when he learned that he would receive only five silver
coins for each horse, but would have to pay out forty-five coins if he should
wish to fill just one horse with barley once, then the poor wretch came to
realize that each day nine horses would go to furnish fodder for one horse,
and he yelled louder than those who were being cut to pieces, and thus
broadcast to everyone what has never, I believe, happened within a city
under siege, much less in an army besieging a city.
 29
8X

81 my U.AZDy, mdnx mA31.A7o1.0mox ILAC7

AU, &371 99 31 57o63 ((03.7011170d), 5(0X'bx `7701'170].91313 0 A(0 dxOA. MO 1oxK0

m,13 3) ,A(l0TinG3u3 3),2,3 d)b Am11(; 501970 0 L

A(OA3Ti A(n)a. &Q).L 90uG9

A(O1901 77ox 3,1 39 )0920 7o1.A(Y)d3 5io.i dA,1 70Yn701, 1D90XD1O3L n(O3. A(01R70
9 A0)x;o11d7od) kxl71Ap '770.G9739 701. 39 7.7.93 '70dx70Ti 31. i7od,1 7oi)o-d 7)Ox 5170dx'A71'i

793Dk,).kl9 A3TikdX3x .) 01,(101 d70), 3xnd)33L (,OA9Ti 5801. A70dx707i 5wioxtkiD379

Amt. A(0y3d) d3=.0(n 'A13.1uMfD
CCOII &3-fl Ak0 70 570-(`(o1L A'TiG. 13X3d7o1L 570.1 5>D71dOtb 770Anxkii p1.
`701.70TiTi70d. 701.970 39 G2701 70 01. A7367od), A13X3 71.0 701973yu
01 xno 'p3 770.G9'70An9 'A73d)70d,1 AS 530 d)O,l nL(yn 73,1i,(doX OXD Ak n73,1V X90
133L3d17u3 .G7oTI)L)Odu A,Ti 701LAOX3d70u A3Ti(O)(Y17i)O7o 57701.'19V61A
&OD90x77 11 71.7071),39170 A311 `50x703 A01,701D3.Gk'(70 9 'A10 077oAn9 9 A70

'DoTij0 99 ), x3 (I0.Ln01. 5(')XMX 370x )(b1

520 n3TiD3 U3 LX(Irh
V0 A3

'1 3& i%1. )b1L70d1.9 573990 'A3Dkd33X3u3 3990

A(,) A(03Ti3-(OIL A371

91 d70A Lf.Gdx, A3GOdx'707i 3990 Ano). A1tM0d) A70xkkd)p aq) `5(109-00 o 170x 51oy,(3p
ASTi 510.1 5071709kk7i 7DnOnX93 A01 A(o3d(oX,13 A(Od.GX3 50.G3 71.93 A1310u

701.91)0071 39 510]. 5170.Gnx'3 570A?*IOTi7Ti 5701. .5'06nx &70913.u3 d7oJ, 1i0A73x3

01n1oJ0d) 1.On0)ln3d) &371 =Dno9(Oddo 39 5(77io 1YJJGD)Od1331 no

A79n0133-(7079 -,)ODQo.7.X70-( (9190 MIA n1DnOTi3d1. 3o 101.9)OTin70.G 31.03L 170.Gnx3
02; AnOx70x 53190)3 niA1. A(I)1.n70 M.137i 5(_XN(02L 51.c1, 57o139p
H> 39 90)1. &()1((n 51AM119 llt,)O L 5OYA)0 (7Tik 9017b,(0u d 710!'1v1

nOn3Ti70An9 d)3 570A7ox3 dn,l

57od37ilk 5)o.Gidx 511. 1570Di.(1lkA noxni
wd3l.U
'1.0)0d) nOYJd d70,1, A`0 )01LO7G3y 10dn3 99x93\ 0 501.90101. ( 57010)D.L Ann
39 A736n3 n3Ti 1193 .n0u 51.LDO 9 AX) 901.901. 10X9], 901. noy70x nm1'i370993
. AgI 92; I70x id= 50?,kO '50.G03
I
7001E 39 noT1709n0 3990 7.1 0)0(70 A0)700)(X no 3
A0)i3.(9Tiv ia-(y3Ti .170G93Dtkd)wd1.
501LSL3 d7o)l 507ix1A' t.), 709(10 39(R i;.

13A'70X),n.1 ,GA"O AT nm1, L1 A(03, MTiL(. i0 59033)(11 531.Oxkd131Lb

67i7i3 ')179x703
A19XAO),3), '101.9L(dX)O I-nx mil &0&101 A709L39 x3 (071, A(Oi.LILI ma'n7o y(T)u 1)091.
10.3 5(T) 31A31 739
%

170x 170G970DkA(n '510.G7dx d3LtI.913L3 O7i

(01.970
09 7oid(1.d)o 7ono1i 63 61D=3 A0)1 `A(T)uu1 31,A31L 39 Soda 5101 WIAOx)OdV.OD31.
770AnOS 13 11. 6in01, 73Di.(39 2O(3 (I0' A01L2L1
dx AP)4
0 501'(13X9 50A73X3 5(p d)3 i,C1.97ox3 A(,).L 703w\3 7o=u1

31on31 miL1 c `kd)odi 5(1oi 59O(,S7i0ATi31. L 570DM,(3d) LL J U.O A3

An IA3
1D70.U 770G973`(`(nd.G 3xk10_L3iL 0. `,1,OU32kTi 0 `770Y .0 &)COJT] <990 n3 57)01,
99 (03l on371noxdoi 5/ nm (oat 71 3,1101 n3 D 701170d1 l (o 513 UDnoxdoi`(o1L
56
18,19
But you, I know very well, will be amused, and your soul will be
stung by all this because we are forced to suffer the same trials as the others.

1 Its place in the collection and its contents date this letter to the winter of 1391.
The Scythians may be the forces of the ruler of Sevasteia or perhaps those of Taherten,
the emir of Erzincan and Erzerum, who was a vassal of Tamerlane. Possibly Bajezid's
army may have attacked their lands east of the Halys. This letter has also been trans-
lated by Barker, Manuel II, 94-95.

19. To Cydones'

Constantinople
Asia Minor, winter 1391

You are the sort of person who knows how to evaluate times and places
and, in general, how much pressure the so-called "circumstances" can exert
in times of crisis. For our part, we find ourselves in arms and in constant
expectation of battle. Added to this is the terrible famine and cold, the
fording of rivers, the crossing of mountains too barren to sustain even wild
beasts, and other hardships still worse, all of which call for a historian, not
a letterwriter. These difficulties, however, are common to the whole army,
but for us it is especially unbearable to have to fight along with those and on
behalf of those whose every increase in strength lessens our own strength.2
Now, if I had thought that you would feel wronged by my not having
written to you for such a long time, obviously I would have wronged you.
No doubt about it. But if you have the qualifications I mentioned above,
we are the ones who find ourselves in times in which only God can help.
Still, you may be sure that, even if I could find the time to write, I would
hold back my hand because I have nothing to write except what would prob-
ably be better not to write about. Even now, we are just as much involved
and busy as before, but the possibility of having something pleasant to
write about has caused me to put all else aside and made me more eager to
write to you.
 57
18,19
Eu 8' Eu 018, 6T6 xat yEX&GErS E7rt To6ro6C, xai AV uxxv BrX4
014 r`jiv TavT& TO% &XXois 7r&aXE6v &v&yxr;.

18: 22: Diogenes, Prov. 6, 4; Gregorius Cypr., Prov. 2, 96: Paroem. gr. I, 270-367.
23: of. Plutarchum, Prov. 52: Paroem. gr. I, 348.

B f. 630-64. 1 Ko varc rrEvcp Tw 'Aa&v6 B 1126 Aei B

19. T6S Ku&Svlj rS'

'AXX& au Ev To:o3Tos olos xal xatpollq brtaTaa,&at 86axptvew xcdd

To7rou4 xai BXwy Saov at Xeyoevar 7LEp6aT&arLS exouai TYv iaxuv ev
xacpoZc 7roAXa 7rap6Xoua4 7rp&yaTa. teLq 8' Ch 0'7cXo6S xat rrcXIcwv
6 77poa8oxiacS &ei 7rpoaiT. 8 xai eEaLaLcp XLp.w xai xpuw xai Tca
7roTao?S SM(3ouvEW xai 8pr &a7rcp6Ev 7;8E 8rpEa Youv Tpgpr:v 8uv&eva
xoc 8uaxepear6poLS TO6'rWV ETEpoLc, iaTopLxou BEO&votq, o6x Er6aTb-
XovToS. &XX& TauToc Ev xorv 7r&arj 'r aTpaTra o ge' 7'jZV &cpoprTOV eaT6,
z
ET ExELvwv yap xai u7rEp E3LELVWV oas To 7rp06T6'orEVa6
10 iaXuv e'Xar'ouv Ea T:v r`j .Zv a6ToZC, T jv iaX6v.
06xouv Et ae &8Lx1Lav voiaE:v -r)yr;aairV To i7 Toaou-rou Xpovou
ao! ypzpaTa, avTMpuc &v 8ixouv. 7rw; yap ou; s' ye au Ev
olov Ep,+rv EI.7r6v, LEZS 8' Ev xaLpoZc Oeou L6VOU xp*' OUacv. &XX' Ei
xai aXoXi;S 3jv &v TuXEZV cilaTc ypo' , EroaXEV S.V o7 -."V XEIPOC, ell
15 tat&c, To rBEV eXECV o 01 av &c.vov jv . xai vuv
Or' Zv &oXo?Aoc TE vai 7Tp&yaTa o6X 7jTTov ' 7tpo-,ou. To 8' otc
Eucppava: 86vaa9ac EXELV yp&pecv T&XXa 8E6TEpa $ka$ai 7re7roir)E 7r&v-a,
xat or. 7rpo$uOTEpov E7rx-re-EXat.
58
19, 20
In fact, this is what I am doing now in a small tent and at night;
instead of sleep, which restores strength to a weary body no less than food,
I have chosen to write a letter. It is as though I were hiding, for those who
cannot bear to see me devote my time to literary interests when I am home
would be far more vociferous in their criticism if they could see me doing
the same thing out here. While they really have themselves to blame for
all the trials they have endured and are still enduring, they would turn
things upside down and place the blame on literary studies, in the belief
that I, and, quite obviously, perhaps you too, are not free of guilt.
But I am returning to you safely and, with God's help, as soon as
possible, and I shall bring back to our land all those whom I led forth from
home. They have experienced hardships on this campaign far greater than
any in the past, as is readily admitted by all the men who have grown gray
in military service. You can understand how happy we are now that we have
all of a sudden been freed of these hardships. I suspect that if the Comedian
were still alive and could see that man, he might compose a play as he once
did about Wealth.' Today he would portray Blind Fortune. In return for
our dangers, labors, and constant expenditures, which that man thought-
fully admits have weighed the scales very much in his favor against his
enemies, he promises to reward us lavishly. Yet, as long as I am of sound
mind, I would consider it a lavish enough reward if he would not take away
any more of the possessions we still have. Assuredly, if he should see fit to
improve our situation in any way, this must clearly be ascribed to God
alone. May He who is good and holds all in his hands deliver us from this
present evil and lead us back as swiftly as possible to the prosperity of our
ancestors.

1 This letter indicates that Bajezid's campaign of winter 1391 was nearing its end.
It is also translated by Barker, Manuel II, 95-96.
z The Turks.
Aristophanes, Plutu.s; "that man" is Bajezid.

20. To Cydones'

Constantinople
Asia Minor, winter 1391

I ani sure you must have wondered why you have not received an
answer for such a long time, and you have good reason to wonder, since in
the past I have frequently written to you first, and now I do not even reply
 69
Oti`61
'3 T 0 iF3 7>ox 0u m7 A3 6337A(LxD 31 591X(1 d3uD(r/ 5oA3r19a,.ndx 11ox 201
'A13n)O.sd)o31011Ox o pox '5k1910 '1107110 5kd)od1. no 601371 3xn691 1011(2D
170Annnm '59x(,\0.3. q1 (73d)MO AP 'S 510 dTl 0 X Ag1,x3n10
loxno 37) A0A37l0(,610x 1106931.10 Am),0 &70 A()9 90-6n101.A3

l 'ft
)0X)0.1. 70&,311 J3
)O1An0l0u 311 (i01 '6 'S31,n9d9 nm1.Aou (10x10 A(91. Amx7ox A( LCsG.

170.L&(T)613u 31. 170x 71o1,A70dl3L3u A03S 5901(1M .17069101Y1)0 10 32 O)A19 1o. nm1l
92; 590t 5(10)o'( No '01&(011,0. g90 3113 pox 1.13DOd. 3D ). 'SmDn .6A1O nO15 32
'AOYkg Am17o11G(1(x13 531.&0)1710& 'A0d7o-67ox
mx(.I.NO.a, 33 1OD 5(0D 1X1x 5m '>01D,XT1 (10&3r10d110AnD 'f103Q 110x No
n3no nm)-;q &m9msoub fL '121d1.b2L 193d3X9ns 38
5p1.n1O.10
1oA3r1oDkdX 1D70Tikfdu 91(ou A1D(OXIA 513 0InOY 101,
1O.LA)OD;o.sd) 7u3 moo,
0 nmd3l,odu mmAodX o1.no1. d)oA 1D)OU 5io1. A3 51o1,noloi A197097OdUA CcgG

071mAn9 .l)01.k,L9 1oA0)1311 7o6371n0Ld70x 5(01.0x13 eAAnvod6n3 5(4n110023

nm1901 L10 90 &(1.71 70)((10 7>ox Ag 'Amg1 13 L Ak1d3 0 '5ox111mx
lori)odg 'A10 '1101120 Aq1. 'AO.i.fl0Xfl lnnn AIA1, A1,LXn1,
1310.3 d30LDm 3.LOY

6ou:0 A(OA17
.&Lcl(d)n1 Amdo131A n,2Aix
0& nm pox &OU &o pox n(?AXnD
1-1 AQ)1.

9 'Acoax7i(qX-4Am b &kyyou Cb1'9X 1OA3xkXD3dY)u Akuod b1,70x Amy nml-d3X0L

Am)11ao11tR.dX '13Loy(o71o 5(9y)oA371 n111k 1101.13&X91.9 590.69711 lV.GD3D3 d70.

'nOlM0 5m3 cs n'1o 'A3r1(A.70AOdd)m9 ox i Oi A33(A1i Ao1.n01 ix4D3p670Dodu uo.7,
i j,
k2g 'Am1.&oXd7OLn 57O).311 &w 5m10X1 k136D71'10A '5069111 13 11. 101.&311

no11( 13sog 4dw. nO1.n)o 'rot, 6.sb7V.du M7U '77069((&3) 13g

oouaS Ao1 n030 7X1.6D)011.1X) '&0&011 50 IX1X 1.AV.U A3 1dl3. AmX31.7ox
Ap'
(101no.1 aa. 1)09ny n01 (lOx)Ox pox 513 nmi A(ono),odu n1LXni k-, e e,UiD1X=
oA7oJl7on.3 1

161 :S jo `-nigAIod '1 '98 'L Tg : q 'soptdian `vapay4 :OIV 30 'W90.cvd '.18 'I 'L{,
:--p-tie 'saure>;dojsta-V 'sngnld 'I6-LS

a '3 '49-T'9

-o tinm3n}I ,x

ylo X 5(n G3 5)OD)o11nV X1lWdl07ib 101 (IOAOdX (10&X(19 60]L

.&mr1G o1, d>o,, 3113 3D )LOIL 51xw) A3 (:)- A136-Odl 701AOAVsd) `Aod31od1L An&

3sG.'fj 770.69X11111371)0 AnO). (109 5101 MDVT111Md). Ax G(13 5mlmo1L 170L1o1-!c1'b.G

60
20

to your letters. But I must explain the reason for my tardiness. For by
doing so I suspect that, while not putting an end to your wonderment, I
shall fill you with no ordinary happiness.
While we have been absent from the Great City,2 you have been acting
in your usual fashion. The first person you chanced upon who was coming
here-it was the servant of Asanes-you immediately handed a letter.3
But, as the bearer of your letter was just arriving at Ankara, the once mar-
velous city of Phrygia, we were off plundering the land of the Scythians,4
for it seemed more advantageous to make our attack at once. After we had
crossed the Halys, the woods and thickets about the fords became infested
with bandits. Anyone, then, who followed our line of march to find us in
this hostile land soon found that the Halys had been changed into another
Sicilian strait. Since it was not safe to cross the Halys, your man realized
he could not proceed any further, and so he proved himself completely free
of blame before his master, even though his master knew that seeing some-
one from home was very important for many reasons, but particularly
because of the pestilence which was taking such a terrible toll in our city,
while I was among you.b Finally then, on our return, at a time when friend-
ship obsessed us, we were handed your letter-and for the reasons I have
just mentioned it could not have happened otherwise.
So much, then, for an apology; it should also give you grounds for
rejoicing, because the news you will hear about us is somewhat better, I
believe, than you may have expected. Of course, you may well imagine that
I would really like to tell you about both things, that is, our journey here
and our return journey, all of the hardships as well as the comforts, but my
constant involvement in all sorts of tasks prevents me. Yet I can tell you
one thing: I am returning to you safely and quickly, if God permits. I trust
that you will prefer this one brief statement to a large number of letters.6

i This also dates from the winter 1391 and apparently refers to the same pillaging
expedition as does Letter 18.
2 Constantinople.
3 Probably Constantine Asanes, addressee of Letter 18; the servant is unknown.
4 Certainly east of the Halys River (Kirzil Irmak), perhaps the mongol vassal
states of Sevasteia, Erzincan, and Erzerum.
5 See notes to Letter 21.
6 While in Ankara Manuel engaged in a series of theological discussions with
a Moslem teacher, Mouterizes, which he later compiled into lengthy book dedicated
to his brother Theodore: edited by Trapp, Manuel II. Palaiologos. Dialoge mit einem
"Perser"; one dialogue has been edited with a French translation by T. Khoury, Manuel
Paleologae. Entretiens avec un nc eeulnaan, 7e controverse (Paris, 1966); cf. E. Voordeckers,
"Les entretiens avec un 'Perse' de 1'empereur Manuel II Paloologue," Byzantion, 36 (1966),
311-17. In the preface Manuel briefly describes the circumstances. "At a time when it
seemed advisable to wage war against Scythians in league with him who now employs
these very people against us, and who were won over to his service at that time as a result
of our toils and dangers, then it was that we had to spend a fairly long time in Ankara,
 61
20
5 &AA& OF. T' V OCVTtaV T* 3paBU'r TOs &7rOhTEOV TOCXa yap acv TauTp ye
o6X 57t(O a 7ra6aco, &AA' eu ot8' 6rt ae xaL eucppoauvYc
ouxouv 9OC6Xr)S EtL70,r[aW.
f. 13V Eu Ty)S [Lsy&X7)4 [Lwv 7c6XeWs &7c px6TWv I rlc &rr. &XpW' W
y&p EV&TUXES 7rpWTWS WS Y)[J.&c epXo[L><vq -' [V 8' O 'ro5 'Aa&VY) oLxSTY)S-
10 E7rLaToA'Y)V Eu0'6S EVEXELpLaac. 11[LeLS 8', 6Te pL XLs 0 a0U 'r v
>r7rtaToX?v ' v 7ro're 7r6ALv Toe Opuybs xaT6AOcpv "Ayxupav,
EY)Lr,6[Leaoc TY)v ExuMv, okca `E to ov etvar =X6-rot-roc ELapaAEGv.
aL U BLap&asLs oSc= TOe "AAuoC4 xad XoX[L7)pad [LTOL TO '`'[,.OLS
BLapr)VaL X'naTWV EVe7r'4L7rXOLVTO- TOGO, T0[VUV xaT67rLV Y)[LWV &cpLyPIVOLC,
15 i' aRW ELas supGV Ev TY[ 7roAe[L[a ELxeALx& TLS y&'ovv vTLxpuc o "AAus
ou-ros 0 8i) xad Tov &v,&pW7rov 8Gv yvovTa t4 brt T& 7rpo'ac
XWPEZV 6S oux ov &acpaAEs BLapatvety Tov "AAuv, N'k[-L4WS itcwr C7tOLaL
xa,5aPO'V Tw 8ea7roTp, xaiTOL 7rPO OU 7rE7rOLY)tLiVW T6 ToV &7r6
'r obxias EpX44svov LBeiv, 7COXArOV Te &AAWV eLVexa xaL TO XoL[LOe
20 w, epee, r)[LGv &vr)ALaxeV 71 7r6AL4 0%' u[LGv ebre8')[Louv. ToLyapoev E7raveA-
&OUOLV, V X' etyEv r)[Las cpLALa, y4yOVSV '[AV T& yp&tLaTa 8 aa,&oL,
8v &Buvaeov &AAWS yeveGao ioV Etvexa Ey47]V EL7c6v.
TauTL [LEv o5v Ta TiS &7roXoyires ev sot 7r&vTWs ijxL xcd -r& 'r
euppoauvr)S, &v&' c'ov XpY)a'L6Tep6v TL, oktLc , 7rpL --tLwv cTiv 7rpoas86xas
25 &xouarl. pouAo[LEvci tLEV'rot [LOL, 7ro oicL, xai &[LTG) ae T& TS
Tyls oboe T&, Te rijC E7rcc 66ou, Oaa Te Pa6Ta xai &7c T6 7raVTO-
8a7rk &aXoAe%aaoa 7rpoata oerca ravTaX&S' Ev [L6yLs auYXWpoev
(ppUaaL, WS ET aVYIxW a0L o& TaXU, e&v e,LTPErc 8e6s. au 8', ot.tc, TO
ppaXuTaTOV Tou'O Pig Lc 7rOAAcov &V 7POTt[L'Cr=L ypa[L[L&TWV.

20: B f. 65-65v. 1 Tw au.Cp codd. 11 3 -r6: Tw codd.

that once prosperous city which now is not even rich in impiety. There I happened to be
the guest of a certain old man" : Trapp, op. cit., Prooemium, p. 5, 9-13. Manuel must have
spent about a month, probably all of December, in Ankara, for dialogues with Mouteri-
zes occupied at least twenty days, during which a severe snow storm occurred: ibid.,
54*-61*. The final discussions took place just as Manuel was about to leave Ankara for
Constantinople (end of December 1391), for he concludes Dialogue 24 with the remark:
"Yesterday the satrap [Bajezid] himself told me that we will very quickly take the road
homeward": ibid., p. 285, 14-15.
62
21, 22
21. To Cydones

Constantinople
Asia Minor, winter 1391-1392

I am certain that you could not have written your last letter without
tears in your eyes, and I want you to know, too, that when I came to read
it I felt exactly the same way.' I have the impression that, without your
realizing it, the general misfortunes nearly dragged you away from the
letter you were beginning to the composition of a tragedy, a reaction which
I myself am now on the verge of sharing. But since this attitude will not
really help, and can actually make matters worse, we must bid farewell to
useless lamenting and, to quote you, turn to Him who has made this judgment
from heaven against us because of our many sins. Grant then, Savior, that
we may return quickly and without delay to you so that good fortune may
hasten back to us.

1 This was written in reply to Letter 431 of Cydones in which he bewails the plight
of the Empire and the pestilence in the capital. It was probably written not long after
Letter 20, while Manuel was still in Ankara; it seems to refer to the same plague in Con.
stantinople. There is a notice of the plague for the year ending on 31 August 1391, and
it may have continued through the fall: BX, nos. 27, 24, p. 46; Ducas (Bonn edition),
p. 516, 9.

22. To Cydones'

Constantinople
Constantinople, 1392-1396

I learned no more from your letter than what I had previously sus-
pected. Your failure to visit us during the past several days made it clear
that you were not well. But the fact that you had to write to me before I
could send someone to find out how you were must be attributed to the
present situation, which has given us so many things to do that we are not
allowed to be our own masters.
Still, if you have not yet fully recovered from your illness, do not
hesitate to write to us about your condition, and let us know if you need
anything. But if you now enjoy good health, then forget about writing and
with the light of day present yourself to us, assuring us by action as well as
by word that you are well.

1 The general sequence indicates that this letter was written after Manuel's return
to Constantinople, which took place during the first week of January 1392 at the latest.
 63
21, 22

21. Tw Ku&wvp xo
Kou as pig &Lv 8axp6wv &veu A v E7rLaToX v yeypxyivaL eywye
7rE7rELapaL, xapE Tau'ro Tau'r v &vkyvwv 7LaALV

aL Yap ToL xOLVOLL 8ua7rpOLY[OCL, oCp.GLL, ae 6pp.c cvoV e'7r&aT&AAELV E7rd Tb

5 TpocycpMV X BX &6'r(, 6MrEp &V,&ELAxOV, 0 xd ocu'roS eyw p.Lxpot 8dv
ov ToUT6 ye xad 7rpoapXa oLL
/6j xrv&UVellw 7toc&cty. &AA' E7rEL(6Y) OUT' Ov
O16v Te, T6 19'p!)VELV &VY)vuTcc XOL6pety ebr6VTec E7tL TOV EVeyxo'vTa c v
oupacv*ev &VTL 7roAAwv &p.apT-jp.a'rwV E7rLa'rpoup%Spev-
f. 14 TouTO 18' To abv. 8oS 8', 16)Tep, &4ETaaTpe7rTL r0 TaxS E7rL6Tpkl oct
10 7rp6S CS fV' 'p.iv &Ya1&i Tuxr) TOLD'

21: B f. 65v. 1 -r p 4-rip codd.

22. Tw Ku6wv- xp'

OOBev 7rXeoV 7rap& Tot yp&p.p.oLTOS E8L6&X& v c;>V xaL 7rp.v Tot'r'
sX CZV 67rEAap.pavov. ots yap To60LUT(Xtq Y)p,EpOLLq ouxouv wS p.&s 7rape-
yEVOU, 8Y)AOV 'Y)V wC 06X EU exEL a0L TO 6wp.OL. 05-CL 6' yp&IIJOLS 7rp1.V

5 Ep.E -ma TEpIIJLCL neua6p.ev6v as 7rwS ELrc, TOu xcc you TOUTO TLSEL, tS
Tw 7rQAA& 7rpayp.aW 7Cocp6XELV o66E p.<wV OLU'rwv EIVIXL p.aS
auyxwpel.
eL p.EV ETL as' TL v6aou Aeiiocvov &voXAei, Ypap.p.ocaL pI
xIXTOxV aY)S 81ACJ6IXL EV o,LS Te ELY)C ("ON) TE TaUTJC eLVexa xp '0'.V exeLS.
10 ell as, uYel/.LLs VUV &TOAOL6e4S, 66 8' a?,)" &YELs TO YPayeLV &(wc 1 tVEP.a cP aVy7&'
1 I 8L8&LIr;wv 1?,o/yq t !
oux %)TTOV Epyw wS 6YLaLVOLS.

22: B f. 65". 1 T& autw codd.

64
22, 23
The accounts of the colony of Pera list an expense on 7 January 1392 for the Podest4
visiting the Emperor in Constantinople on the vigil of the Epiphany (5 January): L. T.
di documenti riguardanti Is, colonia di Pera," Atti dells societd Ligure
Belgrano, "Prima eerie
di 8toria patria, 13 (Genoa, 1884), 162. Since it is clear that Manuel and Cydones were in
the capital at the same time, the letter may be dated between 1392 and 1396, probably
closer to 1392.

23. To Cydones
Constantinople
Constantinople, 1392-1396

On your behalf I myself read your wonderfully sweet letter to my

mother the empress in which you spoke of her bitter destiny.' I was so
completely overcome that I could not put it down until I had imprinted
every word on my mind. What I was not unaware of before has now been
more vividly impressed on me by your letter, and for this be assured that I
was greatly pleased. Because everyone judged it to be a perfectly marvelous
letter in which you virtually surpassed yourself, you succeeded in showing
what you know very well, that your struggle consists in facing a truly great
struggle.

1 After the death of her husband, John V, on 16 February 1391, the Empress He-
lena continued taking an active part in the government, acting as regent while Manuel
was away in Asia Minor during the second half of 1391 and joining him in diplomatic
negotiations as late as July 1392: see Loenertz, Ddmdtrius Cydones Correspondance, II,
444, 449; Thiriet, Rdgestes, 798, 820. Probably later in the same year she entered the
convent of Kyra Martha in Constantinople, taking the name of Hypomone: see p. xlv.
Before doing so she distributed her possessions to the poor and left a special gift to Cy-
dones. In a long letter Cydones thanked her for this gift and for her previous benefactions:
Letter 222; French translation by Cammelli, Ddmdtrius Cydones Correspondance, no. 28,
pp. 68-77. It was this letter which Manuel read to her; he then wrote the present letter to
Cydones. Parallel to the "sweet letter," one would expect to find "bitter letter," but this
would not make much sense in the context, so that one probably has to understand a
word such as fortune or destiny: -rill mxp&S [ruXrls]. The last line could be interpreted as:
"You are pitted against a truly great adversary," that is, yourself, which would continue
the notion of "surpassing yourself." But it is not unlikely that Manuel is using the word
struggle (&y&v) in the sense of his mother's struggle against ill fortune, or perhaps in the
sense of her "having fought the good fight" (2 Tim. 4:7), and of the struggle or literary
effort involved in Cydones' writing about it.
 65
23

23. Till Kuaw'vn xy

AuTOs a'v x&pty &v&yvwv'r rj rp. xai 8Ea7roEvrj rYv 7vcp' TY; mxpag
arjv &TExVWS IadaV E7Claro), V, 7 ToaouTov SXov p,E &vrjpTrjaocTO WC, 11
TiilV xE6pWV Ex(3ocA tv 7CpLV O? v X6 Ea6V EVTU7r45aCC Tnj vs S. 0 8E 7rpoTEpov
5 oux Yjyvbouv v5v cocykarepov (.Ls Ta ypap,ar , &ve" oTOU xai
EucppavE ELE, 7r45q otE6. TW yap 7C&vu yEVVa4a 7rapa 7r&vTWV 'TauTa
xpL 45vat xai ovovou VLxav aE rourOL4 aau'rov, ouBEv &)JXo EBEExvuq
It I
OT6 7rep olBaS G(Xyeos, coq ov rw4 yE 7rp0'4 Eyav aoL rUyXMVSL &v o &yd)v.

23: B f. 65--66. 1 rro ukCa codd.

66
24,25
24. To Frangopoulos'

1392-1396 (?)

When your letter was read, some people said it was laconic and some
said it was not. Some simply concentrated on the compact manner in which
your ideas were expressed, while others based their judgment on the fact
that it enclosed great thoughts in very few words, in which they were closer
to the rules of the art. At any rate, the ability to do this certainly demands
no little skill, and since we do not possess this, it would be better for us
simply to acknowledge it and be done. Now then, since the present time
does not allow me to say more, I shall say only this : if what we all prophesy
should come about, then there will be no need to write. For why follow the
second best course when the first is right at hand? Still, if you should prefer
to remain at home, we shall answer you at greater length when we find the
time.

' The position of this letter in the manuscript indicates that it belongs to the period,
1392-1396, before the battle of Nicopolis in September 1396. Possibly Manuel is alluding
to the Turkish siege of Constantinople, begun in 1394, which may have prevented Frango-
poulos from entering the city. With the lifting of the siege, perhaps by the crusade led by
King Sigismund ("what we all prophesy"?), Frangopoulos will not have to write, but will
be able to converse with Manuel in person or, if he remains at home, Manuel himself will
have more time to write.

25. To Cyclones

1392-1396 (?)

For a long time I have greatly loved and admired that man with the
golden tongue' or, if you wish, a golden soul, because of his virtuous way of
life as well as his wisdom. I thought they had achieved the summit of per-
fection and could not be improved on, but now I realize I was mistaken. For
I had such an exalted opinion of his qualities that when I compare the way
I formerly felt with the way I now feel, I cannot say that I either loved or
admired the man before.
This is what came over me on reading through now for the first time his
work, To an Unbelieving Father.' This brought me so closely in touch with
him that I almost thought I saw the great man alive and heard him dis-
coursing. At any rate, whether others, too, consider this treatise to be as
 67
24, 25

24. Tc",,i (Dpayyo7ro5),w X8,

Kai Aaxwvcx7')v r9v ETrLoro) V xai E4 ToLauTr)V &vayvwa,'&E%aav

aav at 7rpoaELp*'xaaLV of pLe'v &70,6&7rL86VTEC, EGC, T] v Twv voy)aTwv
7ruxv6Tr-ra, of 8' &7rb Toy pLEy&Anv EvvoLav 6v6paaLv 6ALyotq Eyx? kkalaL
5 TExVLx6TEpoV xpLVONTEC,. To' yo5V TavTa 6axSELV 7rOLELV o6xouv TM6),Y)4
&TExV6EaTL TexV7)q, ' S "tAv (J. N.ETExoU6LV IX,LLLVOV &v et-I 7r&VTWG
&cpoaLwaapL6voLs &7raAAay5va.. 6.Ev &TE p la, o xaLpbs E7rvrpe7csL, o68e'v
7r?eov epw vuv 7 (ilC, EL pLEV 0 7r&vreq pLavreu6p:ESa yevotro 7rEpEpyov Tb
f. 14V yp&rpcLv. I T6 y&p M 70,05 BEUTipou EV xepoiv OVTOS TOll 7tpdr ou EL

10 8' o'lxoL pLEVELV EAOLaOfE axoX c'1'.ao Aap4tevoL paxpoTepotq ae yp&pLpLaaw

&46.
24: 9: Diogenes, Prov. 2, 45: Paroem. gr. II, 24.

B f. 66.

25. Tip Ku86vp xe'

'Eyw' 'r v xpuaoUv T v yX)TTOLV, EL 8E pouAEL, xai S-16 7r&AaL

a(p68pa xaL TLAWv xal. v'r TCOV Tp67rwV &pcTY q Ollx

aocpias, xai ELi TOUTOLS yeveaofaL wS Eic
5 "axaTOV &9LypLEVOLS, VUV EyV)V 7r .T7) L&VOc . xai yap ToaouTOV TauT'
Ylu Trap' & LOIL OaOV T& VUV To6S 7rp6akV 7rapapa&6V, oUx Ex(I) AeyELV
OTL 7rp.v 7FOL ECpLAOUV TOV &v pa 8L& %au.LMTOc jyov.
2Juvepr, 8e p,OL TOUTi EX TOU TOV 7rpOq &7CLaTOV 7raTepa 8LEAO'ELV VUV
;rpWTWS AOyOV EXeLVOU' OS OUT) (.L OAwS ELS EOLUTOV i jp'r aaTO, wS
10 ovovou Boxezv Cvra, Te aUTOV Tbv eycv 6p&V xai BLaXEyop.kVOU &xouELV.

et yOUV xai &.AAOLC, o 'roq o' A6yoc o 'ro 8oxe6 %aupLaa-OS, aUTOL av
68
25, 26
admirable as I do, they themselves will know best. As for myself, while I
regard everything written by that man as golden and fit for heaven, still I
believe his other works are as inferior to this one as are the writings of
others who have no very great passion for literature compared with his
works. In my opinion, it requires no effort for anyone to arrive at this literary
judgment. For if the man be regarded with so much admiration and respect
because of his ability to persuade Christians and so bring the truth to light,
should he not be regarded with all the more admiration and respect when,
unassisted by the weight of Scripture, he manifests this same ability in
addressing himself to pagans ?3 I certainly believe everyone will agree with
me. Still, if the reader should feel we have somehow exaggerated, then the
author of this work will himself make excuses for us, since in his prologue
he very clearly demonstrated the great difficulty of the undertaking.
1 St. John Chrysostom. Its place in the collection would date this letter to 1392-96.
8 "To an Unbelieving Father," IIp6q &7CLa rov varipa, comprises Book II of Chryso-
stom's Adversus oppugnatores vitae monasticae: PG, 47, cola. 331-48; D. Ruiz Bueno, Obras
de San Juan Cris6stomo, Tratados asciticos. Texto griego, versi6n espan"ola y notes (Madrid,
1958), 404-444. The codex Vaticanus graecus 571, once possessed by Cydones, contains an
encomium of Chrysostom written in Cyclones' own hand and a number of works of Chrysos-
tom, this particular one being on fols. 37-52v: G. Mercati, Notizie di Procoro e Demetrio
Cidone, 157-58; see also Cyclones, Letter 406.
3 Hellenes, i.e., pagan Greeks.

26. To Cydones

Constantinople
Constantinople, 1392-1396 (?)

You seem to be saying that your departed horse was not truly a good
one. But in truth the horse was a good one, and after his death he has given
you proof of his nobility. At least, when he was alive he caused you grief,
but departed, he has caused you to rejoice more than when he was alive. He
has offended you by just one thing: by being good to you, he has proven
that you slandered him. For see now, this horse, even better and nobler than
that other one, comes to you from us, and the one responsible for this is
actually that dead one for whom you had no regard. From the dead horse
comes the living one. This is in line with Plato's resurrection, which seemed
a lot of foolish nonsense then and now to all who hear it, but which has
already found a brilliant advocate in that noble horse of yours.1

I Cf. Plato, Pheedo, 71e-72d.

 69
25, 26
EEBELev. EyW SE 7rorvTa p.EV r&vapGq Exe(vou xpua& TE ryoup.aL xat oupavc;w
7rpE7rovrc ,
roaou'rov p.ev'roL To& roU Too A6you EvBE v baov ExFLvwv of
ETt pwv A6yoL, otS ou 7ruvu 7ro)A; 6 Tcov A6ywv pw5 EcTE. CSoxS p.oL 8E
15 (A.Y)BiV EpyOV EtvaE TLVa Ta.UT71VZ v allyxpLCrLV. Ef', yap TCp
t 6Vaa&c 7rEW&SLV Xp66'r oCVOti q, xad TauT'n '
v &A9ELcV &yELV ELS yroq
EEC, TOLT' &ep1.Kroc ,9'c Loc' OC, xod LL1.jq 6 &vYjp, BTav 'rx TV T 'V 86vap.Lv
7rp6c "E)aYpaS (ilv &7rb TCov Xoyk v Po7C1'1S, 7C oU
4aup.aaL6,)TEpoc Ta6T-n xacl 'CLp.LGWTEpoS; EyW p.EV o 6v nwre6w 7cm'vTas
20 auvop.oAoyraeLV Ei.oL. Et' TL p.EVTOL TLCRV 67rEppoA
allT6C, 6 yp 4ca Tou'rov T6V A6yov 1')7re'p p.wV 7rapaLTYIaETa6, EpyWBeaTaTOV
Td EyxE(p 1.La etVaL AEyWV Ev 7rpooLpLLOL4 xod &7ro8ELxv1c cpavepws.

25: 8: S. Joannis Chrysostomi Ad. patrem in fidelem, seu Adversus oppugnatores vitae
monasticae, liber II: PG 47, 331-48.

B f. 66-66". 6 Ylu l8r1 corr. ex P 1113-14 Exe(vwv of ETipoav corr. ex exe(vwv

Twv ETEpcov of P

26. TC,> KuBwvp xS

n p.EV T6V OEx6p.EVOV L7r7r0V 06 xaT& &AY,DELaV paEV]) xaAWV xaA6V'

xaAds xai pa'r& TO TE9VOLvc
T%

6 E wv a0L -1v OLpETY1V E7rE8EE aTO,

rxLaTa psv ae Au7crlaac oEx6pevoc 8' EucppavaS paAAov r Wv. v
5 TOUT6 act p6vov 7rpoc xpouaev, bTL aE TW Ell 7r0L'Ylaca auxolpOLVTYIV
U78EL(EV. E805 yap VV M TOU T6V L7ctov TOM' Trap' 'Y1pWV, OS
xai. (.l.EE"WV E7LEEVOU xcd xccAA'LWV Ea'c v, ExELVOS 84 OV OUx EiraLVELS
=TLOS. &7rb yap '700 TE9NEWT0C, 6 WV COL, xc v& T"V To3 fIA&TWvoC
cVc43LO.waw, r Arpos Ewa. 8ox0uaa xai cpAuap(a p.axpa ExTore xai ELq
10 80p0 ToLS a'x060UaLV 0C7raoL, Tbv ycvvctoV ExELVOV t'7c7rov aot Aap.7rpbv
r81 auveyopov Eup-7xsv.

26: 8-9: cf. Platonem, Plw.edo, 7le-72d.

B f. 66". 1 -r.) au : cp codd. 11 8 Tout om. B

70
27
27. To Theodore Kaukadenosi

What you wrote was read before a small but not undistinguished
audience. Its members were well versed in the art of speaking to the point,
and their judgment counted for much among serious men of letters, Among
them, one admired the arrangement of the words, another the beauty of
expression, and they were struck by the conciseness of the ideas and by the
fact that so many of them were nicely enclosed within the compass of a few
words. Everyone had something different to applaud, and all joined in ap-
plauding the whole work. I, too, found everything to be excellent, even though
I sat in silence while the others stamped their feet and shouted with joy. But
what particularly pleased me about your writing, and what I believe is your
strongest point, is the value you set on moderation. Your desire to obtain
what you were requesting in your composition was exceedingly great, as is
only natural, yet at the same time you avoided all excess.
You have indeed succeeded in convincing us, and your hope has been
fulfilled. Now, our own hope will be fulfilled if you set yourself to supervise
the instruction of the two youths. I am certain you will regard this as equi-
table and, at the same time, beneficial to them as well as to my daughter.
This should not be a difficult task, I believe, if you set your mind to it.

1 In this letter Manuel says that he has been impressed by Kaukadenos' request and
is appointing him to supervise the education of two young men and a girl. In his own letter
Kaukadenos showed his appreciation of moderation (&rpov) and, as their tutor (rsow(ppow-
aarhS), can now teach them to value moderation. Manuel, it seems, is naming a tutor for his
own children; the use of the definite article (Totv,') to mean "my" is common enough in
Greek, and the context seems to favor this interpretation. Who then are these children
of Manuel? The letter's place in the collection would date it in the mid-1390s. Manuel's
oldest son, John, was born on 18 December 1392 and the second, Theodore, sometime
between 1394 and 1399: P. Schreiner, "Chronologische Untersuchungen zur Familie Kaiser
Manuels II.," BZ, 63 (1970), 288-90 (less thorough is the discussion by Barker, Manuel II,
474-78, 494-96). A son, Constantine, as well as two daughters, were born between 1393
and 1398, but died before 1405. When Manuel left for Western Europe in 1399 they could
scarcely be called youths (veoav) unless he is using the term in a loose or playful sense. If
this letter were written after his return to Constantinople in 1403, the term would apply
more exactly to his two oldest sons. Manuel had at least one illegitimate daughter, Zampia
(Isabella), probably born in the 1370s, who married the Genoese Hilario Doria about
1392: A. T. Papadopulos, Versuch einer Genealogie der Palaiologen (Munich, 1938), 70:
of. Barker, Manuel II, 474.
 71
27
27. Tw Kauxo vc; xupc> OEoBc py

Ta elpip.&va cot e'v p,Lxpro [Av o6 cpa6acp a' ovveyv6aOrj .5,z,

\ ) T ) /
aav 8 ot xaL aeyELV iv allTlil ally
au' v iupcc xal WV EV XOyw
ToLS nepI X6youq 6v 6 t.ev T& LV, 6 8e To xa3J.oq
5 TCov 6vop.&T(6v at& %m6N.aTo; dye, To6S 8' " Twv v 7Cuxv6T7)s
r c xai T6 =6,ra ov'r ToaauTa n&vu rot ppaxeaty 6v' ,Laat
nEptxAEtea,'ar. xai &AXoS &XXo Tt exp6TEL xai n&vTES OCnav(' 6p5.
E(toi 8E xai Tauza EV &ptaT& yE n&vTa EcpatvETO ovx jTto aLW7c5VTL
xai xaS-%tevw 31 Tots &X?,or. nr)Mat a6 xai poi. w 8E aXXov
10 'aO v xaL 6 I.IAL xpeZT'rov t v aWv, 6TL TO (.I.kpov ETE[qacS
6neppa?6vTW5 yap e'pwv ou ypo'4as fTou TuyELv-7r c yap ou-7raaav
6(6S &cc7t pEUyac.
Ilenetxocq rotvuv xai cants or. EEeprq 6nWs 8E xa'& T& T1

Y,(.tETepaS TOUTO 8' Ea' L V To6v Veoty aauT6v ao ppoV6adv

15 E7rLa T'cocr . 8 8' 8ixatov ELnorS &v, F-6 of , xad OC(A.a ye a. vot ov x&xetvorc
-,e xai ' &uyaTp[- xai or X XEn6V ot(un E&v pouAo(J.evW or..

27: B f. 66v-67. 1 OeoSc p(p Tip KauxaSr)vi B 11 11 67<eppmXX6vtm5 B 1114 AA

a6Tav B
72
28, 29
28. To a Certain Foolish Person1

Your rhetorical efforts have been even more forceful than those of
Thucydides,2 particularly when you wrote that noble and lengthy letter of
yours in which you omitted none of the usual examples, but not even you
seemed to have any idea of what you were saying. How, then, can anyone
go about putting together a systematic answer to your letter, when what
you said followed no order and was full of contradictions. Surely, you are
aware of this much, that none of it, as they say, was sound. But you relied
on your great wisdom, which has made you so important, although I do not
know where or how you have all of a sudden acquired it. You have come
forth, as you have done for so long, armed by falsehood to struggle to your
own detriment against the truth, that invincible athlete, to whom, I am
certain, you will very soon pay the penalty for your audacity or, if you
prefer, for your foolishness or complete lack of sense.
I have therefore decided that it is superfluous for me to attack you in
words, for I should not want to be laughed at while fighting at the side of
that noblest of athletes, the truth, in the struggle against falsehood. Com-
pared with truth, falsehood is clearly no stronger than an infant, yet it is
your ally, fighting along at your side, in your never-ending battle. You always
employ it as your model, your trainer and your teacher in preparing you for
combat. But then, you always provide the audience with a chance to jeer,
inasmuch as you present yourself before all as a noble athlete.

1 There are no chronological indications in this letter, and it may be only a rhetorical
exercise. Still, as in the case of Letters 63-66, it may have had a basis in fact, although
the addressee and the circumstances are unknown.
2 In the rhetorical handbooks used by the Byzantines, Thucydides was cited as one
of the examples of 8ecv6rng, forcefulness or intensity, e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus,
De coni.paratione verborum, 18; De Thucydide, 2, 53; Hermogenes, De ideis, 2, 0; Longinus,
IIepi iSVous, 22-23.

29. To Cydones'

Constantinople
Constantinople, 1394-1396

Since you were prevented by illness from visiting your close friend-I
refer to myself-you took the next best course by asking me to write to you,
oblivious of all the obstacles to my doing this. Some of the people here
criticized you for choosing an inopportune moment, but I think they know
 73
28, 29
28. TM Oau&pq xrj

"Eot c 86' Wv xaL OOUxu8L8ou 8eLV6Tepov EpprjT6peuaa4, v v

yevvafav xad Laxpav ExeLvrjv yp&4ac EnLa'cOX'jv ou8ev65 TWV eLS
cpeLa4tevo5, I.LajBe w 'ro au stabo L aura Taut' & vuv a&ycLS.
5 7r&S ouv paBLOV &AXov &(.LELp6j.1.Evov aou ToLq yp&j.L..c npo5 e"7rOq
6Te TOLELV etXe T& Lp7jj4eva &aaa xocL &Xk, XoLC Ej.L&XeTO;
a".aaov 8E Tart p,Ev ota&a 6q o6hv uyLES cpaaL. Tp 8e noXX aopLa
Te&a.pprjxdc, c EEanLvYjs oux o18' onws xaL 6.ev nenaouTrjxas 80 jv xat
f. 15V v XLx6a8E I yeyEvajaaL, 7tp0'1jXaljc TW gSu'aeL xa,&OnXLa,&CLS W xat n6p-
10 pw&ev r5 &XYj&LOC frtL &Y,v7,roq *a'YjT?j xaT& aaUTOU
xaL BLxrjv av'rLxa (L&aa TIC, 6a4'YjS EvrtastC eu oz8a, e4 8e (306)'C& ye,
&voiaS rj b7rovOLas.
"Okv MI nepLepyov x&lLE ae a6yot4 vev6 i xa (LYjno rE xat
yg),wza ocpaoLJIt &9arj r yevvaLO'r&Tw T &arj,&eLa 7rpoS Tav xa'ra r t.o 1
15 468ou4 auvc &L8aov. 8 vrjntou BLacp6peLv j,19e'v T'pj npo5 Trjv
&X Ot av naps&EacL yvwpLZ;eTaL, w a6 ye Tov n&v ra Xp6vov
aoL. &eL p,cv rou'rw xat na&a' xad aaeLnTn xo
8L8(Xax&aw npos rok &ywvac Xpdevoc, &eL 8E auptTTELV napEXwv To
& 'rpov oiq yevva%oc &`'XYj )' &naaLV avapaivp.

28: 2: cf. Dionysium Halic., De comp. verb., 18; De Thucyd., 2, 53; et alibi. 7:
Plato, Gorgias, 524e.

B f. 67.

29. Tip KuMvrj xV

EU jlEv TOV a6v e'pW(.l.Evov uno'r j v6aou PaEneLV ou a uyXwpo6(a.evoc,

Ee 8 ).6yw, 67A -,6v BcU' cpov -aouv xaL napaxaaeis
EMUTEaXULV, ari} V &T&VTwV aa(3cV T6V rOUTO np&TTELV eLpy6vrcv. Yjaav
5 <>' oL aou Twv 7rapeat x6Twv xaTEyvwaaV &xaLptav, jttxp& ELS67ES ot(aat
74
29, 30
little about friendship. My own attitude is so vastly different from theirs
that, while I was not unaware of the greatness of your friendship before,
now I have come to realize it all the more, and for this I am grateful to you.
After all, unless you set the greatest store by your friendship, you would
never be eager for letters completely devoid of Hellenic elegance, relentless
as you are in your pursuit of them. Nonetheless, since I would like to obey
you, and not disobey Solomon, who counsels that it is necessary to apportion
the proper time for everything,2 I am writing this to fulfill my obligation.
For even something small is not a small favor when friends are concerned.
With God's help, I am about to march out to the aid of a certain small
fortress under siege. It is a little place indeed and really of little value to the
enemy, but if it should be taken, it would make them feel happier and more
respectable. But take courage. For just as God has already sent their satrap
away empty-handed when he began his assault, so will he also do the same
now.3

1 The mention of the beleaguered fortress, otherwise unidentified, indicates that

this letter was written after the Turks had begun their siege of Constantinople in 1394
and, since Manuel and Cydones were both in the city, it must have been written before
the latter's departure in the fall of 1396. It has also been translated by Barker, Manuel II,
126-27.
' Eccles. 3:1-8, 17.
' The satrap is the Turkish commander, perhaps Bajezid himself. It seems that the
last of Cydones' collected letters (Letter 450) was written in reply to this; it reads in full
as follows: "Most assuredly, your letter was that of a soldier, showing that the writer
was extremely busy and letting us know that we should not write at length. In fact, we
realize that it would be burdensome to drag such a busy person away from his pressing
tasks, and so we have made this letter quite brief, but what we would have included in it,
we will now join to our prayers."

30. To Constantine Asanes1

Constantinople
Constantinople, summer-fall 1396

On reading the letter, I realized immediately that although it was

addressed to you, this was simply a stage effect and a mask. Everyone who
listened to it made the observation that it was really sent not to you, but to
me. Aware then of my obligation to send an answer, I thought it best not
only to reply to the contents of the letter, but also to imitate the manner in
which your friend sent it.2 So I am writing to you and passing over most of
those points which someone else might answer in detail. For his letter was
filled with reproaches and mocking insults, and, like those animals which
give birth to large litters, by its very nature it provokes a man wishing to
 75
29, 30
<ptaeiv. eyc 8e, Toaov,rov &74X0 TauTOv exctvotc waTe xat
7tptV aOU To cpLXTpov 5aov oux &yvo& , vuv p.aXXov yvwv xat x&pLV oZ3&
am. To&TOU. et p. yap p.eya xact 7toX6 To5TO jv 7tap& aoL, oux &v 7roTe
ypap.&Twv rv r&vTY) x&pvroc O"vrco' &p.otpcov o
10 TOUTOL; xaT' tXvoc ETCOE.LVOc. 70,YV aot Te rELa"WEL pouXbevoc xat
r ZoXo.L&vTL p.Y &7te&,I+eiv, k vep.ELV 8eiv rapa.Vei Toic 7tp&yp.aaL Touc
xacpouc, 60-7tep ELe'v &cpoacoup.evoc yp&(pW ou yap p.LxpoV etc X&peV xat
Ta pLxpav rot; TLXouacv.
"EEe:p.L 8E po"Y)&'Y)ao v, OEOU auvaLpop.evou, cppouptcp TLvt 7toXLopxou-
15 tk6V(p, p,Lxpcp p.EV xat p.Lxpa Toic 7zoXEp.toLc aUVo o r.v 8uva[1eV(P, et ye
x7ly-t ei>) TLEL?)v 3E Tou rmL xai &XX& We
yap TOV TOUTWV a0CTp&77jV xeVdV Oeac Vtxa TOUTW 7tpoakpaAXe,
rccO xdL VUV 3p&aeL.

29: 3: Diogenes, Prov. 2, 45: Paroem. gr. II, 24. 11-12: Eccl. 3, 1-8, 17.

B f. 67-67v. 11 &1 codd.

30. Up 'Aa&v7j xupw X'

Tv &vayvouc eyvcwv E6,3,6c p.Ev e7rrypacpr To aov

E tXEV 5vop.cc, v 8e' Tou'O 3p5p.a xai aot pEV yap ou, ep,ot
f. 16 8' Oaj.o,ws I 75c TLc o 'zauTTjv &7rEq']VIXTO.
5 &pOLpaiav 3ELV 7rE4lf0(L yvouc, 3ELV pil 40'VOV ye Toic yp&pLaaLV
&p.etYaa,&aL Ta ErEaTaXp,EVa, &XX& xat Tov Tpo7rov 4Lp.7jaaa9c: xa&' ov o
COL ereaTaAxe. yp&cpco 8" am. Ta rXEtm 7rapetc wv &XXOc aV
Ei7rev &ELp6.L voS &xpcpwc. of p.EV yap rporrXaxLapot xai Ta oxw' FLp.c cc
WV Eye4EV e7rLCTOXY) roAuTOxoLC, EOLxE (,WOLc, xai. yuae6 TOV
76
30
reply to compose an even lengthier answer. Yet I would be ashamed to react
in this way, which I never cease to censure. Now then, as I mentioned, I am
leaving out most of the details and writing just enough to acquit myself of
my obligation. Still, do not ascribe the conciseness of this response to lack
of ability; attribute it rather to good will and to my desire not to rush into
those topics which others might readily do in venting their anger.
I say that if he looks upon foreign lands as a common fatherland, by
his changing over to those who dwell there3 and by manifesting the same
attitude toward what is sacred,4 then, inasmuch as he has separated himself
from us, he must necessarily regard his own land as a foreign one. At least,
if this reasoning is correct, clearly no one should have difficulty in deter-
mining that it was not with weeping and mourning that he sang the Song of
the Lord, but rather with great happiness .5 Whether this is praiseworthy
or not is his affair. Still, not to grieve when it is proper to do so, I fear, is
itself cause for grief.
But it certainly is amazing that he has been joining in worship with
everyone under the sun, even with the inhabitants of the islands beyond
Cadiz;6 either by some divine impulse they have all come together to pray
with him, or else by a fortuitous and timely coincidence. Still, I really do
not know why he thought he had to write to you about this or about how
they all sang hymns concerning the cross and the passion with great rev-
erence, the extent of which is not unknown to us.7 Of course, I believe it is
quite true that they all view him with high regard and are prepared to offer
him a prominent position among them. For they usually honor newcomers
who change over more than they might deserve. Since, as experience shows,
most of those who change over do so for the sake of honors and gifts, it is by
honors and sometimes by gifts that they shrewdly attract them to prevent
them from singing a recantation, like so many Stesichoroses.8 Certainly,
such enticements do not last for long, for whatever is not done with sin-
cerity does not endure.
But your friend speaks of the great silence, order, and reverence with
which they perform their sacred rites, which are not at all inferior to our own
hymns and readings, and in some points may even be superior. He also
exalts that truly wonderful and revered wise man and teacher as well as his
thoughtful and intelligent disciples.9 Surely, his own actions are not incon-
sistent with his words, and as for myself he has freed me from both sorrow
and care. For if I thought he was living there in sadness deprived of the dear
and sacred hymnody he had known from youth, then truly I too should be
sharing his sadness. And, as would be proper, I should never cease troubling
those upon whom the task of healing has been enjoined.10 But now, as it
seems, he is at peace and will not trouble us anymore, which means a great
deal to me. For one who wants to be kind to everyone would find it unbearable
not to be able to protect a friend who needs help.
 L6
0E
01 50dL 7012701 Ao&3Ti0ynod m33)(u d33L1nI. &3Dnoxtk A73u13 (h)'3
is &04X9170 A1o &1,(711oA4 13 01(101 7Ti70G-O3L 8 01(31701g 50&37i9671311 101 (033x.u
.
`&2&301 513d)ou m6vdA ks &01nOD01 AOD9 AIA1 A1033dX -m1DOd)20
a31L 'AU.d)q
'17DGD70D IF.7i 'cs g1 (41. A1D1dxouw &UA&?7'i1(7o1D3AnD 170&13 5>017170AnS1<0 `73,G31
((7o 57o30An3 pox 201 11 n13X3d1 d)3 1,0 5m3370d 1od31q (h1 6'flGg
9T

17ikc AnA1o1 5m 13 &U.1 A7o7d.LoyXb Akniox 170113),.1. )033d1)0u chi 51o1

AU.1n7o1 AMDnOX3 17oDU.1(o7101n70 pox pin701 1d3u 01 Ao13.G `110DU.Aodd)
k ^U7 &70333 &13)1710& 510 A(0711;I. A3XU.1D?1g A701d101(1q 13
, ,. " t t r r e
no4do 11&701 viol
% t c
`n073D1,10 534))09 A70 k13 17ox xno 538cAd3 1D70u7 &13A7dx707g '10 8 go 701371
0Z no11.Gn70Xx pox A(9Akd.G Ak1 A1R.26 3D `no3dn)j Y>(p pox 7,01371 5k1(1(01L

odd)n3 .51L&n 11&01 32 13 A311 oJ.o'(n3 ' 501&)0 A)0 13 A13 )Oxlos3g 101&371 (1
pox 01&01 Amn((d Ao1530 U.13 &701q 511,
GG G &Ml Ao1)ox38 nq 7i
1\011((R. 7D70u pox d&. pox 510.1
110r, ?8 3A 5oA311),.77137i 5101 Oun 201
dgucL T'
)06132"d 5(10-0" tonox30 to13X(,ADodu 7o11roo.G A371 1(101 t5m&X31)D
gZ 3113 Gm (11D1 md31013.e L3? 531A)0 5m1Lq
(b.Lno1 01A7705n3A(D
3113 LtXn1 1&11 pox 11)0Tim1u71nD (hx1d1)Ox Ak1(u x20 RIO GA7o solo 10D
'1no1 no?>axA&w kGG(m fA Smuq 3870 531n;ou An0A11n&p 1371 -701(&3
`5)033] 5On11D( O1 71 50,G3) s90 n?7ik `1101130&1p Aq1 &gdn>o1D pox b1 G.*u
01 701A311 5701A7011 70Ag19 1371 57010An3 31 A70d0 pox 4703E 510-270 SU.1mdAL
0S 57odc)X 5no713o13 110&23 1)0A92127D1371 53.&I(x10o2L 1011 13x08 5o6 d$ Snot
.
5noyoTi01nn 5101&0 Sbsn>(U.3& A01(1(7011 U. 1Xlx .mo7i11 U.g13u3 d)o 10
(1L Sn073 Am1n01
51A1111 117x Amdcns 70x3&13 01201 `n13(1o1170d1L 5(n 1; 7od131L
`1DU-LD1d70L 577o1i11 5mthoD 531Ano1o1L 71D3 is 310 170x 510d(o8 5nolnol

`1701AOx1(363 70A7 G(71 10dOX1DU.13 53M1 5310no)L3A &7012(7)A11()011 A3170Dq no

3 Ac91 QE A((7i 5(n 11L3 01 n1(01L 5101&01 t77013A331x3dIv3L11nD q1 d7o),, no 70].70x

&T136)(' A70]L10 M A0711A971

iAA13 32 oA31( A U.)(1(011 1X)x 135X)1 pox )013d701(n3 A(OA73xm1 7)D.GD131(31

Amt.
r t
pox Am3DmAAX)A70
170x n321.f.71 &011)01(3 A73X3 A711(r( A(oA71
63 s 5701 7)7x `A731%3n07(2L 170x A01 101A103L A91D)07in70G 31 1)0x AOA713D
Dip
Amdpo &k1.D1d)oD pox A0Y70xD7021g 170x SnO.L 513X3AnOA 1px 5n013MO
`S1U..G7oT 501&)0 A311 &9220 A02%_100 A(i 13A3X `7311X1d1L 371bx 32 170x 5k2n0(
pox &L(71c) &0&13x3 U.un-(
51o d)oL Au chi U`.1.
.- IA, I \ t
(U A71m)x1 &Wd31 `1bGDm7TiiC53 5U1LM( 1YJx 5oin70 mA3
AoX731371k'(T 5(') 1X1X 112 n0'(X0 13A 5m 5)713G `A X20 3 &1&710n701L 50A37i9n1A
Cf, 5io Ski d3, L) 5YJi2 170-1363 'Aids
70_'. AnA `3Q 5m `A3x103 nm713d1 2no 1 5-k
13DAYXOA3 3A .t `5m1AXJ 0 A70 510 d)OA 5(Qd3 L 1DX

n0 A01Udod) Ab k13 5md))o9 01 5701.171 510(14) GU0 57013

A13X3 'A13An7170
78
30
Undoubtedly, as I have just remarked, what he has been saying does
not conflict with his actions. But on the other hand, to liken some people to
drunks and swine, to use other epithets, and to call them liars and imposters
-I do not know what reasons he has to think they will bear such insults
meekly-this does not strike me as right for a man seeking to pursue philo-
sophy, especially since of all means of insulting he chooses a form of speaking
which he pretends is prayer. Now, we are not unaware of the good will he
says he cherishes toward us, just as I am sure that he has not forgotten how
highly we have always regarded him. And, because of his respect for the
truth, I do not believe he would deny that his love is less than mine, or at
least not greater. So then, if he will listen to me, let him be persuaded by his
friend the rhetorician who says that uttering insults, as he himself knows
better than I, is an accusation against those who do so, and not against
those who are being insulted." Finally, let him prove himself a philosopher
by his deeds and realize that one ought not shake the proverbial bean tree.12
But, if he has given in to some involuntary impulse, then let him straighten
out matters by good counsel and by his prayers to God, and not try to
remedy evil by another evil.

1 The following letter was certainly written in the fall (probably October) of 1396,
and this one seems to have been written shortly before that. The unnamed friend is most
probably Manuel Calecas, a teacher of literature and rhetoric, a friend of Constantine
Asanes and of Cydones, highly regarded by the Emperor, who in the summer (perhaps
fall) of 1396 had fled to the Genoese colony of Pera, where he was soon received into the
Roman Church: see Loenertz, Calecas, 16-46. It seems that he resided in a Dominican
convent in Pera, and a few years later he entered the order in Mytilene. As a disciple of
Cydones (1391-1396) he would have become familiar with the writings of Aquinas, and he
himself translated some of his works into Greek: Loenertz, Calicas, 7-14.
Because of his anti-Palamite writings, Calecas was summoned to subscribe to the
so-called Tome of Palamas, the statement of official orthodoxy promulgated in 1351.
When promises and threats failed to get him to sign, he was actively persecuted, and to
avoid this he fled to Pera. Probably in the summer of 1396 he wrote a long and bitter letter
to Constantine Asanes, his friend and protector, with the expectation that it would be
brought to the Emperor's notice, as indeed it was. This first letter is not found in the
collection of letters preserved by Calecas, who possibly in a calmer moment thought it
unworthy of himself, or who may have taken Manuel's criticism to heart. About the same
time he composed and sent to Manuel a more objective and rational Apology: ed. Loenertz,
Calecas, 308-1S. On reading this, Manuel invited him to come and discuss the matter in
Constantinople, an invitation which he politely declined: Calecas, Letter 14, ibid., 186-87.
2 That is, since your friend wrote to you the letter he really intended for me, so I
am writing to you the answer I really intend for hint.
3 Pera (Galata) or the Nest in general.
4 The Byzantine Church.
5 Ps. 136 (137):4: "How could we sing a song of the Lord in a foreign land ?"
Proverbial for the ends of the earth.
Perhaps the Vexilla regis and b'tabat mater.
" Stesichoros, a poet of Himera in Sicily, was blinded for lampooning Helen of
Troy, but on writing an encomium of her, the recantation, his eyesight was restored.
 79
30
'AAAa Ta3Ta p.ev A6ywv o68ev Tot auTw nsnpocyp,6v%t , nep
50 si7c v, A6yst p.axdp.evov. To 8e p.s&uouat xa.i xoipots K um 're
npoyepety xat 4u8oA6yous To6TouS xat xaXsiv-00,; oux
018' S8ty o18e np&ws Tay 63pet o'aovTas-06, 0t 8oxei np6q &vBp64
&EtOUVTOS ?0'oaocpEaV CSu xety' b%AXo .9" 6TOty xat ou 8t' &AAwv npon-IAa-
xiwi 80 wv ev sux6p.evo4 Adyet. v 8' WN cprlaty elivo6avtip6cpeLv
55 0.68' piv &yvoeiTat, 60rcep ou8' ixeZvov n&vTwC 01p.at, 6T4 nep
ev aiet 8taxets&c n964 a6T6v. pj8e yap acv &pv"aaal9,at Tot'rov olpat,
-rev &A4&etav Ttp.%w'r , wS Tot vtxa'rat cp.Xc&v yo5v ou vtxa. el Tot
TOGVUV &.LO netae'el'.'1, 7Ce016Tw T05TOV o T'Lxoc, p"ro p, os cpyaty, ws xat
a&r6S 0V4LewOV 0188, TO 6ppG(,sLV TO)V TOUTo noto6VToV 06xt T3v
60 p.6vwv EyxXjp.a ytveTat. xat 8' 8etxv6Tw TOv yLA6ao9ov Epyots, xat p.
Tbv &v&yupov, 6 yam, np67re6V yztaM xtve6V. &)A', st Tt xat 6U'06nsaev
auTG) To)V pouAi 8topkwa&Tw xat Tats 7Cp6q 066 e6xaZS
xat p xaxcil r6 xax6v.

30: 20: Psalm. 136, 4. 24: cf. Miehaelem Apost., Prov. 16, 19: Paroem. gr. II,
661; Karathanasis, Sprichworter, 82, p. 54. 34: Plato, Phaedrus, 243a-b; Suidae
lexicon, E 1095 (ed. Adler, 4, 443); Paroem. gr. II, 210. 58: of. Demosthenem, In
Midiam, 42, 45, 185. 61: Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 68; Libanius, epist. 80, 6; of.
Karathanasis, Sprichworter, 214, p. 102. 66: of. Herodotum, 3, 53.

B f. 67v-68v. 1 Kwvarav'rtvc;.) 'rw 'Aa&.v-,q B 1125 auvc 6Seiacev oodd.

0 St. Thomas Aquinas and the Dominicans.

10 The Byzantine bishops. On the use of Repmnela, &epanc6w, etc. in the sense of
spiritual healing, pastoral care, reconciliation, see G. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon
(Oxford, 1961-68), s.v.
11 Cf. Demosthenes, In. Midia,n, 42, 45, 185.
12 Proverbial expression similar to: Do not rock the boat.
80
31
31. To Cydones

Northern Italy (Venice?)

Constantinople, October 1396

No sooner had you put out to sea than the king arrived in port-'
While his coming made us glad, his arriving in such circumstances deeply
saddened those who had been longing to see him. But, I suppose this was
decreed by fate, just as was your sailing away on the same day in the middle
of winter, paying no heed to illness and old age and trying to outdo the birds
who frequently are already in flight before they know what they are doing.
I do not know what to think. Is this the doing of ill fortune or of God, who
disposes all for the best?
Certainly, our endeavors for the common good would have proceeded
far better if you had been here to help-I am not saying this merely to be
pleasant-with your linguistic ability, your understanding and everything
else. And so, the fact that you were not here was an unkind and obviously
grudging act of fate, because you alone missed seeing a good and noble man,
a man who has tried to the best of his ability to rescue the Christians from
slavery, and a man whom you wanted to see probably more than anyone
else. All this, I am afraid, will cause you the greatest distress and discourage-
ment, and the reports of this disaster,2 which cannot be sufficiently lamented,
will pierce you like arrows.
But when I consider myself, as well as any intelligent person, who may
complain more than ever about the human condition and regret that we
did not give up our spirit with our first outcry when, before it was witnessed,
this incredible event came to be known, now, on seeing what actually hap-
pened, I am willing to change my views and look upon your sailing away,
which I disapproved of at the time, as due to the protecting providence of
God. For if we who are in good health find ourselves, on being struck by this
unexpected blow, no better off than if we were sick, if we feel half dead and
keep denouncing life itself, how would you feel if you had been present to
see and hear all this, you who have been struggling against old illnesses from
which you have never fully recovered ? For thoughtful men life is not worth
living after that thunderbolt, that deluge, which, although not engulfing
the whole world, was worse than the first one in that it bore away men
nobler than those of that time. Then there was that savagery, that resound-
ing and abominable din, those thunderclaps coming one upon the other, all
so horrifying. Like a dense mass of clouds all these calamities gathered
towards a single point of evil, not by the force of the wind and the impulse
of increasing sin, but beyond all expectation, just as the sky was bright and
clear, the sea appeared calm, and we thought we were sailing along with a
good wind and just about inside the harbor-then this terrible disaster
 IS
T1

'1E (),L lin(,v8fl3 ;oy

xno 5kGd) 513 91 S0A70y33L S73d))0 7701( O d

59G93 513 601 70n3T]7y
S73GX7017ox n0 ] AOyy70 3A70dd)R3 513A70d) 1 m1 Q)1N0 3d. 1X1ArA.A)0d) 5G(31ny 5901

570lA(10.G011 'A3D]A.(3L3A3 016)O1133 3S 70610 701(1701 pox 01 39 5OA(97]13X 501An093r]

AOd3T14..Gn)o '17od)01L10 (1ODOA 31 110x S(odtAL 'X11AOg1d31L1 Pox momyk 701
x1 01
i
7Mk13L G.1 A(;) 73AxGd) )o1)07]n3y(10d Sixxyy0lL '170M1].4G9X11.31L
x90 x320 pox .m91T]OA A0d3101L dxL
11 5VX Ao),d3 x90 5kG)Ok)O b. 901 )01
3 13 G71X (10937]3 003
AHk A37] d$,, 910 5019X)1- (OA137]M x1 50d11 01 I.AMOX AOd36T]nD
of 7oA37U70d1L33t (109 3). S101i,101 3s00-501M1no.GkOd dxA 50d3L A7dxX 1)0x-cod3
Il (bix3y)o12 1)OX U.L 13O3An9 1'4X 5101 g 510yy) '979701-4 n(10x(10 01 L!7]

170A13d701L 39 510djOT] zoo 5C(.G70) 1)OX 5Q)yy)0 5ndX11Al0 'S)Od3A0.G6 .G&)O (10.10

n9 3,L SOAOT] 501703.G)o S70A0.4), SOdSNO no170AA3A. 170x (10,G70).70 pox `nolDnd
913) 00913x3 'Sod37] Amt Aml,n903yn0g `A(lAYO11D1dX 0 5oA3Sb.T] MO-' n(OXy)0
QI &011k 5091 AO1001 'A(0.GO3L A3.GO 57oiA1O 93 X31,0 110 1701( 5)01T]nG1O 513`3 AU1937]
AIt1 'AI(Xnl+1 TX I 709 4y3d 141A09kA3), 10 ld33L 5G(1 5-31X(119(1$ Au-5kin>o1
5mu n;Q 511 5o 313D(AkdG
ry
Am3l3yg 3S 1)OX 901(147]3 170x 510 (10A ] 1193137 51019xu 5mx,ox n3 4]L
31031 5701A0J,3y 901 AOn13LmdGA'10 A03 pox 110 7ik 1)0x A61 X(1rh At
02; x137] 54.1 5kimd31 5kod 5)71,AOA7)Od3X9n2 X1x1Ak 01 339o
iA0A37 '013931911L3 7o-'n701 A(A101 'Am69 AO A13A1)01L3 x90 (10X13 3191
'An0y103L')0 Afe, A701S(nA7y701L Am3X 901 5ol.noonodl
1T]LL.G71 1)OX 50AOr]3Skx

AOM3 'n03o 13 d1(). 1n 531AONDOl 5137](k A32n0 A(O1An090A 909137]70 10.G3Tj13x101s

61 d '531A3G. 1JOX 1141( (101 Ak
9v x A37imodof '50X39(19 S71 Ab 5o.Lmo A(?d703L 170x A(O1L3`(cJ pox Amnox
n0&3).3 51o7AodX 5x9iY1y'o3190d1L ooA 19x11 pox (03130kT] no), 5(013y31
Am-,n01 1513).xy-')ozn0 3700 dx,, 1,01m1d 03 A79n0A0dd) 19xdsAA )013T] 901
&013-4.x9 90973x3 1Ax A01 5b.A3T]noxlo n371 (10 5b.9x3L 'A0ri9(lyx)01)0x (T)d13X
0 `OOA13X3 OD0 M0:, 3_O.L 5n0V('(xx '013y136x pox 901 A07d).YJ 11 1Ox
oc Lo L9dlo Ao XL-An0Xk A0J.xlx- 1-,ox 5x1 5noyLCyy7o3L3yyx b1n)o
lxd-, >o-,-DT x ky >a_,nx_ ncocb :L
nrod3-(i7 5)3 nolnbl
Am1AOGy3Ano `5)omox (10 5olxrin3A 1771( 5oi1dor)r
J ALI `(7T]97s() Sx1xOGi9od_L `501X3 57J1dG1X `5)ods7i>oy 5Unky)ol
'5(.A.(,3Tr0)1r1oA '53 5)01dn0 An0y3L A1210Ax 170X (OAOAOTT A01 10A3T]7y
C A19nOX3 A3 Ax1C-n10d3X X)_ kc 0'. A3g90d1 A711LC 7on3rikd13 x13T] 5o1b.10d0Od)9
82
31
struck us with the utmost violence and tore up by the roots all the fairest
hopes in the minds of men. To be in expectation of finding a release from the
ills that have so long oppressed our people, and of having those who have
been enslaved for a long time now enslaving others and, to sum it up for
those who understand, of having the whole battle line on the point of gaining
back the advantage, and then all of a sudden to see exactly the opposite
happen-what Hercules, what giants, would not be toppled by this? What
sort of adamantine soul could manage to stand firm and not be thoroughly
cast clown?
Yet God "will heal the one he has wounded." For it is better for us, who
still hold to our good hopes, to speak this way and to have faith. He who alone
is good-for one only, God, is good-will not be angry forever with those who
have gone astray, nor will he, I am confident, allow the rod of the impious
to strike the inheritance of the just, that of the faithful, without cessation.
But together with those earthen vessels, those men who have nothing
spiritual about them but are made of clay, pinned down to the flesh as they
are, intent on what is perishable and in their minds enslaved to earthly
things, that rod too will indeed be shattered by the rod of iron, which David
has prophetically forged,3 and which our God and Father has placed in the
hands of his Son so that he may reduce the illusory glory of the foe to fine
dust and dirt, and may thus prepare a glory which is not meant for us. For
we who are saddled with the heavy burden of sin and shame have no claim
to glory; rather it belongs to the name of Him who before the world came into
being possessed ineffable glory with the Father. Wherefore, remembering
his mercies from of old, God will, I am certain, smash the teeth of those
whose mouths, overflowing with blasphemy, are raised against heaven and
whose speech makes that of the pharisees seem moderate, and he will display
to all their tongues walking through the earth.
But now when I see the road of the impious smoothed for their pro-
gress-I do not know why, although God certainly does-I am like the deaf
and no words of refutation come to my lips. Still, I know full well and am
convinced that there will certainly be a reckoning so that the impious will
come to realize they are but men, so that every mouth will be stopped, and
they too, as Paul says, will be answerable to God.4 If I may say something
that seems rather bold, he has a certain obligation, as it were, to refute the
belief, or what is really the folly, of the unbelievers, and show the foolishness
and falsehood of the teaching which Mohammed, the pupil and general of
Satan, gave as a sign of error to his initiates and disciples. To them he
guaranteed and foretold, inasmuch as he is actually regarded as a prophet
by those abandoned ones, that they would always be fully victorious over
Christians. Indeed, by God's hidden judgment, this continually happens,
and not only does it not bring them to give up their vain belief, even though
they have, as the saying goes, nothing sound to offer by way of defending
 88

5UD9 `01A3.G31L3 &70D70u L AOD9 533 &o&M(Qd.G&b

( Lo c)i &oT
A1od3101DkdX 7o331Ly3 91 d,0.1 ';o AOdx70T3 1DnOX3AnD 91 50&3.1

AOAOdX 7ox7ox A(T)1901 &1Dny `A13Dct.dn3 pox 5901 A3.1jmddo2L not -no'
5n0A371 AnA S)01A093'(n02 `31Ox 1D9213 `n131L33 59d1L 701
, c c c
`A13Dccrt.XD c r
Q{, 0)1113dX A70D1OU k2 1131L3 &011A70A901
A701L30 `&1323 599301E 473 `5703yx1od11, 570&31 32 5>o1A)OA.
no X A3D13D31)
n)q 32 51o3o.L 5kn31nwTo2b xno &b 3Y)0d31)Ox 70Tjk&Odd) yy,o 3D)013
A01i.02L A13A3Ti
r ( 9)) 57oDmd1 ((17013DT1 '5030 (9100 d1EA. AOn13Ti19 `)OX ( .3 &13 1)OX

A13931D71L 5(k1 5k.G7o.lc0 3 5O23L 5non3'dOX3 20 533 50(31 n(m 59G70Ab

770X 113 `50&011 513 d>o,L 59G70i17o O `5030 5101 A7D9x17011L9 D1i1dO 17013Dk
L .5(91nT 32nD A1.1 nM1 d &02 61 &0)1 Aro31OX12 xp (b `5(2X3nC.
t'2 AL Amt `A0).LD11L `&13Dkd))OaL3 `77or11o
i7i(Ld) ' >D ( 5101 0
1.0383x0 Slot. `510A1xzdl.DO )oyk2 k 5101 W702G(Ti 5iox11)oTin3A1L 5101Lmd.G&M
og IM7o 5?oxioX m1 U1 1xd70D
%

1x 59d11 701 7o1d)o.Gd) X3x 170AMI

pox 51o1 m&), W on3TlmYno232 `5 pox n)o k k2 U.1. 70dk21D
17013.0 62d-fd AG. 9 (9-11=03,G d A3Ti 5(nX11kd)Od1L `A3D(-t3X'()OX3 0 32 5930 pox

dG.1)01L 3D1dl3X3A3 61 121701L Aj 533 A1AOX pox AnOX UD7)n3WD1017oX

(9d13AO tk M).1 00`02 X00 f A1TI &3.g231A3
99 32nD d$ &37inoi`T 530 A01 &o1d9d) &3Tiod361d31L73no 5k1 -t5U 5)011d)orb
`5G.&oXD1w m1 32 II)OT10A9 n01n70 61 Od1L (101 A91, AOT1DOX 1)OA23 Ak.L
&dd01m not 11&oX3 m1 '3d17oH ,G(op
7od)O1L 'AV) nm1 &3il),M) nolmo 513.GDtaTI
n3 2Z0 110 Amt. 91 )01101.0 513 5n0A)Odno 57O7T3L(.d)DWY

AOTj3)L 110 5k'((03L 17ox TT)c(d &(91 i 701d13 701. n01)OD1d70d) &(T)1&0\X132 13D)O'.aA(1D
r n r c
09 5901 5703,&929c 1)OX e41 A(n1901 A701LQ) 1D)O1L70 13`132 T19Xd312 nk 11L3 5U-I,

AnK 32 &020 &(r)do 3D)O M0 Xno-nkAOTin020(13 122, ,GA)0 ,no-to

'3 81 5930 32 5(91A'b1L X00-&3210 OA(T)90X 17i13 170X xnO A(OX3 A3 61 I 117OT1p1D
1L3)(3 '590' 11&701 &3-d A90 170.LD3 3d Sm310 10320 1bX `l)OT)D737L31L Ml
g9 31 (0( M. 3o 101L(9d.G&3(l `1.033 11Ox wq NO1L 101.0 )O U.l.wdd)
573#Dm 110 d31i
I)OX 1OX1201i(i 170)( 3210 `01AMOA3L A1Dkd) 0 `50Y2-411 (71
, . d31LD(0' db.l '630
c r c c n c a
lw&b Lcx 511 A71D3 `d)IMO Al (O1i13 11 &nOX02 1&33 170X `AOdk71yo.L &G.1. nm1
&0)1D31Lb no &11D73L (001X1Y)0Ti NOD(10 `770` AO1701)T3 A01 Ao).o
110x G.2(13r, AO
kD A013T SLf.&'0x3L
13X(9232 5101 no1070 770x 57701DnTj ,70x
OL,
51)01k.G70Ti 0 513,Gn31Lf.G)0'1' G37iM(9 61 &701,103 170X 61.90.1 )Od1D `&0)),
MD11D30 O.L)OO(I.LU. 170x `A3,,3X00dii 3130 2 5kik6Od1L
&kx7& 510]. 51oy9 13p 0L)ox A(h1 not 'no1D1dX 0 fk2 A0).L)M1dx
13G7Od &0)X73.G AOA770Jx3 pox `AnodoX Xn0 5(0110 SILL orr 57031oi 170&J3.Dx3
S0)3tD30L 5(1O19O1 `1D(9212 1011)0X `A3gkri q `&1D7Od) 531,Ln h)D
84
31

their cult against attack, but it also impels to blasphemy many men more
unsound in their faith and unaware of the wealth of God's goodness, for-
bearance, and magnanimity. You may observe that some of them willingly
deny the light and let themselves be nailed down to darkness, and even
quite unabashedly, alas, expose our cause to ridicule. For if that self-styled
prophet should not be refuted, and God who keeps the bow taut should
never let fly the arrow, and he who bears the sword of which Paul speaks
should polish it without purpose,5 and the God-haters should continue to
run their present victorious course until the time comes when, according
to the same apostle,6 their worth will be made known by fire, then they
might be able to present some sort of defense at the judgment, although not
altogether a very good one, by alleging that they did not regard their teacher
as a liar, but thought that he was helping them. If this is the sort of thing
they believe, they would not have come close to the truth in any way, but
since these people, being uneducated barbarians, follow falsehood wearing
the mask of truth-I believe this is true if you carry your thoughts all the
way back to their forefather Ismael-their mouths will not be completely
shut at the time of judgment, which is what those servants with whom the
Lord will then speak must undergo. For a long time these people have been
acting wantonly, blaspheming and mocking what is holy in an unbearable
manner, and feasting on blood and massacres, and for this they have hardly
received any punishment, let alone an appropriate one. If no one should
ever punish them and in so doing refute that madman and anti-Christ,
Mohammed, that imposter, not a prophet, then until the dawning of that
day without an evening, which will bring an end to repentance and which
will manifest what is hidden, those people will have, I imagine, the elements
of an apology and a means of defending themselves in judgment, but no
intelligent person would call it reasonable.
I believe I was right in remarking that God will heal the one he has
wounded; he will bring forth his own brilliant bearers of victory, and he
will convince those who praise falsehood to change their tune, those men who
are amassing a hoard of evil for themselves in the day of anger and just
judgment. For so will He be fully victorious in the judgment, and in His
every word will He be justified. I am certain, then, that this will come about
for the reasons I have just given and for many others, which a thoughtful
man would have given at leisure. But then for us to write all this to a man
as full of wisdom as yourself, for whom it suffices to give a more suggestion,
is precluded by the rules of letter-writing, my many preoccupations, and my
having to write this on the spur of the moment. And so it is not easy or timely
to embark on the sea of writing. Not only would I strongly maintain what
I have stated above, but I would also be willing to stake salvation itself,
which means everything to Christians, instead of anything else of value,
that God will necessarily do as I have said because He is just and good.
 98
i
9L 510140X3 5101 91 570J9D 5101910 70'(1()O 110X 59o\((o1L &01
At(1
A11D3u Amd31Od.GXD 5&1&noo&). 901 AO1nol(u Ski 59114.191.oLcdX pox 5k1
5kXonb pox Ski 5n1r1nGodxnrl SOdu J Anrr11,Cd)910V .13Gq) Am S(103&3 &1193 Alsgl
11&0x3 01 5(Y)d) 5(10A3r1nondm pox 61 1319x9 Ti(')l(kDOd1L 5(10 70 pox A01(1(70r1
'03d) 1019 1Dnod9 '`01 )od311ar1k &I duo). 9 A(hxog (

08 `u4X,.3g3 1()(10 0 &371 01 &0501 5)0&331&3 5030 k11 L 310 So,(3d 'U.d)o kx73
3g U.9Mc'(71D 110x Ak1 An?nd)1'10d 9 >0170x A01(nnf nLI.1nn1 'A(qdo6 `lox &q1
&nn 1D(nrlnds &orlod9 531&(oxln S(nx3Ak ;o 5139771o3.G 5(93 9o Ti nm11103
'3dnu )o17ox 901 n0A3rlkd33 L)O '&0>(01D9 d)n(7oxouw `tl 1303AnSA1X 5&01991
noulo( 3A '9&11 33 pnx (M k1A70u `Al037ox1s n3 (b1 770GD3A1dx
rg &73X9 510 3190 AtC1Dn3rh 901 A(n1(In3 &mdm3 AO;.m),)01Dn71 1nx AgAd3&(1D
'&13X3 13 dnA pox 9kr1 A00110m1L9 51(1 5)0]3.Gk1.'(70 01n01u n1n)0101
'531(,n0&odd) nQo 110 A013umQodu Sn73Gk'C70 1,1Aod9d) 13S(13rf 01602L13
53&11. 531&9 `ox '5'i3G)171b 13 `571. '1m71l0 &91 A(0& 1dX3r1 k x 1) %

901 5odo17ouodU 51o.1n 1(li.n71DI 'I0A'bA10&b no 1D10u91Anu 01, )7101.0

06 5101901 7n.13D1(.l.nd6 1dx .510A3r1o o xo)ou A13Gnu f kx.k Sn01 &01.) eS3l'

'S ART o 5oldnx 13d3&OD '5no7(9og 9nx 4r1 n1A)= f 531AoA3n)1(3D pox I

0W AnO71U.d 531 1nx 533 b1 531,AO)7o11mx &O&XnD &o&9dX no 7o1.kf.d0t

pox 531.n(ndbndi 7Dnr11b pox '51&).704)9 ALcm3 WA ((MOO '&13u13 3399 AU1
&n9nOXn1 Ao0A .&kX19 AU AtC 9971 L 310 511 704701( dnu
96 `nchl.nn `)Ox nAlk1(undnu A91 &01D1dX11&M 1 k19) 3A G37wc0jk )Ls(3 Ui pox
I
&OAn1(1 'Ak1t(d)Odu 5m An (3 &k1 &7010&&1371 (X UD13 UDm1(6g n1 !
SkI oup 5-m),o
.
)lundx 5od3uD3A70 'nd37l LO1 AO 13-3 '5101901 '1n71y0 701 3.1,

01 31 &3 6)1 mnGGD3A7dX .770G9731.71Od7011 0 2n0 A`0 513 6nOA &0X3 A0),01(93
u
.UP O 1
001 7odo Aoup 5m o 5nD(od1 1n13D7o3 5030 xl& 5nod9thL
Snot noinp '5nodurlnl( pox 0012(A1\(nu 7)09)0 ,molsu 5901. 01 50sn3fll
>ox70x n3 5k),do ?)ox 5n3D1dxo,1ox19 U37-l.
AWD1d)D '51o1nn m1,no dm) An U.D1.(X1A 31 )Olnx 501)Ddx A3 (n1 110G.03A1d% pox
%

&3 5101 n01n7o 19701 '510).91( 01001 A3r1 93 230 119

901 AT 31. x3&13 ALI.9t3 A()1L13 170x &md313 3A 'A(nyyou 511i0 (ouoxD
)0].)Ox OX9 Ak. &3W3 'A'10 4171U. 3S iDnO-(y31D1u3 pox 701nn1 `109 (;7 LCS 5n)d)o9

11&0113). 13xd)0 A0AOr1 'AL(r)dod)p o 50710( 31 13Ad73 Am1, LAmy0.LD11L3

1OX n1 L nxxO )01.-4rUOt62L pox 59du 3). 113 O1 513 50AnX3u A3r1 A20
Ao),oX xno 53d3-/n3 &139311713 no noi 'nod7)ox no AOAOrl 32 3,,. Ak7ilo4)1dnXDi
oil 5m'4un `?-no- -k''tp ?nx (,U.i nmidikimD '&Lc1nn d3un SG( 5nu1o 5o).o'(
`510An11D7dX -Ab ,x ` no 5on7 nor131Dodu, An S(O

13Dnd 71.n0L `5030 U. 5030 501&x12 31 1nx '541)0)-)CO 9x11&& 3Sl

86 31, 32
Whether He will do it sooner or later, He alone knows. For as the Savior
;7 our role is to pray that
says, it is not for us to know the times and seasons
we may see this.

1 After the defeat of the French and Hungarian Crusaders by the Turks at Nico-
King Sigismund of Hungary fled down the Danube, and at
polis on 25 September 1396,
the mouth of the river was taken aboard Venetian galleys and conveyed to Constantinople,
all told, a journey of a few days at the most: see A. S. Atiya, The Crusade of Nicopolis
(London, 1934), esp. 94; partial translation of this letter in Barker, Manuel II, 133-37, who
gives additional bibliographical data. Sigismund, then, must have arrived in the Byzantine
capital about the end of September or the beginning of October, and he remained there
until at least 11 November. For, on that date he wrote to the Grand Master of the Hospi-
tallers, Philibert de Naillac, from Constantinople: letter published in 1896 by H. V.
Sauerland and reprinted by Barker, Manuel II, 482-85, with translation and commentary;
of. also 136 note 22. Cyclones had sailed from the city, never to return, shortly before
Sigismund's arrival, probably sometime during the last two weeks of September. Manuel
gives the impression that the two ships passed each other outside the Golden Horn, but
this may be exaggerated. His expression, "in the middle of winter," need not be taken
literally; for a rhetorician this simply means that it was no longer summer, or he may
have been using it metaphorically or in the sense of stormy seas. Despite Manuel's assertion
that he wrote this letter in a hurry, it is not likely that he composed it the very day of
Sigismund's arrival, so that it can reasonably be dated to early October.
2 The battle of Nicopolis, 25 September 1396.
S Ps. 2:9; David is called Oeon&rc p, ancestor of God, i.e., of Christ.
4 Rom. 3: 19.
5 Not St. Paul, but St. John in Apocalypse, 19, 15, 21.
6 1 Cor. 3:13.
7 Acts 1: 7.

32. To Manuel Raoul'

Cyprus
Constantinople, 1396-1397

I so enjoyed reading your letter that I was unable to conceal my

pleasure from anyone, for it so fully overpowered me that my very expression
made it obvious to those standing about and who reacted in the same way.
They were beaming with joy and almost leaping about in their desire to
applaud and praise the rhetorician and his many splendid and lengthy
letters. Their astonishment and joy kept them from going any further. For
you appeared as a wonder-worker by making even Cyprus speak to us in
Attic Greek.
Now, how can this make sense or be at all likely? For the most illus-
trious king2 does not have any interest in our literary activities. And how
could he, when even the language hinders him in this regard? Rather, his
work concerns arms and their care, practice and exercise. His pleasure is
found in various sorts of hunting, which night somehow barely brings to an
 87
31, 32
o > T auri 8E 6vo S &v auTOS dot 1' ov YaP 77 cwv ea-n xP 6vou S
xaapouS yvi>>VaL, TY)CAV o 6 8e XOL7r6v, EiixeacaL Tour' i8eiv.

81: 22: Plato, Phaedru8, 243a-b. 44: of. Mantissam, Prov. 2, 28: Paroem. gr.
II, 763. 46: Luc. 18, 18; Matth. 19, 17; Marc. 10, 18. 47: Psalm. 124, 3. 49-51:
II Tim. 2, 20; I Cor. 15, 47-48. 53-54: Psalm. 2, 9; Apoc. 2, 27; 12, 5; 19, 15. 54:
Psalm. 113, 9. 58: Psalm. 72, 9. 59: Psalm. 57,7. 60-61: Psalm. 72, 9.
65: Psalm. 9, 21. 66: Rom. 3, 19. 74: Plato, Gorgias, 524e. 81: non S. Paulus
sed S. loannes in Apoe. 19, 15, 21. 83: I Cor. 3, 13. 96-97: Rom 2, 16; I Cor. 3, 3, et
alibi. 101: Plato, Phaedrus, 243a-b. 113-14: Act. 1, 7.

B f. 680-70V. 24 LSve(S codd. 1133 w-5r)aia codd. 11 89 post &vay&yor. in ras. litterae
duae tresve

f. 19 32. Tu) `Paoua xupw

'Ha3i1v T'V &vayvo6q %a14 T7)v &7r' o6aevbq

xpl)7CTELV oux i1v Toaourov yap eou Tok, oAoLS xexp&rr)xev wS xai C
7rpoaW7r0> TOLS 7royecyr jx6O'L VIVUEa& xai aUTOLS TaUTOV eoi 7raaxoUa6.
5 y(Op6TEpOL TE yap e(patvovTo xai pVOVOU axCpr6wrsS xpOTELV 8E
t I Ta/S ou>x /
e&eAovTEs xaL E7raLVeiv TE yevvaLaS 71TTOV 71 7roAAaS
Te xai axp&S EXELVCCS E7CL6ToX&4 67C6 Te T05 xai
7repaLTepo> )o pEI.V oux Y86VCCVTO. o'aup.aTO7roLCJ Yap e )XELf, o11S
xai Kuirpov Lv aTce'y jvaS
10 KaLTOL 7ro5 'rouTO T&E,LV ExOV 'Y) :ou Etx6TOC, a7r-6j.LEVOV; TW yap
Aarpo'&Tq> p7)yi A6yoL Ev of xc&' &S oux ev X61. 7rCS yap, ov
&7rePYEL 7rP64 TOllro xai `1 tL &AExTOS; E PYOV BE TOUTW o7tA0C xai 'ATEPi

,au-La EA&' xai aaxjaLS xai TpL(i Tpucp' 8e Spa 7ravTO8a7ri S

v6 7rou 6ALS rou'rov &piar/aLv, ot'xa8s Ev aTEAAouaa &va7rau?
88
32

end and, while sending him home, does not even permit him to enjoy some
little rest or to have some free time. Certainly, a man concerned about so
many things as Homer says, "must not sleep the whole night through," 3 but
rather by the advice and deeds expected of him must always see to the
well-being of his subjects as best he can, with the result that labors follow
upon labors, those of the night the day's. Then too, the circle of dear ones
and the prosperity which you described to us when you were here do not
allow a man to pass his time on trifles. And as for you, your foremost and
strongest obligation is to accompany and to follow your lord, and then, if
you are to please him, to imitate him as best you can. For those upon whom
he bestows greater honor attach more importance to this, and even should
they fail constantly, he will more readily pardon them. For there are many
compelling reasons-it is not easy to list them all-to love, to watch over,
and to hold in honor those whom one has, as it were, received by patrimonial
inheritance. But by what means can a stranger avoid being hated and re-
garded as a burden unless he should consistently and eagerly do what might
please his lord?
Although this is the way things are, and you really must be concerned
with what we have mentioned and spread yourself among many tasks and
neglect your literary interests, still you write letters superior to your previous
ones, demonstrating that a wise lover never forgets what once overpowered
him. Is it surprising that those who should receive such letters from you
should be pleased and full of wonder? For those you have now been sending
give evidence both of the force of your good character and of the good dis-
position of the most illustrious king toward you. For, if you did not hold a
very prominent position at his court and if he himself did not calm the waves
of distress arising from your being in a foreign land, then a single day would
swiftly take away all your literary enjoyment. May your next letters be
still better so that by sending better ones here you might fill us with better
joy.

1 This letter depicts a well-educated Byzantine who had emigrated to Cyprus,

where he held an important position at the court, and who had visited Manuel in Con-
stantinople. Its place in the collection, immediately after Letter 31 of October 1396 and
before Letter 36, written before 1398, leads one to date it during the last two months of
1390' or early in 1397. In 1398 Manuel Calecas wrote to an educated Byzantine emigr6,
prominent at the court of Cyprus, with whom he had conversed sometime before autumn
1390, apparently in Constantinople, almost certainly Manuel Raoul: Letter 46, ed. Loe-
nertz, Calecas, 231-33; see also 77-78, 127-28. The picture given of King James of Cyprus
in this letter is remarkably similar to other contemporary sketches, which stress his
hospitality, his cordiality, and especially his love of hunting: see 0. Hill, A History of
Cyprus, II (Cambridge, 1948), 445.
a James I de Lusignan, king of Cyprus, 1382-1398.
Iliad, 2, 24, 61.
 89
32
15 8' rlxLara 8L8ouaa &7roXaucLV aXoX-55 rtvos eraaXe%v. w Ev yap T6aa
pkp.>7XE, xacI' 'Op.-rlpov EinEiv, ou Xp9 7nXVV6XLOV E68ELV, &XXa ,,'t 06T&
xat (iouXEUaa. xat Epyotc To&TW 7rp67touaLV Eu 8L& 7r&NTwv wS ot6v re
ro' S &pXokvouc 7Com v, Ware 7r6VoL BLa.taEXowrou 7ro'vouC, Toll p.e&' rlp.kpo v
of vuxTwp. 6 8E TCJV cpLXT&Twv Xop6q xat v ockk 7tap6v E6&CL4ovtav
20 Y v 8Lrlyo5 f-67A rok ruX6vre o6 auyXwpcL. aot re v 8ea7t6T
7rpirov Lb &v&yxr; p&Xa 7toXXr xat au7rapeZvaL xat El-r'
Ex(.I.L(LELa8'a6 ro5,rov WC, ot6v TE Et ye ptOXXELS To&rW OTe SYl xat
otS auroS T7)v V& LS TLily Touro 7roLOUVraL, xatroL Tots
ev xai aap'r&vouaL auvcyC r, auyyV(a'aETa6 paLB(* S. 7roXXa y&p-WS
25 r18' &pL,&.c7.v Twv p48twv-T& xLVOUVTa xai 9LaeLv xoct 7rpovoeiv xat
&yELV SL& TLE.I.r15 TOUC, 066 6; x), lpOv TLS 7raTpCpov 7LapELXrlcpE. E&vov 8I 'rt;
JxLxmv'] pil [maELahu xat &X,&OS EZVOLL st P.' OIq &v O SEano,Tr]S
a,OfEtrl TauroC Spa a7rou85 BL-nvexEt;
"Orav Totvuv Taut' o6TWc 9XI, xai pEytarj XpEta aoL TCilv EiprJ6v(OV
30 xat 7ro),X& cc ra 7roLo5vTa SLaXEaa& xat Twv X6ycov &sXeiv, E7cevra
rr
f. 19V xaXXtouS l
7rPtv YPa EL s E7rLaroA& s BELxvu S c;> S aW cPP wv E
ou867toT' av Bk avro ouTLVOs &7ta &A . 7rwS ou BCxoc ov pEv&
7rcAX6 O &auaros O L; &v X& ToLaUTa yp&ara 7rapa aoU;
& yap v5v e'7rkarcXxaS iaXuv re puaEWS ayc 85S xat r6v
35 Xap.7tp6Tarov Ebvouv ovT(x 7rcpt as. el p') yap xaXXLarrlv EtXES
XCUpav Trap' aurw, xai ra Ev aAXOTpta xarear6pEaev aurk xvara
&Xrls,jap ev as r&Xoc r6v Twv X6ywv &7ravra 6X(3ov &cpcLXero. TuXoLc
8E SEu'r pWV &. ELVbvwv 'va xat aEtvous TauT?) ye 7rEirwV E7rLar0X&S
& Lttvovos &S E7tXrjaa.C EucppoauvrlS.

32: 17: Homerus, Il., 2, 24, 61.

B f. 70-71. 1 Tw 'Pao'X B 1116 xal o$Tw om. B 11 20 &7r1. Ta TuX6vTa: add. mg.
in loco 6cp' ETEpa P, quod scriba delere neglexit
90
33
33. To Demetrius Chrysolorasi

Sel ymbria (?)

Constantinople, 1397

On reading your fine letter, I was of course pleased to observe the

striking harmony in the choice of words and their composition, and at once,
I longed to do some writing. Even though by study and hard work I may
have once achieved some sort of competence in this, I have now been de-
prived of almost all of it by the cruel and envious fate striving to overturn
everything. But I certainly felt a strong desire to write something, as you
may imagine, for your voice was a real stimulus for me to do so, and it
brought me to forget completely the present situation, one which would
truly have incapacitated even Demosthenes and Thucydides for any literary
production. Thought about the work at hand, however, was almost dragging
my mind away and was strongly militating against composing a reply of the
length called for by your letter. A person who wished to answer it in detail
would surely be able-bear with me, o noble friend, since the truth speaks
boldly-to refute it with ease and show it for what it is.
For your letter did not, I believe, originate from irrefutable positions
or premises already admitted, but inasmuch as it was based wholly on ele-
gance alone and employed mere plausibility, a person would find no great
difficulty in endeavoring to show that its complicated twistings were just a
spider's web. Certainly, in this regard the blame would have to be placed,
not on you, but on the substance of the matters for which you are compelled
to plead as best you can. For I believe you are well aware that plausibility by
itself does not merit much respect, and that it is usually extremely hazardous
for people to make it the basis of their actions. Suppose that, as in a play,
plausibility should come on stage deceptively wearing the mask of truth; it
might somehow be able to deceive children for a while, since the plausible
is not completely unlike the truth, but in presenting itself before grown
men it simply provokes laughter. As I have said, then, it would require no
effort for people armed only with the proverbial common notions to tear
apart the weavings of those trying their hand at rhetoric.
With reason, then, I mean to avoid launching the ship of my reply
into a sea of words, which would be the case if I really wanted to reply in
detail to each point raised in your letter, for winter is here and with it a
tremendous blizzard of problems. Still, since I am torn in two by these con-
siderations, I thought that I should take the middle road and that, since
you first wrote to us, I will not be discourteous by not writing you in return,
but shall make my reply brief, and so be done with it. Therefore, I will make
just one remark: on the one hand, what you say is said very beautifully,
but, on the other hand, you should have applied it to those whom it fits,
 16
E8

'3 09 C mdnx 1G (b3d11L d)1 7odmYoDndg Ax

A).1, AG.Y1OX A1A.Y01D7u3 5(,10A)10Ap (&RD (71 Am21 1 ( A3 5101 1.07oT1ono

17oX
U1 UXG,GAfD A7o.nOUTiX ATdm )0DUT1n#3u3 32 &('))..9Y `5(lk.03 n(m
13 3)OX 11 1071 91 A7du UR(IOLD 110X 6&9u 1x1X3Y13An. `5od371 nnn q1 A10u
9 A433XD AUG9dUd)X Oun 5k1 701 101Apu 5kDpX13A0Y7d) 17o(I13d1)OAp 5(11.u3Y1X
570d3oT1 n(x.GL(71nGnodu A3-t1 nO0 11 dA. `17oj1 5(u `13Ko nodlA3x 1oT1 SodU
01nol 1 51 51A.D 5k.Amd) 5kD3)1D)o170x 1. 31 170X 503Y31 ALL.C4\ A13d70Y 3D1311n:0
not `nodl7ox 59 G$ Soda AmAOY Aoxo1 170X ALagGDOT1kV 770x Ak233axnop
A91(71 A3Dmd(Uq A39 yXx AD-i, 31 Me,,L nkT d3=D(2 A3xV13.GAp 0 nml nm,ld3
0I 0 5071.01) 11ox 312L12Lg1A10 5(9620d)D 01 50du &(A.1 A191dx9up 5OxkI1 d)3 8 7,01
70A3r1110dA3)1. 10D X3dlou `13' d3u30 3X13 &371 A3? 51.1. 5gdu 5o 5101n0.
3Ap-170D1A1A70up U `32 m `317oAA3). (ddxu SI. Ski
5md3Xn3-57013.G1LYp 31 1DnY7o18 17ox 7020 d9u 1.013 770`732
%

nm1kdd11A70Ap m), Id `110710

1. A&.9 110x A(rAA371.()..OXOT1cOdU AcXdp
9T Xn0 `1oA3T1rT1do 11klO(hT10X 38 UA9T1 A7DTu701A)0U 10A3T1nd21 170x 11U10A7o.G7]L

U.Y1r `70A371DmdX3x
n38no A1o odu 7oT3.' 3X73d70u 5101 570]. Amd)D 51oxoYu
51op1oo1od13U 5kAXpdp A01D1 .170AL60u0 5g8u d33Lq 5(91A10U go 131) AGl
A1LYn 38
Amt Am1TT1).70du .WD11D1.0 513 A7T170An2 LkAnD A13dO DX),X&p.
&0317011110 A10 U.I3 70,11D1o `dp)l 11)07110 ox 5(o 5(q tk 5U10A70jTIu '.G7ox n703 Aki
09 31n0 nA70u UAT13D 511 10Dn0 `13(70X),n1 170x 5n01 5701 1L3 5GSR70 5m
1u3 n01Y3713.G 5701n0)3dk1D 5q 701 10YYOU A13.1u10yd ,A3.Gm13 d3u9m d10),
A3 A1D70T1pd2 oup 51A.AkXD Ao13UmDOdu 57013,GUYp 59d7L
`70D(18oun 57021')DU A3TI nOU l1)0AfR &T AgXn1 Soda nlodm 31q
32kid 5(y)Y31AXJ1 L 3X109 51L1 57033GL&`Cp q1 `A0A70.G7U 1DpdgAp 32 70D13A)od)
9ti 19(9812 A1/.1 Aklmda 57o1n01 'AWY3t.. `,.Gnm d3u9 `&Ld)3 A32n0 A'X) Al( AoM3
J A07i OUp `&MA10x I `A7D70d) A(n10AA3 51On9T1D1YU() 5101 A(01 A13n3d01kd -An0d13X1u3
M91. '7>OD70UD7018

nm).n3(D 32 nn)o1 nnD (b)9 o1 V) 5gdu a 50) M00' 170A13d)p

&f1.1 Ski 5m3D3dXO=0 `AnX)A 5on(or113X 501AO ox 1

Aopd)1n
%

`Am.Lp7VLXldu 13 3), k2 Soda Ao197ox3 &C01 AmAST1V7o1D3u3 no0 nk33.Gk

`170D1A1AX)1:.p OUR tq A(,)1 AMT1D1).OY A(91n01 70X18 T131 `50&31'19
n138 &U.GIU(, Ak.03r1 11)0D1.(d(')X 17ox 3.0 5(91(ndu 701ApDhvd)' Soda 1xT1

1)OD707111.p 6_1 L01 5101. 51091 `770.GD70(f11371)O )01A70Y131.OnD 32 371 A91 AOI..9Y
c ... A c
c
70 AA AT OA13x3 A0&071 .0d3 50) 70 &371 51Z AX)1Y ,X'nX
9E 1323 32 3.0 701n)O1 A131up7d3u 510 1321. 110x 5n01901 `A73.G73U
92
33
and in this way persuade these people too to distinguish between myself,
inasmuch as I am a father, and the enemy, or, if you wish, to distinguish
between those whom it is right to trust and those whom it is right to distrust.
But right now on seeing everything just the opposite, would I be
wrong in lamenting bitterly rather than engaging in pleasantries? For if the
hand of God will not dispel this darkness, all effort would be in vain, and
there would never be an end to this battle in the night. Let all of us, then,
willingly run to Him who is able to accomplish this, for I am certain that if
we do so, He will come from afar to meet us with great joy. But as long as
this present darkness prevails, there is nothing left but to weep, which
indeed we are doing. Still, we have not completely cast away our good
hopes, for we look forward to better things given freely from the Treasury
of Good.

1 The place of this letter in the collection inclines one to date it in 1397. The last
paragraph describes Manuel's desperation in a particularly critical situation, probably the
intensification of the Turkish siege of Constantinople from the winter of 1396 through the
spring of 1397: see Barker, Manuel II, 142-49. On 4 February 1397 the Venetian senate
considered the possibility that Constantinople and Pera might already be in Turkish hands:
Thiriet, Rdgestes, 925. About the same time, Bajezid tried to have Manuel replaced by John
VII, who had actually aided him in besieging the city, and there seems to have been some
support for John within the walls: Ducas, ed. Grecu, 14, 2-3, p. 83. In fact, the Venetian
senate on 7 April rejected Manuel's desperate offer to cede Constantinople itself to the
Signoria and gave the Captain of the Gulf certain instructions in case, by the will of Baje-
zid, John VII should have ascended the throne: Thiriet, Rdgestes, 932.
Quite possibly it is within this context that the present letter belongs. Demetrius
Chrysoloras had written a lengthy plea, the contents of which are not specified, which
Manuel rejects on the grounds that, while beautifully composed, his arguments are not
persuasive, based as they are on mere plausibility. Chrysoloras had to resort to compli-
cated but weak argumentation because the request he was forced to make was not solidly
based. Manuel then concludes that he should have addressed his arguments, not to him,
but to those to whom they really applied, for he should realize that Manuel is a father, and
he should also realize the intentions of the enemy and should know whom to trust and whom
to distrust. It seems, then, that what Manuel is really saying could be paraphrased as
follows: John VII has asked, or compelled you (Chrysoloras) to request that I agree that
he should succeed to the throne (either immediately or upon my death). But, although you
phrased them very nicely, your arguments are not convincing, largely because of the very
nature of the request. The reasons you gave for yielding the throne apply better to him
than to me. For I any a father with a son and heir (John VIII, born in 1392). Moreover, you
should be aware of the real intent of the enemy (Bajezid, who plans to use John in taking
over the Empire for himself). In other words, you should know whom you should trust
and whom you should distrust, that is, you should not trust Bajezid.
The association of Demetrius Chrysoloras with John Vii in Thessalonica from 1403
to 1408 may have begun earlier in Selymbria, where John ruled during the 1390s, and it
may have been in sonic official capacity that he made the proposal on behalf of John. One
can only speculate about the details of the proposed agreement. Was John to ascend the
throne in Constantinople immediately, or was he to succeed Manuel at his death and in
turn be succeeded by Manuel's son, as they had agreed to do in 1393 and would again
 93
33
7raTkpa(; &wrc g 14 re Tov eX&pbv ayvoety, ei sE PouXEL, olC 7rLrre ctv
7rpoa1 XeL, oC a7rLatELV
Nu' gE To6vocv r(ov &7raV 6pCVTa 7c6ou' StxaLOV 7VLxp6V GTEV&C eLV
&v'rL Tou ei Its Yap T6 axovoS T68e xetp BLaaxe&.aEL OeoS,
40 p.&TaLoq 7raaa a7rou0'Y) xo L T6 'r j vux'ro(A.axtac T&Oo oLx 6Cv 7coTE cr otrJ.
O'EV E7r).'t 8UV&p.evov'roUTO 8paaaL P48CO)S ap&.(.L o v 7r&VTEC &S, EL Tollvo
axp6S'EV & t v'r aEL xatp(V 7r&VTWS, EU otsa. EO)C, 8' &v
TouTL To ax6TOC, xpoc' j 066EV &XXO aoLTr6V Yi &xXp6ELV, 0 3 xa6 7ror05p,eV,
oU AV &Xt(6a 7ravTEAWC, &7roppttllavre Ta yap P0,TECO
45 7rpoaaox6 (lLev 7rpoGxa 7rapa ro5 TWv &yACov 47iaaupou.

33: 14: of. Platonem, Theaet., 159c. 26: Suidae lexicon, K 2551 (ed. Adler, 3,
200). 40: of. Thucydidem, 3, 22. 42: of. Luc. 15, 20.

B f. 71-72. 1 Kupw om. B J1 36 yp&(pETaL xal ours S et 81 (306),EL, [L1,91' oTq 7cL6Te6CLV (.O)W
OT(; &7rLaTe6V 7rpoa-9 xe L 7 )3o9. BLaLpeiv scr. mg. P ab ipso scriba, om. B

agree in 1403 ? See R. J. Loenertz, "Une erreur singulicre de Laonic Chalcocandyle,"

REB, 15 (1957), 183-84 (= ByzFrGr, I, 383-92); Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, Embajada
a Taxnorldn, ed. F. L6pez-Lstrada (Madrid, 1943), 56. At the time he wrote this letter
Manuel had at least one son, John VIII, and was thus in a more advantageous position
than his nephew, John VII, apparently still childless: see G. Dennis, "An Unknown
Byzantine Emperor, Andronicus V Palaeologus (1400-1407?)," JOBG, 16 (1967), 175-87;
N. Oikonomides, F,77ciwi.a ye& Tov 'Av6p6vLxo E' llaXoa6?.oyo (1390), in O7)aauplop.zrz, 5
(1968), 23-31. In any case, Manuel clearly rejected any agreement with John VII in this
carefully worded composition which he wanted to preserve for posterity; undoubtedly he
had already rejected the proposal in less classical and less complicated language.
94
34
34. To Balsamon the Protekdikos, later the Great Chartophylaxl

Constantinople
Constantinople, 1397-1399

After some time your companion arrived with your letter, which even
before it came was expected to be a beautiful and splendid one, for excellent
things, it has been said, come from excellent people. Expectation of it,
therefore, caused joy, but when it actually arrived it greatly exceeded our
expectations and dimmed the joy that was in us, just as the sun hides the
brightness of the stars, so brilliantly did it shine. I will not speak of all the
applause which came from those inspired by the Muses, nor will I mention
how Iagaris, acting in your stead and reading the letter, was so overjoyed
that he was unable to continue.2 For the rules of letter-writing do not permit
me to stretch things out beyond measure. But one remark, I believe, will
make everything clear. There was a certain person in the audience who did
not know the source of the letter or its purpose. It struck him so forcibly
that he was quite ready to believe it could not be a product of our present
literary poverty, for he was reminded of some of the ancients, whose names
are preserved even after death by their writings.
But for a person of your ability to tell yourself to regard these recita-
tions with trembling is to act somewhat as though one were to advise Timo-
thy not to play the flute or Orpheus to hold his hands down at his sides,
afraid that he might cause annoyance by playing the lyre.3 Do not, therefore,
let yourself become a retiring sort of rhetorician, or allow timidity to over-
come the strength of words, for the rhetorician limps along unless courage
adorns his skill. Let Themistocles and his contemporaries convince you of
this. Now, then, that you have shown your ability to speak, hasten to show
yourself actually doing so. And in this way discard a view which is foolish,
yet quite prevalent, namely, that those dancing in the gardens of the Muses
are lacking in courage.

1 Michael Balsamon, a deacon of Hagia Sophia, held the position of protekdikos in

the patriarchal curia from the summer or fall of 1397 to May or June of 1400, when he was
named great chartophylax: see p. xxix. This letter, then, was written between the middle
or end of 1397 and December 1399, when Manuel sailed for the West.
2 On Iagaris, see p. lvi.
3 Timothy of Miletus (ca. 450-360 a.c.), famous poet and flutist, was supposedly
the favorite musician of Alexander the Great. The lyre of Orpheus was reputed to charm
even savage beasts.
 95
34

f. 21 34. IIpwTEx8Cxw TW BmXaapLiilvL, rTC;> t.eT& TmuTm NLey&Aw xmpTop0'O:X A3'

''Hxe &A xpo'vou oo ETmipoS T& YP&pp.mr , & xmi 7rpiv

xocA& TS xmi yevvmLo YOCV ac oL ea&A& yap, &pr TLS,
&7r' ec Xwv. eu(ppmve (,Lev ouv xmi 7Cpoa3oxw(LEVa, cpOV VTm 8E txp&S T&S
5 7rpoa3oxio S &7CE'q-jvc xi r v evouaav eOppoauvjv N.mupwaev, rJXLoS
6EaTpwv xp67tTwv muy9v 05T(OS raTpm7CTe. xpOToU5 3' or. 7Cap& TG.)V
uao), 7rTWV eY &vovro xmi Ws oOBE xw P
e6v u (p' 8oV s o 6 s re v 6 r& qs
e7CLaToA&4; &vmyvouS -CA a& oixEioc 7CoLo6tkevoS, 'I&ympLS ouToS v, aLwirro.
oiBE yap o T6V e7rta'TOA6V V.OL auyXWpet v6p.oc O7rEpsxTE6VEaRaL' Ev
10 3', 01tiou, (pp&amS To 7rav so . yjv TLS 'r6v &xpox & v &yvowV 6 ev TE
T('X Yp&(J.ELmT'a xmi &v&' 'TOU TmuTm YJYPm7r'ro , oV Toa6V3e
WS xmi 7reZaaL 7CLare6ew FLT vuv 7revimc r &)v X6yc v etvmt uckcc cpop&v,
TO 3' &V6wV 7CCCXmLOTEpwV otS TO AkyELV TOUV%Gm xmi e r& &&vaTOV
auv- pet.
15 Eu 8E TocoUTOS 8)v etTa aeocurq) 7rmpaLVwv rpep.ELV T&S e7rL8ELE,ELS
TL 7roLEi4 15a7rcp av Et TLS 7CmpY)VEL TLo&(P 117) m6XeZV
TW 'Op(peL xmT'' F-LV TW XeZpe 7rmp' e'mUTw 3e3L6TL EX
fix? 05V OCTOXFI.6C, TLC, P ,rWp (pml'.vccBcc6 xmTm3Ox01) ,78E 7rXE0VexTYla&Tw
3eLXLm 3uvmLV Xbyo v, xwXEUEL yap 6 p'Twp Ei ' ' v T67,v77v &v3pcLm
20 xoaoi77, xmi 7ret4iTco ae Oq1.LaToxX77S xmi of xmT' covr v. 3eiEaq roEvuv
Tov 8uv&p,EVOV X4ycLV, a7reu8E BELxvuELV rokov xmi e'vepyk xmi T', ae
Xuaov aTm'Lmv ev, xpm'rouamv 3' ON. ocuT77 8' eaTtV, &VBpcLac (L7)
ELeTkxew 'roOS eV MoU6wV xopeliovraC x1'77r0LC,.

34: 3-4: Theognis, I, 35. 16: of. Suidae lexicon, T 620, (ed. Adler, 4, 556).
21-22: of. Platonem, Ion, 534a.

B f. 72-72. 1 'rw ey&arq Xap'ropu),ax: B 114 post ouv in ras. 7S ote ... P 1110 post
v in ras. S,j P 1111 post 5-rou in ras. aliquid illegibile, post 7reiaat in ras. 7naru... P
96
35
35. To Manuel Pothos1

1397-1398 (?)

You have rivalled the bees, whose wisdom and labor everyone praises,
at their own work. In a short time you have thoroughly searched out every
flower in the meadow of legends, you have nicely gathered together what
is useful for the present subject, and you have harmonized and arranged
these things in a very orderly manner.2 I was, therefore, filled with admira-
tion, as you can imagine, when I read through the work, and, wishing to
praise it, I felt it sufficient to remark that it was written by you. After all,
a person would show more regard for a painting of Apelles by announcing
that Apelles did it than by calling it beautiful and skillful, for there are many
other beautiful paintings, but only one Apelles is celebrated.s This device
of mine, however, was unnecessary. For I found that the audience had
discovered the father of the writing from the beauty of the words and the
rapidity of its rhythm.
Still, the fault I must find with your writing is not a small one; namely,
I am unable to deal with it, for I am not really in a position to write about
what you wrote about, and joining your work to my own would be full of
danger. For you know the divine command which prohibits the conjoining
of something new to something old as inappropriate.4 But since from far
back it seems almost to be my fate to be presented with the choice, not of
what is more beneficial, but of what is less harmful-this is clearly the
fruit of sin-I am observing this ancient law of mine even in the present
case. What the Savior has forbidden I believe has to be avoided, but then I
must accept the other danger. For those who have to pass through the Sici-
lian strait may escape Charybdis, but there is no way in which they can also
escape Scylla.

1 This letter contains no chronological indications, but its place in the collection
would locate it in 1397-1398.
2 Legends: in Classical Greek X6yLa generally referred to the legends and myths of
antiquity, but among the Byzantines the word was often used for the "Sayings" of Scripture
and the Fathers, as in Letter 25. It is not clear which sense is intended here.
3 Apelles was the famous painter from Colophon and later Ephesus (fourth century
s.c.), best known for his Aphrodite of Cos and his portraits of Philip, Alexander the Great,
and others.
4 Matt. 9:16; Mark 2:21; Luke 5:36.
 97
35

f. 21V 35. Kupip Mavoo?X Tw II6&ca AE

Fill 8e xai To VeXVrTwV Epyov E7ti aoppia TE xai Tw 7rovsiv

7rap& 7r&vTwv 486EVOV oSTw xaaws p.ev Xp'vcp f paxei 7rav E rjpE6vrjaoc
&'40q 'r05 TWV AOY''.wV XEL(.LOVOS, xaaws 8' cUVEGAE aS To 7rp6q To
5 7rpoxeip.Evov Xp"atp.ov, auv x6ap.w 8e Tauroc 7roXAw 5pp.oa&S Te xai
T6Taxoc. tijy&ak& jv p.ev ON, 7rwc otEt, To 7r6vrjp,a &EA9'6v, xai E7raLVEiv
(iouA61kEvoS &pxEiv zlmdv yrja&rjv aov Elvou. e7ret rot xai
'A7rEAXo 3 p.&AAov av TLS TLkaEtev, e,xeivou Ta6Trjv ezvoa &M8 mS , xa), jv
trcV Etvat xai TEXvt d v 7roXAai p.ev yap xai aaaat xocAai, EtS 8e SpLVYjrat
10 &AA& xai TOUTi 7rEpkkpyov v. eupov y&p aurouc e6prjx6TaS
&7r6 Tou x&AAouS TwV 6vO L&Twv xai Tou pu,&ou xai Tou T&Xouc Tov r- wv
YEYPOt.L.L&Vwv 7rocT6pa.

'0 8e To6TOLS EXw WS 06 ap.txp6v ou8e yap EXw 7rwS

aurotS ao(,Lat, 05-re YaP e[Ie YPa40Ct 7rEPt wv auroS a 971S 7r&vu
15 yLyV4LEVOV, xai To Toz( ep.o"tS auveipaL To aov x4v86vou pear6v.
yap Tov 9eiov Xpr)ap.ov 8S &7rayopc6Et TYjv xatvou 7rp0'4 To a c pov
xotvwviav WS ou auj.Lpmtvouaav. &AA' e7ret p.ot aXeBov &a7rEp TLS xX7jpoS
avow&EV x&TEL6LV OUX alto rwv 690,ip.Owv To xpELTTOV &?X' &7ro Twv
PXOCPEpwV To -,To,) exa&yea;&aL-aap'r oc 8e 7r&VTWq TOUTO xap7r6S-Tov
20 avw&ev p.OL v6jov x&7-,\L Tou 7rc po'vro4 Trjpwv, o p.ev 6 Ewrrjp a7rrjy6peuce
yeuxT6ov etvat ro'v eTepov 8e xiVBuvov avc & op.at. otg yap
&v&yxrj ToV ELxEAtxov 7rop,91[Lav BLapc vaL T ]V X&pu38LV YeLYOUatV 06x
Eat' 0"7r0S xai TYjv Ex6AAaV

85: 16-17: Matth. 9, 16; Marc. 2, 21; Luc. 5, 36.

B f. 72v. 7 post poua6p.evoS del. roiq P 1114 Ecp-js: corr. ex gepa7iS P

98
36, 37
36. To Cydonesl

Northern Italy
Constantinople, 1397

Granted that I am already in your debt because I had once promised

to write to you, good friend, still, it was of my own volition that I was
inscribed in the list of your debtors. So, while it would be well for me to
hasten to make payment, it would be proper for you not to insist so urgently.
Take the case of a person who had loaned a genuine coin and received a
counterfeit one in return; he would restrain himself and bear the incon-
venience in silence, aware perhaps of the poverty of the debtor. You, how-
ever, are patently almost violent in your insistence, not even willing to
allow us the least delay in fulfilling what we had promised out of friendship.
It seems that if you ever decided to marry, you would force your prospective
father-in-law to search for a noose because he might have promised to give
you more than he had, even if he had given you all he had. But I have com-
pletely given up the idea of paying back, since I receive more letters from
you than I send. I must not even try to pay you back, but I must pray to be
able to see you. And then, perhaps, if I could use my tongue as a pen, I
would pay you back, even with interest.

1 As is clear from the last few lines, Cydones was away, probably in Northern Italy,
when he received this brief letter. From there he sailed to Crete, where he died in the winter
of 1397-98: Loenertz, Caldcas, 56-67.

37. To Manuel Chrysoloras'

Northern Italy
Paris, summer, 1400

I have frequently wanted to write to you, but my hand was held back
because I had nothing to report which would have pleased you. For the
journey was difficult, and there was little to enjoy along the way. Then there
was the difference in language, which did not allow us to converse, as we
had wished, with really good men who were extremely anxious to show us
favor.
But now that we have arrived in France, my hand has begun to move
of its own accord and hastens to make clear to you by letters what would
better be done by the tongue, if the people were present, and I could thus
surpass the limits of a letter. My hand has begun to move all right, and has
started to write, but really, it would seem to attempt an unending task, if
 99
36, 37

f. 22 36. Tw Kuad v7) A5

'AAA' EL xai ev roZq 6gsLAouaLv 871 (LE ExELs &7ra cot ypa'yety
67ueaxYllbevov, &A?,' Exouatwq, w 'yAE, ELS TOv TWv Op ELA6w ro v or.
xaT&AOyov evcyp&(p'YIV. 6a'r' e(J.oL (.I.EV xaAWS av 9xOL 7rp6c ' v ExTLaty
5 a7r6SELV, a01, 8' av 7rpoar %E I, NLETOL a(po8p6 r roc &7raLTE4v. v6p.Lo.La
PLEV Y&P TLS XP7IaaS axL(3 Xov E6TLV 03 Aa(3wv ou ToLOUTOV veaXETO,
xai To 7rpayp.oc rlveyxc aLyp, 7rcvLav i o c t S 6(pELAovrt auvELBtc. a' ak
TLS (3Lc LoS El aocg8q, pq8e' youv &vox&S YII.LGv eWAwv 8L86vat To q E
&y&7rrIS eoLxas 8E xai Tov 7roTE (3ouA-j8-Eic
10 (3p6xov &vayx&aa6 7rXEL(O p.ev Laws u7reaxr)4evov cot F(JaELv
6v EZx;, 86v-ca 8e &7rcp Eixsv. &yd 8e' 7rp6c Trly exTta.v TEAECilC, a7rELprlxa,
7rAEL0u4 7rc p& aou 8Ex61.LEvoc 'ij 7re'[t7rCOV E7rLa'roX&C4. 06XOUV 7rELpaT60V
EXTLaaL &AA' E3xTEOV L8eZV aE xai T6T' av LAWS, c 7cEp64 xaA&w T'll)
YA6TTI xPja&p,Evoc, a,ro8ob v xai auv T6xc;p.

86:4: of. Libanium, epist. 790, 1; 1215, 3.

B f. 720-73.

37. Tep XpuaoAo pa xupca Mavow A AC'

IIOAA&xLc e(3ouX4tjv Cot yp&c OCL, e7t&axc 8e LOL Ti V XELPM Tb IA

YP&4aL ToLa.urc EyELV oiS av 31 TS yap 68os xaXE7r' T& TE xaT'
a r v ou ToaouTOV xai To TYIS BLaAex' oo 7rap7lAAaypevov,
5 6 -,as auvouaLa ou auvcxc pcL xaT& YVW' V lV y6VEa aL av8p&c . 7r&v-ra
ayaaoZc xai 7r&vO-' pl.LV
Nuv 8s' ycyov6o v ev PaAaTLa 1 xeip auT6p,aToc xai aIXouv
E7rELYETOCL aoL hi ypMp,&TCJV &7tCp av v Epyov 7rpoc 7rap6' rOC4
av&pw7rouc, oSTo ye pov i1 8E xExiv yro ev xai
10 Tou yp&(pELV "4aTO, E86xc6 8E &pa &v7`)vuTOL4 E7rLxcLpELV EL xaTaXEyELv
100
37, 38
it sought to enumerate every detail. For, first of all, many are the services
provided for us by the most illustrious king,2 and many, too, the things from
his kinsmen, and not few in number those from his officials and from everyone.
All of this certainly gives evidence of their nobility of soul, their friendship
toward us, and a constant zeal for the faith.
But now I would like to sum it all up : unless the usual malice of evil
fortune should oppose us, and some terrible and unexpected obstacle should
occur, we have good reason to hope that we shall return to the fatherland
soon, which is what we know you are praying for and what our enemies are
praying against.

1 Leaving Constantinople in the charge of his nephew, John VII, Manuel sailed for
the West on 10 December 1399 and on 3 June 1400 was magnificently received by King
Charles VI of France at Charenton outside Paris. The basic work on Manuel's journey is
still A. A. Vasiliev, "Putesestvie vizantijakago imperatora Manuila Palaeologa po zapadnoi
Evrope (1399-1403),"gurnal ministerstva narodnago prosve Reniia, N. S. 39 (1912), 41-78,
260-304. A summary account with references is given by Barker, Manuel II, 165-99.
Manuel was lodged in a palace on the site of the modern Louvre and, probably shortly
after his arrival, wrote this letter to Manuel Chrysoloras in Northern Italy. This letter is
translated by Barker, Manuel II, 174-75; into French by Berger de Xivrey, Mcmoire,
102-3; into Russian by Vasiliev, "Putesestvie Manuila," 70. The splendor of his reception
and the kindness shown to him by Western rulers deeply impressed Manuel and gave him
grounds for optimism in his quest for military aid. His first discussions with the French
king and his advisors must have been encouraging, for he expected to complete his mission
and return home soon. In fact, they had agreed to support a force of 1200 men under
Boucicaut's command for another year: Vasiliev, "Putesestvie Manuila," 70-71; Barker,
Manuel II, 174.
2 Charles VI, king of France.

38. To Manuel Chrysolorasl

Italy
London, January-February 1401

I suspect that when you received my letter conveying the good news,
you immediately got up and, full of suspense, looked for a second one follow-
ing upon the first which would inform you that things were still going well,
then again, a third letter much better than the second, and still another
better than all of tlieni, and perhaps even longer and more frequent ones,
the latest always containing something more. To expect the opposite,
however, would actually not be unreasonable. After that first letter you
could have expected to see neither frequent nor lengthy letters, but myself,
your correspondent: I would no longer encourage you by hope alone, but
would make you rejoice at the very sight of the object of our hope.
 101
37, 38
ExaaTx poUAOLTO. 7roa?a p.EV yap 'r& 7rap& Tou Aa(t7rpoT&TOU pry?S ELS
-%4&q u7rrjpykva, 7tOAAa 8e xai Ta 7rapa T(AV auTw xwT& yEVOs TL 7rpoar-
f. 22V xGVTwV, OUx oOALya Se xai T& 7rapa I TWV Ev 'r6AEL xal. 7r&VTWV' & 8Y c
rou roLcl apTUpei xai (PL)Law rp6q "jp.ac xai auxv6v TLVa
15 AOV 7rEpi T'11jV 7rkkTLV.
BoUAoE1.at UE aove? c v E67ceZv- Yjv p.',/j (iaaxaVLa r9j oUx
&yoc ' Tuxrc xai BELVOv TL n5v &7rpoa8ox",rcoV e'7riXft,
7ro)X &A7ric oU ppaNt)S E7rav4j ELV Yj(i& Tij 7raTpLat, xa&&7CEp ta(.LEV aE
(.I.Ev eUxOpLEVOV, rouq 7roael.Lou; 8E

87: B f. 73-73v. 1 MavoiAA r XpuaoXo pa B

38. Tw Xpuao),wpy xupw MavouYjA Arj

`Hyou(taL ae 8E a(_tevov Ti'v e7 L rj cot 'v xaXrjv exdLaev

&yyeXLav, (tETEwpov TE 60066 6aTOLVaL xai 8eurs'paV exeLvrv &pLEea4aL
7rpoaSoxav xwpEiv 8L$&Eouaav T&yaJvv, xai TpLTrV aI7JiC, e76pav &(.teivw
5 rY OEUTEpac 7roAAiO xai e'cL ye ET6paV xpEETTW 7raaiav, LuwS 8E xai
ja.axpoTepo xai TASLoUS, &Ei TL T'A6o'. exoUarS 't v^eWT6poc. &AA&. -1 xai
TouvavTiov 06X &7reL JO (.LETa yap TY)V 7rp()-rv exELVrV OU 7roXA&C, ouBE
(J.axp&S emaroXas o ka&aL, &AA' auTOV eE ToV e7rEaTOAXOTa oux6TL ae
7Tapaj,LU9'ou(.l.EVOV Taa4 &A7,tGtV &AA' wvr Tfl UCa Twv eA7rLEVTwv
10 eucppaivov'r .
102
38
But now that some time has gone by, and you have received a number
of letters from us discussing other matters but with no mention whatsoever
of an army and the other forms of aid in which rests the salvation of our
city, I imagine that you have the proverb on your lips: "Our treasures have
turned to ashes." While this might possibly be applicable to your situation,
my own reason for being silent was not that I had been deceived in my
hopes, but that I considered what I wrote sufficient and that my silence was
a way of letting you know I had nothing new to say. This, then, was the real
reason for my silence. Now what is the reason for the present letter? A large
number of letters have come to us from all over bearing excellent and wonder-
ful promises, but most important is the ruler with whom we are now staying,
the king of Britain the Great,2 of a second civilized world, you might say,
who abounds in so many good qualities and is adorned with all sorts of virtues.
His reputation earns him the admiration of people who have not met him,
while for those who have once seen him, he proves brilliantly that Fame is
not really a goddess, since she is unable to show the man to be as great as
does actual experience.
This ruler, then, is most illustrious because of his position, most illus-
trious, too, because of his intelligence; his might amazes everyone, and his
understanding wins him friends; he extends his hand to all and in every way
he places himself at the service of those who need help. And now, in accord
with his nature, he has made himself a virtual haven for us in the midst of a
twofold tempest, that of the season and that of fortune, and we have found
refuge in the man himself and in his character. His conversation is quite
charming; he pleases us in every way; he honors us to the greatest extent
and loves us no less. Although he has gone to extremes in all he has done for
us, he seems almost to blush in the belief-in this he is alone-that he might
have fallen considerably short of what he should have done. This is how
magnanimous the man is.
Now, if the rules of letter-writing require conciseness, let us say this.
This man is good in what he begins, and he is also good in completing the
course, becoming better each day, struggling at all times to outdo himself
in what concerns us. In the end he has given even greater proof of his nobil-
ity by adding a crowning touch to our negotiations, worthy of his character
and of the negotiations themselves. For he is providing us with military
assistance, with soldiers, archers, money, and ships to transport the army
where it is needed.

' During his first sojourn in Paris Manuel continued diplomatic negotiations with
other Western powers, including a personal visit to the king of England, Henry IV (1399-
1413): see Vasiliev, "Putesestvie Manuila," 74-78; Barker, 11 anuel 11, 177-81, with a
translation of this letter. On Manuel's visit to England, see now D. M. Nicol, "A Byzantine
Emperor in England, Manuel II's Visit to London in 1400-1401," University of Binningharn
 901
se
G(2H,c 33 5oA11 n0AodX 501no7i)od2)od701L pox L n(T(XO 10D dn1L "0711;
Am1'm111)OdL &m1oGny(gs )On11wd313 n071)02n0 3 5)ou)od1D
&m&3TRt.A713d pox Am73.GkOd &md313 A3 51w 71.0,3 AI/.1 n7YOu
A7111f
M3d3d) 1u3 591)OT391D 3D 01171oA d(1 .A7op170d)ou 53x)odGq)) to
Qj I)OX )O1 )OD &371 5(T)DI .)O1C)0101 (n13 32 70do `Mo1r1D3 Xno 119 Mt Am33uY3
5oA373noxd10 51.0 ox 11. U.Ato 3D AmwD)0212
&OAi>ox '&13u13 5U.1 n371 An0
&32W A13X3 51.(L7D U. S1D)Od)9d1L .32t;. SkI 32 nnn
1oYXO1L A373 513 k SO 7)DA371117t) S;o,(OX
31 n&-k.U pox
Swg>o) 101D1yb71 32 L 'AOIAT 9
02; %OXd3p idvui (m nnn)Ol, `&3110fj3d-vm2 0 5k1 5b1n1D13dg
5kI '5<4yb,1311 kd
Sk1 15)od3],n32 S(o
I
701Ln3 1511 nox1o 'r 151k 0 590,4yo1L 3T1O3dd'd3u 5O

59os'w.L'f pox 51b1u)o2o1A)OlL nm7lox `51)013d)o 1bx 5901 n371 AQ1n)0 x(jo 7D9219
111 U71M S9d1c 2 nb 5901 o >ou 5)0.A021 5cnd1Lr1)o nU7
Ak11M A0)X.loy3 )0&7 5(T7 AO31 ADO o 31 2 71 AIAA37170M1n2 770`732 AO-1

9ti 70d2A3 nox7y wd13u 'A7Dk-L-o7d)ou

501.0
9 5o1)O10dur17p A371 o1, i(XD `)o 501)o10d1L7l)0X 32 &U,1
17oxto n3Ti UTimd 5w1n)Ou `Am14y3Lx3 U1 32 7D3nnD Sno'C3d) `5on37'loololL
1x )Od13X A1D171L l.fdo A(q m% no-,N03 .L n4u702OM nodnOx11L3 50A3TI9X3d)o2L
59o1 5)o33{,ko pox AnA 1.1 13Dnd) 50n371zDkdX 1YA'i0 5on3717y A71i
0E kl.D?.LVX YJ1.3Ti
no-(1L12 (101 `50A(n7113X not. 31 5kl. 5)06(1) not. 31 51k(.7. 11 `5UX

513 mo nol 31 pox 5n01 5no1LOd1. 5n01 nolNo X 'A1DOxdk 5n21 32

50A37iOA7'pd) 51)01 57)o3DnOnnD pox m2 1t Sw A07A771dd)n3 pox m0-i171
5q pox
AV)X7d) XnO `)01D7xk pox 57'bYodd31Ln A3 0 7.0)01- 50A371(kdX3x
5101 570A371D)O.Ld13 2odx77i 93xo2 I)OX &)01dgnd3 n-(OU (101 5oiA032 A73u33)CQ
9S 50AOTi nmlAbub .5OA371o1o m1R0 L3ri YM 5OXnr o 'f *e
1)0x 13 132 1)0Y131Dn.0 AO.L AOA0y 5)O1AQOdL&i M1OT19A `nmY01D11L3
c
c

SQ.G)o4 n371 5o1,eno A3 `5101T110odu 54-G)o4 32 I)OX A1 A0710d2 Am9A-O pox

.g>ox Awd3711t nm1133dx `50A3T)OA)0). 1>OX &ox13A0'(7d) noln)o vox &mdcr
A73.1)odx A3 51O.L 50du `5)07ik Rxou 7oa, 5od3].o77onn3A 1d3u e1 50-(91 `ILA)od)3
Of 513'GD061L I)OX 1o23nmdox 5101 (h.Ln)o3 1)0x 570110]. (171Y)d)3
A7 12 yao nm1 pox pox nm1-k711kdX I)OX
73X3d7011. dn.. 71k A)03X)OTM(ID
A(o3n 1-4 7DnoD371ox 0.1 A)011pd1D no32

:8g :fii `sntgoaaZ ao&J `g :I ucaoJvcr '.i6 `I 'tiE :py 3a `mnpoisall viado ja saip
,t9-89L

g3 'ft-ASL I mdnx u1O g

104
38, 39
Historical Journal, 12 (1971), 204-25. He crossed the channel early in December and was
magnificently received in London on 21 December, remaining there until the middle of
February. Henry IV promised military assistance and provided some financial aid to
Manuel: Vasiliev, op. cit., 264-66; Barker, Manuel II, 180.
2 Henry IV, king of England.

39. To the Priest Euthymiusl

Constantinople
Paris, spring-summer 1401

While I have received many letters from you, which must have been
composed in collaboration with the Muses, for they were truly beautiful both
in thought and in expression and written by one who knew how to show his
friendship properly and who was able to offer useful advice, and while, as
you can imagine, I often wanted to reply in like manner, I was never able
to bring myself to take the necessary steps. The reason was not my inability
to compose a suitable answer, although this might well be the case with
those who pride themselves on their skill in writing and who wish to avoid
being put to the test. But as for me, I was consoled by the very fact that
competition is absolutely beyond my reach ;2 after all, I am certainly not
distressed at being unable to fly. It was not fear of defeat,3 then, which led
me to deprive you of what was your due. Should anyone want to know
what held me back, he will find that my explanation is quite reasonable. For
I have been constantly busied with such tasks as would blind the eye of the
soul, and I have had an incredible number of things to do, capable of dulling
the wits not only of someone such as myself, but even of a sharp writer,
and besides, to cite Plato, a bird does not sing when it is sad.4
Now, as long as our negotiations were stalled at the stage of favorable
promises, and these from men who make them most readily, the awareness
that your salvation depended upon deeds, not words, made me completely
numb, hand, tongue, and mind, although I wanted to intone the hymn of
victory. Above all, I had been afraid that, quite unawares, I might be over-
come by grief if I should try to sing a happier song to you. For any slight
suspicion could drag a soul trembling with fear for our nation more readily
toward the former than could excellent promises toward the latter. But
now that your hopes have at last been realized; now that our negotiations
are moving along very smoothly in every respect; now that the military
commanders have already begun work on those tasks which should make
then become in actuality what they are called; and now that nothing else
 68

6$ (nL bu>wlj mdnx 'Q t;71n. ,CC

5X)(XOJJ 20D 50(3TU3232 TYO191u3 5 .L371) AmDnO ldp -5>o(,3T1D)o

.
Alo9( duo). 5m1AO lp SCc.g>o pox pox 5)o'i1ON012 pox A73yid) 501023
5(p (RdX pox n0A371)OAn2 n73A1)Od)ou 'p 5701 5109
9 170e93J137110 pox 01no1 3.l `51x)0 572L `1310 3290 31O2LmU A91nD713
ACCGkAn23 d)3 d3uo AG.dX3 'A73).)O).p A011,1)0 32 no 01 11r) 1'p.p)OAn2 5mdldx)0
o m)0p3dp7b o1no1 l d>o Snot. 5non371no7)11oy1d) 1u3 U.1 U.AX31 Amt Am
.3 AM 50x,3 A13G)OU A01 (3 AOX 'S701AOln3dJb72 3713 `32 AO
AO1x1d)I3M0 `Jxltx,oxx
((1T1b old `77oAld O1n70 3) 01n01 3d)OU fl7 `O173 3U3 3)Ox R9313U 1)0 Lc111
0i An2 5OA3T)
i
712n0 5m '170T10GX'39 n0 .2 53.101232 At Ab1.u1C 3D Amt Amn3T10U1X
cYYp 13 512, 73Dtky3.G3 o1 A)ODnymx `A73.gb71 AOiiOYR3 11
5(O1ApU .139kdn3 1)OAXn9 31 60), 1)01XoXDp o o 1 31 51)oXnrh (%o71YVG6o momd1cu
pox Xno A099 3713 AmA371wAn2 x,YYp ?)Ox
SAO e, )onu. 5odu pox `pox p1x
91 32n0 A03Ad0 132b
p1 ,G)OT..Tdu Aj'flk 13x1.(1.913
%

Sm'3 A3T1 1k2 51dX

7ox p1R701 3). Amu(9d.GMO d )O1D 01n01 OlOU `Am1M 11023 1OT i,
AC A)OldU.1mD
nr1n &
rA&3r1kid 3,l `ACn1prV,)odu no `Am.Lo'( emur )0 )oxd)on3 pox di3X pox
{ 7011(n 170x 5(10A J d)&?'dO)(n0 'n13)?MO1)OU 3 5(O 31 ?)ox 1O.L 1 A1312323 x.71
09 ixx mgp{ AmO.d.r, `5on3rloluA A3 (bwo w1 ood31o1DfLdX 5odu 5v71n n132b nb
'(,b.T1tndl3u3 Aod d)Ol 3139(-,x'C3 5odLL 01 Aod3.Lodu
MMo 511

AkXnrj, d3un no- 5nO63.1 An9nOrl3dL U. -41 X1DkdX )01)0r1-(3UM=3 5odu 01

'nod3-n32 1(,0(, 5zdou 109 nm1 nm2?uY3
&IT)k AcU A(01;OTU)Odu )01)Ox (,nod O%L.r))od232nnD k2;k AM-1

as ,)D A(te) Amt m).d3 (, ci2 ACS Ap e313 -bl3).d3A3 0 `7701An0(XJx

pox 50A3,&T1 11.3 k no.. AU.1 A)0ldnx A134(3 5U1 32A3,GA3 5odu.
106
39,40
is needed except the coming of the day appointed for setting out on our
return journey to you-for a day had to be determined and also a place in
which the troops of the Britons and the other allies should assemble-I
immediately began to write. But since the problems urgently demanding
attention do not allow me time to write at length, instead of the many
pleasant bits of news I have to tell you, I will say just one thing. Not very
far behind the present message of good news we ourselves expect to arrive.
Then you will see, with the help of the Mother of God, an army following us
composed of all sorts of troops, specially chosen and assembled from all over,
an army capable of really accomplishing the purpose for which it comes and,
to sum it up, I believe, an army vastly surpassing your hopes.

1 About the end of February 1401 Manuel returned to Paris and continued his
negotiations with the Western rulers, including those of Portugal, Aragon, and Denmark,
and with both the Roman and the Avignonese popes: see Barker, Manuel II, 181-90;
this letter is translated on pp. 184-85. On his relations with Queen Margaret of Denmark
and the Roman Pope, Boniface IX, see G. Dennis, "Two Unknown Documents of Manuel
II Palaeologus," TM, 3 (1968), 397-404. Through the spring and summer of 1401 he appar-
ently continued to receive what he regarded as reliable assurances that the preparations
for a military expedition to aid Constantinople were proceeding well, and his optimism is
expressed in this and the next three letters.
2 That is, competing with you in fine writing.
8 Fear that my writing would be considered inferior to yours.
It Phaedo, 85a.

40. To the Priest Euthymius'

Constantinople
Paris, spring-summer 1401

I know that, because of your loving disposition toward me, you are
glad to hear news about me, for this also made the son of Laertes long for the
smoke of home.2 In my desire to delight you all the time, I have made you
glad with the hopes for our people, and now I also make you glad with this
composition of mine. So that you may have a third motive for rejoicing, be
informed that I am in good bodily health, and perhaps my soul will sometime
be in the like good state as you continue to intercede on its behalf with the
One who died for the condemned.

1 On the date of this letter, see notes to Letter 39; it has also been translated by
Barker, Manuel 11, 186.
2 Odysseus.
 107
39, 40
U(.Ie

.aC, E
raVOr80U-EtSEL
r
yap e
TETa)C4aL xa6
r
TO rOV
rpOSryE
(il 8>7
EsV r
,roc,rWv BperocvWV xai r&ilv ET&po v aU&XWV &,Orpovr4YaETat
&7tt To yp&cpeLV xa( aOL ro) & epos Euppoauvjy ireiv EXcov,
30 v &VTL r&VTWV &p6, r& &VEpyELV &7CELy0VTWV i1 r&vu auYXWp06Vr(.V
ou rOXU xaTOrty 7') L& TauTllal. T11C, &ya,&i15 &yycA(a5
7tpOaaOx6.EV. a&, auV pO L V-% aTpaTLOty
7cow-ro8oc t v (.LZv &ro&w v &xXEXey&v v oUX TTOV 'i1 raVTaXO-&FV
aUVLXEy&v i1v, TOUTO auva&V'11V xoO & S TEA&aaL &cp' brsp XEt, Tb r&V
35 e brew, 7roX6 Tot 7tapeXa6VOUaav, 0kat, T&C, U(.LET&pa5 elxntkc.

89-.14-15: Plato, Phaedo, 85a. 25: of. Aristotelem, Metaph. 8, 6, 5-10 (1045A).

B f. 74-74v. 1 Eu3u i p tEpoov&xw B

40. Tw IIara xupw Eu,&u(w It

TL aE EUCppa'Wet T&0L &p(ATLx S rpOC, &(.LE TOUTo

&OTc

y&p xai Tov Aa&prou 709te7,v &ro(et xarvov. T&prety 84 ae k k rav'c v

PouXoevos, EU'yp&vac Tats urEp Tou y&vouS 6X7(aLV, Eucppa(vW xaIL Tw
f. 24 5 T'Y XELpoS Epy(,. 'va 8' Tpt7tA xc pps, &v`avE I wS Eu eXEt ot To
&VTUyX&VOVTOS urEp
aWa' 'I'.aWS aE xoc i1 UX'r/ rOTE EUExT''aEL, a06 ye
TCJ 67LEp TWV xaTaxp(TWV

40: 3: of. Homerum, Od. ]., 58-59.

B f. 74". 5 wS om. B
108
41
41. To Demetrius Chrysoloras'

Constantinople
Paris, spring-summer 1401

You certainly must be, as they say, the fastest from the starting line
in the race to find out the cause of my silence up to now, and you are also
competent to deliver an appropriate decision about it. Indeed, I believe not
only that you do not want to bring any charges against me, but that you
are willing, if need be, to speak in my defense. The evidence is this: although
you have written to us frequently without receiving any sort of answer at
all, you did not stop writing nor did you even think it necessary to ask the
reason for our silence. This might be expected of a person who understood,
before hearing anything about it from me, exactly what has been holding
back my tongue and my hand. Certainly, we cannot expect this of everyone;
only of such men as yourself. For you are shrewd, you know us, you under-
stand the times in which we live, you are by no means without experience of
these particular western regions and, in a word, you are not ignorant of
the circumstances of a case, which are discussed at length by legal experts.
Now if this is the way things are, and our good Demetrius shows that his
nature is better than any skill, and the sagacity of Nestor proves superior to
the prophetic power of some Calchas,2 then Demetrius himself will quite
clearly understand the reason which has impelled me to write now, and it
would be superfluous to explain it to him. Nonetheless, it will be explained,
and it will be gratifying to those who will listen, for they will be pleased by
the tidings it announces.
I am aware that your salvation requires deeds, not promises. Now,
I have received the most wonderful promises, but I was very dubious about
their fulfillment, since this requires time in which many things could happen,
and so I was informing you of conditions here in letters written by another
hand.3 But just recently the negotiations we have been engaged in have
been progressing according to our intention. For one thing, the ambassadors
who had been sent everywhere have accomplished what we were praying for.
And here, to my joy, the commander has been announced: he is the NIarechal,4
who was selected in preference to many candidates who are kinsmen of the
king.- 'He is now hard at his task. All that remains to be done is to assemble
in the designated place the forces being readied for us by several sovereigns
and there to distribute the pay to the soldiers, a very easy matter when the
money is at hand, particularly when those about to receive their pay are so
eager that they are willing to pay themselves, if only they should be provided
with a, just cause for taking up arms.
 601
if

T:p mL dX 0 1od(9 mdnx m3d1,k711vp ;071

n3 38 Iwx 0Lw '50S1FJywd '39w6 S91.wi0&13g 3i A13dn3 Aki &4,d6Od)w

.i 5 5(I713 1dX0 A(lA 5C(Lm19 1wx jd3L 51c1,nwi 50Awx, ALu. AG&3710&&1& AOd)kL

-&1C) L(g 39 4(71 &0(971 xnO M3'(3,G3 &17i(( 0)A3 'A13

9 1wx 63Ln Amr1k. 1wGD13AO)(OLb 'AwDk &O1dLC71x3i 33 51xrYY0L 50inw
5wX331.91L3 Iwx Amr1G. ft= gL(71 &n0n11AAU X .6w11od1o7 3in0
m99wL3 014o1 Am1oL 0 3LQ Ano k 5)09m3 5k1 5L(1t019 1w.gDOad3 Al
'AID 11(10. cs AT C03 50Y&Ox9(rOn1), 5Mdldxb 0.1 Alts. Awla,(nYA AoX91L3 1A

pox Akl wd13X odL nos, dwL . Amril it 1d3L &ml.nol .1VgD3gDlV 9 3A Sml.AVlL
OT no A(91 OL'p Am].f &7.1.93 `0yXf 0dL n0Xk 51oAO7i A1DwdSAb 5030 5otnw
5n0A1XAw 31 dxA 1)ox 5w71L. 5c3
pox,
Snot, 5n0d1wx 'S0&371w1.91L3 1wx no
AIDT.UV1.&OL 50d13Lb 1Am1.nOl ((9.1 Am1d3L93 'Amd311 ox j 9 o 5 xno Sm&Ab
10.0 0.L 1071LCdX
Aml. 'Am3D-BLD7d3L AT U 5M 0 50)9'( >Od10L 19(10)wxm pox 13
o
501nO `13X3 ?wx5o+(wx A?71C(. 5o1d1,L(r1G.p A1Dn6 56&X31. 1Dmxp3
91 01113dx ?wx k not 5od01.93N 5193An9 50.1&wX+(;og 5OA1.1 5m91 )Ox1A 'Aw33l.Awri
rr r c > i r ,
a c r a
50'(L(S03 &11.93 1D0Yn0 X 1) Ak.L A0111w 1L3 01. m36-pd). LCgLc
'Aw9wD3ywxwdwa 319(;> 5mAd31d3L &b 33LA. 50di A01.nw OL10A3y 7w139LCd33
cs 'Ano 5101. S1oA37io9noxf L(A3rin01dwX &3 51o 510A13-x3 13y3AAwLw 5i0

09 CA', A(, &w3dL(l,mD nir1n Smsp da nml;url). &L(.A37i033 Xn0 -3XDOLn

'A(93D Ap)X3 A37i 5w3y3AAwL3 nn;)L '5r1.DLLdX 5(n1232 33 (n71 w AL`l. A7910dx3
31,T noAOdX AL(A37103 &o1x31, '50 d3Y3 5, 50613X
51?,11; d)o t 32 n(nl, 5wdi3X &rdU nmi;orlAlodL xl,wx &no&
1oAx

pox'Am].OxkdmX3xodLA()- &371 nOX1o1.A1OiL) C)019

LA3 nm Am3d93da A Am.Lo%

d3Lv 'wG3710Xn3 w.Gn-M&3 32 n01. o-noAL,Lwd1,9 50x(ox91dwr1 501.0

md;oX-11.93 AD_7i3 noA37in3d0ALLAz 9dL A(ny-pL n(Q&371D16LLlI13 A(.L 61.
1Ab.d `Am1.A0xL(90dL pox 1L3 5io1. 510Ad3 'So1.Ap T% I 50A3sLr1 501.AOL73yy3
L(g{k k no.L 5101 5137i;onn2 51os. d3Ln &mrilk 5ronoarlo)1orho.L3 dlolr.x(io AmA3yo
'3 g A 6mb9XJnn4 ,vAL4GGD10dGi0 A3 m 1xix1op.3.LDod.1L 51v.Lnvl '(bd(OX A0i 3s
O8 AoG917i 5io1. io.Gnwl.n3 1511oi?liwdi9 V(wr1 '&o1,D-bd 1DnoX3 )01
1w7113Aw1
w1.w71L(dX n3
'A?od3X 5MY(w 31 I)Ox &o CL 01. A01. &o.GG917i L-( n0&37io(f MAO

'AOrinGodL 319(? 1wx fOs9odL 7X 'AOG9171 73 511. nm'(LO 5w?1ox1g

5loinoi o11oXDwdwL
110
41, 42
For these reasons, then, my tongue and my hand, as though freed
from the chains of doubt regarding our prospects, have immediately gotten
moving, as you can imagine, and they hasten to their appointed tasks. And
so, in an effort to make you happy and at the same time to discharge the
debt incurred by my former silence, I am sending the present letter, the prod-
uct of an uneducated hand and of an even more uneducated tongue, but still
of one dear to you. Goodbye, now, and expect us soon, perhaps not very
long after this letter. And you will see that we are stronger than you hoped
or, at any rate, not weaker, but well able to accomplish what we are coming
for, as long as He who is truly strong joins with us in our efforts and struggles
on behalf of those for whom He himself died.

1 This letter was probably written in the spring or summer of 1401 when Manuel
was still optimistic about obtaining aid. The nomination of his old friend, Marechal
Boucicaut, to head the expedition must have reassured him about the reality of the aid
he had been promised. Yet, for a number of reasons, not all of which are clear, the aid did
not materialize, and the troops did not assemble. In August 1401 King Martin of Aragon
regretfully announced that the ships he had promised could not be readied in time; the
English troops were more urgently needed in Wales; most disappointing of all, in Sep-
tember or October Boucicaut was named governor of Genoa, entering the city on 31
October: see Barker, Manuel 11, 188-90; this is translated on 186-87. This letter, then,
was certainly written before that date.
2In Constantinople Demetrius Chrysoloras held some post in the government of
John VII. Perhaps it was he who informed Manuel about his critics at home and the
prophets who foretold doom, as Calchas in the Iliad (1, 69, 105).
8 Apparently letters written by secretaries or some other person in Manuel's en-
tourage.
4 Jean le Meingre, dit Boucicaut, Marechal of France. Manuel simply transliterates
his title, so Demetrius would have no doubt.
8 Charles VI, king of France.

42. To Manuel Pothos'

Constantinople
Paris, 1401

The letter you wrote was certainly well suited for the purpose of stir-
ring up one who is delaying, but this is like inviting a Lydian into a plain.2
Cease, then, exhorting people to hurry and do what they are already doing
and take hold of those tasks which will prove salutary to our affairs. But see,
I have reacted just as you did by urging you on to what you have been doing
all the time. Beyond this, what can I tell you that would add to my own
eagerness to return ? If anything can possibly be added, do something
gratifying to me and at the same time to yourself and to the city.' Play the
 111
41, 42
ALa 84 TaUTa Te yAWTTot re xeLp, CJa7rep TLVWV XulfEiaaL 8eapuSv
35 T TcePi 'ra 7rPOGY!La4' Lv aL rouaL re EU&llS, 7CW4 O et, xOCI
TOL auTwv 7COLeiv toppLnvTaL. xai up.Lv Eupppoauvjv xai &[Lot ye Ta
xp6oc &7to8L8o'S EpL7Cpoa,'Ev aLw cr 4 r v 7sapo5aav 7r67top.cpoc, XeLpoS
iLEv epyov &pLa&oi3xai yXd r'ri &pLaleaTipoS, ao'L 8E cpba . Xaipwv 8
TaxEwc rip.&S 7rpoa8oxoc, 'awS ou 7toA6 xaT67rcv Twv vuv ypapLpt&Twv. 3 m
40 8E -VOL xpcLTtouC, r 6v Up.eTEpwv EA7cL8wv Iyouv OUkp c eX& rouq,
&AA' Ecp' 67rEp ;iJxopLEV 7tpREou 8uvjao Ivouq, To"u xpeL-rTOVoS -Lv &ywvLCo-
OvoLC, 67LEp Wv aUTOC, aUVEpa7t'ro vOU TWV a19'AWV.

41: 2: Zenobius, Prov. 2, 7: Paroem. gr. I, 33. 16: of. Homerum, Ii. 1, 69, 105.

B f. 74V-751'. 1 O%q-rp(cp TW XpuaoXop4 B 11 12 &yvdv B 1125 avLax&axo5 oodd.

42. Kupw Mavouy')A TW 110',&0

II&vu aoL xaX& Ta E7teTra0pL6va 5aa 7rp6S To BLEyeipaL (ipa8uvovTa,

AuBov 8e' eLS 7ta81ov, cpaaLv. 4&.c 8-j' To E7rLxeAE6Ea&a6 ToZ(; '"01)m
TouTo 8pav, Exou Tcov Epywv GL 7oLS 7Cpayp. caL yCV7'aETaL cY r' pta. DAA&
5 yap TauTOV cot 77E7tovaoc xai auv6S, 7CpoS ToSTO aE E7CaAELpwv, 0 8
7A7 v xai Eyw 'c TL aiv X&ptv 'r j
7 c TTwv
7rp6 s T-rv E7t&vo8ov 7rpoaup.La; EL ye hvom'V TL 7rpoa`eZvaL, xai au ok
EpbOi xai ape.a ye aaurFo xai Tp 7r6AEL 8at ov Tov &v8pa xai
112
42, 43
man. Outdo yourself in nobility, not only by doing your own work better
but also by calling upon the more sluggish to do the same, so that our labor
may bear fruit and-may this not happen-that you do not perish need-
lessly while those coming to defend you are standing before your gates.

1 The tone of this letter is less enthusiastic than that of the preceding ones, and it
may have been written after Manuel had come to realize that Western promises of military
aid were deceptive. Still, he does allude to an army coming to defend Constantinople, so
that it may reasonably be dated to 1401. It is also translated by Barker,Manuel II, 190-91.
2 That is, asking someone to do what he does naturally or is already doing.
8 Constantinople.

43. To Demetrius Chrysolorasl

Thessalonica
Constantinople, 1403-1408

I hear that you have acquired a noble horse befitting a warrior. Now,
did this happen just by chance or by a stroke of good luck? Indeed, I cannot
imagine that you have deliberately chosen to become proficient in another
branch of learning, that which is called horsemanship, which you have
always regarded as a waste of time. Nor did you obtain the thing to fit your
life style, for you are not interested in luxuries; in fact, you freely give
away your own possessions in the expectation that this will give you a chance
for fame. But if you have thought it necessary to bid farewell to science
and, now that you have had this stroke of good luck, to exchange the life
of a philosopher for that of arms, spoils, and wars, shooting at wild beasts,
raising dogs, and doing all those things which you once despised as continual
stupidity, then hold on to that horse and inform us of your decision so that
we, too, might supply you with a spear and all other military gear, with
whatever a proficient archer and an experienced hunter require and, in
addition, a second horse which would be far superior to the first one. For I
think that just as it is proper for your close friends to furnish you with
what is suitable for a bridegroom, should you be planning on marrying-
and you surely will be planning to do so right away; it may even be that
the present letter will reach you after you have gotten married-so it is
with what is suitable for a warrior.
But if, on the other hand, you remain in your station, and your serious
concern continues to be with books and then with labors in the public in-
terest, labors on behalf of friends, struggles on behalf of justice, and strenuous
efforts to make the truth prevail universally, then how could that horse
help you? For everything is within the walls; there you may walk about if
 113
42, 43
yEV05 aao' oS xaAAtwv, ou p.6vov apWv Ta (3E),TEw &AA& xai Tou4 ri-
10 pour eic TouTO 7CapaxacX6V W piv 6 7c6voS Eyxap7rO; , xai pt 7tpoS
ToZC up.ETipoLS 7rpoS&6poLS TouS 67rEp up,Wv &p.uvoup.kvous EXoVTEC, 7Capa7r6A-
aua;&E 8 pr; yevoLTo.

42:3: Libanius, epist. 617, 2; 1183, 1; 1426, 6; Paroem. gr. II, 509. 3-4: Plato,
Phaedo, 61a.

B f. 75i'. 1 Tw 110q) B 11 6 g1'WykTL codd. 117 86vc vov TL codd.

43. Kupw A jp y picp Tw XpuaoAwpa (lY

'AxoiW I7nrov Euyevi aot yev&o avpcath'r 7rpe7rowra xai ' 63E
aoI au[47rtC) TL yeyovev ij TuX-n; 06 yap n06 M MCI'
TO e7rLT)yCIV &AA77S paSYjaE os, To5T0 yE 67r7r6x7) xcXo3a.v, v au
5 7r&vmWC, &XX' o66E 7Cpos (3toV E7ropiaw T6 ouBE
yap Tpupj aOL To 7rpayp.a, is ye xai Ta a& paBtwS 7rap&XELS, 86k7;4
aOf 7r poa8oxOEtar;c. &AX' Ef. eppwa&aL cppaaaS 'd v
emaT L-nv, aety 6"0'774 Tov cpLX6aocpov vtv &ttel4aL tk r& T &p.Eivovo4
T6x-jS 7rp6s 0'7CAa TE xai Xacpupc xat (3cXXELV TE xai
f. 25 10 x6VM; TpecpELV xai 7Cc'VTCt 7rp&TTELV Exeiva 6V auXV'Iv &P6),rCpiav
I

xaTeyvco , you Te Exetvou Toy i7r7rou, xai pdv cppaE To 66yp.a, 67CwS
aot xai Trap' p.wv EA`&oL 86pu xai 7COXEp.LOV &7Cav xai baa O pa xai
T6EOU; E 7rpoar1xeL, xai 7Cpoa&TL 8euTEpoc i7C7COS 7rapevEyxcty
T-") TOU 7CpoTepou. 6CMEp yap, oTp.aL, 7rpoa5xov TA
15 vupcptq 7rp67COVTa am. 7rap(%' Tcwv epcSvTwv e'7rEL8&V y)c.
(3ouAEuap-(3ouXeuar; 8e 7ravTWS sl 196q 'jv p" Tot cot xai Y-'tkOcv'rL 'ro'c

E7reaTaAp.eva 8' xai o rpm-rt&r .

Ell 8e 't psZq d v rg Lv xai a7rou3r; cot Ta (iLPAta xai .LET'

Exeiva 76VOL p.Ev 7rEp. Ta xoLV& 7Cpayp.ara, 7r6VOL 8e' 67re'p (ptXWV, ayWVES
20 3E 67cep Toy BLxatou, t8pWTEC, 6' Na T&XOE'q 7ravTaxoS xpaT , TL' &v
ExEivOS 7rp6q TaSTOL cUVELaeVEyxcLV 7r&VTa yap Elaw TELXWV
114
43
you desire without hurting your feet, whether you wish to relax, play, take
a breath of fresh air, or enjoy the beauty of the flowers; and so there is no
need for you to ride about on a noble horse. Then, too, the gardens just
outside the city, the fountains, and, in short, the surrounding area will
satisfy your needs. But the woods, the marshes, the mountains, and the
plains, where a good horse might give proof of his speed, his strength, and his
other qualities, what sort of recreation would these be for you? "Nothing
sacred," as they say, since these places are full of brambles, swamps, and oaks.
At any rate, either send us that horse, which is of no use to you, so
that we can put him to proper use, if you do not intend to wrong both me
and him, or else admit that the horse is a poor one, and then you may justify
using him for yourself, and nobody will blame you for making use of an
animal perfectly suited for you. Permit me, then, to include some humor in
my letter so that you might not think we have forgotten what you love so
much.

1 Manuel remained in Paris long after it must have been clear that he was not going
to receive any Western aid. He continued his negotiations with Venice and other Euro-
pean powers, but he also found time to compose rhetorical and theological works: see
p. xv; Barker, Manuel II, 191-99.
Even the news of the Turkish defeat and the capture of Bajezid by the Mongols
at Ankara on 28 July 1402 did not persuade Manuel to hasten back to Constantinople.
Various dates have been given for his departure from Paris. The Chronicle of the Religious
of Saint Denys, which Vasiliev cites ("Putegestvie Manuila," 288), states that on 21 No-
vember Manuel decided (decrevit) to leave Paris. Barker (Manuel II, 220) takes this as the
date of his actual departure. Thiriet (Rdgestes, 1083), apparently following Iorga, dates it
to 14 November. In fact, Manuel was still in Paris on 23 November, for on that date in
Paris he signed an imperial letter to Queen Margaret of Denmark: Dennis, "Two Unknown
Documents of Manuel II," 401. On 7 December the Venetian senate informed the envoy
of Suleyman celebi that they presumed he had already set out on his journey: ipse ration-
abiliter debet else in via: Venice, Arohivio di Stato, Senato, Misti, 46, fol. 58v. On 29 De-
cember the senate discussed Manuel's departure from France for Italy: recessum suum de
partibus Francie pro veniendo ad partes Italie: ibid., fol. 60. Thiriet (Regestes, 1088) takes
this to mean that the Emperor had arrived in Italy. But it was not until 22 January 1403
that he was welcomed in Genoa: Giorgio Stella, Annales Genuenses, ed. L. A. Muratori,
Rerum italicarum scriptores, XVII (Milan, 1730), 1196. Manuel continued his journey at a
leisurely pace and finally arrived in Constantinople on 9 June 1403; the date is given by
Macarius of Ankara, who made the journey with him: Loenertz, Calecas, 44 note 1.
By about the end of October the more pressing domestic and foreign problems
seem to have been settled, and the Empire enjoyed a period of relative calm; the sons of
Baj ezid conspired and fought among themselves, and John VII went off to rule in Thessa-
lonica until his death in 1408. He was accompanied by Demetrius Chrysoloras, who served
as his chief minister, mesazon. This and the following few letters envision Demetrius in
Thessalonica and must belong to the period from autumn 1403 to autumn 1408.
 115
43
67rou xat E eaT xat pig )"J7*r Ta ybvar
PaBtaet, x&V W&upeiv x&v 7raite:v x&v &epos xc ccpo"u p.eTaaXeiv
x&v &v.&66)v X&pLaw eVTpvcp&v, xat Ta&t aoL 7tepiepyOV ecp' i7r7rou
25 Xwpeiv yevva(ou. of y&p 7rp6 TES 7r6aewS xai at 7cnyat xat Saws
aoi T& 7repaE Tp Xpeia. &X" &S xat eXr( xat Pouvot xat 7re8ia,
gv;&a 8 xat 8p6ov xat iaXuv xat 01r1v ape - v e7n8etEa:T' &v
&ya&bS t7ciroq, rt aoL 7rp6S &7r6aauaLV e"aTa6; (O6 V iepo'V,)) cpaa:, P&Twv
6v'ra xai &v&tXeaTOL xa1 8puwv.
30 "Hyouv 7reji4ov %v exeivov r6v &Xp-jar6v or. Xplao(akvo:s ye
yv-qaLWs, ei gAXELS ee x&xeivov, Svrc cpauaov
xat T6TE Xp6 8ixcctw4 c &TCp, xoct ou8e(S ae e4eTa: Xpwevov xaxcO A p
7rp&y.Lc . [.Lyvua& yap oL xat 7 L&& Toil eTreaT& LkVOtq Saws or.
86Ewsv Twv m 5v 7cou&xwv

43: 28: Zenobius, Prov. 5, 47: Paroem. gr. I, 140; Suidae lexicon, 0 798 (ed. Adler,
3, 577).

B f. 75-76. 1 xuprp om. B 115 plov: P(av codd. 11 10 &Pc pfav oodd.
116
44
44. To Demetrius Chrysoloras'

Thessalonica
Constantinople, 1403-1408

The multitude of tasks I have to do, by diverting me to still others,

just about forces me to keep away from those things which are essential for
survival. I have lost track of the time for meals and have little thought for
food, whatever might be served. I have shaken sleep from my eyes, and
often my bed receives me only at dawn, just when those sweeping the whole
house and all the domestic servants have to get up out of bed and dutifully
go about their appointed tasks. These people are most annoying as they
buzz about the doors; then there is the shouting of the judges, plaintiffs, and
defendants, and all the other things which I need not mention, since I would
be speaking to one who knows what it is like. Moreover, the clamor of the
attendants resounding throughout the house where I would like to sleep
would easily awaken Dardanus himself or even someone much sleepier than
he.2
And then, there is our own Antiochos,3 the old man who loves sleep so
much that he falls asleep on horseback and who would give up everything for
sleep. When the tumult at the door prevents him from snoring along in his
usual fashion, he curses the noise makers, puts on some kind of shepherd's
cap, stuffs his fingers into his ears, and fits his head into the deepest corner,
and only then gets some semblance of rest. Everything, then, is filled with
turmoil, which the continual need for service makes it impossible to prevent.
I have tended to neglect the diet prescribed by the physicians; ill
though I am, I have had to do things that would cause a healthy person to
become ill. For it is impossible to excuse oneself from seeing the people
outside, the people within, and whoever is oppressed with some serious
problem. But here stands a Latin, a Persian,4 a citizen, a foreigner, not
least of all a monk, each one demanding something different and shouting
that he would be unjustly treated if his request is not granted immediately.
So it is absurd to think of enjoyment, absurd to think of repose. The only
thing I welcome is whatever offers some hope of respite from the discomforts
of the day.
Such are the things I must tend to, things full of difficulties. What
adds to these difficulties is, I suppose, common to both of us, there and here.'
I mean the lack of money which causes harm to each individual as well as to
the affairs of state, for I know that you too are seriously affected by it. May
God soon free us from this problem and grant us the prosperity of our
ancestors. How excessively busy I have been should also be clear from this:
I have shaken off my eagerness for books and every literary activity, as well
as the gratification I derived from them, a gratification, as you well know,
 LIT
if

i, mdn}j 63d10710p cn1 7odm'o9ndX ,271

32ry1071 SogOyu Am1b71.1>odu

o 61 A13)L731L3170x 54611
)Od313 nOdX1T1 3T 3)Ox &(0&33x3 1)o.P3X31179 &T 51d(X n0 &01)DAn2 '7)OA131d31L
1)oT19fy3y1u3 50)3.u-nd1 (tOd1)Ox pox A(91 Am3179 )odxrr 571&odth .L1)90LO
c r r, r
A70 ,3
&V
Q
.k13 0.T1)091393.U9 &OA1Ln '&C)T1y)Oqd)0 1)Ox 73X3 371
n n \ \ r i a\ lAA1yx S1x70yy0]L
\
&9x19 pox 5()'L &01 6o2A3
n
'nodGdo 310 932 7)ox 5no1 5)oi&nodox A01 &oyq
&)o9)O1L &)93&0x7072 501 S0A3'x 5m1L0 ld Am 0
01A770(I1 ACOA3T1032
1503lh3x97]L3 10 ;d3.U 501 5)od9.G 531.An0JT1od .&7900'X0&372 701131L3 GOO
A93>
'A(QA371O&n717O )0'yn1 )099 AO;.d33d3.7L 1A73A3y
i r \ \. r / W \ i > 1
0I 110213 d)ol A)0 '0119),3y NOx 'AOA)02d)OQ &)0x A01 nOA33X3 n'01L -4ykA]Ln

'&0631 5m12Ad A397&1Lfld)70 k 5(A1 5)0393d(rI.1Ln t.O d31L )0900X( A01 AOxjO
(10 '1T1102n3,q10x

5oXo31&y o d)o1L '&1T10 570&110 32 AO1n09o1 50'76) 0

731La pox 0

'mod?). 5m A132(13.e)ox n31L1L3 Am pox )01&701L A'10 'n0A1LR &73X,136 k71

91 5OA37170An2 5m10Gm33 9072 &L(1 'AkX)od)o1. 5701 T1 G Xuk
5OA371md)o1)Ox AL(.Anx )7&71 &kx71&.DT1792_, '592o1Ln 5)o.nd 5901 510'(11x)02 '0.L

)o1m l io3Am 5M.00T1d7090d1L U.1X)1nq)0d &k.L ALcy)Od)3X 51'971 5fyn701UOAw -Ln1

n r \ r \ \ r r n s
'13&)oX oln0 gdo.g not )O1A)O1L )019371 pox 01 5(J..7. 5)o13dX &01(A.1.7)Od7O1L70 13Ad13
1)09nymx 01 'Anodndo.G
OS _90.y3dH, no1L 5013)072 L3 o .5kA371noM llf%nooo(% ,1(1)01
11 1

o.L31.LbdlL3 d32L &7\O moo& n3 -&19(9X3 X10 d70,. A0&3

1)0g9)o9k11)o67o1L 5Od1L 5no1 '501x3 59d1L 5no1 '&02&3 50d1L AnoA71.A0
3110
AOA3719 Oln 001 00&132 '5017O7V.Md1L yyb 3x(.1.93 15oA11)oy '509dojl

'5k13y01L '50A3 Xno )O.L.OlXk

. 3 I)Ox
'50X)0&071 501.9)0x3 AOd313 A(n17'X)2_,70 lox
%

98 Amod 5m o1?ox127o &lt, Cal (Admy

01 AOA37IO1(k) '5n#n3 &3G0 1 5odky '(,(.thnd1
5od0y .5193&90 OA73x3 AOAOTI AO.13A7b1L3 0 11 &13.oi,1' Amt ,.G)OX

emd37ik 'Amyoxoq
ry
M1n)0101 f &17i ID1 )031x3d1L )01&OTl3). '5101363X902 41 33 0)DSL3 &0`

>01 d3X9n2 t &OA1ox 1X)T1io 70.G(0o1Amx 0x'13x7 A01 &M1 &m170T10dX &77732&3

0 ( cO) A(AA3T10A1YIT1ny 6)1970x3 1XJx 5101 51omox 'A797OTUbd1L m330 d)O,L 3x

AmT1n (,)09n0117dx 'A(,(A13)L3 )0yy70 5010)01 A3T1 7705)OyyO]L70 5030 01 50X791

\ r c r \ \ \ < r >
170x 0302 3). ALL1 Amt &(9AO).0d3L 'A)old3TiUn3 A(1-l, 32 &k-d3 &701'0X9)0 5(9
&11.93 no X)7d1371 &3139my1F.2 N0 .om3x)px Ak1 d)0). 1631E )01 )o7yd1 A(,C2(io119
1)Ox )Ol&-k1L AW.Oy AkT1O973931Lb 7)Ox 0.L o 3QA(o]. '(,7dXJX A1doX 502d9x
118
44
highly profitable to men's souls. While I realize my loss and almost bemoan
it, I cannot rectify the situation if I want to observe what is expected of my
position. For the present time does not allow any leisure, and my search for
assistance does not suffer any delay. These problems have driven me so far
away from any literary endeavor that I am really unable to set my hand to
the composition before me, which I am sure you long to receives But,
although unwillingly, you must bear not having it, just as I must bear not
having completed it. It might seem strange, that I should have managed to
carry on the bulk of this sort of labor in a foreign land,? where we had to
cleave the seas, ford rivers, fear the assaults of bandits, endure the hardships
of a long journey, and many other things beside, while now that I am back
here at home in our native land, rid of all those difficulties and anxious to
complete this bit of writing, I should be unable to find the time.
But since, anxious though I am to have our affairs in the best state,
obstacles arise from all sides, I have concluded that I should entrust my
difficulties to God, who together with better fortune may grant us the
opportunity of some leisure and eventually the possibility of being our own
master, which is what any intelligent person wants. For as things now stand,
we are a slave to the cares oppressing us rather than master of our own
desires.
All this weighs heavily upon us. Nonetheless, it is consolation enough
for me to keep in mind that perhaps the toil of the ruler will be of benefit to
his people. They have therefore become pleasant to me, these struggles by
day; and these cares by night, which keep me from sleep and drive me to
carry out my duties, cause me joy no less than sorrow. For, as it seems,
sorrow does not come by itself for those who want to mix their cup, just as
you "cannot find a life without sorrow among any" of those who appear to be
most blessed.8
This, then, is how things are. And the veritable blizzard of things to
be done might have made me think it would be easier to sprout wings than
to write a letter. But, on the other hand, just one letter of yours surpasses
even the charms of Orpheus; as soon as your letter appeared it immediately
drew to itself the eye and the mind of those who were not unaware of its
author. These people requested that it should be opened at once and, when
this was done and your letter read, those who have some literary competence
leapt with joy and applauded loudly. All their comments on it and their
numerous praises I pass over in silence, since this is not the right time to
stretch things out. But for me it was a real incentive which, against my will,
roused me to write. Realize, then, by the receipt of this letter the compelling
force of your own writing. For I believe that it is no mean accomplishment
to get me to return to writing so very quickly when I had become so benumb-
ed. And I felt the same as those who have had their share of some unpleas-
antness or their fill of sorrow and cannot even recall a melody; from their
 811

A10DnoX3 (.O90u 1310 511oXnrh Amumd.RAX 10910 &311

5OA311n0111k `70x -OAOTl
1Xnon TGA3u do79 170-pro. 39 91 70Ti.llodu xno A0 Ak7133OAn9 A73dkl 9.93 Ac0
91 .)Ti11CXD 9 31 o). d A(nd70u 5od110x xno 13u9d11u3 n13)xyoXD 71ox 01
11oleD13'k0 AOx3q no 13dcX)nD nt`.1. AkXOd72(.2O 0I(1101 371 (.01(.0901
(I0X1).0( 541NO2L 50110711R.613XA9 5m 391471 201 n3T313xod3Ln0 501707111wd)J.nD
01, 730Ai1Gi1.An9 0 513,GO1L 93 {'0910 A13dMX 513d3d) {R A90 Amx3? (.11 {AmX3

d33LDC,p 5919 '57003(31 2X 101 Ao1D1oTi270G A0 33 01 ,%0.L Amt

C.71
d33Ln n01n01 A(n(.o2L 19 L3& )O-X A3 'tbL3o9OX\(p 2020 )OX J (.737131
&:p ttxk. pox 5no7170102 1)0A(kd)O19 ?70x 110(.31939 AmY91t 5no90d)3 I'M Amx10x
'3 99 5107do1L1090 1)0.GD3X3(.f5(!.(.X19 Ll10X 70)0(0 10d313 {A13d3d) 10X0 39 S0A37170x
9; 12L3 5111 5097611ou AC0A73X m1(.103L 6 50A371Loyyk3Lx ?70x 170(.209 530d33i m1
( (b).9 5o7in4od3L {A(o nod170x L'd 5010 31 (.1,17'1)0(.3). '(.93X(I1
13.U3 MI )0A371101D1.OOd3L A3R9X301(2L 110139670AT 1YA20G0]L
9o7i).10d3L (,01DtAdX 9 9u10y ' d)3Q A139 A(OAJl3 0,1 {53d3XDn9

59 3)r 10Y3Ti 5(11 j 3 5on011 SkXnl k1o2 3). 5koX9 170.P3d)oY 730x 170Ai/.IGUAns
09 31o3L 130.G.03&3. (.91k1'inqi713 11 (.&(JX107 Anon (.1920X3 5m
&nA 3). Amt X Am1A0).133L31) Z11. 5X Am1bTi.llodu (.37193 30111,c.1.x d3u
AmTiid 'A(OYn10
I1nMj, A37i (.9O 4X701L3 AkYu 10T3 o1 /.4A10x
0(.13x3 (b(.37i2o11nGA3 5m 5(T)Dl 13D10 nOiLd30x 61 13n3l o1 A13nO]L Ao1
99 q 1olnoXd 5?39(;. 1oTi o1 e
170YAOn).7 io {,g311 A1od37iG. I'm io 5kI
5o.Lxn. {5391YAod6 1o11b A37i {A13AUnd/lb 3011 39 01 (.039 113101E
Xno n9YYLI 31 Dno(1lodd)n3 (. U 031(.-( X 'M Sm d30). '(.3X103 X90 (.o170dx30 11
A3xnd)31L imp 01 AodfklLnr 19oAnAA70d3x d3]L9(n 3sno
n736n3 A01d A3 1A39QO AM 93 AmY10193A071i 130(.13 Am19Oxo9
09 73XH,( A3Ti (.90 )01n701 (91 AO1LOd1 '39(.9.1 5011019 A(n1
901 109 3s
5702TJ67A Ao70d AV Ail-gk7i(l-G3&3 1od31u. 1)ODnd) LL `11oyl31D13L3
101'T)Tibd). 30(.011 pox 101 )03d)dQ{ .(3X)3A(td303L (.3X'03 V.LA3A10d) 5od3L

101(1903 110x A7rf10 X IT n1o10AT19 550 xno A3.e)0Y3 (1010 'U.,1,3 30 (.(101` 110GD39Y
.
5)011139t(Ti 51kOd)o&)O .5t(n37jonAi 90 3). 501A3.gX70d3L 770X AmA?TiOX9(OA1)00A)0

99 10D ML 'Am107iTi90d). {Am9LL3L3 At010dx3 301371 SLIOd 51OD9 11931311 11 A(1

10D0 101A3Ti 1d31L Am1no1 0].3.3((3 10131'3 L
Amt AOMDO..3
I
.0 ((I)1LmI no .n13A131.13L3 10TH 32 AOd1A3X 013&3).9 'i90x
,L d30 59d130X
31.00 d). 110r S(n7i109k71 (20 '(bA3Ti0 9 1109 hGl1 AnX9i Amt

nmYbTiTllod.l &k-l, co
3s.50A3TU3232 dn,l `(.1193 {170TijO
nodXIT1
OL m1n0 '10x11(.10 o3L31L x d)o).
3Ti A0A3Ti(Oxd30A3A 513 5n01.OX &7310n&10 11ybTi
no1n1o1 5/on?3x3 10 m1 50(.11 A13X313Ti iA. L31 52OA3TimdLL'

C3T3 Sno 3810 ((0 Am 39 Am1A0sp T137i AmD(JOW `5kkTiiF..L913L3 3d

120
44
lips, while others are singing with true musical skill, the tunes flow sponta-
neously whether they will it or not; and even an old man jumps about as
though he had forgotten himself, while others are dancing in rhythmic
harmony. In brief, if there is any power which of its very nature compels
imitation, for each person imitates what he admires, that power is infused
into your letters, so that the story about that harp can no longer be called a
myth by anyone who could see my own reaction now to your charms.9
For this feeling I am grateful to you. Truly I would have completely
forgotten whether I still had any literary ability unless you had stimulated
me by your frequent as well as beautiful letters. In fact, write to me still
more often and please me both by letting me enjoy the refreshing flow of
your words and by having them rouse me to what you consider to be better,
for friendly advice is of no small assistance. And if you should not find
someone to bear your letter here, then, as you generate compositions for us,
keep these wonderful children at your side and send them when you can.
May your offspring be good and more frequent. We will never be satiated
with your writings, neither by having a great number of them nor by fre-
quently having them read nor even by sharing them with persons unable to
fathom their profound thoughts.
I realize I have stretched out this letter too much in my desire to
please you by the superabundance of your own favorite things, by which
I mean anything that comes from me. But you will feel that my letter is
extremely succinct, for I am sure you are the most unsatiated of all my
readers. For this reason, I held my hand back, eager though I was to please
you, for since I felt that your desire surpassed my own ability, in my despair
I abstained from writing.

1 This letter gives the impression that Manuel had returned recently, so it could
be dated early in the period from 1403 to 1408; it is partially translated in Barker,
illanuel II, 403-5.
2 Dardanus was the legendary son of Zeus and Electra and the founder of Dardania
or Troy. The classical myths do not depict him as particularly sleepy, but this allusion is
probably a typical bit of Byzantine etymology, that is, deriving the name Dardanus from
the verb, 8ap3&vw, to sleep, and so making him the example of sleepiness par excellence.
8 On Antiochos, see p. lv.
Turk.
5 Thessalonica and Constantinople.
This must be a literary or theological work which Manuel had begun and promised
to send to Chrysoloras.
Western Europe, particularly France.
Menander, fragment 341 (411).
The harp or lyre of Orpheus was reputed to charm even savage beasts.
 121
44
xat nap' e'xe'Lvwv Ta teX-j tt (iou),op.evwv 6ansp auT6p.cTa, xat yap
nou TLS xat y pwv jxsv &ansp XsX7j&64 a6T6v, E'T6pwv xopeu6vT6)v
75 xat xat 6awc d, TLS 86va,Ls Tw 7Cecpux6TL npoS
r9v imu-r q LCtTaL 8E ExaaTOC, S 8e, Totq

COZ4 evT&n'xE yp(4LpLaaLV, (ilaTe xai Tov nept xL&&pa5 ExeivrjS ?o'yov
ouxhTL u,%ov A6yLV 6P& M ELS o yE 7Enov&a vuv ey6 nap& Twv
awv L6yywv.
f. 28V 80 llk?v ToU c ous oi8& aoL x&pLV. yap &v TOELwS
St TL xat aUVELAExTaL VM TCJV x6ywv EL (a. auTdc Tail oux
'1jTT6V ye xc X cL rj auvex6aLV enLTrO?, LS. yp&cpC 8' il.or aUVEx aTEpOV et
xat TW -re s4paLVELV TOLL, noTLE,LOLS PeU(.LaaL TwV awv X6yWV TW
're TOLaB BLeyetpew np65 O vo(dL sLS PeWnoV a vxv 06as' yap LLxpov ELS
85 nap&x?, jaLV CptXLx" napaiveaLS. x&v oux Ex7S r6v xoE1.LO5VTa, au 8' &XX&
yevv& v pdv x6youc exe nap& aOL roux TotouTooc na cq, n6[L4eLs 8E
vixoc eEeaTLV &ya&6S ye 6 To'xoq xat auvex6aTEpoc g&Tw aoL. 7c vTwS o6
x6pov EnoLrjast T& a&, ou"Te Tiw nova etvaL o6T Tw 7roaa&xLS &va-
rJ xat vETa82oa4aL Tozq 8uvaEVOLS lymia&aL Twv
90 Tou (3&;&ouS.
0t8a TrJv & ro?YjV 7rapExTELvaS or. (3o0,6p,evo;

Tip unep(3oa Twv acov naLBLxwv, Xeyw 8 Ta nap' E(,LOU n&vTa. aot 8E
86 E! n&.VTwq auveaTaX L vc( Ta yp(4p.cTa, neR",o.LaL yap etvat a Twv
etzL )v n&vrwv 6 &oL xat TL
7v XEipa E7c6axe
95 BLwxcLV T6 or. cpLaov, r'v y&p cr v vop,Laaq u'-,rep EpLi v

EUnopLav, &noyvouS EaTYjv Toy ypa'yeLV.

44: 58-59: Menander, fragm. 341 (411), cit. apud Aphthonium, Progymnasmata, 4.

B f. 70-78, mut. 71 nerca-qpwevoLC, codd. 1184 ye rouse B

122
45
45. To Ivankosl

Thessalonica
Near Thessalonica, 1404-1408, spring

They say that the white down blossomed on the chin of Erginus,
thickened and grew into a snow white beard, so that there was no time in
which he had the sort of beard proper to a young man, for the hairs grew and
at the same time turned as white as the feathers of the swans.2 Before adoles-
cence you displayed the qualities of a rhetorician, and when you reached the
age of those attending the lessons of a teacher, you were already capable of
giving lessons yourself. While your contemporaries gave their attention to
playing, you behaved in a manner befitting grown up and wise men, and
alone among the young men you escaped the mocking, the rod, the whip,
and the piercing glance of the experienced schoolmaster.
When you became a teacher yourself and were called such by every-
one, you did not dishonor the name, and the profession, venerable in itself,
you made more honorable by your keen insights and your flow of words. In
fact, from the starting line, that is, from the time of your youth, you were
numbered among men noted for their rhetorical ability, but you did not give
them cause for envy, for they prided themselves on your natural talent;
that they called you their child and confirmed this by their actions made it
apparent not only that they were not jealous but that they looked with
favor on your superiority to all others. As a result, honors came and invita-
tions to the council, to the academies, to the courts themselves; these people
wanted to listen to your opinions and to have all those of the highest rank
make way for you with pleasure. But you, the youngest, must have blushed
at being seen in the first place among men of such an age. And frequently
you must have regretted being present at the assemblies of your learned
colleagues, but the dignity could not be refused; you were not allowed any
leisure, and you had to undertake labors with sophists, with teachers, with
legal scholars, with philosophers, with rhetoricians, with those introducing
the poets to the souls of youth, and you had to persevere in struggling
alongside each of these, struggles full of sweat and toil, or else be regarded
as a deserter. And so, compelled to be present at their assemblies and led
by them to the first place, you resisted and turned away with embarrassment
and loud protestation. But they would not permit this at all, and dragged
you on to the highest chair. As you endeavored to escape once again from
the hands of those pushing you forward, you were just short of running the
risk of suffering that for which you would readily have exchanged death
itself, for you resembled a man who had committed some horrible crime and
was trying to escape punishment. Now, both are evil, and it is not easy to
judge which of the two is worse.
 ESI
9f

.9ii m,L JI1 6xkr 371

61 A371 Ago d)A3Ada, mD70d) At 1)0n3XtL 31 net (,O'(no3 Aexnal( 17oX

?)Ox 170n3yk.G31 mlNO not (7u 0. 7oA Aon3T1cq1you31L 9 31D 1.71 33

1)OAj3 AOAOdX A3 m 01 A013A3i1 3XD3 co1x70d1371 'noxtcDodu 315;01 5TOX3d1 d$
9 1)oGD39d) 37oX
707130 3). 511o1n)0 170A13D0du Al`.1 >o1,1c1,9xn3'( 5iot
5'od3lu A(91 A(OAxnx L 37oX 90 3), 0du 51.1, 53,(dlc n1o5U.1 U. Amt AmdOlkd
'5fAX3323 I)OX A)03x1y(; nmt3371V 342t. Amt 53 n0'()0X0)0212 A(*)1M)11od) 701
M)1 'oD7oAn23 ?TOX 57o1m1x1x AmX3 1D)071dn.11f 57o1AoX300du
5e1n>, mdX3 5701 du A7Dno 1D)0d2Ab MOA '10noX3 50&g71 G.2 & oA
0I 1)OX
1O).11DM71 370X
T1719 A73114.2.L &n2 %0A37i -1dI02170]L
m3J m)od13u -50.AOX3
Au,, 32 50\(7OXD70212 5e1n7o 170x )0dxu Am.w4.U 5oA371(,10'()OX yx AWDl
no 1XDl/a.7ox '57oe 370X 01 71n32k11u3 ) .G1ox OMIT AOA713D Ag Ad31cp771Tt
570A(A,d)3uw Ttk1n0 ?7ox 51A(,md) iu)0T1n3d 17ox &1A.73
L 9 '5L(71717od).
91 o '1D1od) o.'. lA2 51,(1 '501k1O3A 510.G70) 701 3d3u .qy 5MO -.G7d70A3
5oA371no71 no 53X93d7ou .613AO,Gd) YJ3717l0Y1d) d)0,, 5101,n)O It kD '51Dnd) ?7ox
et 7021701E 3D n13y70x 17ox 01 5701 7D)7Tikkdu nno71oJ3d AU.t .A703do.Uw0du
c , c , c " c I I N

X2o AOog AnA701. 170(,73u)O AOAOGd) 50X13 'All( )0YY70 170X A01T01xn3 7)OAj3 5101 3).
51o1n01o. 370nkmod) 3D nm1 A(g1n)Ou '0613-dT e12 513Dkyx0du 31 1)OX 1707111
.J LZ 09 )0dTOu 701 'n1dlc1n3XnO )06702-1 701 ')o73Dno71 7odTOU 5)01 5)0x3 I
15;oin7o g1 31
710GD3.G13u 510 5k70J. 770x 01 57o1n01L 700 AnD l&o2 A13dmX70d7ou Amt.
A(o331mdu 5otn70 32 5w3dgnd(( 5(oX131u3 AG. U Aminoxrykt 5U.G60 -mdu
A9n31 A01 AOAgdX 5017o1D9 Am 170x 57X-0yy02L 100 50X371)01371 n3.Gy 119
5101 Amt AmAX3lo1io n0A3)13d70]L .51019'(YnD -ty(p A011A1.170d70u)0 Aj 01.
99 O71LLXD 170% xno (02122(3

'A(T).=d)OD )01371 )X0)0212

(OXD A73))0 17OX AG oAb
'WP( 701373 A(nl O- 5
'.
k GD3X32 1)O 5n0Agu )01371
5noT19A 'A(1)A3Ti),1D1u3 101371
'nm60DO'(1d) )0.1371 'AmdOlkd )01371 Amt Snot L 5)0.Lfmo nm1A9).7.0 533 5)0t
AM &M3& '5)OX(1r 17ox k m3d3d)707RenD 570A(? 51o1D)0x3 'Aminot 5xt(9623
3. 1)Ox >0.1701.1T170xD '5701(,O1x71 IL Ak1.xf0].ou13Y A3,G4 li.s -7,.70d70u
OS 5on371on 5tcx n3 510 o1AOAG(n(7D '51od(;)X 513 A(I -M1)du A un nm].n70
50A3T1W70AiO 'A706(9)X OD10].DI.GnA 3). 1bX 5)0gku3ub nnD 7^.7071k.Gnd3 I)0x .ROd
u0 2 xno L3 nou3d.1,3 n0 '5(')71x yyp AoW(13.GAW 533 AIF-L mlpl(DnV Abd83.G7oX
51.Gnb 32 n73).(13d) 5701 M01 Am1AnOG)AnD 3D '5-4d13X nodxnrl M32
53n3An2n7x3 A73G70u nO 5m1sbd AT (')Xy(L( 17)X A01)0A)o.G 170A3X703 d7o)l

77.OXTd23g 17o% 770A7od20ub (bn37kmd13u 91 770&(t02

9E 11
(bucmd.GAw AOdL.(AOU
AL(x72 ,,od31.70x3 d70.1 AOx7ox 77ox A7o1 A10d)711o o1 nod73X xno AO11dxn3
124
45
Realizing, indeed, that unjust blame was being inflicted on you, a
blame for which you did not bear the remotest responsibility, you determined
to bear it meekly, preferring reality to appearance. In that way, you might
seem to have committed some accidental fault in the eyes of men who were
deceived about you. But acting as you did, you showed yourself a man of
truly noble character to those who knew you, and to your genuine exaltation
of soul was joined a modesty in manner. For noble men the mere appearance
of being evil is more shameful than for evildoers to be such in reality. But
you have always loved what is appropriate and despised what is improper,
no matter how profitable it might be for you. Thus, you do everything at
the proper time, thus you were pursued by honors, and thus, out of respect
for your elders and friends whom you had as teachers and whom you addressed
as fathers, you avoided being honored prematurely. For it would be terrible,
you thought, terrible for you, who taught others to observe proper order,
to be seen doing just the opposite, and for a boy who was being taught his
lessons yesterday and the day before to be seated high above men with
white hair, beards, and staffs. But still, you were not able to overcome the
insistence of so many people, and out of weariness you gave in; you were
quite right in doing so, by the way, since it was not the best course to persist
in refusing, nor did it seem at all proper in fleeing from fame to insult those
who wanted to honor you. So, granting what was proper to them as well as
to yourself, you did comply at last, although you gave the impression of
being in headlong flight.
Then, on returning home you did not give yourself up to luxury as you
could have, and you rejected the relaxation you could have indulged in.
Instead, you toiled at those tasks which befitted a pupil of Hermes,3 and you
continued living your life with Plato and Demosthenes, and briefly you
concentrated on those disciplines on which a good mind would pride itself.
After having attained such a level of education as you might have prayed
for, you confidently employed your skill, and your worthy speech added
splendor to our fatherland and its citizens. For you thought it neither good
nor holy to conceal your superior qualities in silence and to be regarded as
ungrateful toward your country and its children who so vehemently love
you; rather, you have been fulfilling your obligation to it, both by being
what you are and by serving as a model for your contemporaries in the
acquiring of what is truly good.
In addition, you had the most beautiful manner of planting the flower
of literature, as one might say, in the souls of youth with great gentleness by
a concise method which you yourself had discovered after much toil. Further-
more, you were involved in other matters you knew would benefit our
country, defending the laws whenever they were attacked, giving advice
whenever it was needed, and providing firm support to certain persons who
 90

1))I A(1A3o1 Aox733Q tnlrhy131'1 SC s `513xct1D73d)lo _od1d1Dodu

AUA37i 10D '&(I)u3\(d 5m3odu A73XA.3A3 15-nmd73 91 imp (101 Am03 -(pTj110du
t / \ \ c t I \
o1 3d3u 3D 3 513X9
c \
'50A371 5mA13X3 A37'1 dloA. 51oA3T1k.iw=d. 5lourodgA7o A7o

0:p 5mD4 170n3xkid7o1'll. 11 b170x .AU.X91 oino 33 5101 31 1Dgs33 5o1DkdX o 5o,
`non370d)3 770x AlkDodU 91 AlA.1 AIA.Xnr 5m.GU'b j
14 Aml LAmugdl
.11k191d13'd 101110X 5101 5103)0AA3A. 1D0dgAo o1 A'13xo2 51oyn7od) 17oA43 AOy'(3oY1
\ \ x , t c / \ I
5701 5?odUnou 01 IMP 'S701n0701 yyn 1370 1oD 01 (,OA3710A)\.1A.
c

91 )03LTd 01 5OX13 A91kD1T1 '11D3 A7oX 119 309.D1y70T1 IOD A73D301%nD

A01(1d) 770X
9t m1n0 7o/31d not. nodikx 7o1A70u mino %dwu Ski 5(rf.717.1.
noxm183 (o-,no 9D 53A.nd)312 o1 7od7ou Aol AOAodX DyY111 1 70237o A.(q1
Amd3lncjD3du pox &m1(1d) 5,o 17ox 510y70xD7oS7S dX3 mcr 13ox 550 570d317ou
AQA13S d)oA. `nom non733 A13d111 AIA.1
AOin70 3A. A01YA70A901 A/3x02 `n'1310u J1OX not 53.gX pox )o17d10du
09 n0A3T1 lmu mo 5wiyoU pox 50Am),(pu j70x 57o3dkix1od n0
AkT1 3A.53nXDn 170.GD3A3A.1d3u `Am1R0D01 5noS323A3U9
t(,MT170xoaLx '(3oSo 31 770x A0170x38 .Ap 90 vJ. d A73.013u40 7076 5n0\(31 ywx AO1Dv
`AUG.
389o s313X9 Ao11'3d 17oA43 G.Uln6 5kSos J9 m3)3d 5901 70T111 Si
J AL3 .5171A0\(9.G3 A(gT13A 35) 510A13XYJx 770x (71n)0D I
701 `70A3T10AA.11 53nOx1.u9 A31'1
99 `3rh9 n(9)ln36 32 5m3X1o1 'n0A370d)3
I)og (A.S 50A3T1oA3A. 0 10X 31n0 1.1 U6nd1 AQ1n7oD Aodhou
63 51o A:axkoodzL a,, no-rid
'53(11.U31 513&0.U3 33

mT13d)od1 Ix 57oDn41./(.12 not nolmOD not 0 7Am1 pox j (J

n(`7A0D
717x 5m\(o 510 AX) 5n0& 5o.g7DA.7o o110And.U'HT( A1D7oT1U.G7oT1 513 AOlnODOi 32
09
t \ ) / \
n0.Douo Ab 5oin-4
t \ It t I I
mdX3 5(nlnnodd)0# UL1. UAX99.
nc71DOx 17ox (Al d17ou % 1)ox 5901 53011\(ou .G7r)00 (A 'U91(n 3510 d70).
A01(70x no AO1DO 5)0A7dX3 UA.1D 09, 701'1U.9.x3AO3)(u ms-,undx pox AOlD7d7)Xp

1)00.100 3D 163u .i r (,.DDnox)3(,3 lwx 5901 U.9mo L 5705170 m1no Smx1N0T1

3D 5no27s3i= U-,x,)o o1 5o3dX 5oinoioi 31 5oA3T19A170d) 5o1.n-4

99 7707E

,j 50A31'1963A. 510.1
Sodu 3A. 110 AO1D7\(1(rx lxx 50.G&70
5)0a, A('9. Am3A mgn31nd)T13 570Xnr11 70]37i ou 5UX(
A7 533 nlAi. Amt M1)( n1Dllux
7

o `Ac). Sc A70 519 t1O9173 573

Ski 5U.A(O1D70d 6c0 (r)T10YAnD

AU. 5oimo o01 570Dkr 170x AJtT1 pox 10\(\(379. A731170du noA77o63 )o

A73D30AnD 5)oxcAA.3 U1 `1S3d170u A(OA97170u3 31 5101 51oT1o, 13 o1A107b\(ou

OL 770X noino]. `A7091,C3s 1x AmX3A70u9 `Dii 01 70T1kAod6 d)7'1D3
126

45
were oppressed by a swarm of unspeakably difficult problems. Somehow
you managed to hold together a mind unstrung by a multitude of preoccu-
pations, and you provided strength to a spirit despairing in the protracted
struggle against terrible forces 4 And, in general, when everything was cast
down or just about to fall, you did all you could to straighten it up, offering
grounds for more excellent hopes, and in your own writings arguing that
evil is but transient, and that being unable, as Plato says,5 either to reach to
the heavens or to perish, it must wander about this mortal world; that
nobody is always above evil, and nobody is always and constantly tried by
it. For its state, it seems, is never to be stationary or, you could say, never
without movement. Undoubtedly, then, the good is the exact opposite of
evil, and it is impossible for opposites to join together.
What is especially to your credit is that you were accomplishing all
this in the city,6 which could justly be termed the Mother of Rhetoricians,
or rather, the fount of literature in fact and in appearance. Made fruitful
by the sagacity and seriousness of her inhabitants, she has always had
numerous offspring of this sort. These men, knowing that their fathers,
their fathers' fathers, and even their more remote ancestors were lovers of
literature and glory, imitated their ways. They could not bear to think that
they might be inferior to their forefathers, whose prayers, because of their
descendents' inferiority, might come to naught. They believed it would be
most shameful if the praise bestowed on their own ancestors were measured
by the shoddiness of their sons, and that it would be a far worse evil for the
sons to be less distinguished than their fathers than for an Olympic contender
to he defeated by the strength of his opponent. Indeed, these men, engrossed
in learning the highest of noble subjects, expended their lives and their
substance in the pursuit of this, and steadfastly drinking of the bitter root
of education they then gathered in its fruits, delectable for their noble
qualities. You, an ardent admirer of these, have surpassed those whom you
admired.
It is clear that you are another Erginus-the example is now be-
coining more obvious-since you displayed the qualities of the elderly in
your youth. But that prodigy of your youth, while certainly extraordinary,
is by no niean.s to be revered; everything inseparably connected with your
natural gifts is extremely enviable and a cause of wonderment. That prodigy,
though, does not imply any virtue of body or soul, for it comes about of its
Own accord, whereas what you have since achieved, the result of toil and
gives proof of a real man and bears witness to a soul brimming over
with virtue, always preferring better things to lesser, condemning ease and
praisin,c har,l work. That wonder, moreover, disappears with old age. Who
wonl,l marvel at white hair on an old man? In your case, however, the wonder
is no less now than before, for having arrived at such an advanced
agr Vii have not passed your prime in literary composition. The letter you
hug nr sent to us makes this clear, charming as it is with the bloom of
 LSI

11 1A 9And1d A0A3T Mo7A.1d1L9n2 pox n0u pox N310n7012 A709I3.Gn'(X3

9 X c nm1)o71.L1du S70).id).03An9 pox CZXnr )b3nxkd,31Lp (b1 6A9dX 570&132
I I W t 1
M337oX10u A0A01 513.G313 pox SoXq A'MOSL 01 A0A37i13X U )0x31970 01(101
7)0G913931L tA'91 91 3). 5{3 39 3'A0X &(1O.odOA111 90 531L11(372
5md31019kdX
2L nm613Y)0u3 1911LY3 7zX M#13u 5101 201n1o9 570.0'( 5( 3(90 101)06701311)0
7Od101L
/ t { t , , t t t
1)oMn1)oyu A)1 MOA)Odfo x90 AQ(u3 5101n)o
c
)01 `Xpx
70 yy)o Ikx.L1(.1 7o170x
1)0q931.19 2(10 1)0R93Y0up ')0(.31179&(12 (,01 A01t.CA.C A73190Md3u .(.0'1'j90X
ix A37j 13p M91n01 Aod31tpp&p 1A32L&(1 2 A7y(,O1L 33p I7o,
3%

5(9X3&99 7(.0)1&01 5197019 d1). `(.(91&10 5c `3X703 91 noTix2kkTJ

08 1)0&(19 7)0G970AR2 32(A.71 A13713d1p .5(910x33
dw,l A3.Gnouk2 )o.g79.1p 11&791 %

5(9dx3Q )031&)9&3 5101 ?oxwx ibx 701 5(91(10 p1A0X3 A13eX3An9 Z (.9 901
41. 32 (2 71 70191 3D 'AnOTI.OOX 11(1701 0113(31.372 )on37191170du A3
1d1kTi AmdO1k 5m7)Ox12 A'ID
'UA97fl3d0).kDod1L 60-(Y)O7i 3 U,LGu amt
nm.l9y pox U9no 1XX U&311oA1)Od 5o&OG6n d>o,. Afj. 13O 0 501n0101 4n)0
98 50X01 io30AMXA.) pox t.12n01L9 &(n1 AmdolkX10 'UA3T10n32dp j0 A0).9y 31
I c 1
7)Ox 57o19)od3 531OX(OA).3 5901 7)OX 5(101 Sn0n13X3 pox

5061L 3), 113 5901 `md3MTMO 01nn07hT13 5(101 &(91&91 t5n01L0d1 Xno A01X3A)o
10&3,ti0o).U. 17002 A(93Ao).
1I I
5no11v(3 1)ox U.1 d)DSL Am1nb 703dtC&ou damu C 5
3 89 5)0X&3 1)09li.1x)Odu)o 01&0 d;o,L A0191X91)0 1OAI3 011p 5k1 Am1 Am27)ou I

06 5o1kIoynlod) Mn1 &(91970 1)0p13A37O t5n0A0).Od3L pox cb'a07L 3). Ao2xpX 1x&13

Stl1 AO)1 &md3lbu Sk13dp 7)OAiL SX)271o]L U 5G.1 A(9y)OfL11A)O 509X93

A19'7O1uTInyo, 'AOA31'i957Ac9). 7)OX t2 1331L A(A.1. A1th3'o Amt Am1971XldX
A3 5101 510'()Ox d1)012 531&O &01 31
21'
(07 4I
(7039n0 513 5(L1.n7O1
' Ap pox AL1
Abdf& /AOXDIY( ATdxiu 5ki 51o321bu NOJId 5md31d)ox
)01(m;
96 S31AOA3u tGj3 5132k Am),9d13 5((01 Sk1M01 5noud)Ox 5k1. 5o1[A.1g170AA3,L
.'OX3A3 &91901 501&)0 50&3710(,3). k
10) 5t L 570X13&kdh 10 5 )3 5x.ocgxt
SGnpfiat (1&&391 50M).dat 9oyy) d)o). nod3193d)To o1 -)od)ou
5&&x132-1)013&i). 'p1 M01 A(91AOd3; 9&3x3 3). 91
A3 AkY(1L

50d31 01 jd31L A01 A03A Abd71(I9 AT t5(9AX31>?0 &0&7139 32

001 'Smyb)o2(19 o 32 U1 U9 oxkdxaL 39(CjRno 13.00`6 5mnd)d3u(7 )013T] 901
&13X3d-4u n73)'XITYn)0q 0&13X3 A31i d7o; &01)T01(1)3 50&0.,3). 31&0 D 50=7i
Ak13dJ7 3uo
5kXw l3(,7706Ti3 01 &O9 32 91&01 79(1&X732 Ao1 Sm 5(T)jRCLy)o
>odgA 39(9623 31 1)ox 510AOu `&3.Gkix I)OX 7)O13A3). A01d(t,1x31 5kXnlh 5G13dp
5U.9noT13,1 (IoX)o1A1L 5kA.A3Ti3.G)10du ncol (3 &(9&09970 p1 `(011'3dx 1'IDx 01
901 1)0.G913XV00 '&010(j) 01 32 A0A7)01L3 5(AA371a0)LLl. 17Ox li-d

5010x)od o&?3x3 01 7071n>0 'k.(.11L31Lp 531 d)O,L AT 3XI3 &M'(01L A3

11AOd3). AG.n3TiOA7)od) ! 01 32 7u3 199 70Tk Xno 4

A91 3,L 1)D113n7jn AnA li.

.nolodu 513 d&. 32&9901 S(?x)OY(kY355)odlkl 513 AC41 &(n1 nm.0 A)odo6
(70 L 'S709)OT'Xkd)O 10X b1 A9& 70A3T31()0193]L3 109 5od]L S>oTjC. '101Ao).'
128
45
artistic beauty and its overwhelming power of persuasion.
If this letter of yours had not been so full of your magic spells and of
such great compelling power, it would not have persuaded me to reply
immediately upon receiving it at a time when I was surrounded by so many
things to do and after I had convinced myself that there was another time
for writing, while the present called only for deeds. But now the voice of the
teacher is a piercing goad, the beauty in his letter a magnet attracting the
iron, the gracefulness flowing through it all an invitation to imitate it; its
forcefulness became an exacting tyrant commanding and compelling us to
write immediately, as you can imagine. At any rate, it permitted no delay,
and, for many reasons, it was neither possible nor proper to disobey. I rose,
then, from my chair, for at the moment your letter was read to me I was
seated there in the presence of a large number of people; I left more quickly
than usual, and as soon as I got inside I started writing.
You would have received this letter long before this if your own letter
more than anything else had not become a hindrance to my hand. Of course,
I am well aware that the contradiction in this statement, taken as it stands,
would be puzzling to anyone who heard it, for it surely seems like a riddle
to say that your letter was at the same time an invitation and a sort of hin-
drance. The truth of the matter is this : looking at your letter I seemed to be
looking at you, its author, at the same time, and my mind formed an image of
your character, and at the seeming vision of the one I love my hand under-
standably became motionless, so that the vision was both an enchantment
and an obstacle. But the enchantment prevailed, and the obstacle did not
prove to be absolute. Furthermore, you appeared to the eyes of my mind
quietly with that pleasant smile of yours trying to guess from my expression,
as has always been your wont, whether I wanted you to recite something
from my favorite writings. They would be instructive, too, those writings
composed by men who are distinguished in works of distinction, whose
virtuous ways keep their names alive to the present and will rightly keep
them alive forever, since virtue is immortal. Then you seemed to take hold
of your accustomed method of instruction, and your speech was not devoid
of pleasantry. I imagined that you were also doing this, asking a question
and skillfully discussing it with a great deal of charm and without a trace
of arguing, then, when others were at a loss, again being there to offer a
solution. This, indeed, was your habitual way of doing things, which became
my usual fare.
These thoughts made me long to get together with this wise man and to
converse with him, grasp his hand and hold tightly to him until he should
share with me some of the ideas he has treasured up, which he might not
share with everyone. This was my quite understandable reaction to your
letter. For words are images of the soul; a passionate lover cannot look at
them without also desiring the prototype of his love. In fact, this is the main
point of my letter, that is, to write: write no longer, but, as they say, run
 691

, c r
(n) 13GA 5(~(Y 5)019907193 1bx bI371 5b1Dno1d3u 01 M3C,31L
)01(0X3
a 1 t;C d>oA nyo1 ntnl Ant MOI 01Ab)(U711U313 Ski SU.D Sb131k0A pox
t,3 `57019)0 x00 t,)0 3291090/
511, Akx 5(1X91
1-0b71AbdU 371 AOA3T1n0`(xnx
1bx AOA3T1D733L3u Ao1nbT13 b1A0X4 nm)Oy &3T1 A0Y`(b 7)0(1,3 `AOd7)0x 0.1 32
%

, I
blAOdb1L (101 A1311bdu `AOA07J M13`(Y31D1U31A'0 t,0G13U3A10 59293
bin3nbd)
911 >oi b17d). A(lA 32 A061A3x Sndx1YA1
(; (bXDb272 n0 (;tM9d) pox L( t,3 5101
mDxT171bd1,. bdcp 511fLnAb71 hodk21D )ODQOxy3 M12 Am1Abu TDn03d
51d'`OX 51D(A.-(xbdlol
c , I
513 A1Dk7111'1 'Ak ,7x A3
510(13x3 59X-01 5onnbdnl
A3AO),3A. 51.(d1dxb 03 50 bDn01Yb11U3 pox
73,0 33010 A(bOA .73d?X3A(ID 3t, A13,G133L x00 300
t,1. A1,f.dX3
091 'O1L A(T) 'Ox3A3 Ski o), m 1071 di)
Q bi(jbxlhkY A(O)(y0 .U3 I L IOD 701 g-)0A31j11bdA3A17173U)
AOY1b no., 5010.C'(913 110' 5(1.03 50&3710A3), &02A3
1o
A73d)bdA
11Ox 53X1.3 AM 1Ynb1 Odu 90V`(ou 13
k.T1
by bD Yb7171`OdA
988 byyt., b71ny(,0Z Alts. 32 Amt AmA9-(
'd
I tc `b.LA)O]L U.1 1d13X 3AOA3),
c .C! , r r ( ( rr ,
991 bY11L101YA)0A3 n3 310 119 R 139b1'1nX 511 r
5)0-090x10 3x703 dbA
5(9AX31b `7YO71),b(1b 13 )O1 2
blb1'1T1bd) 3AOA3A 51DkyxbdbU )37110 =x
AOAd1,3 '11 13X3 2 t,0 AOY nouod1 b132A91 53.Gk A(Ox923 3D A13U3( AQY
rr
)01.Odr)10d).3,. )01. bA37171bd),3A 1oD A(9u3Vd 7)ox 0 Snot, 6311i)3YU3A73 k2u.
0,-:
AOD `5o.Gf. 110x 6a, A?3dm3.G M3x02 Ao1 AOA3T10r)d3 (;( d73X 5010'13 x00
, r. n , r , r r ,
Oct SOAd3A3 'AU 319(9 Q10b 7)OX AOAY3.R A. 7)Ox '01)3Y91DOdu 3x1.1.x7A3A 32 91
r , r ,
01, AOA371b1D1DOdu
r c r r rc <

110x x90 A3Dn`(mx3 1dX1Q '590`(31 Aku (1OA1)0th3

S1oi 51011\(104d)0 901 590A n2k. 11 Am7213T1 bT13dk 100 4Ub Ski. 5(s
f-

51A71; 5m 13w 709 r01xbdU3u 13 3D 11 &13A3`( Achl

10713 AmA371D1dZX3x A313 2 An b1nb1 nm1 A13y3d)m i-k&(12'A(0A3 mA3\( k2

9Ei nm1 nmin3.gfLnosL 510A13x3 5101 A3 510T11XOQn3 `A1DbDkT17x0303 510 (;. Amt

A(r)uodl G.Y3dw 73X3s.)ox b7i0AR01 1dX371 An& 710x 13`3-Gbx 31 5(91)0x73 7dX
u .GAT m 01 w71kdX Ski m 5kl,3d i132L 513x023

SG.1 5n93 r5b1321bu 32t/.71 5b121bu 501Anod10T1b 901 .n0A0Y n0A7b63

32 U._. 7019b1Abd) 170x 01901 'Amllbdu A(71md3U9 11 1b)( 50A37i0)1d)0.0 T13T1
OffI SG.'0L 5on1Y 5OS,7drX ox 11 A1odx70T1 5mxk1D36b 15021d3 )0113 (,m1AnOdOUb

Aces, Am\(\(1o 5019)0 nD A1YO1 0&73x3 (koinoY 91 5c)X3AnD 709

j
.
(,Ot,3T1011.bdU 1bx AOA3710A3 d.2 3U
AMT1(f )O`
M
ry
no.L n0191d)OD 7bx -An.o
3A013A 519bd)Odu mDI.(71nG1u3
X1-M-_00 7071

1b.GD3A3A O)Ino1 1)x 3`()072 1bx 5k. 50d13X h0A3T10db`( 1)7.G03/3

)OX I no 5101 510YY0u
50)3 AM 9171(;. 1A102bl371 &(o1 (nlnb A(9AST191dnbDkGs.L
01 .50.GbU
Am1X3,g3T1 50)-01 5(9],0x73 32 10T1 A3AOA3A X3 A(01 Am1b7lT1bdA
53nox13 dx)L Ski SLXnv1 io 5b xno 1A3 1b.G9b9b3.G 5001 5mn371mdd3

5W-&(T)d3 1bx kTJ 101 L

)OUn191md A731U AT '1Dmd3
,ox 7b71n0)0U 51.1 2
L3 o (o. 3(wl '(JkTIdod)b o].n0?. 01 113xUT1 `3d)bdA
130
45
here with all speed.' Now, at the very least, be assured that when you come
here to us after so many years you will look upon a face quite dear to you,
and at the same time provide us with an equal pleasure. Of course, I am
saying this in assuming that you are not suffering from any bodily impedi-
ment, and that no external obstacle should stand in your way; I shall not
speak of old age in case that term should offend you who, it is said, still give
evidence of vigorous health. Yet what could I possibly say that would not be
pleasing to you? For to one who knows how to be a friend, even the jibe of a
friend is pleasant. So now, with feet growing old run here as quickly as pos-
sible. You will, for one thing, show yourself as a man ready to obey; for
another, as a real lover who knows just when to stay still and when to move,
who avoids what is too hasty but also hates what is too slow, who knows
well what is the exact opposite of wickedness.
I think that if you yield to my request, you will not encounter any
difficulty. In fact, quite the contrary, as soon as you leave the citys and take
the road leading here, you will see how pleasant it is; whether you ride or
stop and get off your horse and refresh yourself at the cool springs, and when
you sleep under the shade of the leaves rustling above and whispering some-
thing pleasant as they are blown by the breeze. Everyone would say that
the most wonderful lot has fallen to you, and that as a result, the most
wonderful things have swiftly come together, those I have just described
and others far superior. For you will have left the city in peace; it is not
lacking any necessities; it is not deprived of anything which a flourishing
city might enjoy; it already possesses great things and hopes for greater,
and even these it regards as small compared to the still greater things hoped
for. For it has an excellent charioteer who knows how to drive a chariot and
a pilot seated at the tiller at whose nod all obey, which more than anything
else is needed to keep a ship afloat.9 Not only that, but the fact that the
road is clear of bandits is not a small thing; equally important now is that
the season, or if you wish, the best of seasons, the queen, some wonderful
man might term it, is able to furnish things from her own storehouse. Right
now she will present you with rivers so wild and swollen as to be navigable,
so calm as to allow horses to ford them without having to swim, a road free
of swamps, clouds of dust, cold, burning heat, and slippery mud. For this
season, being temperate, avoids those conditions which could cause distress.
And what will you think, tell me, of the wide variety of flowers, beds of violets,
lilies, rosebushes, and many others like these, gratifying one's sense of smell
with their own natural and inimitable fragrance? For whatever is not
contrived is clearly superior to something artificially prepared in imitation
of it. Bear in mind, too, the pleasant grass, gleaming like emeralds, providing
abundant nourishment for the flocks, a brilliant feast for the eyes and a
soft bedding for weary bodies; the plain stretching into the distance, the
nurse of herds of beasts which bound about, run, contend with one another
 191

3X341 130E '1D10d) AM M70A MOInODOI A(')13 570711;(5) -99703.G

50&371 31 1071;0 AIC1plyld) 1OD 5m1AfL A7('1o pox 3A A(1 &1&.97 Md;OX
93 '1GDK 11101 39 (9)9 13
Ti 10D 11 Amt ?d3L 01 7071(79 A0)901L713 ollo1A1A
r. 70M1 Ana, &3.G0d9.G Amlp7in1(mx `ki(17o1D0dL (73 d70A n13A3y 01 `57odL(.A k71
3D
991 113 101170x
(71
11Ab 3
1170711.fd 701
AOl ((`Am1AC0A1dd)9 5m 'n1D)od)
(107 1( 0110&3 9 k71 109 01109J1. .AOY16 A13y1d)
(10713
. th
110913 17ox 7o1i71mxD nOY1t nxnYA 37ipd9 9
AO&O1Ar9 A071od9 199xLCJkd00L
J 69 790E 770x 513139 971 91
A7390x701n &0711013 I 701&0 513`139 39 n01 5m19f(AA

)01n963 110X 001 1V13971 100X A9d77OX `7010913 ?70x 701A0A936 971 01
`53132L0dL 701M109171 39 01 'AOdGmn 5101X70X &O&3717o191L3 5101 5iodx10
091 51o1U.1o71n>on3
1)ox 6G(71
11n3G913L &39010 `&10 11or11o53d3XDn9 10Dk1&7o2p A011AWAnO1
&3r1 A20 X31p `Sco g 11 A31d)DX &9Gy3odL 1] 31 (101 5031.0 17OX 5i[(1

Dnod3d) 5 50) 57oT1 otf 31 170x 11&ptlOLp 31 (101 (IOLL7

1Y&OAn1OY3ry`6)A3il
?xx 6&3x1(01193 bd'nU 51odXnr O7)TA D `A1 11&n0&Ln 31 9Ln &p1XD Am1(1(na
991 AMA37101391L3 109 170X n0An90dd)n3 71 517oyO&0d1L 70'S7od9 3-2,D9

&G.1. &i,(191Y1(7oX 10D A7od1o71 G9mdiAyx3xAn9 170 570E 571 fA k.1)od) pox p19
01001 nlDlyymx
1,01. 11n70] T1 5oXJlVA3 7On3r1kd13 170x 1,Dy

M01901 (0L my m1113dX 0l l &k MY= A3 d73 Lt 39 'A93].L1y 01 A39(471

&LLA13x3 170.GD139 A(01 `Am7ZX),70A7O 01 51,0 q? 0110Ld31 51rOL 1A.A371no&U-Gn3

`1)O493d31D 01 701()0&371 &371 &k1n70 &73X3 `i'l'9 39

OLI Ak19701 9&
(x.71

17ox pl 701&0 A131171on a, (b &(o1 &m(,37i0)7Ly3 '73G3A3r1 13X3 dv).

7odx771

noXol(,k (O1 &01(10xVyf1.1 AOn37170].D7]L3 71d)0 &13An7oy3 1)OX 1113 MOO &mX7o10
no C)1 11)07'193& 53100.U `(1Dn0x13 9 L9 701D1Yp71 (,m1ApL L 3xnd)3
)D n13 -Anion no AG(7i 7oyyp 17ox of Akt Ao39 AmioU,y j7oX A13n3d70 n0
9LI 'n9dx171 70&371 39 1)0X 01 th.1 A7od) 13 39 `13y90 &m1 &(I)dm &(1l mn1371>0

`A70DD7y1970d A3]L13 NO 511 d1A.N0 `5o7D)O71n70G 701 d7DL 5Ga.n7o3 emon0AU.d0X

Ai.L1.

'&73X3 5nO71701OL 5noldkD 770X SnodOLlwn')DA MA 10.0 SnopdL t'l.in7O 17013`J3d7oL

57oLm 57o1&nodmUn9 &G.1 &19)0dp19 n3A)O (1O1 1709132 t `170.GD3X Aothd1
Amlp7i)(31 170x n0ldo7A0x ?70x SnoXnrf 170X 5oAmu910x 110x
AC(&37Ll7oyyULp
081 noykL 5o1AnoloL &oGD1yo 1,C937i d)DA )oDn0 U.1 13970dx 13An3t )Di 7od7oL &m1
A13]Ln( &(O&371)OAn9 nOL 39 pox 151394 3L13 `7071 03GAp A 10L A701y7)
&kl `&k'(XoL 'A(')1&(')7 Am1&m&16X )OX I `nminm9od nmYy0L nmd313 `nminolol
&1D39((dd)DO 7190 ( &o1707i01n70 1OX `&0lLl.711Tip 0.1, d7oA
ALYJ not 51)01 510s0.R3r1 5odL OA13X3 SmtbD
981 '770113xd31-1(1 170x &L(y1d) A700L A701nX103 31 69A10d)07iD 17Ox

510.E n193Ak_'.x AOAO.G610 `A1.CA37i0A1A 513(9 31 5(Qd1LTT)Oy 21193 &)OD 1'OX 11Ap

5k&71md19 AkA37ikyd3d0Ln 190x1.(71X3x .ID)07i(,)D A0123]L A0A371(lo&X719 53

`&pdxxori 57oy31p &ot3d1 Am1dk,G &m1nc19L(L `&m1AOX3d1 nmA3r1myy1rl>o
132
45

as though they were doing everything deliberately in order to escort way-

farers along in good spirits.
We could also mention the springs, the wells, the water bubbling up
from the rocks, and the limpid, racing stream which seems deep as it reflects
the vault of the clear sky. You can see some fish feeding in the pools of the
streams and at times leaping above the surface of the water to catch insects.
How could you not long for such a feast? All of this gives great joy and plea-
sure. Then too, whenever you call to mind some of the sweet-singing birds,
swallows, nightingales, blackbirds, jays, and many others chirping on all
sides, you will prick up your ears; you will call people in the country extreme-
ly happy, and you will just about commiserate with those who stay at
home in the spring. Indeed, spring, the source of all this, will furnish still
other pleasures for you; such as the trees standing tall, covered with leaves
of green, a pleasing sight, and at the same time beating off the strong rays
of the sun with their thick foliage. The manner in which the trees allow the
sun to shine gently upon whomever its rays fall is beneficial in all respects,
for they permit it to spread its warmth in moderation and prevent the discom-
fort caused by excessive exposure. But your happiness certainly will not stop
here for, in addition, the fruits which plants bring forth in spring will become
your fare, and edible herbs will present you with an unexpected repast.
People should not think, however, that we are writing a work in praise
of our teacher and a description of the lovely spring rather than a letter,
for it was not my intention to do this; but out of love for the former and out
of joy in the latter, I raced on and then found I could not quickly turn
around, since I was held back by love for both. So that we might not wander
too far off the right path, therefore, I shall say only this much and be done.
The queen of seasons will fill all your senses with discreet pleasure; she alone
must be blamed for what I have written; she must be deeply loved, and she
must be warmly thanked because of her many charms. She herself, in sum,
will gratify you to the utmost on your journey here, and she will be your
gentle guide on your return home; she will safely return the joyful citizen
to the joyful city, where he will sing a hymn of thanks to the emperor.10 For
he makes it resplendent both by his presence and by maintaining it in peace
through his daily concern. He also causes it to flourish anew with the laws
and customs of the Romans by which the city had been ruled before it was
subjected to barbarian servitude like a body decrepit with age.11 This gives
me a twofold cause for gladness: the city dear to me is prospering and the
one effecting this prosperity is also most dear to me.
If indeed you should have Chrysoloras as a traveling companion-for
I hear he intends to come here-a man who knows how to speak, how to be
silent, how to act, how to relax, even how to be a bit playful, and all at the
 88I
9Ii

d3uDc2 53L(Y3u3 )01&mu &M1n0o1ou d3U39 n)o &373rt)T33u0du 5>olnnodoulo3o

061 AMD '70173n.G93
5>,)AII 33 511 NO 70u13 pox 51oAC(dx 770x Ar13L(U>vAp 6(Q3n X3 5>od13u
'3 e6g pox A01,G9d &0)O& pox AOGnd A0(3110A1)Od) oun 5)06x)0 `5)0]d.G1)o
I

1)Ox 5no&37'Imdo 5n.GX3 5)0&11 5n0A3T3MY77013 A3 5101 51OX(Ii1 Ami AMLp11n3d

pox n0u ?)Ox S7oYAm3LL1l)OAp UL1 &(0Y M01p3n 7033A)O61U3 G 5)06; )0x3&3
961 'AM36(j 5(9U X00 Ab 5(k10>o701 `.5LS.M0.G
L
)(+(0 571
Am1AVU)0 .
t d3l 511 pox 't((,03U. &7010 3. A1(7) GLC71(L Sli A01 Amx1DWi

5)0A71 157nd9 `5>on031)(3X `5wA93G.p iox 15nrdhf 5)OYY3xSno((oIl tod313 5

A3-GAR XA3.G13X' &odM313T3 573`3 e4. 4oxp 1)O% -770OR3 `
%

11

51393&01'3 3. 5m1&)OU 5001 n3 510d)p pox 1Xn0&OA071 513D3A70)(10Y Sn01 10x10

009 SpYA0A311 'SodL 0 k3
700 oY nm.Lt; noi.Liv A9 1doXDOdu 139 I)OX .10d313
)Od3A33 533 fin 50 )On3T9d(i. 51od3o-(Xppox 701A(n730x 5101 `510-()(Rd) )011)03.G `figk
pox )OT330 O1 Aod3o6D SLIP 50A11.xp U3.i A1OAxnu11 &(n1 1d) &c)( ')O&3110nOdx0up
(o1.no
dol. 73u3dY7u3 530 A)0 101,10A3)un9
50) &13X3 (13 A3 1D70u30 91 .m(7TIoDod= A13uY)OG 31 dT)L )03 61, 5(93d13T3
909 7)0&13&0.0 pox A13Uny O A7.0(9313 'S1o19nOAn9 n0 ALCri 3) 1dX371
001911 01 `&073110303 pox pl(ld) 700 1)013.0\&3. Od1 10)32 )OD9UO 7di .

3Xnd)3u &13d96 520Ud)OX 1)OX AMY &mT333(0 1x&0-10d AO(f)q 17)Y3D33)OLR

'&0133X0
70&7
G71
7971 A01 3Y A73A7)OU3 1>ox 91,
019 AOy7d) d1,3 m33zdd)x3 &0-0()071 33 d)O.L AOA31193xodu 1011
OYnOY -iou7b9'k ((p &371 5(v)\0x03 nmy1d) AO&13x3 pox 61,1o1
`Mod3)oX &73d)3d19)0AbU3 33 1D 5mT391A XRO `AIx. 3X731)ox dT), o 5edu Ao6311OX3
-wo-5md3 &0&101 G(Tl R-(ou n0Y odu 5o.LAo%k (I01noD01
A(0uj3 '1) 13.0CX2LT33 109 (MD)OIL A1DLr.GD)O 50&Odd(p 53A&o3G. L.
9fz )ODD11D)0 &(O1 `A(ndm &k 133 AU.AOTI 1)oGD)O7Y3b &(')1 AmA311Ldp3 1bX L ()YXO
AL!LmYy7d) A733Q 1)OX AL(yyOU LL&13x3 n7doX 7)O&3333 AM-1 3A AMY3d)OX )OX3A3 Am.L

L.Lp `10D 5(730].&09 `&13u33 pox 50du 5)0713; (M3730Xd3 b1 )01D7).373

1)01131d)OX 7)Ox 33)OX10 11&07&bU3 )01373 5U.AmI.Q70d MX 13D(r0D)0A)OU3
LL1
1v(oaL LLD9od))oX )ol(,odp)oX Aoi `Akmyou p1A0D30 1Y (1 13)(1D>Dd -1d1oX
ON `Ao1dLuo 11AnoTLoox 3:. (n-, 1'X1A13d70u 1)Ox A73T33c3 11AOX3d)OU 51701

d)3 5L(1D)ox3 `791Ynod6 ox 1 70Y nm. &m7)OTk19C L(.GLC pox 500110& (,3 510
L3 `0Y3Ci3Y1`(0 liX1d)Odd)od b13-((103 10YA3,GX3A3Y7ox d3uvG71X )011co
i 5oILk `:OdL(). &)Odk&M UIY70 .)10x(333 0 373 710X ILY.L13 19(33 A13d170X
T
(
3Y AIA_. 10113 (Ayid) n3 hL 3.L A0 )0YAn010U 23 3.10733 (,o11o1'(Id)
993
3 33 k3 7>OX AOI. &Xdm(O9ndX 5133 mrtO7tp-AOdOU1030AnD dho)C
3 GD3Dn3' 1'b &01-X/YAOy'(3T] )0Y0313 &371 )010313 33 `A)01.0 70Y0333
'J o 33 L `A73YYOd 13 XlY9 33 70Y0333 33 fOu 7bX L 7OYApU
I
134
45

proper time and with reason, Hercules, how happy you will be in his com-
pany!12 Everyone would say that good and favorable fortune has become
your lifelong companion. Indeed, this is what I previously alluded to, for
without this good fortune everything would not go so smoothly for you.
I know I have stretched out this letter too long, and I would like to
ask pardon if there should be any criticism. Still, perhaps something not
completely unreasonable was said, but it seems more fitting to entrust any
dispute about this to you, and so I think I should stop now. Defend me, if
need be, before all men, so that you do not have to be punished for our
failings. For I believe you could rightly say, if this letter should be applauded,
that you were the first to enjoy it; whereas if the opposite occurs and it is
poorly received, it is you they will laugh at, since more than anyone else
it was you who provided us with the seed of writing, and so either you did
not do a good job of sowing good seed, or you did not sow it where you
should have sown it or when you should have, or somehow or other you did
a poor job of providing that seed. Let me also address myself to those who
criticize lengthy letters, who regard as sheer nonsense every excusing circum-
stance which a person who has not written most laconically might put
forth. I should have written frequently to the man who set me on the path of
writing, but I have not done so at all; I was prevented, alas, by calamities
which befell all of us. But now the most ruinous fate has passed on, and we
can make our thoughts known to each other. As a form of compensation,
therefore, one must send many letters to him who has received none at all
for so many years. It follows that by writing so many, when I could write
even more numerous and more lengthy ones, I err on the side of conciseness;
if this is the case, then those people would be in the wrong who would accuse
the present letter of excessive length.

1 The reference to the Emperor in the city and its recovery from barbarian servi-
tude (lines 219-25) make it certain that this letter was written while John VII ruled in
Thessalonica from 1403 to 1408. Since he settled there in the fall of 1403, the references
to spring place it in 1404 at the earliest.
2 Erginus, one of the Argonauts, the son of Clymenus, was ridiculed by the women
of Lemnos because, although young, his hair was white, yet he won the foot race in full
armor: Pindar, Olympian Odes, 4, 19-28; see also Scholia vetera in Pindari carmina, ed.
A. B. Drachmann, I (Leipzig, 1953), 135-37. Libanius (Epist. 300, 3) compliments one of
his correspondents: "not because what befell Erginus, the white hair in youth, also befell
you, but because you lived in an adult manner before you left childhood."
A student of oratory.
Most probably this refers to the support given by Ivankos to Manuel during his
ill-fated reign in Thessalonica, 1382-1387.
e Tlaeaetetus, 176 a.
a Apparently Thessalonica, which had indeed produced a long line of literary men
and rhetoricians, including two of Manuel's teachers, Ivankos and Cydones.
There is no record of Manuel's being away from Constantinople from mid-1403
to 1408, yet it is clear that this letter was written in the countryside not far from Thessa-
 135
45
.L r& Toy xc po5 xat auv A6yw, `Hp&xAeLS, k e68aEp.wv a6 ye
230 auvTUXEar. 7r&VTe4 av cpaZcv ' v ayoc v -re xai xapieaaav r6X7)v a6VTpoy6v
cot yeyov6vow 6 8 xat 7rpty p.>)6i yap av &veu ra6T7)S ouTW
7r&VTa cot xar4 rp67rov xcpeiv.
OLBa 7rapexreiva4 T& yp& L L 'ra co Trap-nToup.-jv &v auToS et TLS
EyxaAsty poliAOLTo.. "Lao S B' Iv TL xat etp-Jro p." 7ravreX6S i of A6you,
235 BE 7rpe7rw8karepov Cot Tov 7rept - o58e 76Xep.ov &vxhZv%t Beiv
WOiv auToS ap.uvou Bra xaT 3LVBpa tva pry -r&v
peT6pwv OLpapTY Lck'-O aur6S ye rv BExnv. i,&a7rep yap, otp.ac,
BixaLOV e'L7tOLr Iv, et TuxoL Xp6TWV r4 yp&pp.oTo, a6T6v ae 7rp6TOV att6V
OC7roAa5aaL, oST(O 84 xaL o ccvTEOV, &BOE;Ear a6-,Or
240 O'y), aerr Tov y6Awra, br ye p.Y16c p 4v EAaTrov To r& )v A6ycov 7rap&aXer
a7r6pp.a' etTe To xoAov ou xoO 6 xaTep&Aou, ou oux East n 8T' oux
Set, ci 8' 67rwa8'7roTe y6yove To rI xaA&S 7rapaaXeiv. 8E86)S e17rcZv TL
xai aurov 7rp6q Tour 4S p.axpar E7tvF'70) S p.ep.cpop.EVouc, &VTLxpuS
otop.6vouS 7rapaLroup,Evrly 7raaav neptaraacv ilv &v TLS i:aWS 7rpop&AAoLro
245 p. yp&4ar oXWS AaxwvLxa")S. EBeL p,e auxv4 yp&cpecv TW T&S 68o6r
7rapeaXrlx6TL Tou ypacpcLv, ro BE y6yovev ou6ap.u r, T6v xOLVO)V 7rpoamaroc-
116VWV aup.cpopcwv, iwr oux 6icpcA vuv x&xLa'r' &roXoupeV77 7rapcAiXuOe
pOLpa xai 7roLety &x&a'rq To 7rapLa'r&l.Levov. 6ct TOEVUV E aVTLp-
p67rou xop.LB 7roAA4 nz'[cre.V (7il To 7rp'LV 068ap.6r TOaoUTWV ET6V' Ware
250 8' rocra5roc yp&yo)v, ye nAc c, xat p.axpo'repwv EX6p.eva A6ycOV,
&BLx6 Tp auaroXi T4OV ypap,p&Twv xai, Et Tau-' OUrWc EXEL, &BLxoLEV aV
cLx6TWr OGTLVer p.71xour yp&4JaLVTO bt

45: 2: Pindarus, Otymp., 4, 19-28; Paroem. gr. II, 421; cf. Libanium, epist. 300, 3.
14: Macarius, Prov. 2, 18: Paroem. gr. II, 145, et alibi. 76: Plato, Theaet., 176a.
149-50: Michael Apost., Prov. 12, 63: Paroem. gr. II, 557. 154: Plato, Leges, 840b.

B f. 78-82v. 5-6 Clanep - xuxvcov: add. mg. pro 6anep -cols xuxvoLS vro rrrep6v, quod carte
damnare voluit, tamen non delevit, et scriba cod. 13 ambo exaravit 1141 rp67rcov: 9pYwv B II
74 7relaea&aL codd. II 161 8ua6cXepkS B II 188 axp6v codd. II 197 post &TEpouc in rag.
aliquid illegibile P 11 224 cp : r B 11 234 post xel del. nap' hc;;v P

lonica; for he invites Ivankos to visit him for the afternoon and he hopes that Demetrius
Chrysoloras will be able to join them.
8 Thessalonica.
8 John VII Palaeologus, emperor in Thessalonica, 1403-1408.
18 John VII Palaeologus.
11 Thessalonica was under Turkish rule from April 1387 to mid-summer 1402.
12 Whether Demetrius Chrysoloras intended to visit Manuel privately or on official
business is not clear, but about 1407 he did travel to Constantinople on behalf of John VII:
DSlger, Kaiserregesten, 3207, p. 77.
136
46, 47
46. To Demetrius Chrysoloras'

Thessalonica
Constantinople, 1403-1408

As I set out to praise you for your ethopoeia, I had a thought which
held me back. It was this: I did not want it to look as though I were making
such praise apply to myself. As a lover, you admired the person whom you
love, myself, and for me to praise the literary ability of the one who employed
that ability to admire me would be to praise myself. Still, since it was love
that carried you away, the composition was worked out in collaboration
with the Muses. I decided, then, that I should remark on the excellence of
your writing in all brevity, and I say: they are your offspring. Let this be
their adornment; indeed, it is adornment enough for the sons of heroes to
hear just this, namely, who they are. Others, though, will criticize you for
being extravagant in your praises, which, if you listen to me, you should
curtail.

1 This letter, too, probably belongs to the period of Chrysoloras' service in Thessa-
lonica, 1403-1408. The ethopoeia or character delineation composed by Chrysoloras cannot
be more precisely identified.

47. To Potames'

Constantinople, 1403-1408

I would have praised your writing-since I did marvel at its beauty

and power-if I did not disbelieve what you wrote. For regarding the
praises bestowed on me with which your work was filled, I would rather
trust myself than you and all other men. Now, as it would be right for me to
distrust myself if I should admire my own qualities, so it would also be
right to trust myself, rather than all others, when I find fault with them.
If you will pay any heed to me, therefore, continue to write and gladden
us by the writing itself, for I would gladly listen to whatever you, a man
adorned with wisdom and intelligence, might say. But spare the praises, as
we also counsel Chrysoloras, who knows the meaning of friendship.

1 The reference to Chrysoloras' praises of Manuel place this letter in the context
of Letters 46 and 48 and in the same period, 1403-1408.
 137
46, 47

46. Tw Xpuaoawpa xupW AnltnTp'L(p IBS

'E7LaLVdV GE TY)(; E7rLxeLp'aavwa Xoy L?(; E7rMMMV

E7r&axev- BE: Y)V (v' 86 ,at(.LL XOT' E L 1 YOU TO) E7rcd ouU,
&A'' WV EPWv &&%O ES oU7cEp EPaS, 4.1 8n ' )AY( a. Tb YOCP E7tatvECV EL S
5 XO'youC, TOv 4e' &auFL&40vra X6yotS, e'pcuTOV E7rccLv tv &v e'1',Y). 7rXr)v
To cpLX' pov 7rap7jyay6 ae, 0 8E X6yos v (.I.ETa Mouawv ELpyaapt6voc. Eyc
Ev BEiv Eyvwxety auvT6ws (pp&aat T>)v &peT= -v r v ypa4Twv, x(xL
fp-%LL T6xov a&v EIvaL TauTa EaT(a y&p o(llrOGS TouTo x6a(A.os, EL7rep xad
7 oum I' pO)wv TOUT' 07rep Y)aav &xou Yca. ETEpot 8k ae (A.6(J.I ovrat
10 ''Y)S 67rEpp0AY)S TWV E7rodLVWV, 064 E(.LOL 7rE&,%O'j.eVO4 auaT6?aELv.

46! B f. 82v. 1 A7)-nTpEq) 'r Xpuao),wpa 13

f. 304 47. Tw IIoT&n tc

'E t vouv av cot Ta yeypa6va-RkcLpLaaa yap aura Tou x&aaous
xaL ri Laxlloc-EL 7] Y)7riatOUV Tots YEYPa.svots. TauTL (,LEV yap
EVE7r[ LVO To xoT' E(1.05 yEyEV'Y)p6VwV ETraLVWV, Eycb 86 7rp6s TotTO Ep,aur
aot xcL 7raaLV
5 7ttaTEUELV Y)L",LOUV ws yap &7rtaTetV '.LMu'
i pOanxEV EL T&Ez.& au oUTw 8E xcd eau'Cw (.I.e,.fpo(.l.6VW (laXXOV
i) TOLC, 7r&GL 7rLaTE6ELV.
EL TL OUV E OL rELS n Yp OCgE 4' V =et xai xap L OU cdrt TW YP &yELV,
86ws yap &v &xobaatt 7rav o -It &v 716yoLT0 7rapa aOS, &.v8p6c aorpLa
10 xexoa) VOU xad Vouv 9xov'Oc yeL8ea,&ae 8e' TWV E7raLVWV, o xaL Tw
cpLXEiv EL86TL Xpuaoawpa 7rapatvo6liev.

47: B f. 82V.
138
48
48. To Demetrius Chrysoloras'

Thessalonica
Constantinople, 1403-1408

Do not spend your old age making unjust accusations, especially when
it concerns someone very dear to you, for you never did this when you were
young, neither to an enemy nor to a friend, nor could you bear taking refuge
in silence when anyone else did this terrible thing. What has brought about
such a change ? What has convinced you to distort your character or your
principles? Will you not confess your wrong? Will you not make amends
yourself? By God, be yourself the judge. If you are not proven to be a syco-
phant, may I be declared one and be guilty of the very thing of which I am
accusing you.
Did I, who cherish your writing more than the miser his gold, order you
to be silent? How can it be? Who would believe it? Who would say this
when he knew the truth? But if, in fact, you interpret our advice-which
I thought was good advice-not to overdo your praises of us as an order to
be silent, then you are mistaken. The mere elmination of this particular
subject does not make it impossible for a person who wishes to write letters
to find other subjects. Your excessive praises, which are those of a lover,
will not move me to forget myself. For it is generally agreed that the testi-
mony given by lovers in favor of their loved ones is inadmissible in court,
and that the vote they cast does not count. Now, in my own affairs I would
not accept anyone as more trustworthy than myself, and so I would be
ashamed for both of us if you should marvel at me for things which ought
not to be cause for marvel.
The sort of thing, therefore, which you have been accustomed to say
about us, say no longer. For those things have vanished, along with those
excellent men and emperors whose names have not been buried by time,
which consigns everything to oblivion-we would love to see even a slight
trace of their virtue. But continue to write and gladden us in two ways: by
the writing itself and by writing about such topics as will not make us blush
or make you appear to be suffering from a lack of perception induced by a
love charm.

1 Undoubtedly written about the same time, 1403-1408, as the two preceding letters,
this might well have been written in reply to Chrysoloras' response, no longer extant, to
Manuel's Letter 46.
 139
48

48. Tip Xpuaoawpa xupip A-%Lj- pEp

M auxop&vrEL YEY7jPax6S xoct rauT& COL 4acL cpLXovpevov, 8S

o68' Ev vc6' n c TOO nenotrjxocq ouBE npoS EX8 p6v (aYjrot yLXov, o68'
&AAou ye notouvroS To BeLVov %uToc Y'jv&axou aLyj xa),6 ou. Tt ra
5 rotoc6TIv e'pyaa&p,evov; rE To neiaav r'jv puaLv
npoatpeaLV; o6x ooaoyijastS T&Stx w.a; ou 8txrjv au ye X napa
aauTOU; np64 OEou, yevou xat EEL (L. 8UXSth c auxopavr6v,
ELYjV Eywye T05T0 np4TTWV, x&xetvw cpavepwS &Xo6S ou as vuv ypa96E&x.
'Eyw as npoagroc-mov aLwn&v, o p.aaaov aou Toil a6yot4 Tpug6v
10 rj Xpuaip cpLX&pyupoc; no&EV; TES &v Mt;ocv o; TES otv et'noL T6 8E6'rEpov
To n orE ov EncaT& evo ; Et 8E 8' T V all oua'v Ev ' na p'VOUV
1-6S oZaL,-' ti"' xaraXp a4ou To-S xa&' v [k6v EnatvoL4, brvrayYjv np6q
To aLy&v exXot.LpLiveLS, &8cxeis. ou yap Taurrjat GXr acpoupehtarjc
&BuvaTOV &Tepav ellpeLV TOv EnLQTEAXeLV (3ouaopEVOV. EE To unspP&AXov
15 TOV awv Enatvwv EpwvTOS ovTwv oux avanetaEL a'4& v X c(3Eiv Eaurou"
Touc 're yap EpwT6 xaTexo(L6VO1S napaypanTbov nOLaL 8OKEi xai (.LaprU-
pouvraS unep r 6v Epwp.Evwv xai tAyov &AXwS 8L8ovraq. auT64 Te Ep.Ou
7r r6TEpov Ev TotS Ep.auTOU ou8' av 0686va acEoc,.LYV Ware aiaxuvotIv
av xai unEp &ppo%v Ep' otS oux EBeL napa ao5 hcup.c 6p.evo4.
20 ToLauTU t,ev ouv nept wv oLanep etW,h.C, A&rcLV yjxe'L
TocurL yap auvcvren ro%S aya&oZS e'xetvotq &v8pc xat Paa.X $GLV, otS
o68' o n&vra )d&r napa8L8o6S xpovoc cou"vopa, 6aT' ayanjr6v
av e1.7j eE xai 'lxvoS nou TES &per e'xe'Lvwv yp&cpe K' xat
BLna auTip Te TOUTCp xat Tw 'rYv 6XYjv etvocL rotoc6vYv TA)V yeypoct46VwV
f. 31 25 WS (arj`' p.&S Epu9pL&v I Are as 8oxeiv voaeiv 8L& CptXTpOV &yvoLav.

48: B f. 82V-83. 1 A7p7)-rptcp 'r Xpuaoawpc B

140
49
49. To Manuel Chrysolorasl

Northern Italy
Constantinople, 1407-1408

The letter you wrote came from your soul. It suffices to say this rather
than words of highest praise. If it be granted that you are a good man, which
no one will deny; that, as the saying goes: "Excellent things come from
excellent men" ;2 and that the letter read was your child, how could it not be
necessarily and completely good? As you know, a person intending to praise
a painting could limit himself to remarking that it was done by Apelles.3 And
so, as I said, it is enough merely to state that the letter is yours and this will
bring about praise of it.
Skaranos, now, has a good mind, and he has good experience in those
tasks he has been assigned to do.4 What remains is for him to be willing, so
that, if he should be, your kinsman and friend would then be the best among
the ministers both of his fatherland and of his lord .5 At any rate, you know
that such men find it smooth sailing here with us, and rightly so. But what
you ask that we do for him involves two things, neither of which is easy,
and he himself knows this better than anyone else, since he is our financial
official and is well aware of our straits.' But for your sake one of the requests,
and that the more important one, will be granted to him now, while the other
will probably be granted later on, and the time in between should not cause
him any harm since he possesses my good favor.

1 Although it contains no clear chronological data, its place in the collection would
locate this letter about 1407-1408.
2 Theognis, I, 35.
S The famous painter of antiquity.
4 On Skaranos, see p. lvii. Perhaps his assignment had to do with the estate of John
Lascaris Kalopheros (died 1392), of which he seems to have been the executor.
6 Lord (Ssan6r, ) must here refer to Manuel himself, or possibly to the deceased
Kalopheros. It is certainly not a reference to the despot in the Morea, as suggested by
Barker (Manuel 11, 277 note 133), who also translates the second part of this letter.
6 His office apparently was similar to that of treasurer, comptroller, or auditor of
the court: see p. lviii. The two requests are unknown.
 141
49

49. Trp Xpuao? pa xupw MavounXX

E& TS xrct " Jo) 7c TOL &pxei 8i 'ro5TO th tv

&vTd EleyLaT(OV e7rcLV)V. eL yap au p.EV &ya,R6S, xod yap ou d &vTepei,
8E &7r' xa'r& TOv EL7r6VTa, 8b e7rL7ToX T6xoC, a6s,
5 7r C), ou Tr&vTOL &ya14 &v (jvayxociws; xai EL. v ypacp7,)v E7raAaovTL
&pxE6eLEV &v 'A7c0ao5 EtvaL- &RW, 067M P EOrov, &pxei
ye as T& yp&p,aTa cp&vou 6vov xaZ c &V ye Tov enacvov
`0 8e zxap&vos EaTC ev T-jv &y0,65, EaTL 8E &ya.&bS
Av 7rel.pav (ilV rvUVi 7rpoaTETaxTaL 7LOLeZm xai 0 Xoar6v E6TL MeLV 6c,
10 et yE Touro 7rpoaEa'ac, et-j av o aoL xai 9'0,os p6a-rLaToq EV
&axo'voLS Tn Te 7raTpL& TW Te &Fa7r6T-n. oIaOc 96 ye Tok TOLOUTouS 64
Trap' p,iv eu7raoo5av BLxacov yap. a 8e ckk Trap' h&v e'xeiv(;) yevga4ou
8uoiv ovToty, oUBETepov p& rov exe%vos 7r&v-rwv oTBE, Aoycadc
Te &V +jIV xat r6 EvBeov xaaw5 yLVwaxwV. acv 8E X&PLV &&Tepov pL6v,
15 0 xa6 xpeLTTOV, E(rTa6 vtv auTW Trap' (I.&v, MTEpov 8' 'aws E.LeT&reLTa,
xai Tb co5 Xp6vou 8L&aTrlp.a ouBEV o.v ro& rw, XupaLvo,.To TY)v Epi1v e6pEVELav

49: 4: Theognis, 1, 35.

B f. 83-83v. 1 MavourA ri XpuaoAo pa B 11 10 post 7<poakamn in ras. d'eLVOV i ...

a6r65 P 11 13 &i tetvov om. B
142
50
50. To Demetrius Chrysoloras

Thessalonica
Constantinople, 1407-1408

"I am convinced that you must not have much to do, for otherwise
you would not find so much leisure for writing letters,"1 especially for sending
so many almost at the same time, all of them quite outstanding, all quite
lengthy, just as beautiful as they are long, not without your customary
playfulness, and, what is most difficult of all, treating of a subject intrinsi-
cally ignoble and not funny at all. For the bite of a miserable little insect
has become the theme of your letters, more in jest, I suspect, than in anger.2
This sample of yours gives further evidence of your ability to speak with
abundance, beauty, and power, and your momentary suffering resulted in a
superior product. As for myself, just as I shared with you the pain caused
by the insolence of the beast, I rejoice with you right now, as you can
imagine, at the praise you are receiving for your ability to speak in a manner
appropriate to any occasion whatever.
This is the way you are; whereas Fortune, raging more savagely than
the wild beasts, and the evils both at home and abroad appear to you more
bearable and to have become completely transformed and more auspicious,
or at least to have somewhat abated and calmed down. The sure sign of this
is the very amount of writing, the arrangement of the words and an elegance
noticeable throughout your work, all of which is possible only with a certain
degree of leisure and tranquillity. But as for us, this letter by itself bears
witness to how busy we are, for in other circumstances I would never have
decided to steal the beginning of another letter simply to make it easier to
connect that beginning with what would follow as I went on.3 Actually, I
did not employ the word properly, for it is not stealing to make some use of
the writings of the common teachers, but justified borrowing, nor can those
works be regarded as another's property which the author had given to
belong to everyone. Like a public well, those men offered themselves and the
results of their efforts to everyone, so that those drinking from it are not
thieves, but fulfill the very purpose for which the well had been dug.
If I really hit the mark, however, in believing that you had withdrawn
from practical occupations and that you were keeping aloof from their
turbulence when you sent those admirable letters, it would be clear that it is
you who are really worthy of admiration. What is completely good does not
lose that quality for lack of obstacles on its way to becoming good. "If, on
the other hand, that is false, and you do have much to do, still you manage
to do both."4 Look, again I have indulged in stealing something to which I
am entitled. But you, while carrying out your duties, keep writing as though
 EVi
09

09 mZ iodmyoDndX mdnx m3dlku1kV

ku 170Aj3 70D u A30 S1d1,R70D01

c , c I d
0170 5SQVX 513 01 A73'C(?1D71L3 ((`S(!.YOXD 170x 7,01n701
3) S7O1n70Do1 A(91LTj33L S(n
3 (n1n701 1L 57)D10
n33Tj n(7O1 `57o77onA3 57OD)o1 s2 mpa `5dx7oT1 XOo n011(4
11
9 33 %

k pox 5TI,nGm33 xno

57oY7ox 95wdx7Oli 510731701E SG.1 loi1 57oD1O `370x 01
Am1A7olL `A017o1D3d3XDn3 A7odkA03L of ,gzx AI,(1n70 pox AO1Ln1]1nzo
5XODnoX3 no . d39
G no3dG
`1101'jlo L -noTin,G
(n1od )071,.G3
noA31'1 53D3.GOiR 1OD 3n01.3L Amt (01D113 Am 0 1OD 77oX
=U133 Anodfu.d7071
A1D3Dno1d31L f101 13T1 70%
5noyy1Ox 11ox Ang `5m3TIj 3ID9 IOD 54d1 Ao1113dx
Oi 3 G01 50d1 n7odm 5m 3Jlm,l3 70D OMID ,l'57oDk u5t not Sodk
5m3dJn `3M 5(nL `1310 md7X1.nD Amt 10170X fOD A(OA37013
3139 n0A9ThMng A(1D 70d( A73.13X 3 AnOD7O30 Od)Od3L 5m3D
I7og RD &371 5m1A101 .501n01o1 33 u `GX Amd33X 170X
nmdk-G `Amdq-dkn1O Z7ox 01 AOgn p0x 701 n3,G1OdnG 70x70x 7Od3107od1 oOD, 1DnOx03
gj `710G.03&3,. 11ox n0'(OG70X 37OX 170.GDkf3).3A. 70d31o1Dli.dX
Ano)J( x3 5nod3T 17oDj.Cdxo' pOx X p D &0137 53).d7OA3 01n0 01

5O.6X1 nm1 mm&31jTj70d),3A. 710X k kX4,nnD A(n1 O'dO&0A01 17OX `013 Am1A70a1 11.

'J L1E 51d)pX ()V(oa 511 `7oDn0 b YOXD 511 1Dm333 17ox A1T11;
cg 5n.Gn3
I

f. k-(01D11L3 d1 nmi)O7'j). 50,6)(1 `13dnidroTrm(ID 3sno d$ A7o 5(Y)M AOX3

OZ 4Xd7o 3 5ky'(7O 5LCyo1D11L3 3101 A7313L3\X 5m AW 3A. A01370d 7TjioX3
n13d13nnD (t.1n7O1 701 AmdmX 713 701 mD0d3L 10YX70 dhL Xno
%k7i)D.OkdX3 U1 33fc10 d7o1 XL n131 AT L13 701 A(T)1 A(OMOX

13 5101n013,A. n01
511 `O.Ld2dX (x(70 (70 A13A70dTj7D 3 '(03)X 3n0 )01di91y70
1A71 A13)77j0A XOA1373 X 511 13X(n3333 5101 n1D)D.U '170A13 d-43dd, d70), 5f;01nx
n ,
ti C 10A13x3 170x 5no1 Am.Ln703 5n0A01L 1D)O170 `A7oXLtggodl A3.GO no 53d(nd) 10

`531ADA71 01.f170 3J. Oin0]. 5mIMO.U 53YnnO1o1L 1d)3 (jo O1 d)o3d6 '1701xnd(nd073

X((V, 13 A3'd AOXn13 n01 nOIOXD nm1ID1'1.70d1 3D lOA i 9 1

1bx Am37(7d)1A 501x3 57oxUiD3 7ox7At& 5,o 570,1'x73 5bYO.LD73L3

1111j313 S70 1XOx Uln70.L nD 70xXOTj '50770x13 01 d7ok

UC AO,Gv).70 no 1.1oA31 A70 xno Ao.G7O).70 (b1 kT1 170x mmM1 513 1f7O1

13)) 32 5o2nat A3T1 On13x3 770x vy--o1L 701 `701'701'U.)0d1 nD 33 S13xd1o

(('51063106ft I, MO d)O), A7Y701 4 A(tT-4 511 7O7j3 51jDRod367012 '5G.A701d7o

A3Tj 701 7o1A033 S13d);od,l Sm (n1n01 (nAOTj A01n70D `nmf33ADOd2r.

144
50, 55
you apportioned your time for this alone, and though you are serious in
your writing you are full of humor-how could it be otherwise-and habi-
tually laugh in the face of troubles, which of course reveals the cheerful side
of your soul. If, then, in the face of so many obstacles you are able to continue
with ease to produce writings which another person could hardly do with
sweat and much time, what would you be like if there were no longer any
obstacles? Take the case of Phidias, acknowledged as the greatest of the
ancient sculptors. Quite rightly he has always been admired for his skill
whenever he fashioned a statue or something else from good, workable
material, but we would have more cause for amazement if he showed the
same skill with cheap and unyielding material. It follows that you are another
Calchas, according to Homer, not, I believe, because of any prophetic gift,
but because your writing is "by far the best."5 For if a biting little ape fur-
nished you with material for letters of outstanding form and polished beauty,
what in Heaven's name would you have accomplished if you had taken hold
of serious material which of itself would provide a starting point for a letter
writer?

1 Libanius, Epist. 143. This letter also seems to have been written while Chryso.
loras was in Thessalonica, probably about 1407-1408. Demetrius has been sending letters
to Manuel regularly from another city where life seems peaceful. The Emperor, however,
complains of increasing problems at home and abroad, a reference perhaps to the death
of his brother Theodore in the Morea in 1407 and to the conflict between the Turkish princes.
2 The still unedited composition of Demetrius dealing with the bite of a flea is found
in two manuscripts, one in the Escorial and the other in Madrid. It is entitled: "Encomium
of a Flea by Demetrius Chrysoloras the Mesazon," you Xpuaae pa Too veaci ov-
ToS 6)a-j6 iyx6 iiov. Inc. 'FUAAa w6v kaa an&vTwv aenv6Tepov: cod. Scorial. gr. 164
(T. 111. 4), fols. 107-110v; cod. Matrit. gr. 19.193, fols. 89-104. The title indicates that he
wrote it while mesazon in Thessalonica, 1403-1408.
' Manuel "stole" the beginning of this letter and another line further on directly
from Letter 143 of Libanius to Priscian, in which he praises him for being equally at home
with the Muses and with Justice.
4 Libanius, Epist. 143.
'Homer, Iliad, 1, 69.

51. To the Priest Euthymius, later Patriarch of Constantinople'

Constantinople
The Morea (?),
summer-/all 1408

You have been my friend, one of the best, I am sure, and you will
always remain one. As for myself, nothing pleases me more than writing to
my friends, for what pleases them also pleases me. I know they are glad
 145
60, 51
aTrOUM& WV 8E Ev Tw yp&cpECV oOBEV -rTOV-7r() y&p 05;-xaL
35 7cou xai yeawv &TroxpEn 8wvoxaoua auvY coq, ToUTo 8i1 To 67rocpaivov
Ta e'v T'Y( uxp aou x&pmV. el youv Toa6v8e TrpoataTaEvwv Tlepcdve&C
yp&cpwv EAETa p4cm 6vr(S a x&v e"Tepoq Mpwa& xai xp6vcp p.6ALs, 7roios
&p' &v Tic Ecpa(vou -r 6v 47rLTrpoa,5o6vTwv obxvr' ovTwv; xai yap (Detat%; o
7raAoc. xp&T6aT0S &va8Eix,5eis Eni Tfil Xoc S .v, elx6't ye &Ei TES
40 e'Ma'r i.,Y &auaC6t4evoq, 67r6TE xai E , &yc 5S xai E sixoual; uXr
&vapLavTa ij 'r &AAo 8E8-%,:oupyrxe& 7rpoacp&rc q, aaaov & atuodcoq
4 E7r),'Y(TTEV el', E &vevS6Tou xai cpauar(S E7rE8e1xvuTo. (JaTE aU xai K&Xxac,
xc " "Op,)pov, ETEpot; oux eLS (.Lavrtxiv, 0tvxt, EdC 8E To XEyety cc6x'
rkptaTO4. el yap Evkxouaa J.LLp.w 5;k aou ye'yovs Tats mLGroaa64 eZBoq
45 Exouao LS &TExv S &4za LEvov eLS x&AAos, TLS &v - a,&a, 7rpoS Oeou,
a7rou8a(a4 aap4tevoS e7rLaTE?ELV PouXop voLS ol".x0&EV T&S acpopt&S
xoplyoualjc;

50: 2-3: Libanius, epist. 143, 1. 31: ibid., 2. 43-44: Homerus, It., 1, 69.

B f. 83-84. 1 O-nrjrpEw -vi Xpuao).copcc B 1126 8:opc puye: oodd.

f. 32 51. Ti5 Ilana xupra Euauic, va

r(.I.ETa Ta"u,ra 8E 7raTpL&pxj KcwvaTavTLvouwr6aew5'

Eu ev EyEvou o& ytxos xai IV rozq aawTd as xai sasa"taL

yE (lExp6 7r&VToS E(.LOG 8E T0U yp&pe6V TOTS gD,06s 06UV '860V, yap
5 e'xiivo,g ' a6 TOUTo x&(koL. oZBa 8E 4xeivouS ucppacvoylvouc L xai 'r
146
51
whenever they happen to receive a letter from me, however insignificant
it be. Even when there is nothing urgent to write about, I still feel compelled
to do so. Certainly it is a gracious thing: by this one action we are able to
please both our friends and ourselves. For this reason, the amount of work
to be done never held my hand back from writing. Our present concerns,
however, are so much more numerous than in the past that I have been
unable to write to you for such a long time.
It seems that of old the land of Pelops2 was destined to look on its
inhabitants' fighting with one another as preferable to peace. And nobody
is so simple that in the absence of an occasion provided by his neighbor he
cannot fabricate or invent one by himself. Everyone wishes to indulge his
nature by making use of arms. If only those people had made use of them
where they should, things would have been much better for them.3 And,
since I have a detailed knowledge of the entire situation, I regard nothing
as more important than their being at peace with one another. These cares
have kept me from meals and the proper amount of sleep, and I suppose I
have very much neglected the necessities of life.
This is the reason why you have been deprived of my customary
letters. And you must bear it meekly; rather, you should be pleased if what
has hindered us from writing for your enjoyment should turn out to be a
work pleasing to God, and also gratifying to ourselves. For I am gratified
by the way in which the matter has been progressing, and I hope that it will
be completed in a manner which would be desired by any man who rejoices
at the prosperity of his fellow men. Be assured also that everything else is
proceeding according to our intentions, and may it continue to do so, as we
now have reason to hope from what has already taken place.

1 Theodore I Palaeologus died in Mistra in the summer of 1407, and Manuel's

second son Theodore, only about ten years old, was designated to succeed him: see Barker,
Manuel II, 272-77; D. A. Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de Moree, I (Paris, 1932), 164-66.
Both give partial translations of this letter, although Zakythinos (174) dates it to 1415.
Manuel was gravely concerned about the situation in the Morea, and about a year later,
probably late in the summer of 1408, made a brief visit to the region: see Barker, Manuel
11, 275 note 132; Zakythinos (loc. cit.) does not even mention this visit. After the death of
John VII, 22 September 1408, Manuel sailed to Thessalonica, remaining there until
December. This letter, then, must have been written in the summer or autumn of 1408,
probably before the death of John VII.
2 The Peloponnesus or Morea.
3 That is, if they had fought against their real enemies, the Turks, rather than
against one another.
 147
51
Tuxbv nap' bp.ou yp(4p.p.a. 15a-,' EL xat pU)UV xarenetyet
yp&(peLv, 5(1.w; &v&yxrj T05TO noLE%v rx&pLEV yap &Texv&S' EL Ev ht To&T(p
ToZq (pi),oLS Te xa.t auToZS xat auk Tau'ra npay&Twv
7tXij1 OS 068&7COTk p.OL Ti V xeLpa Enkaxe, T& VUV 8e' TWV npOTkpWV TOaollT(p
10 70'ELw 6acp (L jBE ao. roao6Tou xp6Vou.
SZc yap EOLxe, 7r&xaL enenpwTO T71 Tou IIC&a07COS p&ATLOV 7MIG
aym To npoS &xx&j),ouS 8La(a&xea8 r.. x&V j1Y) SW TLS xap'V ET&pW, ouBetS
05T(J)C, &pixTepoS WS V. auwj&rjvaL 7x&aou xat & Eupeiv otxo&EV eaexeL
YAP, ExaaTOS TYj y6aeL xpwevoc dnxoLS, xai eth e4c expcV,
15 v yap av auTotS Ta np&y(aaTa pekrtw, xat Tauk' slUq &xpLpwc ouBEv
ETEpov 7tpo5pyou TYjS npoS &xxrjxouc To&Twv eiprjv7)4. ro5T6 e
aLTLwv noxx&xLS &7CEaT7jae xai Tou npoaIJxovToq 57rvou xat OX(A)C, sxrja&
7rOU TCJV &VayxadwV.
To5,ro xai am ybyovev aLTLov Twv eiw,r6TWv
20 Twv xaL (pipeLv np&wq &V&yxrj, (.Laxxov SE xal jBEa&aL ell T6 xwxuaav
l &c eu(ppaLveLv as 8L' Enca'roxwv Epyov eir) S (pixov, &?AWS -re xat
eU'ypatvov. eucppaivEL yap To 7rpaya XWP05V xai T6AO4

av TLS bTw xaipeLV ELw&aS e'v TOLL, TWV nExcS xaxoLC.

8E xod T&xxa n&vTa xaTa yv6prjv 7'jp.Lv 7rpopaivoVTa, xat Etrj YS 8La
25 T6xouq WS &X7 &b.z.ev6V EaTL vUv &n0 TWV (p9aa&vTWV.

51: B f. 84". 1 Eu9utq) Tca 7rasPL&PXIj B

148
52
52. To the Metropolitan of Thessalonica, Lord Gabriel'

Thessalonica
Constantinople,
1408-1410

They say that a peasant from the country once saw the imperial palace
and was so struck by its beauty that he came to loathe the hovel in which he
was living and set it afire. Of course, this is absolutely absurd; the reasonable
way of acting for a man would be not to censure what is his own, should it
have some worth, just because what belongs to someone else is far superior.
While marvelling at those splendid possessions, he should still be content
with his own which are not of the same quality, just as a parent would not
hate his own children for being less handsome than those of his neighbors.
Well then, my awareness that my own literary ability cannot compare
with those who are highly esteemed in this regard will not distress me or
make me decide to remain silent. To be sure, I would not inscribe my name
in the list of those who enjoy a good reputation in the field of writing. For to
quote Plato, the son of Ariston, "I am not ignorant of Phaedrus."2 So, I
would never pay heed to others who want to seduce me into having too high
an opinion of my abilities. Yet, it strikes me as very foolish to take the results
of our toil which seem to be of some usefulness and completely blot them out
simply because they are not absolutely wonderful. What is more, if it should
be made a law, that because there are superior authors the inferior ones
should be silent, why then, there would not be one person among the present
generation, I believe, who would dare open his mouth in view of the clear
preeminence of the ancients. But this would be most unfortunate. It is
certainly a good thing that those who try their hand at writing should strive
with all their might to look to those who have become perfect in the art
and take them as their models. But they must also recognize very clearly
that they are not attaining that level, and they should feel no shame at all
in being surpassed by those men, nor should they find it unbearable that
their own writings fall far short of those of Demosthenes, Thucydides, and
people like these. For the achievements of the past have flown beyond the
grasp of the men of today. Surely, if you place the writings of the ancients
beside our modern ones, you will be comparing "gold to bronze."3 For so
inferior are our writings today that if it were obligatory either to write as did
those disciples of Hermes and the Muses or not to write at all, not one person
now living would produce a single word, since it is simply impossible to speak
as those men could. But, if we should thus refrain from writing, the fruits of
our education will disappear to such an extent that we will not even be able
to understand clearly the dogmas which enable us to be truly orthodox.
 I 6
99

'Z (nZ 5U.x3AO)(10D93Q mdnx

3970 70&11 A()1 A3 C1,L

&7.DU.x10 AmA371n010U YJ13yjD)0d 310u
AOA3717o9)03.q 501n0 1)0&U.)10Yux3 U.1 Ar)1n01 *d) 5m &01 AOx93x10 A3 m
3(IX311Ox DkD1T1 3) 31 J)OX 1)OAQO70d7OU '1dn1, 17O% 13 91(101 3k 1OU A1D10up1
9 `53.'k(t3 L13 AT &no& 501&0X3 I.71 5101 3 flO1fl 10&71 `770.q93d)T13T1 A9D A79cx
AflODmuO `10G70).10 012 01 1)0&93 (0V-(OU (+)3X1()Ox ;D1 `nmd313 `C`(T )0&13x3 A3r1
&13)10T1n70. 701 11(1101 32 A13)Ld31D 101 k71 `101f270101 d3u9(,,? 3290 5(,I01
3 nOln- 5)0s110u DIT1 A313D &30 511 A70 10 Amt A(0A9113) 1.D(",) '5n01'('(10x

90 nnn3o1 17071o9101A'I0 170x m9(,1C,q AOT10A (h1n70713 32UT1 ))d #

'3 AZ 01 3110 k2 )Ox 5m,, 3 5c AUl no1(170713 1d3u 01
I M3) A1T1)OAn2 xno A)ODn0
4
7011Ox A(/.3. Amt Am1An0711x0gn3 533 o1no1 )oyy1O 5101 A371 qS MOO A19nOX3

513 01 x9O AT &01(170713 .3 3290))-171110rOdA d70;. Aod2l%

<(`motd. 1o1)OX A91 50n(D193dy, H `10&(91)1 AfOxnO 290 510XY9 371 A79709(C-(3q
A13G331L)OA10
J A') 10u 13x02-(0).3 32
LA13AOd6d3un &U.33-G913U 1071 &70?1(
91 AOd31-(39jb 13 163u YJ n(T)1 Amin9OXO &139'10&(19 `A3T110x(A.AOU3u 101(1)1
A7970u)O1A70u &3T11)091A)Od)Y) (71 t.T1 T.LoT71n10G 5m1Awu '170A33 no 411 -Xp 13
511 01001 `13D413GoT1oA 01 Z12 5(-t01 5(1013T1 q.119 Sn01
co1L
no
q '513 `1707190 Amt Amd31m3n x12 01 5no1 110yzU 6YXou A13X3odu 110d)012
107919 70()(10 01001 'AO1D1x;ox AOX)OX A3T1 5Q) A910 31 5901
02;
n13,13C 9 5c 51o1Anodl3X1u3 513 5n01 &m1 &M.OY 5(I0A37jnO)A d3u99 513
1 w i i c x c
ox 9r 5cmdldxn 5m xno `1)01A(toAx7d)3 17ox
<
>
do A k9o `51T17o&n2 170&3233 2 Ano

5(nT1702U.T1 A(((1 A3 510&33x3 32U.r1 01.

A132ou10 X01 A019o1 A()1 5nOA3,G90T1U.v 11ox n0212nx(100 Amt 510&13x3
1)OX

u1Od7OU AmiD[v A01kdod))0 1)0&93 '&13)1710& 701 319.L d)o.l k1u31L) Amt nnv
5G 13do 51.L 101 11o(ou 1433.pdlou o1 5 not
5o1AOd703L `nodllox )03DndX 01o3X'()OX '131(10JOd)ou AO1(20901 6X). AO11)\(3
13X3 )01 .qTX 5,or1U. 5(n 5k-x),70&)0 5U.Dnoqy3U3 (d. ixx 5(10&13x3 Snot 51od2&1?
A13,.3y SftO.L U.T3da+ 1701( 5110D90pV 5nOn3T1ou363 . 5m17o2L71 `M3).3y 29o A'0
z , , e. c ,
1A(tA Txkodu `o, JU.213u3 Xno &910 31 1.X)x 5n0A13x3 m3U13 L 1)Ox
+ c +

513
0E ftO (>1 ROU M9.3. ( AmAO 110x AO1f10901 11013DkX10
bY^
50132170u `A1T1L 5(n 5(h(70x 11OA3273 701 01)OT1X02 X12 M7 &1193
5m
150
52, 53
With all this in mind, my good friend, I continue to do some writing,
not as much as I ought, but as much as the time permits, in order that I
might be an example to my subjects of the love of letters, so that as they
mingle so much with barbarians they might not become completely bar-
barized. From us, then, an offering from the fruit of our labors comes to
you .4 And if something worthwhile should be found in it, you may show it
to the right people and not keep it to yourself. If, on the other hand, it should
be judged as quite worthless, "It will be remedied by the sponge," as Ari-
stides said; and as I say, "Either hand it over to Hephaistus5 or let absolutely
no one look at it." But I do not want this to apply to the good Macarius, a
really close friend and distinguished for virtue.6

1 This letter was written between summer 1397 and 1416/19, the period of Gabriel's
pontificate in Thessalonica; its place in the collection inclines one to date it after Manuel's
visit to Thessalonica in autumn-winter 1408 and before autumn 1410. It has also been
translated by Barker, Manuel II, 422-23. See R. J. H. Jenkins, "The Hellenistic Origins
of Byzantine Literature," DOP, 17 (1963), 46.
8 Phaedrus, 228a.
8 Homer, Iliad, 6, 236.
4 The composition of Manuel which accompanied this letter is most probably his
oration, "On Sin and Penance or About St. Mary of Egypt," which is found together with
this letter in cod. Vat. gr. 632; both are in the same hand, which differs from the others in
the manuscript. Inc. '0 a6yo5 o5roq 6 vie 6ola4 3;iv. The oration is on fols.336-3500
and the letter to Gabriel on fols. 350' 351v. The manuscript consists of works of Manuel
selected from ten or eleven manuscripts and bound together. Fols. 336-351v are by one
hand, distinct from the others, indicating a previous connection between the oration and
the letter: see R. Devreesse, Codices Vaticani graeci 604-866 (Vatican City, 1950), pp.
41-42.
5 Burn it.
5 This Macarius has not been identified. The spiritual father of Manuel was named
Macarius, but he was a monk of Xanthopoulos in Constantinople from about 1397 to
1431: see Loenertz, Caldcas, 85.

53. To the Emperor of Trebizond'

Trebizond
Constantinople, 1409-1410 (?)

When you requested this book it had not yet been completed, but was
still being pieced together, and for this reason it did not come to you right
away or even shortly thereafter as we had promised. It certainly ought not
to have come half finished; but the delay was caused by the times, not us.
Right now, though, it has been completed and has bravely crossed the sea
to you. May it correspond to your hopes, and may it prove of some usefulness
for this life. This it may very well do if you concentrate solely on the thoughts
contained in the work and seek nothing further. But if you scrutinize the
 151
52,53
Kai TauT' EE&k, w 'yo , gxotiz Tou A&yety, oux 5a'ov SEi &AA'
Saov o xatpbs &TrLTp&TLEL, f'v' w Toil uirb xtP% elC TOv TWV
35 Aoywv &pwT;, 6q a1v n&vi-I pappapco ZEv potpfi&poL[, ouTw E.LLyvusvot.
' Xet GOL h TL Trap' 4 .LWV &x TWV TWV Tr6VWV xapTCWV- xai E6 N.eV C5P7)Ta(
TL &v aUTW, TE o4S &v EEBEEY)C, xai o$ xai&EELG Traps
aauTW' el Be T6v 7r&VTYI (paUAO)V xpL&7')aETaL, <ia7royyL&H L&v, E17rEV
'Aptalreta- q, &yw Be a&yw, < Trap xh,& Tw `HgodwTU)
40 ti jaoTWOUv 4ha,7"Tw y oll AEyw Be Trepi Toy xcXoU MaxapEou (pEAOu re OVTOC,
aa(po5q xai &per xoa(.LOU(hvoU.

52: 2-4: locum non inveni. 12: Plato, Phaedrus, 228a. 26: Homers,
ii., 6, 236; Plato, Convivium, 219a. 38-39: XLVII Ad Cepitonenn, 2, 419.

B f. 84v-85v; cod. Vat. gr. 632, f. 350v-351v (= V). 1 1'a3pLpa Tw &pXLEpei Oeoaaao-
v(xrjS B Tw uneprc4c &pxtepei Oeacaaovbxgq Pa(3pLha V115 &v wary: x&v wety VII 6 T&:
TCov add. VII 10-11 xaT& ye rev e68oxtouvTo v add. P mg. sup. 11 14 unepppoveiv om. VII
29 add. VII bneLS - elneiv om. V

53. Tw Bac AL TES vY

"OTE TOUTo Tb ptfXEOV &7r1yyeAAS, oiito TEAoq jv &AA'

&i;u(paivTO yE, xai BL& TouTO OUT' aUTExa Got iTapyEVETO 0"T' e';
xaTa ' TrayyEALOCV' TV a aVTwS Oux
^ 'TEPav. Tb V y'p
5 C"&L &A9'eZv, Tb 8- ppaBUVat Tou xaLpou oux L& :EpoV. vuvi 8E
7E),0; Aapbv cot rCAayouS xai yE Tiilv
6O)v &ATrt O)V TOUTO cp xai Bh ac -,t AUaLTEAeC, EIvaL TWBE Toil Pity.
8' av 'law; TotoGTov ell ,rpbs Ti]v e"vvotav &TrAws ,COV yyPa&vwv
152
53, 54
arrangement of ideas or expect precision in the choice of words or, in general,
any of those graceful, stylistic elements which an essay of this sort might be
expected to present, then it might, I fear, impress you as "empty bliss," and
you may proclaim : "Our treasures have turned to ashes."2 Yet do not wonder
why I am sending this work of mine to you, if I have such an opinion of it;
I do so because in my desire to please you, I have decided against what
might have been the better choice.

1 Its place in the collection would date this letter to the years 1409-1410. The
emperor of Trebizond was Manuel III Comnenus, who ruled from 1390 to 1417: see W.
Miller, Trebizond, the Last Greek Empire (London, 1926; new ed. by A. C. Bandy, Chicago,
1969), 71-79. The work sent to him by Manuel is not specified, but it was lengthy enough
to be called a book ((3c(3XLov), perhaps a collection of essays or orations.
2 Common Byzantine proverb.

54. To the Priest Euthymiusl

Constantinople
Constantinople, 1409

The present work is the child of both of us-it is yours and mine-not
only because "friends share their possessions," but also because it belongs
almost as much to you as it does to me.2 While I gave birth to it, you it was
who helped it grow by adding your ideas. Now if a being, once born, must
be provided with nourishment if it is to survive, then its ownership is shared
both by the one who has brought it into being and by the one who raises it.
You may therefore do what seems best for it just as I would. At your dis-
cretion add or remove whatever you wish.3

1 There is some confusion regarding the date of this letter. Euthymius was conse-
crated as patriarch on 26 October 1410: V. Laurent, "Les dates du patriarchat d'Euthyme
II de Constantinople," BZ, 54 (1962), 332. In the Paris manuscript the letter is addressed
to the Patriarch Lord Euthyrnius, tcp icazpiapxp xupy, E d)i lu, which was copied into
the Barberinus graecus 219 (E63ulc 'rw naTpc&px-r,), whereas the cod. Vat. gr. 1879 has
simply, To the Priest Lord Euthymius, -ry nanaxupc;r Eu,4uly, which reading is followed
in this edition. Vat. gr. 1879 contains a copy of the work sent along with this letter, the
letter itself and the reply of Euthymius. This literary grouping seems to reflect the original
and more authentic state of these writings. The entire collection of Manuel's letters was
put together long after Euthyrnius had been named patriarch, in fact, after his death. This
letter was then copied into the Paris manuscript independently of Manuel's composition
and Euthymius' letter, and either by mistake or by accident, or simply because the editor
(Manuel probably) could not recall whether the original had been written before or after
Euthymius became patriarch, was addressed to him with this title. Furthermore, the follow-
ing letter (55) appears to have been written in 1409; so the basic chronological arrange-
ment of the letters would also place this one in 1409, and certainly before 26 October 1410.
53, 54 153

v TL 7rspaLT.pco r'r v 65 &v dS 'r v T&E,LV &7CLSrC, Twv

10 vor)t.&TWV xat TY)v TWV ovo&Twv &xpE3e.av xat oAce o1S
&v x&pLev &ywvta.t& TL TOLOllTOV exOL pavjvaa, 868OLxa p4
ao'. VXA
.too CCPLOC> 'r - c cpcLv xcct (ilv,paxey> (3orjar)S
oL 45raaupoL. xal 1y
&auv&apS el oiTo S e'xwv 86L;jS 7repl Tb 7r6vrp.cc TouTo 7r&7ro.tp aol y&p
e'9eA ov S7t psL80V 0 57rep &(.LetVOV Y)V E(.LOI

53: 11-12: Lucianus, Hermotimus, 71; Navigium, 11; Paroem. gr. I, 32. 12: Ze-
nobius, Prov. 2, 1: Paroem. gr. I, 32.

B f. 85v. 1 v3' P 11 TES om. B 116 post aoL in ras. XeLlluwvOS eaoSVTOS P

54. Ti IIa7ra xupw E61&u.tk v8,

'0 A6yoS ouToq 7ta%S &(acpoTEpoLS, sp,oL re ),Eyw xat aoL, ou (t6vov
oTL RTOC Twv cp(awv xoty&, &XX' &TL got xal &acpsprL [LLxpou 3e"av wS
4tO(. eye'vvr)aa (,LEv y&p EyCY 8E auTbc roc-q ro)V vorp,xTwv
5 7rP oaf1xai S. xai el -rob S cp uvra&v&
S Yxr TP cP eL N' e)aeL Ye Touzou^
xoLVOV TO XT) LO TW CpUaaVTL re xat TW rpoyd- 6(r re I EleaTL
aoL 7TOLELV E7r' auTw T& 8oxouvTct Xc&&7rep EL.oL, xal NJ 7rpoa{ 9e. xal
oCpnpeL xar' 7rav o Tt Po6Xet.

54: 3: Plato, Lysis, 207c; Suirlae lexicon, K 2550 (ed. Adler, 3, 200); Paroem.
gr. I, 106, et alibi.

B f. 85v; cod. Vat. gr. 1879, f. 328-328v (= Va). 1 inscriptio ex Va: TW 7rarpL&p7.71 xvpii
E64&UIIICp P, EUi}uu[(,) TW nccTpL&pX11 B II ve' P 113-4 6a7rep eOl Va 11 6 1SeaT4: EZ6V V IL

a The work which Manuel attributes as much to Euthymius as to himself is the

Ernperor's decision or clarification (aagilveLa) in a debate between Demetrius Chrysoloras
and Antonio d'Ascoli on the question: If it is better to be than not to be, how could Christ
say of Judas that it would be better for him if he had not been born (Matthew 26:24) ?
Inc. TauTi oXe86v w 7rap6vTes. This still unpublished work is not listed by Berger de
Xivrey or by Petit. It is found together with the statement of Chrysoloras (inc.
aoL ws sTretS To ov) and the reply of d'Ascoli (inc. "Iaws &Xprv (Le ao:;olaE'+c;i a(JL) in
cod. Vat. gr. 1879, fols. 322-28, along with the letters of Manuel and Euthymius. It exists
it gift of (51rdina0
without these two letters in a richly bound manuscript of Grottaferrata, manuscript of the
Bessarion to the monastery, coil. Crypten. Z.S.I., fols. 82-89v; and in a
Collegio Greco in Rome, cod. 11, fols. 59-93v: see Loenertz, "Ecrits de Macaire hlaeri's et
de Manuel Paldologue," 193 (= ByzFrOr, I, 78-79); Barker, Dlanuel II, 5I9-20. 'l'hceu
154
54, 55
works are listed in the cod. Vindobor. phil. gr. 98, but have long since disappeared from it:
P. Lambeck and A. F. Kollar, Commentariorum de augustissima bibliotheca Caeearea
Vindobonensi libri octo, VII (Vienna, 1781), 337-40. In the cod. Vat. Urbin. gr. 80 there have
been inserted two pages (fols. 8-9v), not part of the original manuscript, which contain
the decision of an emperor on the same question (inc. 'Eol 8oxouaLv of rrepl ro5
g,6vou ).6yovrec & ep6&repo4), followed by two letters concerning the decision. The first begins:
Hjnopas iv au.rb5 hiv rev aav a6yov, c",) paaraeu, ebcpp&v= re & v 5ou xal nL kiaoa
(ioua6evoc. The second is the same as that in the Vat. gr. 1879, which begins: T6v a6yov
,ro5sov, &pLare (iaaLaeu. These pages are covered with poorly written corrections, appar-
ently by Euthymius himself, and must be, as Mercati has pointed out, the first draft
of Manuel's decision in the debate, a draft of Euthymius' reply and its final version:
G. Mercati, Notizie di Procoro e Demetrio Cidone, 517 note 1.
8 The answer of Euthymius, addressed to My Lord the Emperor, is published infra
(Appendix, p. 221) from the cod. Vat. gr. 1879. In it Euthymius disclaims any credit for
this valuable judgment of Manuel, which he praises for its power, its clarity, its charm,
and the truths it contains. He knew it was the Emperor's legitimate offspring (yv c ov ylv-
viwr , Manuel: bykvv)1aa Iyd), and he knew the nature of the one who had brought it into
being (puaty tou (p6aav ros, Manuel: cp6wa ... r jS puaavn). He marvelled at its brilliance.
Finally, he cannot find anything to add or to remove, nor does he think anyone else will
be able to do so ij &p p6aews, Manuel: rrpoari&e4 xal &pa(pet).

55. To Manuel Chrysolorasl

Western Europe
Constantinople, 1409

I was, of course, pleased to receive your letter, for there is surely

nothing of yours which is not pleasing to me. I opened it right away and
read it-I had reason to expect it to contain such news as would lighten my
terrible burdens. But on quickly reading through it I was distressed, as you
can imagine, and I declared everything in it to be but "empty bliss," and this
is what all of us have suspected for quite some time. It contained nothing
at all of what we were hoping for. And even great promises would not have
been enough. For now there is need of deeds which will bring help, and not of
words and promises which have been the usual thing for so long. When a
person is at the critical point of his illness, and such is now our condition, he
needs medicines able to cure him and not excellent promises which always
involve putting things off.
But as to what you claim was said by the exalted ruler, whose very
position enables him, or if you wish, whose rank demands that he both
manifest concern and provide for all needs, this rather lessens than increases
our good hopes. For that explanation of yours, I mean that conditions there
still need to be arranged better, will not excuse him for having done nothing
whatsoever regarding what was needed. While it may be true that his own
waves of trouble have not completely subsided, his present state is like an
unbroken calm compared with the storms and tempest he previously endured.
54, 55

55. Tw XpuaoXWpa xupCo Mavour'ja ve'

e 8eE'LEVOs p.Ev ou6ev yap 87jitou Twv awv 8

FLT Twv ep.oL aoaaq 8' x6- xa xai &vayvo6q-TO yap EExOs
E8E8ou &appcZV ToLOUTots aoyoLS EVTEIEea4aL ot5 av xoucpiaaq Ta
5 BELV&-TO T&xoq ouv BLeaDWV VL&,(hv TS, 7C&C oEL, xat <0Cev"v axapLav
Ex&aouv T&xeZ r&vTa, To"u-' o xoIL 7CaaL 7S&aaL 01M' Yap 'jV
Ev auT ou8' 6TL05V Twv x(XETos ei xat ey&aas dxe TaS
u7TOaxeaztq oux av E >jpxeL. 7tpayp.&TWV yap 81 xpEEa p07),Orra6VTWV,
06x'& prp,&Twv xai U7LOaxeaeWV eLW&oTWV avW&EV yivEa,9-aL, ei7rEp xai
10 TGLC, EV &x(..Lr TOU vo6Y[m-roC,-OUTW yap v5v Ta Y) te,Tepa-&XeEvrrpEWv
(pap(L&xWV, a?,?" GU xpryTWV E7CayycXLWV, &vapoaas &E xewr%ts'vWV.
'0 CSE c g'rs EEprxeVa,L -7"V &xpov apxovTa xaL CJ TO 8E8W66V,
EE 8e POllaeL, ov a7,-(X'-,EL 7t&VTWV kEV x>j8eaht& 7t&vTWV 8E
7.povr TOUTO O'E' Nxaaov acpaLpeL Tac &yaMs Ea7r 6c c.
15 )613e yap To U61) Exeivo, aeyW TO T&XEL 7tp&yaTa ETL BeZa8Cxl.
8mDF'aeWs, 'r0' p,r ' OTLOUV -E7tpa)OTa Twv 8eovTwv ,apaLT jCSTaL. SL
yap 8 7 xaE FLT 'CEaeWS xaTEaTOpe9 r TouTw -,'a xuaTa, &aa' ON epos r v
7-,po:-6 0,7)v xai TpLxuEav Ta vuv yaa7jv' auxv'. xai auTov,
156
55
And, I think, he should at the very least have been willing to show in small
and quite easy ways that he had the intention of fending off the threatening
enemies of our common faith when the time was right.2 A small contribution
from him would certainly seem considerable to us, partly because our cir-
cumstances have become altogether straitened, partly because people would
see it as a sign of better things to follow, and finally because it would inject
an element of conjecture into the calculations of the enemy. For I suspect
that this would not be so much an encouragement for us as an arrow aimed
at them. The fact that for such a long time no aid of any sort, not even late
in the day, has come from anywhere to help us in our troubles leads the enemy
to the utmost boldness against us; in like manner, opposite actions will
bring about opposite results.
I could have drawn out this letter, but in writing to a man like you,
it suffices to say just so much. I know well that you will give thought to
the means by which some succor might be sent to us from there at the right
time, for nothing, no matter how fine, is of any help when it comes too late.
But if-may it not come about-we should be cheated of our hopes, at least
bring yourself back and give yourself to your fatherland and to the one who
loves you, I mean to myself; and this will surely be no small thing for us.

1 The two major problems involved in interpreting this letter are closely connected:
its date and the identity of the exalted ruler (-riv dixpov &pxov ra). The preceding letter was
written in 1409-1410 (before 26 October), and the following letter can be dated to the end
of 1409 or early January 1410. Its position, then, would place this letter sometime in 1409.
In this case the exalted ruler is most probably King Henry IV of England, for it was
precisely in 1409 that Chrysoloras visited London as the Emperor's ambassador. He could
have written this discouraging report while still in England or on his way from there to
Spain. On his itinerary during 1407-1413, see Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora, 143-59; also
Barker, Manuel II, 263-71, who translates this letter on pp. 266-67 and discusses it
further on pp. 519-24.
Manuel gives an accurate assessment of Henry's circumstances at the time, for,
while he was never without difficulties, he had overcome the major threats to his rule. It
is not clear why he uses the term "exalted," unless lie is simply being sarcastic. The term,
ruler (&pgo v), is a general one employed by Manuel for Turkish emirs (Letter 16: 60, 99),
for himself (44:55) and once, coincidentally, precisely for Henry IV (38:20).
If this letter is not in chronological order, it would have to be dated before 15 April
1415, the date of Chrysoloras' death, and probably before 5 July 1413, the date of Mech-
med's victory over Musa, which ended any immediate Turkish threat to Byzantium. The
other rulers whom Chrysoloras visited do not seem to fit the description in Manuel's letter.
In 1408 Chrysoloras was in Paris, but it is not known whether he spoke with King Charles
VI, who in any case was quite insane by this time: Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora, 146.
Chrysoloras was given a letter of accreditation by Manuel to King Martin I of Aragon
dated 23 October 1407, which was concerned only with relics, but he does not seem to
have arrived there until early in 1410, the year in which Martin died. The letter is pub-
lished in A. Rubio i Lluch, Diplomatari ale l'Orient Cataliz (Barcelona, 1947), no. 694,
pp. 716-18. Rubio i Lluch also refers to a document of 7 April 1407 attesting to Chryso-
loras' presence in Catalonia, but this is difficult to reconcile with other extant data. In
fact, a visit of Chrysoloras to Spain cannot be clearly proven: Cammelli, Manuele Criso-
 55 157

01aL, e'x youv r( 7)V txpc:Iiv xat gave v

Tbv pcr& 'rou
20 xoc you rp0,eaLv exovTa r &v bnxeLp,Evwv eX,&p&v TY15 xo.v4S 7dLGre(04
Puaaa,&aL, r&VTc) 8e To rap' auTOU
a uxpbv ajpiv &v Eya E'Unt ro3ro
(.F'-'V i; xo[LLBj Tiilv rpay&Twv Ev TrSV<o yeyov6Twv, TOUTO Se AOyLZ;oevoLS
w5 &p' 'r& Xp'JaT6Tepa' xat 7rp6S ys ITC SLa AV
Ep,ea?e Tots 'r)V eX4p6v AoyLa. ois, irou yap ou N.&Aov
25 jv'iv Toud rapagtU hov '"rep Exelvofs (3EXo5. wS yap T6 11-18' Wevouv
6Ve youv D,7)XuUvaL 4v'r ouv Toil 'tj5 rp&yaaL p,eytar v
ExsivoLS rap&Xst &poc &'r ra xaW . Sv, ouTw 8e xat T&vowTLa TouvavTiov
epyaaevar.
rixuvs.v Ta yp4.p.aTa, rp65 ae 8' &pxei Toou Tov et-nety.
30 cppov'rLeLs yap, eu oZ6' STL, 07rwS Otv aUT6,hv '?"ht a6 v TW xmtp,5 E7rnxoupta
Tois 6vrau&oi ou8ev yap Twv c pafwv E wpov yev6evov. el
8 p. yEvoLTo, Ta Tcov EarEBwv piv ppo58a yEvovro, au 8' O am' aauTOv
f. 35 Cp&po v 8L8ou rpo5 Tj I raTpLBL xat Tw yLAo5vTL, etii ail A&yw- roU ye
xat Tout' p-Lv 06 r Lxp6v.

56: 5: Lucianus, Hermotinrus, 71; Navigium, 11.

B f. 85v-86v. 1 Mavou>1a Tw Xpuao)c pa B 11 v5 P 1132 post iv add. eua.&elr) mg.,

quod om. B

lora, 147. The other candidate put forth is Sigismund, King of Hungary, but Chrysoloras
did not visit him before 13 October 1414, and the negotiations were concerned with
ecclesiastical union and the coming Council of Constance: Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora,
162-63; Barker, MM2anuel 11, 522-23. Finally, there is the pope. From about May of 1410
until his death in 1415 Chrysoloras spent a good deal of time at the court of Pope John
XXIII: Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora, 147-65. He carried on negotiations concerning
union of the churches and military aid against the Turks, but by August 1413 realized that
it was a complete waste of time: ibid., 145. Still, one has the impression that Manuel does
not refer to a pope, particularly John XXIII, whose troubles were just beginning. It is
interesting, though, that Cydoncs applies the term, &pxwv, to Pope Urban V : Letter 39:
15, 29. All things considered, it seems most likely that this letter was written in 1409 and
that the ruler in question was King Henry IV of England.
2 This is a clear reference to the conflict between the Turkish princes, Suleyuian,
Musa, and Mechmed, which posed a direct threat to Byzantium from 1409 to July 1413:
see Barker, Manuel II, 281-88.
158
56
56. To Manuel Chrysoloras

Italy
Constantinople, December
1409-January 1410

I am sending you the funeral oration on my brother, which I composed

more by weeping than by writing.' If the qualities of the departed were so
great that his death would touch a heart of stone-when he left us he took
with him the greatest of his possessions, himself and the support he provided
-what do you think I suffered in composing this oration? Nor can I write
this brief note without tears. It is not possible for me or for others who
knew the man well to picture him in our memory without pouring forth a
fountain of tears. So excellent was he in every respect. After his departure
to God, therefore, I laid down a rule for myself not to attempt any more
oratorical works. As a result, those compositions which I was formerly
obliged to undertake I left in a more or less half finished state. But I was
unable to observe this rule to the end. For my love for my brother was so
great that it did not permit me to remain silent and to allow time to consign
his noble deeds to oblivion, but as it compelled us to give a eulogy and to
lament over him, so it also forced us to recount his deeds in detail, and this
clearly means to praise him. For we consider it exactly the same thing to
give a detailed account of the life of a good man and by that very fact to
adorn him with praises directly. That praise, to be more precise, which the
account of a person's deeds evokes is undoubtedly greater than the simple
statement that the man in question was brave, intelligent, and possessed of
all other virtues.
But this booklet comes to you not for mere display, as Apelles and
Lysippus showed their works to each other, but in the spirit in which others
brought their works to them for correction, paintings to Apelles and statues
to Lysippus.2 And the bearer of this work is one whom you cherish above all
others, your nephew, who is also your son and brother by birth, training,
and manners.3 He is an excellent man and whenever I give him a command,
even by a mere nod, he longs for wings so that he might execute it with all
dispatch. This is actually due to you, who yield to nobody among the high
officials in being well disposed toward me. You, therefore-it is your duty
to help me in every way-erase what is superfluous in the present composi-
tion; do not shrink from making changes in it and additions of your own as
well; for I know that it stands in need of all these.4

1 Mention of the funeral oration on Theodore and the fact that the nephew of
C hrysoloras conveyed it and this letter to Italy enable one to establish the date with some
precision. Theodore I Palaeologus died in Mistra in 1407, probably in June: see Barker,
31anuelII, 272 note 126. About a year later Manuel journeyed to the Morea and then to
 ' 891

9c9 cJ, pdm,(oDndX mdnx ww YL(no ,5n

&0110D 52d1L &91 n9d))(3210 59 77D111Jd901-6.23210713

1i&ondx702 13
d7oA t( not 90&3710X10 L.13d10 b..n1oDoi
31D2 11ox (
5k 51o12drx 463 11D.GD]OI' Ak- (101,13x3
m,q1

9 d70A. AO.GX37LP q1 &011136x AT c0YlA1x9x3 (,0197o pox Ali]

A7oldnOx7u3 Ali]
d10u 11-901910 7370 m3XD10u 3713 1A01101 &91 AOJ69X 990x90
3290 1(01 1
%

c( '17D71) no d1orL &1193

r, c r c c n c r r
3190 3713 3190 5901 Ao1 10d2A70 51010x(0A..3 5(0Yox
c
A3
UTIk&71
c
31 A0A13x3
A13d70y pox G(71 Am9dH702 S70A1d3L .A13Xx3 (y)190 701&70]L 501D1d19 cA(0
0I &x0 61n70713 A07T0& 3.G91 10X 101371 A141 90&13x3 59d2L A03Q
A101T1k2x3 -ox1).o'
Amd31 &m1v71kd13XA.3 32LT1 `770.GD70fI1I0DOd]L &3.G0 A1DDG.3310M117ox
Ac1 nolodlL `&o&9dX k-pm71L(. ).U5(l 7oD)013 1D1N01 ,A13&3T1 no Tl &1 A7311'IDynd)
7012 5noy31 &91 & A0T19 5010 31 91 dnl, 59d1L &91 Aq63ff 10713
Aod1'C1d) AOx7\& &O x90 3u3d13]L3 9 L(1) (X px 5(r)13iod 32
9I 11D&no210d1D1L &o.-L.
A0AOdX )oJld3 70AA3A r70 A3D7OxA10A1,c( 57071(
c I c r n c c , c

&132(bAoT1 AOYn70 110x (1)190 32 pox 701 110x A91n10 110&37`372

017DDwId3DOdlL 01no1 32 n71D3 AOA131(3 10 5ndx114 'A13A710u3 4 V#3719o 6701

A91n1D1 5md1dh10 710&;3 91 31 &01 401d A(O1 0 A(9d2&T
c1 517o11j1,Cd)93 5901910 .A13T190x 32 170x A(0)1371 L 50&710
Oti
5mAX31-4 0 Aml A1)).d3 5m33L
7072 51&.1 901 A91 )0&133 WD 5(9 1D(9Y90
3T( A13) 5(? 5013d2&) 'A11D3 5(1) `A(0d67D 5(n ALl A7oD10u'y ntu.3d)D &(9X3

13xHn 32 1OD 01 AO7'(d1d 90 576.U 5m 13)((3uv 1px (buulD(ly

7oY d1o]L 1o.1d3 r01nAx1323 5(9 (T)d'3Y)0x3 33&901 M. d70u A(09
%

(buulDV 33 0 33
50du d012 'A19co 9371
0 5(10216X3ff 10D 17OX 517DU
&1))1T10x A11D3 20 &32(.(71 10D 5m1&03L '&012(
11ox5O6'(32z 1012 o]. 50A3). 11ox Ak1 &kthod1 `lox SRO- '5nou9d1 17Dx d7,).
A71D3 T 50.GI0 dk&)D `11o% 13 90u 71 1-4x 11107193& 5odu &01970 `171110`11o19]L3

q1 &9D (101 1&32U.71 A(-)1

Amd3Yu n0- 5noX771 &7d)DX '&(nTl(l-Glu3 01n0Y G.2
9D 101&37 ;n01n01 901
nml3Ymdu 501&(lOdmX70d1ou 5k1 506u 3713 '51010(93
(fE nD 132-5o11o71bd,L d;oJ. 39 5101 5101'13 A13.G1A0d 1D701Lb 101-510u9d1 &371
',I AQE 13d110d)b 701 c-0YY1d3u 101 kT1 fI n0272DOdu 33
11

cb19o1 ox 17 &(,)-I 'noinrD 1og;.o dzd. 5m n(01no1 ch1A7o

:99 fI '3 98 (g 6)- c?-nn 'PP00 II

d II
4 t3x3 0291)] PPDD II fl nzumlo
II
160
56, 57
Thessalonica, returning to Constantinople early in 1409. Probably he did not complete the
funeral oration, epitaphios, until some time in 1409, for he speaks of it as of a work recently
finished. The bearer of the oration and of this letter, John Chrysoloras, arrived in Bologna
on 29 February 1410: Cammelli, Manuele Crisolora, 190-91. He must, then, have left
Constantinople, and this letter must have been written in December 1409 or perhaps early
January 1410. The lengthy funeral oration on Theodore, A6yoc 'Einr&cpio5, has been
edited by S. Lampros, Ilaaaroadyna xal IleaoTrovvriaiax&, 3 (Athens, 1926), 11-119;
also in PG, 156, 181-308. A new edition by J. Chrysostomides is in preparation. Manuel
had apparently planned to deliver it on the second anniversary of his brother's death, but
was prevented from doing so by the Turkish civil wars. Instead, he had it read by the
monk, Isidore, later metropolitan of Monemvasia: see references in Barker, Manuel II,
525-27. A shorter version of this oration, apparently revised by Manuel himself, exists in
the cod. Scorial. gr. 14 (R-I-14), fols. 257-270.
8 The famous painter and sculptor of antiquity.
8 John Chrysoloras, seep. lvi. Nephew, son, and brother is an expression of affection,
just as Manuel speaks of Theodore as his brother, friend, and son (Letter 9).
4 The reply of Chrysoloras, still unedited, is discussed by C. G. Patrinelis, "An
Unknown Discourse of Chrysoloras addressed to Manuel II Palaeologus," ORBS, 13
(1972), 497-502.

57. To the Metropolitan of Thessalonica

and the Protos of the Holy Mountain'

Thessalonica and Mount Athos

Constantinople, 1411

People for whom there is no place in the imperial palace or easy access
to the rulers roam about seeking someone who will plead on their behalf for
whatever they might need. Not only that, but some of them will not converse
even with these intermediaries directly, since they do not deem themselves
worthy to do so. In fact, I have now come to feel this way myself. For I was
distressed because of him who was in debt to us for very many good things
and who, on the other hand, gave living proof of very many evils, which
turned things upside down, and as a result has, by divine Providence, met
with an end quite worthy of his ways.2 But you know the man from ex-
perience, as well as the madness of that person toward everyone. Practically
no hope was left for nie and since I myself did not dare to approach the One
able to bring salvation, I fled instead to His Mother. And to her I sang a few
hynuis, for my conscience did not permit me to speak more boldly. We are
sending these hymns to you so that you may convey them to her in a sincere
spirit. For we thought it best to make use of mediators to the mediatrix, of
you to the Mother of God, since it would not be right for us, defiled with so
many evil passions, to plead directly with the Pure One.
But if you think it appropriate, arrange that on one day of the week
in each of the oratories these suppliant odes be sung until God should grant
56, 57

57. TW Mr) rpo7roXET'f OEaaaaovEx-% xcrrp

npd rq Toll 'Aytou "OpouS

014 Ev paaLAEEotq oux EoTL X6pa ouBE 7rappr)aia 7rp&; Tots

XpccTOUVTaS, o ro ''C 7CEpLVO 'rOUVTEC, C -TrOUaL roiq 67CEp arTWV LXETE66OV-
5 Tas EL ToU UOLVTO. of NLr)v aaa' ElaLV OL7CEp XOLxEEVOLS OUX &00,4-
yovTaL TCO Ili vo L vv acpc auTOUS & LouS aCvaL ToU 7rp&y. c. xocd a
xa401 TOLOUTOV TL E:,UVGL7CE6EV 91. avvEXopEVOs yap 67r6 Tou 7C>, cTVOC

p,Ev p Lv OpElAov roc &ycL,9'a, 7rXELaTa a' <l&vco 7roTawv

xax&, xad 86c ro5To &'EEa 7rpovoi4 xaTaauaavToq Tov ploy p.&Xo &Ekc
10 Twv auiOU rpo'7rcov-LATE 8E Tov &v,&po7rov 7reipa xoc Tr)v 7rpos 7ra'v roc,;
Exsivou oL 8i a)(EBov 67roAEacgkvrjc EX7c(. oS,
auTO4 thv oUx ETOA(L?)aa 7rp0?E?,ELv TW 8uvakvcp a6ELV, 0 8E XoL7r6v,
rp65 Tr) aUTOU )1 Y)TEpa xaTE(puyov. 6X 'ocS ON 7cpos auTr1v cilBcc aaa'
&pr)pEt'rO yap rrV 7rappr)aiav To auVELBoS, E7rz4' 6(12V TaUTOC YTkXXOILEV
15 WC4 &V Trap' 64 V EX LVfl 7Cp0a(iyc,)VTaL. NLeCATaLC, Yap 7tp0'
LC0 LV, 67.v 7CpoS OEOEL"Topa, 8E6V Eyv(0EV wS oux ov
&C?CcxEc r`) L&S akaws 7rp6S 'v ayvr)v LxETEUELV ),LqLoXua)1.& ou 7cOL,9E6Lv
& Lu,47)TOLC,.

TETaX,OVO 8E 4dV, EL yE yLyvop.EVOV EIvaL ao'ECLE, La 't Ep8o laoq

20 p.kpq Ev Ex&aTCO r v SUxrgpLWV TOLL, Lxcalouq &rc; 4&4 & ecrO.OCL ECoS
av 80[7) OEOS &7raXXayEV'raq Twv 8ELV6v xo ocpcO4 xaL 67r' av'rwv T(ilv 7rpo -
162
57

us full relief from these horrible dangers and, encouraged by what happens,
we might from a joyful soul sing joyful hymns of thanksgiving. In a way,
the present situation seems to resemble the plight of a person who has just
been released from a fit of terrible suffering but is afraid that his oppressive
affliction might return and finding the body still weak might in all likelihood
overcome it more easily.

1 The metropolitan of Thessalonica was Gabriel (1397-1416/19): see p. xlii. The

protos of the Holy Mountain, Mount Athos, was probably Simon: see p. lv. The person
whose death Manuel laments is described in what appears to be a deliberately obscure
sentence. To establish the chronology of this letter, then, it may be better to begin with the
hymn the Emperor composed in honor of the Mother of God, which accompanied the letter.
This is surely the canon (xavwv napaxX ,cLx6S) "To our most holy Lady, the Mother of
God, for aid in the present circumstances." Inc. "Anaaa r&i;ic = 1 XwEa nia-r&v: ed.
Legrand, Lettres, 94-102, from the cod. Paris. gr. 3041, fols.104-104v, but with the final
two stanzas inverted. It is also found in cod. Crypten. Z.S.I., fols. 72-74V; Collegio Greco,
cod. 11, fols. 82-84; cod. Vindob. phil. gr. 252, fols. 60v-61 (incomplete); and was formerly
in cod. Vindob. phil. gr. 98. It is published in PG, 156, 107-110. See T. Stratmann, "La
Theotokos, premises des justifies," Irdnikon, 27 (1954), 122-41. In this lengthy hymn
Manuel calls upon Mary to save God's people from impending disaster and to grant victory
to her city. He asks her to drive away "the other hostile Khan (Xay&vov) who horribly
threatens your chosen people, as [you did] formerly to his father" (lines 6-10). The rest of the
hymn deals with the terrible dangers the Byzantines face and their hopes that, despite their
sinfulness, they will be saved by the intercession of Mary. The reference to the Khan,
certainly Musa Celebi, and to his father Bajezid, as well as to the hostile army outside the
city, clearly place this hymn, and consequently this letter, during Musa's siege of Con-
stantinople in 1411-12. For details, see Barker, Manuel II, 281-88. The duration and the
intensity of the siege are not known, but it probably began in the spring of 1411 and may
have lasted through the summer of 1412. In fact, this entire sequence of events needs
further study.
2 The person whose death distressed Manuel must have been Suleyman Qelebi,
Musa's brother. To defend himself against Musa, he had entered into an alliance with the
Byzantine emperor, becoming more or less dependent on him. This may be what Manuel
means by the one "in debt to us." Because of his support of Suleyman, however, Manuel
was drawn into the Turkish civil wars and earned the enmity of Musa. The end, "worthy of
his ways," may be meant ironically, for Suleyman was captured and strangled by Musa on
17 February 1411. Shortly afterward Musa laid siege to Constantinople, so that this letter
was probably written in the spring of 1411. Exactly how the metropolitan and the protos
knew Suleyman "from experience" is not clear, but he had a reputation for being well
disposed toward Christians, and they may have had some personal dealings with him.
The "madness of that person" (v? v bxelvou av(av) may be an oblique reference to Musa;
it could also be translated as "his [Suleyinan's] vehement love for all," since Manuel else-
where employs the word in this sense.
 163
57
&Twv 7rapax?okwmT &7r6 aaOCL xapca'r pious. c 5
vuv 8oxeL 7rwS Ta 7rp&yoc'r eo.x&vat roZ4 7rept68ou th' 8ewou To"u
&7ralaayZTCL, 8eMaL 8' ouv 6V,( S Ft T6 7rijaav v6a7jlloc,
26 xat a tr Aov E176 T6 awt,a eix6Tws eupav paov a6TOU

57: 8: Euripides, Medea, 410; of. Paroem. gr. I, 47.

B f. 87-87V mut. 1 v-n' P 1110 &nav-ras B jj 14 Toc&ro B li 24 nmJ.erv1voaT!ap P

164
58
58. To Giorgio Gattilusio on Thasos1

Thasos
Thasos, July-September 1414

Clearly you are presumptuous in what you are now doing, for if you
knew anything about moderation or, if you will, if you knew yourself at all,
you would not undertake things above your station. But then, the facts them-
selves demonstrate that this particular evil becomes so intense in those
afflicted by it that it is unnecessary for them to undergo any other punish-
ment than that of living with this sort of illness. Your undertaking has
become as Scylla and Charybdis to you. If you remain within, you are lost,
I believe, for you can see that the fortress, which you seized like a tyrant and
now occupy, is utterly weak and unable to withstand the siege weapons
outside its gates as well as the continuous action of war. If on the other
hand circumstances should force you to come out, you will certainly be
saved, but you will have to live in unending shame. The result is that you
"set your mouth against the heavens, but your tongue walked through the
earth,"2 and your boasting words have come to mean just the opposite of
what you intended.

i In the Paris manuscript no addressee is given for this letter, and in the Barberini
copy part of the page is torn off, so that it reads: ... Xioi e T(j ev 0&vca. This may
originally have read: I'aTEacoui;w, Gattilusio. The first name is not given, but Legrand in
his edition of this letter (p. 89) gives the addressee as: rewpytc) raTeaiouTi;p, vlxa aTu-
p&vvec Ti 5q To Giorgio Gattilusio when he unlawfully seized power over Thasos. Since
this is not found in the Paris. 3041 from which he copied the letters, one can only assume
that he derived it from one of the Avramiotis manuscripts then at his disposition and which
have since been lost: see Introduction, p. xxv. It is on this assumption, then, that the Gatti-
lusio on Thasos may be identified as Giorgio. This letter has also been translated by Barker,
Manuel II, 299, with some comments.
The date of this letter is certain. According to the nearly contemporary testimony
of Mazaris, Manuel II sailed from Constantinople on 25 July 1414 with one large ship and
five triremes for the island of Thasos, then in a state of rebellion, and spent three months
reducing the island to his authority: Journey Into Hades, 177. George Sphrantzes also
mentions Manuel's departure in July and his capture of Thasos in September, although he
mistakenly gives the year as 1413: Georgios Sphrantzes, Memorii 1401-1477, ed. V. Grecu
(Bucharest, 1966), 4, 1, p.4 (= PG, 156, col. 1026b). Manuel then sailed to Thessalonica and
on 28 November 1414 informed King Ferdinand I of Aragon that his voyage to the Mores, had
been delayed because of the problems on Thasos. Vacavirnus circa recuperationern cuiusdarn
nostre inside nominate Thassu, a quodam nostro ernulo occupate, quarn Deo dace recupera-
viiuus et immediate nostram civitatern Salonicharn accessirnus: C. Marinescu, "Manuel II
Pali,ologue et lee rois d'Aragon. Commentaire sur quatre lettres inedites en Latin, expddides
par in chancellerie byzantine," Academic Ronmaine, Bulletin de la section historique, 11
(1924), 200-1; rep. S. Cirac Estoparian, La union, Manuel II Paleologo y sue recuerdos
en Espa,ia (Barcelona, 1952), 69-70; see Dolger, Kaiserregesten, 3343, p. 100. From the
text it is clear that the letter was written during the siege of Thasos, that is, between the
end of July and the end of September 1414.
 165
58

f. 36'' 58. <Peaopytq PaTs>xLo6 p T6 e,v Tit O" qo vrj

Ell 8' STL EV Cppovv.c &7rL Tn' VUV aauTOU 8 5)oV, 06&e' yap
&v bro'X IaS Ta S7rep TY1v &ELav T"Y1V "'v E7rLaT&(.LEVOC EL 8e
po6Xet ye, yLvdaxwv OXWC aavT6v &TL 8e Tou-rlt xaxdv 7oZS.xe%,r7jtL voLS
5 Toaourov baov '18e 8e oo. TourouS e1C6pocv 8&x-qv 8&86vaL'1 T6 avvoLxov
gxEav -rotokov 7r&&oS, aura T& 7rp&yara 8e(xvua.. Ex6AAa yap aoL y6yovc
xai X&pup8L5 r6 EyxeLpj .oc &v 're yap 1z.dvpq gv6ov &t6Xcoaas, 0140CL,
o* yap To cppoupLov o 8 xaT6xeLS ap7r&aac rupavvcxi,!S 64 E
earl xai o6x &vTExeLV ot6v Te 7rp6S ye 'r& pupa&EV gxav&S xai 'r v
10 Toll auv6xcL0LV- &v TS E L&vaL pouX6aY1 aurots ro q np&Y1.LaaL
pLcc 6evoc, ac4rlaj ev 7ro 'rc S, adax6vY 8E cuCr 6LV1vexd. wv
aou "T6 ar4ta g&ou r2S oupavo,v, ya%caaa 8e ate?,, ev e7ri TY1S Yip,;,"
,
xa( aoL Ta x647rou pY1f.LaTa 7rp?S Tou'vawr'Lov &vv6cTpa7rrou.

58: 12: Psalm. 72, 9.

B f. 87v, inc. mut. 1 inscriptio (mut.) ex B, anep. P II t' P

Exactly how Gattilusio had got control of Thasos is not clear; perhaps he was
already on the island as a Byzantine vassal of some sort. Mazaris asserts that the inhabi-
tants had rebelled, whereas Manuel speaks of its being occupied by an enemy. At any rate,
the Gattilusio family did acquire Thasos some years later, perhaps as early as 1420,
certainly by 1434: W. Miller, "The Gattilusij of Lesbos," Essays on the Latin Orient (Cam-
bridge, 1921), 330. Manuel's mention of siege engines (rfXavoq) is confirmed by Mazaris
(7re7:po(i6),6)v
This letter seems too rhetorical an exercise to have been composed during a siege
in mid-summer. It is more likely that we have here an example of Manuel's polishing up
for the benefit of posterity what was probably a rather blunt note in plain, intelligible
medieval Greek.
2 Psalm 72 (73):9.
166
59, 60
59. [To Giorgio Gattilusio ?]l
[Thasos
Thasos, summer-fall 1414?]

This, too, is the fate of an emperor, Alexander is reported to have said,

that when he confers benefits he hears himself spoken ill of.2 So then, we
find nothing new in what those people you mention did to us, but it is the
same old story. Let me add that the same goes for the harm done to our
affairs, which has brought them down to this unfortunate state; this makes
me grieve of course, for I love the common good and at the same time I love
the wrongdoers themselves. That people of this sort are moved against us
we will bear without difficulty, you may be sure, as we recall this particular
expression of Alexander. If this man, so outstanding in his position of rule
and domination, so outstanding in his benefactions to all, abounding in so
many virtues, assaulting and conquering so many peoples, was spoken ill of
by those he treated well, and yet bore this, how much more ought we to
bear it meekly if those who should be ready even to give up the spirit on our
behalf, afflicted as they are both by the evils of the day and by the arrows of
fortune, unjustly pour forth their anger against us, reacting in the same way
as those wild beasts who, on being hit by an arrow, rend asunder all that they
encounter, since they cannot easily do it to the person who has wounded
them.

1 Again no addressee is given in the Paris manuscript, although a later hand has
added vii a' r , which is also found in the Barberini manuscript. Apparently for this
reason Legrand addressed this letter, too, to Giorgio Gattilusio. Perhaps it was written
shortly after the preceding letter, but nothing more can be said about it with any cer-
tainty.
2 Plutarch, Life of Alexander, 41, 1.

60. To Guarino the Italian'

Venice
Constantinople, summer 1417

This book, imperfect though it be, has been composed not with any
idea of ostentation, but out of vehement love for my brother.2 This it was
which first set my hand to the task, as any reader can see from the intro-
duction itself. Actually, it was not put together with the idea of currying
everybody's favor and practically clamoring to be read; it was meant to be
presented first to him for whom it was really put together, and then to the
best of our friends. Now, since you are a man of good character as well as a
 167
59, 60

59. <rewpyi raTextoocw> v,9'

Bamaixov xai Tour' Etvai cpaaty E67rety rav 'AXlEavBpov Ta xaXWS

7roto5vra xaxac &xoucty war' ou8ev xatvav ilp,ty ucp' Wv ye cp auras
i a8 y6yovev &XX' EkW-&6C, Tt xai 7CaXat6v. 8' &t. xai 8 Toty
5 7rp&yp.aat Xupt uvop,EVOV d ro5ro auaTUxiac roc"ura xaT'yaycv o e, 7C&;
oUt, Xu7ret, rotAoSVra Ve'v To xotvov, cpLXoSVra 8E xai TOUS &8txo5vrar,
aurO6S. aura yap ToSro, Ta rotourouS bvras xa&' ilp.wv cpipEa&at,
otaoNthv ye Eu La&t, rourwvi rcov
p-j&rcov. ell yap 0 TocroUToq p.EV rav Till &pXilS xai Tupavv(BoS oyxov,
10 roaov coq 8E rats 7rp6s 7C&VTas e6epyeaiat5, To ao&Tc t sE 7Ceptppe6EtaVOS
&peratc, TOaa-UTOC 8e xai E7raX,4c v xai Tpo7cwa&evo4 UN-1, xoUE (L V
U7r6 TWV xmxC)C, Ell 67C' ocko3 7r7rovk'ro v, 7'1v Lxero 8' OllV, 7Co?) ye
FtaXXOV at 7cp&ciS E6 05 ye Xpi1 xai Tile 67Ce'p jp.iav
8ejaoCV 'ZMWS 7rpo6a,&ott, of 8' 676 Toy xatpou xai TWV Till ruXnq f cA&v
15 TErpCOVjvot T"v opyily xai' il(a.WV M'&X()c E'XXe'OUat, Kaurov ye ro.S
ay)pCO exc'Lvots 7c&aXovTEc, a 8 8E &eva (36Xoc r& 7rp0aKUXOVKa
a7rOtp&Trouaty wS ollx OV EUXEpES TOV Tp6000VT0C.

59: 2-3: Plutarchus, Vita Alexandri, 41, 1.

B f. 87v-88. 1 anep. P, sed m. rec. add. rip a(u)r(ip), T(J aJc B P 1112 r6v:
7r&vrcov B 11 13 ijjtwv: corr. ex u P 1115 corr. ex T erpa L voi exykouai TilV P

60. I'ap[vcp rip 'Iraaw

r&yovc ro 13tpX1'.oV rouri, eL xai Et CX&wS & 7r11PTL c t, oux

sM86 CTtxw Ttvt f,Le'VTO Tp67rg0 &XX& 8t& To 7CpoS ToV &BcX(pov
f. 37 o poo xai rile XEtpa xxlvilxE I rile &pX7) V EvEarty aurixa aaety xax
5 WV 7pootp.ia>V aY a)V at . rtS &vayVc V L k-X')ottE. roty(4po5v 0,))( %va
7raaty 57Crtov xai tovovou cpoxaXoup.Evov TOV &VayvWa6E,cvov eKupckv h),
&XX' ExELv(P cpavr)aoaVOV 7rpOT01) 8t' oV 8') xai auvT6Taxrat, Etra xai
rots TWV (3EXria7otc. E7el roivuv xai auroc &Vilp &ya$oc To TE
168
60
good writer, not ignorant of friendship, and you are always kindly disposed
toward us-I am absolutely certain of this because of your actions and your
conversation when you were present here-we are sending this work to you
in addition to the other things you requested. For it is incumbent, I think,
on those who love to provide their lovers with more than they ask for, and
to some degree share secrets with them.
In return for the favor I am doing you, read it and then show it to
those you know if you believe it could add to the author's reputation. You
could also translate it into Latin or, if you will, into your own language.3
But if it is the sort of work which should be done away with, something we
did not do, you do it in our stead; even in this way you will show your
kindness.

1 Guarino dei Guarini of Verona. The date of this letter is derived from one of
Guarino written in January 1418: Epistolario di Guarino Veronese, ed. R. Sabbadini
(Venice, 1915-19), I, no. 94, pp. 172-74. Guarino tells his friend that a Venetian fleet
has recently returned from the Morea bringing with it a letter from his former teacher,
John Chrysoloras, who would have come to Italy had the Emperor not sent him to settle
certain problems in the Morea. It seems that the Emperor's son (actually both John VIII
and Theodore II) had attacked Patras and other towns, involving themselves in a war
with the archbishop of Patras, Stefano Zaccaria, and the prince of Achaia, Centurions
Zaccaria, his brother. These events took place in the summer of 1417 and were discussed
by the Venetian senate on July 19 and 25: Thiriet, Regestes, 1661, 1665-1667. Chrysoloras,
then, was sent to the Mores and from there wrote to Guarino, apparently during the sum-
mer or autumn of 1417. In his own letter, cited above, Guarino, after mentioning the letter
from Chrysoloras, also acknowledges having received a letter from Manuel II, together
with a copy of the funeral oration for Theodore. This letter of Manuel, then, must have
been written at about the same time, probably before October 1417: G. Mercati, "Letters
di un Isidoro, Arcivescovo di Monembasia e non di Kiew," Bessarione, 20 (1916), 205.
2 Manuel's funeral oration on his brother Theodore, a copy of which he had previ-
ously sent to Manuel Chrysoloras (see Letter 56), who may well have shown it to Guarino.
a There is no indication that Guarino ever undertook the formidable task of trans-
lating it into Latin. In his letter to a friend, cited above, he expressed his great pleasure on
receiving this letter and the oration from Manuel, but said he would pass on the oration
to Ambrogio Traversari in Florence. Ipse etiam imperator humanissimam quandam ad me
misit epistulam et funebram pro eius /ratre orationem quam ipse con f ecit; oratio est persuavis
copiosa et miro contexta verborum et sententiarum ornatu.... ad fratrem Ambrosium nostrum
mittam. Among the other works Manuel sent to Guarino may have been his Praecepta
educationis regiae, which is found in the cod. Vat. gr. 1619, fols. 188-210v, with marginal
notes by one individual, almost certainly Guarino, the teacher of Francesco Barbari, to
whom the manuscript later belonged: C. Gianelli, Codices Vaticani graeci 1485-1683
(Vatican City, 1950), 287.
 169
60
1j&os ro6q re ?,6you; xai y0xty oux &yvowv iv Te euvous unc px ov
10 &onsXe%S-z6 oTeoc rou'ro xai n67retvat otq 're EBeixvus MCPwv oz(; re
9)x s;- "xei aot xai T68e To novjt,c Trap' wv np6c ye ToZq &XXor.s
OTC, 8El, yap, o!(1a6, To6q epcil L vouc toL sparsraic xai 6v a6TO56L
rX c1 7rap6xeLv xad 7rou xai Tc)V &noppf T WV avTOic xocvcoveZv.
Eu 8e (1ou r6 EuJ.eves &(Le6p6(bevog, si z v otov 86Eav Ota v Till
15 7Ce7Covr)x6TL To &vayv(oa&6v or. yaVeb , cpav6pou Te ots &v..yvobr
xai npbS AaTivc v cpo.>viv, ell 8e' Pouaet, Ti v 18iav TOO
&ELou ell 8 otov &CpaVLCe6V expjv, 0 nap cov oux eye'vero, au 8 &?,X
&vD-' h(.LG)v TOUTO noteL, 8siEerS av x&V T6)ae T6V eSVOUV.

60: B f. 88. 1 E(i' P

170
61
61. To Demetrius Chrysolorasl

Constantinople
Constantinople, 1417

The hundred letters you recently sent to us brought much applause and
many words of praise from those who do not know your abilities.2 Some
marvelled at their number, some at the rapidity of movement in each, some
at other properties, and everyone at their richness. But for me all the letters
were cause for wonder, both on account of what impressed the other people
and for other reasons as well. To be sure, they were truly brilliant in all
respects. In one thing, however, we cannot praise you: when you could have
sent ten thousand, you sent only a hundred. Someone else, not unaware of
your facile pen, might even criticize you for laziness.
Owing to the numerous tasks which prevented me from answering your
letter right away, I did not intend to do so. But just now I have composed
an oration to the Mother of God, which I am sending you in place of the reply
I was planning to write.3 You will not, I am sure, take it ill and assume that
your letters have been surpassed by this oration, for the preeminence of the
Immaculate does not allow you to feel that way. Rather, on reading through
the work, add to it if something necessary is missing, and remove whatever
is superfluous.

1 This was written about 1417, for the E6yxptc of Chrysoloras, the source of his
"Hundred Letters," was composed after Manuel's journey to the Mores, in 1415, since it
refers to the building of the wall across the Isthmus.
s The "Hundred Letters" of Chrysoloras is actually a collection of so-called laconic
letters of about sixty to seventy words each, comprising one long letter. It was entitled
Etq rbv a6roxp&ropa x6pav MavouilX rov Ilaaacoa6yov Or)qrp(ou rou Xpuaoaup& 17rLa ro),at
p' b p' U ra: To the Autocrator Lord Manuel Palaeologus 100 Letters of Demetrius
Chrysoloras on One Topic. Leontares had accused Chrysoloras of writing a tactless letter
to the Emperor which made him angry. Chrysoloras then apologized, asked the Emperor's
pardon, and praised him effusively in what is really a series of a hundred sentences, each
one beginning: &pmre (iaaiaeu. The majority of these is taken almost word for word from
a composition of Chrysoloras entitled E6yxpLCLs 7raawwv &pX6vrcov xai vbou ro5 vuv auro-
xp&ropos: A Comparison of Previous Rulers with the Present Autocrator, a description
of the ideal emperor replete with praise of Manuel: ed. Lampros, IIaaatoa6yeca xal
IleaonovvrlaLax&, III, 222-45. On the "Hundred Letters" and its relationship with this work,
see M. Treu, "Demetrios Chrysoloras and seine hundert Briefe," BZ, 20 (1911), 106-28.
3 The only extant oration to the Mother of God clearly attributed to Manuel is
on the Dormition, composed after he had recovered from a serious illness: inc. 'U Oeou
Mprep, xaaov y&p olm xai &Aa X&ptev &7ro xpe(rvovbs ae npoa, yop(a. It is found in
the cod. Vat. yr. 1619, fols. 1-14; ed. M. Jugie, Ho?nelies mariales byzantines, P0, 16,
543-66; a Latin translation only is given in PG, 156, cols. 91-108.
 171
61

61. Tro XpuaoXwpa xupw ,&-%vj rptw V

Ilapa teiv'riilv oux si86TCilv 6o5 Ti)v iaxuv ro),Xot NLev xp6Tot, ro)aul
81 evcp-%dat yey6v7)vrou, Twv bxaTOv ErLavoAWV Evexoc as gvayxos hiv
Twv pLev Ta Twv 8e e'v ex&ov
5 Twv, xat b1XXwv o%XXoc xai r v suropiav ar&VTwv. 4 of 8e raaaL xat wv
'r06; &XXouS xat ET6pwV 8),w5 yap Tots 6XoLS
eepoAvowro, 7r c E.L&Xa XapLrpo t. &XX' bTL rep 4106 pwptas 'roaaUTa,
i/ollx v E7raLveTv' &XXo4 8' &v Laws E[.L6E.4oc 6 aE Vw46TI roq
Oux &yVOwV aOU Ta PEU(laTa.
10 8e' aoU T& yp&p.NLc a tl Bs.v V TO 'r v:xauTc
roXXiilv .LoL rpbS rouTo rpayp.&Twv rpoaLaTabvwv' )uv. 8e X6yov
8-%1.LOUpy'aaS 'r OeoV.-yropL aOL T6v8e &V&' lily ys rbtk4lety
9p.EXXov &oL(3atwv. ou8ev e', su oZ8a, BuaXepavets 6S aou Twv
YPapaTwv TW XO'yw To&rq ' T6 yap urepbxov TES
15 Ilava6p.ou ou auYXwpet Tou'o 7codhty. ou p,'v &XXoc To r6vIp.a BLeXMv,
7rpOaTt&EL (.L'ev 6I'. TL TwV SE6VTwv oux EveaTLV, &cpatpEL 8' et TL 7Cap6XxOV.

61: B f. 88-88v. I Ar)'Tp(y TW XpuaoXcop4 B, y' add. alia in. P 118 post ae in
ras. xai ri q
172
62
62. To Demetrius Cydones'

Northern Italy
Constantinople, 1396

There comes to you the customary offering, some writing to the father
of writing. This is our work which the dangers now threatening us have
spurred us on and compelled us to write. More than any of my previous
writings I know that this discourse will bring you joy because it arrives
bringing with it persons engaging in dialogue with you, as you dwell in a
foreign land, persons whose voice you loved to hear and whose sight you
used to say was a real pleasure, and whose company you said you would not
put second to wealth.2 I should hope that the present dialogue will make you
glad not only because it does this, but also because it might surpass every-
thing I have written up to now.
Now then, if it should attain the success I am aiming at, the credit is
yours. For, as your comrade says: "He who supplied the seed is responsible
for the crop."3 If, however, my prayers should not be answered, and you
come to think that, in addition to not having shown any improvement, I
simply do not have the mind for producing good writing, then I shall fall
back on the argument that the times are difficult and things of that sort, and
perhaps it will be a good excuse.4 But someone else might not unjustly place
the blame on the gardener who has out off the water. Obviously, I mean you
who have preferred a foreign land to your own; even that foreign land,
which in its greed is now detaining you, urges you to help your own by
every means at your disposal. This proves very clearly that you do not love
as you should the land that bore you. Do not imagine that you are fulfilling
your obligations toward it by loudly lamenting its fate while you stay out
of range of the arrows. In its time of crisis you must come and share the
dangers and, as much as you can, aid it by deeds if you have any interest
in proving yourself a soldier clear of indictment for desertion.5

1 In the Paris manuscript this is not found with the other letters, but is placed
before the Dialogue on Marriage, which it accompanied. But in the Barberini manuscript
it is included as number 62 of the collected letters. There is also a copy in the Escorial,
cod. Scorial. gr. 475 (`l'-IV-1) fols. 337V-338v, a miscellaneous codex from Cyprus.
Cydones left Constantinople for Venice in September 1396 and, after some time in
Northern Italy, he sailed for Crete, where he died in the winter of 1397-1398: Loenertz,
C'alecas, 25, 55-57. The allusions in the Dialogue to the siege of Constantinople place its
composition after 1394, and from the context it is clear that it was written before the death
of Manuel's mother, November-December 1396: see R. J. Loenertz, "Une erreur singuliere
de Laonic Chalcocandyle: Le pretendu second marriage de Jean V Paleologue," REB, 15
(1957), 176-84; V. Laurent, "La date de la mort d'Helene Cantacuzene, femme de Jean V
1'al6ologue: Une precision," REB, 14 (1956), 200-1. (This letter has been translated by
Barker, Manuel II, 418.) The composition, then, of this, the last known letter of Manuel
to his elderly friend, may reasonably be dated to the autumn or early winter of 1396.
 173
62

f. 88V 62. Kupw Ay) q-rp(cp Tw Ko dvn W

'HxeL aor. Ta 8Lw,9'6Ta, X6yoL rp r&V X6ywv naTp( T68' earLv
rj(L/TepOV 7r6vrja Ecp' 6E Ta v5v p,Lv EnLxe(4eva SuaXepvj xevTpov
yeyov6Ta xoc pwca&eva ijyccyev. otSa ev o5v 64 eucppavei ae &XXov
5 06TO4 6' X6yoq Twv np6 To&Tou nap' el JLo5 yeyov6'rwv OTL aor xo(L(CwV YjXEL
8Laaey6eva np6aa>7Ca eV &XXo8an71 &OCTp(povTL, 6v Te W(44 rjxouEc xoct
wv rrv Uav EXeyeS yeto c t T6 cc auVELVaL To&voL nX06Tou
T(1ea& u SeuTepov. Eywye a, &v pouXo(gv A SLa To5T6 ae 6vov
eucppc vc rovrovt Tov & .Xoyov, &XX& xat Tw napc*EZv 7t&vrac Sid TouS
10 p'9'&aavras ToSTov T6xou, eo6S.
E( ev o5v 0L xaT& axon6v, aoL X&pLS 4' yap To
anepa 7capaaX6v 05TOS r v 96v o v a'ITLOS, 6 e6c ETaLp6c cpr)aLV. EI'. S'
di Touvavr(ov r)%v Y) EL TOL Trjs E6X, q, xat epos Tw Pi) enLSESwxkVaL
S6 oev aoL xoct Tov vo5v nenrjpcaa&aL 7rp6 Xeywv Texov, ey%) IV ent Tov
15 SuaXep TouTov Xpo'vov xat Ta TO .UTO,. &vaX(opr)aw xat taws ye xaXwS
napaLTraocc &XXoS S' &v Tu)6v Tov Trjv &pSe(av e7cLaxovTa a(TL&aaLT'
av oux &S(x(Oc. ae S XEyw T6V AV &XXoTp(av ae'Vevov np6 TY)C, naTp(SOy,
'Y)TLVL xat 7)TLS ae 7CXeovexTO5a0C vuv EXeL, por)9e V neLp&o 'c L n&a=q
(1r)XavazS &ELoZ o ae n&vo Xa(Lnp SC &XkyXeL t' Tr)v &veyxaevrjv wS
20 Xp TLXouvTo. yap otou Tw Toc&r v e'xTp(xycpazZv E w peXwv as
xoc evov 'r Ta yLyv6ev' &7ro7rX7)po5v, &XX& SE6V ae xaxwS 7rpaTTo6a-n
Twv 're xLVSuvwv pxp(Tr)v etvaL xat EpyoLS Ets Suva L.Lv por)h%v, Et T( aoL
'XEL '76 aTpaTLdTY)V XeLno toc ou 64 XOTepov.

62: 11-12: Demosthenes, De corona, 159 (280). 20: of. Karathanasis, Sprich-
w6rter, 176, p. 90. 23: Plato, Leges, 12, 943d; Demosthenes, In Midium, 547.

B f. 88v-89; cod. Scorial. gr. 475 ('1,-IV-1), f. 337-338v (= S). 1 TW Ko36v1 B, 6

(iaaLaeus xup6 A-n[t7)Tp(c;: T i Ku&wvp S, mg. add. alia m. Mavouiia 6 Ilaaaco)'6yoq T*
`E).EvijS &vip S, sine nuwero PS 114 ijyayov S 11 5 np6: -xp6S S 11 23 Et&AXEL 8
174
62, 63
2 This is Manuel's Dialogue on Marriage, Ot&aoyos oex6q i3 crept y&g.ou, which
remains unpublished. It is found in the Paris. gr. 3041, fols. 89-104, and the cod. Vindob.
phil. gr. 98, fols. 112-125v. The persons whom Cydones will hear speaking to him in this
are Manuel himself and his mother, the former empress.
s By ,Your comrade" in letters to Cydones Manuel usually means Plato, but this
citation is taken directly from Demosthenes, De corona, 159 (280).
4 Manuel's customary disclaimer that his work might not be a literary masterpiece
apparently carried some conviction, for he himself later went over the composition, made
innumerable corrections and finally ended up by crossing out the whole thing: see p. sai.
5 Manuel's reproaches that Cydones has deserted his fatherland in a time of danger
need not be interpreted too literally. On considering the entire history of their friendship,
it is difficult to conceive of its ending on such a sour note. While Manuel is clearly serious,
it does not necessarily follow that he is angry or harsh.

FICTITIOUS LETTERS'

63. [To Macarius, former Bishop of Ankara]

Constantinople,1408-1409

Life today has made many men into slanderers who have invented a
great variety of wickedness, but I have the impression that they have been
led to this by some urgent pressure and threatening fear. I have actually
heard some of them blaming fortune for having driven them to such an
extreme that they look upon these shameful acts as something fine on which
they pride themselves. At any rate, what you are now engaged in would
hardly be undertaken even by a madman. Either, therefore, put a stop to
these activities or, at least, show some shame for what you are doing, so
that you will not be regarded with contempt, or will provide some people
with grounds for hoping that you will recover from your affliction. When a
person is not even ashamed of his vile deeds, there is really no reason to
hope that he will reform.

1 This and the three following comprise a series of four letters to the same person on
one subject and should be studied as a whole: see G. Dennis, "Four Unknown Letters of
Manuel II Palaeologus," Byzantion, 36 (1966), 35-40; for a detailed study of this entire
controversy, see V. Laurent, "Le trisepiscopat du patriarche Matthieu let (1397-1410).
Un grand proces canonique A, Byzance an debut du XVe sir cle," REB, 30 (1972), 5-166.
In the Paris manuscript these letters are incomplete, the first and part of the second being
lost. They are found on folios 1 and Iv (originally numbered as fol. xc), preceding the col-
lected letters of Manuel, which begin on fol. 2. Although clearly in epistolary form, they
had been regarded simply as a rhetorical composition or a florid preface to the collected
letters. However, they were copied into the Barberinus gr. 219, almost certainly during
Manuel's lifetime, as part of the collection and numbered consecutively, 63 to 66, under the
 176
63

f. 89 Tog auTog I'maToXat E u7Co9'EaewS

63. <MaxapEw Tw 7roTe 'Ayxvpac> W

EuxoCp&VTas EAEv 7COAo6s o PLO.; ouToq &749p VEv EBEas EEeupbvTas

TOU xaxog 7COa c oLEt, 8oxo5at 8E or 7CpOq TouTO PtatoT&TW TM xal.
5 (po(3ov E7CtaeEOVTt xai e'ywye Ttvwv x-nxoety ettgo L vwv ye
T' ruX-n 6 e'q coao5Tov &V&yxr)S auToi q EE,Y)Xaae TO 8e' ae(.A,v6v Tt xai
TOUTt TO ataXo5. 0 aOt yE VUV 86a7cp&TTETat (10XtC &V 7COU
yEVOLTO (1WLVOE.LEVOU. OUV TauTa 7Cp&TtO V yogv MICXUVOU
rotwv, 87ro S 31 Ft cpagaoS Bo pS Ttat =P6 E&q EA7CEC,ety wS
10 Tog 7C&kUS' TW tk-18' 0daXUVO(A.EVw CpcUAa 7Cp&TTOVTt OW v EX7CEat
Aotrdv 8toowat;.

63: Fons B, abest P.

176
63
heading: "Fictitious Letters," rov 06TO5 In6aroXcd 4E 6ao,94aews elp7)c von. Their position
and numbering in the Barberini manuscript, as well as their contents, make it clear that
they were originally real letters, whether later revised or not. The title and the suppression
of the addressee's name may have been prompted by personal or political considerations.
Owing to the absence of proper names and precise details, the addressee and the
circumstances of these letters cannot be identified with certainty, but there exist good
reasons for believing they were written to Macarius, the former bishop of Ankara, in 1408-
1409. These reasons derive largely from two texts, which had remained unpublished until
recently: 1. An extremely confused canonical treatise written by Macarius shortly after his
deposition in 1405, found in cods. Paris. gr. 1378 and 1379, excerpts of which have been
edited by Laurent, op. cit.; 2. The synodal tome of August 1409 which excommunicated
Macarius and his fellow conspirator Matthew, former bishop of Medeia, found in the cod.
Vat. gr. 1858, fols. 28-42v, now edited in full by Laurent and here cited as Tome of 1409.
From the hand and the watermark, this must be a contemporary copy of the Tome; a
sixteenth century copy exists in cod. Vat. gr. 1152, fols. 185-203.
After returning from Western Europe with the Emperor on 9 June 1403, Macarius
was compelled to assist, or so he claims, at the restoration of Matthew to the patriarchate:
G. Dennis, "The Deposition and Restoration of Patriarch Matthew I, 1402-1403," ByzF,
2 (1967), 100-6. But within the year both he and Matthew of Medeia resumed their
verbal and written attacks against the Patriarch, claiming that they had been forced by
the Emperor to sign the document of his reinstatement, and they demanded that a synod
be held to judge the Patriarch: Tome of 1409, ed. Laurent," Tria6piscopat," p. 130. Despite
the efforts of the other hierarchs to dissuade them, they continued attacking the Patriarch,
Macarius, in particular, compiling his accusations in pamphlet form. Finally, probably in
summer 1405, the Emperor addressed a decree (horismos) to him which reads in part:
"What I have previously suspected about you I now see written down in your booklet. For
in a way you are saying nothing less than: `Give me leave to quarrel, insult and anathe-
matize, and if I win out, I shall have achieved what I want, if not, I shall do penance and
so atone for this.' Now, this is not right or praiseworthy, but what is it, since you are
anxious to bring it forth and to say what you have to say in a synod 7 If your victory, then,
consists in the deposition of the people you accuse, then the same must necessarily be
applied to you if you end up defeated.... What I am decreeing is simple: go off to the
synod and there prove what you wish.... Do not trouble me any longer.... I cannot
suffer any more annoyance of this sort, and I also have many other things to do." G.
Dennis, "Official Documents of Manuel II Palaeologus," Byzantion, 41 (1971), 54, no. 20;
Laurent, "Trisepiscopat," 114-15. Manuel then explained to the Patriarch that he had
delayed convoking a synod in the hope that Macarius might reform, but since he had not,
the synod should meet and judge him: Dennis, op. cit., 55, no. 21; Laurent, "Trisepis-
copat," 113-14. Macarius and Matthew of Medeia were then deposed by the synod in
September 1405: Laurent, "Trisepiscopat," 122-25. For three years then, according to
the Tome of 1409, they pretended to live as monks, but secretly they continued their
campaign against the Patriarch, calling him a heretic, not a priest, a prince-bishop, a
parricide, a tyrant, a Simon Magus, a Judas, and so forth. One particularly calumnious
letter of Macarius fell into the hands of the Emperor, who kept it to himself, since they
were still officially silent, and he did not wish to embarrass them. They continued their
slanderous writings, including attacks on the Emperor himself. Soon they more openly
accused the Patriarch of heresy and requested that another synod be convened to judge
him. According to the Tome, the Emperor went out of his way to treat them kindly,
especially Macarius, but to no avail. Finally, in the summer of 1409 he convoked the synod
they had been requesting, which in August excommunicated and exiled them.
It is in this context that these four letters seem to belong. In the last of the series
(66) Manuel declares that he is finished with the affair; and about this time he convoked
the synod. Was this the synod of 1405 or that of 1409 ? The decree cited above refers to
 177
63

the synod of 1405. However, before 1405 there is no mention of their directing their attacks
also against the Emperor, whereas the Tome makes it very clear that they did so in 1408-
1409, and it is these attacks on himself that Manuel deals with in Letters 64 and 65:
Laurent, "Trisepiscopat," 127, 131-33, 139, 143. In Letter 64 he speaks of a particularly
abusive letter, which must surely be the same as that mentioned in the Tome. Manuel also
alludes to the serious difficulties the Empire was facing at the time, which would better
apply to the period of the Turkish civil wars about 1409 than the relative calm of 1405.
Finally, a decree of Manuel convoking the synod of 1409 appears closely related to Letter
66, in which connection it is discussed in more detail.
These four letters convey the impression of having been written rather closely to
one another and could, therefore, be dated from about summer 1408 to summer 1409, or
more probably, during the first half of 1409, Letter 66 being written very shortly before
the synod of August 1409.
178
64
64. [To Macarius, former Bishop of Ankara]

Constantinople, spring 1409

By claiming to be good and honorable you lied twice, for you are really
base and wicked. Your audacity has no limits; since you believe that making
jests is a sign of nobility, you felt terrible unless you directed your attack
against us as well. In your impudence, you try to outdo yourself in slander
and attempt to ascribe to us something that is altogether your own, but
utterly alien to us. Such has been your concern for speaking the truth.
What is more, you looked upon the present wretched time as a God-
given opportunity, you have been puffed up with conceit, and you have
fallen so far from propriety that you think it is not right for you to spare
even one single person. Because, moreover, you regard the general worsening
situation as an opportunity for plunder and enrichment, you dance for joy,
when you should be weeping. And, in fact, what is happening to you deserves
tears: since you have no perception at all of the evils in which you are impli-
cated, you yourself bring grief to those who have some consideration for
their fellow men. In a word, you believe that your good, your very good
fortune has come to dwell with you just because better men are now being
tried by worse fortune. And so you have drawn out your discordant notes
endlessly; you have no idea of what you are and of how great an evil a
blasphemous tongue is to its owner. But the most shameful thing of all is
that you are endeavoring to attribute to us that which everyone attributes
to you in good measure. Having cast away shame like a curse, you are acting
recklessly. After all that, pompous and overbearing creature, do you not
blush? How could you, considering that you take pride in such things?
I would have reason to be ashamed, however, were I to reply in detail
to this unintelligible nonsense, which one might call the ravings of a Ther-
sites.' It is really beneath me to let loose my tongue upon you, who are so
obviously out of your mind. At any rate, that brief jest of ours may have
already aided in bringing you to your senses, if such a thing is at all possible.
Certainly what had to be said has not been passed over in silence. You,
whose effrontery surpasses all evil, did not succeed in avoiding a fate you
deserved. While some grieved over you, others laughed, but everyone joined
in jeering at you when your letter was read,2 and they marvelled at your
spirit so finely and beautifully polished-you wanted a large number to
attend the performance, and for your sake so it turned out, those present
being men of. letters-they bestowed the appropriate honor on you and
plaited a crown for you, a perfect fit for a head which has never, even now,
accomplished anything at all deserving honor except to give speeches
detrimental to itself. In this marvelous manner the contest was concluded
and brought about universal insults as your fitting reward.
 6LI
J)

ib9 My> <61n1o

5mX1L1V 0Dn3(j A7o3.G7oAfXO170x 61a1OD DOdU 'Am-IL 9 3A 5gdXD110

170% .50x70x A0170AA3A 3g 91 )XD n1311L `50(,371?04 m RD 50)3970d 10],X.1
[ . \ I
`Am 909139 km 5k,. 13 (71 170x &(n7 10)1910 770X
A1t7i (7d) -9071710
9 501371 3 570339110A3? `A13lA70d)0xnD 9 AOD A11D3 5(~79X3110 (931371t. 3,L
`ibd13U 590 A3gn0 n9ni0x 59dU 0193x3 min0 10D (101 A13n3Gk'(IO
17ox A01707id3 50A37i?D1,(Ali. IAO1n01 901 AOA1d1Dng 4A0npdX
(IRO 50)U 5m1Lg1x3 U3 5k.Gdk, 110x not 501AOx47ox `5)Oxm1uguo1L-f 5(0

A733L3dU 109 3gk.7i nno). 50A3 50111 '17o.eMOD13d) 10137ox RD pox

01 Akn10x 7u3 701 md33X A70dod)3711ox 5L()1oUd;o 330x 901no,(U x Aod1) 57093710&
.
'ILXdO n13nId.G '1039 71901 n7o l.de )A A )7ol3A).1 `10D I7ox (n1 ,ght7i
(0lno 113A`0d7iZo)( A1DIGDIW A()1 590 U.X3AUD M)X70x 501n7o RD W.3)
'
nmA1;Cd
7031170 510 101. Amt AOlDkXU A3 (T)A9-( 5M)(9 3g A(1 4410A70 109 1793 m1113dx
nkXnl Ai,CA3T1kTikg3g11L3 G.g13U3 5111 5onod33X 3o Snol133dx tq
91 L 110].nmdl3 (0190 RD 01. 53XLu)O 513 AOd13U3 3 5m159 o c9c
U.n70GD17o
no1n1OD 11OX AOD9 ), 7o11cl 507ikd)DTX 5901 51OA37ih01x3x AOx-4x
11D3 1 g A91A30U7o `101701D3917oN0 n97i(k n13J1d1D0du 513d13X1U3 3 10.0
'J A68 '70d)ou Am].nTU )01371 `5hl.xcI..GDOdu I
I10x lkdX U.L 1111.1971711 5(? 50A7o 57orh1d

nhknnXD37u [1.13uR x90 57o1dGnd3 Q 3A 5017139 pox :5oxlod3uR `A3GOU 0

Oti 51oino1 th 5oA37inodi110'
A70 5mx131sL3 AtA.7110nrXD17O 13 omdx01L10 A(,L7i 5odu 501
)01d70nnd) AnOA x90 `U.DnOX3 &3.U13 3SAl 511 U.1 not, .n013Dd3Q no 3) 531dUn3
[ [ [
10713 11oA136101L3 109 ALU. (A a 17011 5m6wm1.n0 11,A0170]L1Od101L 131L3 1703
OlnOl 10.0 01 707171()x9 01 RX7odd 513 `A07iD7rOdd)mD 13 3A. [dVU A(n7ik
98 k2 .A31oA?A no 71 A 31 D3D 1701L'J. 01 L 0 5m1A A032 '170.GGDkd33 no mino
10D 6A37iOAnD10dG 70d3U n(nx70x 3 o13n3A3 7i 5odu 01 A0A37ioA,l1)
170D
.5)od3U lD(n &oyx30 &37i 3D `nm1nnoAkd Amd3].3 Gp7o Sl `nm1nmy3)
.
90710 g A101L70 Am x1ALC 913XDO,mn1A3n-f 0OD poi loaaoymxd
1')Ox noD 5Rl 5kXnl 53 &0j0 50xy'1Dx 3g
, _ I , I I 1, [ I a
0 5n01('(OU 170A13d)O.U 51701 170x &i/.D 3A X A1d3 5m.1n0 .013A3A3 c210
A7oDk 10 ld3U AOl L O 10D A0xk90dU 51od3A 01033g3U)0 37ox 10D
50A)OCh31.D dru Am-n70 nm1197id) 71.
.

5md31 101` U.&37i70D70Ad3 mU3gk7i 170x `Ann 01 ,G70x 5k1n7o n13f13d01kd

mino 10.0 5m'()ox 0 50'(,G30 nk7i11 dn.n7o -,Tx no-(h(.xx( 5'101. d70U
9 nminXJU70 3 J 513d 13ub S(pthk

:fig :ti-99 30 `aznaaWog `'17 `a -M*M :i `enruureq ;Rtda 100:PI 'L

180
64, 65
1 Homer, Iliad, 2, 212-44.
2 This may well be that particularly calumnious letter of Macarius, which, according
to the Tome o l 1409, fell into the hands of the Emperor. In his decree convoking the synod
(see Letter 66), Manuel states that he had kept that letter to himself in the hope that
Macarius and Matthew might reform. But since they did not, the implication is that he
will now make it public. Apparently he did so to the great discredit of Macarius. This
abusive letter was also brought before the synod. "Therefore, that abusive letter of theirs
against the patriarch, in which they also attacked the holy emperor, was read, and it
must be regarded as either slander or nonsense. When it had been read, the entire assembly
censured them for foolishness and for so much falsehood." Laurent, "Trisepiscopat," 139,
lines 437-40. Manuel's letter does not seem to refer to this synodal reading, but to a previ-
ous one, perhaps shortly before the synod met, sometime then in late spring or early
summer 1409.

65. [To Macarius, former Bishop of Ankara]'

Constantinople, June-July 1409

What is persuading you to act shamelessly in such an unrestrained and

obvious manner? Why in the world are you trying to prove that what has
become as much a part of your soul as the skin is of the flesh really belongs
to others? What is the source of this superior ability and knowledge of yours
by dint of which your mere wish is sufficient to make anything come about?
Perhaps you believe this, but you will never convince anyone else, despite
your oaths and strong assertions that this is within your power, not even if
you provided yourself with "ten tongues,"2 not even if you fully transformed
yourself into a tongue and, more exactly, a loud voice. You do not possess
such powers of persuasion, nor are you so clever a sophist as to convince
anyone to change an opinion which has been firmly established by the facts
themselves.
Now is there anyone at all who is unaware that you are attempting to
graft on us what in fact is implanted in you, namely, engaging in all sorts
of plunder and seeking to profit by every means? Indeed, this is how you
have changed from an Iros into a Kallias and suddenly become another
pompous Chremylus;3 you have grown rich while others weep, and you all
but make their tears into a hearty laugh for yourself. You know full well
that their misfortunes have made your wallet bulging, an object of envy,
a thing once empty, but now chock full. Now that you have become pros-
perous without having done any work, are you more thrifty with your own or,
to be more precise, with other people's possessions? Not at all, for when a
person gains something without having made an effort, he will never really
fight to hold on to it. As a result, in your desire to appear generous you have
run aground on the reef of prodigality and so effortlessly and nicely squan-
dered the goods of the poor that your manner of living is probably more
 181
64, 65
Fons B, inc. mut. P, f. 1. 14 e7rt8e87)4V&vat cod. li 29 T q inc. P, f. 1 1131 post
`EpL )v in ras. & rA&x-n xa( aoE TLS aT6pavog Tcap' a&T&v &pj16TTWv &VTLxpuc P

65. (Tip o r) Eel

Ti as r6 ,c t ov &v681v otTw xai cpavepiS TL' Tcoa' 6 ;

aou '6n UXl ij Tp aapxi To 86pp,a aup.Tr&cpuxev ET6po v etvaL TrELpa

BELxvuvoL; Tr6&ev aoi 8uvap.ew5 xai ETctaTij(wYj[, 7repLeaTLV ws
5 8eiv N.6vov xai rj8ev &vrvuTov; a6 EV 'iWC, TOUTO TrLaTEUELS, 0686voc KE
r&vTwc rEiaELS ov)S Te xai Ta5Ta Suvaa 'cn, oux orwS
86xoc yAcilTrccs* Aocp6v, &AA& xai 6Aoc ETapax6v ES yl&vroty &xpLp6a rc z
xai pwvvjv. ouxouv am TOLa&TYj44 TCL&aV6TYjTOC, V.6TEaTLJ OUX ouTw Ta
aOgLaTLx& BeELOS &Vrjp EL wS &VaTrE.&ELV 86EocV &ja.Ei(3ELV TrayLW,&daav
10 o 'roi To%S 7rp&y Lc .

Tis yap Tcov &r&vTWv of x o v WC, 6 ye' or. TrpoarkTrjxev Yj(l Lv

ETCLXELpELC,; TOW &o r v raVTIXXWC, xcd XF%lol-
7ra'vTo Tp67rov. Tau''jj or. KaAX ccc K "Ipcu xoA XpehAoq
ETEpoc EpuC, kEedLy Yjc 6 a0(3ap6c, nXouTYjaaS &AAwv xXa6vTWv xai T&xeivwv
15 8&xpua (LOVOVOUXL rOLOU.LEvOS aaUrO ja.axp6v rwoc y6),wTa. oLa&aC T&S
TOllr()v auh,pop&S ot6v aoL To paaxtXLOV EE dou v5v EEELpy&aaVTO wS
a8pov, 45 rjAwTOV, ws aAa afro xevov. lrovwv 8r; XwpLs europrj-
aaS cpei8rj aOO TwV u7rapX6V-wv, (L XAOV SE TWV &AAoTpkwv; o680Cws.
To yap TLVL paoTa xTYj 6 TrepL(.L&X-jTOV Oux &V 7tOTE yevovro. 60-Ev
20 EAEucEpLOC, &'EAWV cpaiveaaaL npos &aWTiav xai r& rEvrjTwv
pahtiely ouTw ye xaAiac &vaXiaxeL4 cas ELvai aoL T'v BiaLTav ErLEL7LCilC,
appoTEpaV -o 'cwV `Pw(.Laiwv aTpwr jyou-Aou'xouAoC OL(.LaL, 7rpoar)-
182
65, 66
luxurious than that of the Roman general-Lucuilus, I think, was his name .4
This is living in sybaritic luxury, surrounded by obscenities uttered by
parasites, mimes, and dancers. So much for buffoonery, assuming that the
person being insulted should be capable of it.
This is your way of life, this is your existence, and it takes precedence
over all other things which honorable people look upon as leading to distinc-
tion. You, who have adopted wickedness as your lifelong companion, are
never satiated. This encourages you to act even more shamelessly and, as is
to be expected, in your intoxication to go on to open insolence. What bridle
could prevent a man to whom such wickedness is second nature from plung-
ing still lower, especially when the times seem to be cooperating with him
and permit him to think of doing anything he wishes without restraint?
Carry on your business, then, just as a madman, without any regard for the
circumstances, and from all quarters you will heap up praises for your
clever accomplishments. But we, at least, shall sigh bitterly over you and if
you should ever regain your sanity, as we wish-which is not impossible-
we shall gladly see you, always observing what is proper for ourselves and for
this our position.5

1 Probably written shortly after the preceding, this letter implies that Macarius
was not without sympathizers in his attacks against the Patriarch and the Emperor.
Macarius and Matthew, in fact, had requested four archons in particular, presumably
friendly to them, to be present at the synod, but their names are not given. "They had
asked for only four of the archons by name to be present at the inquiry, but now instead
of four there are twenty, including those whom they had named": Tome of 1409, Laurent,
"Trisepiscopat," 133 lines 229-31. One thinks of the faction, to which these two apparently
belonged, which had favored John VII against Manuel.
2 Homer, Iliad, 2, 489.
3 Iros, the beggar in the Odyssey (18, 6, 25), and Kallias, the spendthrift in Aris-
tophanes, The Birds (285), are contrasted in Libanius, Epist. 143, 4; Chremylus is a
character unexpectedly become rich in Aristophanes, Wealth (336).
s Plutarch, Life of Lucullus, 39-41.
s Macarius and his companions had asked to speak openly to the Emperor: Laurent,
"Trisepiscopat," 131. At the end of this letter Manuel grants their request and invites them,
or Macarius at least, to visit him personally.

66. [To Macarius, former Bishop of Ankara]

Constantinople
Constantinople, July 1409

For replying to your previous letters with a few words in an effort to

instill better sense in you, I have no cause to praise myself, for how would
anyone teach a crab to walk a straight line ?1 And now, it seems to me that
 183
65,66
yopEUETo. au(iapvrtxr; TLS c 'r Tpucp a(axpoXoy(as &vap.Earros 7rapaca(Twv
N.(p,wv 6px'qar6V, E'L' TLC, yiAWTa 7vOL66V E7t(a'raLTo.
25 TouT6 act 13(oc, rou'ro Cco j, xat 7rpo1yetvc 7c&vice v E 4 a Toil
&ya&ois I mm v E(S cpLAorLC.z 8e o686va x6pov 7r(zpo'c or.
TauT& CC 7rapaxaAei 7rpoaavataxuvTEN xat 67r6 r q &Cyav
Ek u(3pLV Eix6TwS. ux?7 yap Toil TotouTOLS ivTeS pap piv
,r(; acv ma ye'vovro Xo0av6c TES 17rt Tck XE(pw 7rapacpop&S, xat p.&ALa,'Y
30 Slav 6 xaLpos %6-cc a uvavTLAap.(i&vjrc xoct 4Y IEAouai' 7r&vTa 7roLELv
ip7)p.'4 Tou xw&uowoc; /i ov au Tov aov ipy&a-p xat To"u XMLp05 p )UvoS
CPEL86p,EvoC xaT& TOUC AUTTp xaTExop.EV00c, xat 7roLVTax6,%EV i7r66wprUae.c
Tok Eucp7)p.77ao'vTaS aou r6 7rAEov6xTr)p.c. p.EtS 8i rives u7rip aov
aTEV&Eop,iv TE 7tLxp6v, xat awcppoauvr;v aoL SiAovTEs, 7) 7roTE 7rp65
35 Tour' i7raviA.&r;S-oMe' yap &Mvarov-aap.evo( aE 46p.Eaa, To 7rp67rov
ye p.%v ockorS xat rour4 't aX"[Lo tt

65: 7: Homerus, Il., 2, 489. 13: Libanius, epist. 143, 4; of. Homerum, Od., 18,
6, 25; Aristophanem, Aves, 285; Suidae lexicon, K 215 (ed. Adler, 3, 17). 13-14: of.
Aristophanem, Plutus, 336. 22: Plutarchus, Vita Luculli, 39-41.

Fons P, B f. 89--90.

f. 1v 66. <Tw oc z'r > S

'Ey xai STt aou T& 7rpty ptxpoiS A6yoLS TauTj aE

7retp6p.evoc awppoviaTepov ip.auTOV E7ra(vEty 06x Exw. T(
yap av TLS xai 8t8&axot xapx(vov 6p'&rOS Pa8(Cety; xai vu`v 80x6 plot
184
66
this jest would be applicable to me if, not content with my first three letters,
I should send you a fourth one in addition, containing an admonition and
some biting words, a medicine of sorts for sensible souls. True, certain of your
companions and friends were begging me to do this very thing, employing
every device to induce me against my will. Still, I do not think they will
overcome my justifiable reluctance, for it is not proper to give in whenever
a person demands something unattainable and superfluous. And in the past
you yourself showed that the requests made by those people were of this
kind, for every attempt to bring you to your senses had only made you worse
instead of better. As a result, I am now finished with the matter, which is the
right thing to do and something which I should perhaps have done long ago.
As for you, continue making your silly noises, as long as we have the chance
to listen to the cicadas of summer.2

1 Aristophanes, Peace, 1083. In this letter Manuel says that he will not waste his
time by writing another letter to Macarius, since the three he did write have accomplished
nothing, that is, they did not bring Macarius to reform. Actually this is a fourth-and
final-letter to the former bishop. Macarius and his friends had been urging the Emperor
to convoke a synod in which they could voice their charges against the Patriarch; Manuel
of course was unalterably opposed to this. Continued discussion of the subject, he came to
realize, served no purpose and was only making things worse. In this letter Manuel brings
the discussion to a close and states that he has finished with the matter. The way was now
open for a synod in which Macarius and Matthew would be the accused, not the accusers.
His official decree convoking the synod reads in part as follows: "Although before now I
have had many things to say about your pouring forth insults against the patriarch and
myself, and I have had reason to bring you to trial to give an account of these actions,
nonetheless, I have passed over these matters. Seeing I appeared not to see, and hearing
I pretended not to hear, since my intention was really to win you over, and out of kindness
and gentleness to bring both of you back to peace and to remedy evil by good. Now,
therefore, as long as it was all a matter of insults, such was our intention, and I kept that
abusive letter quietly by myself awaiting a change in you. But since you now assert that
heresy has snuck into the Church of Christ and that the patriarch is a heretic, from which
you imply that I myself, the bishops, and every Christian share in his heresy, either because
they concelebrate with him or because they receive the holy gifts and the blessing from him,
indeed, a synod will be assembled whether you want it or not. For both of you, either
personally or in writing, for almost a year have been requesting the convocation of a
synod to busy itself again and again with the same questions. But, the synod will be con-
vened for this reason, to give you a chance to speak on those matters about which you make
insults and to explain what is the heresy which has sneaked into the church. And, if you
should not be able to substantiate all the insults you spew forth against the church and
the patriarch, you will definitely be subject to the. penalties set down in the revered laws."
Dennis, "Official Documents of Manuel Palacologus," 57, no. 25; Laurent, "Trisepiscopat,"
132-33.
In August 1400 the synod did assemble and condemned the two former bishops
to confinement in a monastery or to exile, according to the Emperor's decision.
2 That is, do whatever you want, I plan on enjoying the summer.
 185
66
5 axcappL% 7rP0"xeLV, ei -reLq TpLa.v Oux apxoSNLsvoq Te'rap7V E7r' Exe(vaLS
ETCL6Tox pi 7r6ptkt.LL exOUO V xai 8axvov 4Juxa"LS
cppov p.oLS TL (pap(1.ocxov. xa( r &c cot r v auvY),'+YAv xad p(XWV E86OvT6 [LOU
Tou' L 7raaoLLC, (,.e 7reLpt(L vOL (1.'qxavaiC, Evayayc6v EJ. poUA6tA.cVOV.
aTx' ou xps(TTou; y&VOLVTO TES ytyVO J. V) EVa'caaeowS, 068e yap 6-row
10 TLS aL'C'n TL xoLL 7rEPLTTOV ELxELV 7pOQ%'xEL TALC,

OTL 81 'COLOS'rov TL Ecp' iil Trap' OL Tlilv aUToc ye tp9'a6aS

xe(pwv ou (isAT(wv yev6 j.Evoq 7ravT( ae X6yw.
6mr, EyW (Lh 8(xata 7rp6x' )V 07rep La(Ac xai.
7r&XaL' 66 8e' ),'I'MPEL E(,)C, 9E,EQTL TETT(yWV &6POUq &XOUELV.

66:4: Aristophanes, Pax,1083. 14: of. Hesiodum, Opera, 582; Aesopum, 336 (ed.
Chambery); cit. apud Aphthonium, Progymf a8mata, 21.

6 voU3ealav B 117 post cpapaxov del. 7rp64 ,r&v 6-rto5v bpymv xai p),&y-
B f. 90-90.
atvov ad&o5 &Aa ys 8Lapap6vrw; ovvotaov P
186
67
67. Epistolary Discourse to Cabasilasl

Constantinople
Lesbos, summer 1387

It is the height of summer, and at this time we have been compelled

to make our sojourn on Lesbos; everybody knows how stifling is the heat of
summer there, even people who might happen to be quite unfamiliar with
the island. And in the little place where we are now residing we do not even
have a roof above us, but must make do with tents. For one thing, since the
whole island is rocky, this place too is rocky; for another, it has no covering
of trees. It is quite barren and exposed to the sun as soon as it rises, around
noontime, and until it finally sets. As you can imagine, this makes it an
unbearable and oppressive place. There is one remedy which Lesbos does
have for this affliction, just as Egypt has the Nile, that is, the northerly winds
of summer, although lately they have not been blowing here as they usually
do.2 And I am afraid someone in a vision might realize that the climate in
your city would be healthier if it alone were to enjoy all these winds, and
some contraption might be built for this purpose around the Mangana and
the Arkla; thus even in the matter of the winds you will be better off than we
are .3 For us, though, there is no word, no concern, no notice from you-
perhaps for some good reason. Yet here we are warring against this stifling
heat outside which we can feel beating right down on us, while within is the
added struggle we must engage in with our own stifling thoughts, which have
contended against our good hopes and give no sign of an end to our troubles.
For it seems that I have been destined to live with continuous war, with
every kind of war. When I had to dwell in the Great City I warred, as every-
one knows, against those attempting to take it by war, and never failed in a
single one of my duties. Then, in your native city I kept on fighting against
the enemies of the faith.4 But those on whose behalf I chose to face death
each day and night ought to have responded in like manner or, at the very
least, been grateful because of the dangers I underwent for them; such
should have been their intention and purpose. But these same people were
fighting along with the enemy, not so much because they neither thought
nor did anything noble or sound, but because they gave themselves to
weaving subtle intrigues against us who were "tyrannizing" over them-
indeed this was their constant accusation-and were not allowing them to
betray their own freedom in a vile manner.5 But I have said enough about
these distressing topics. Why must I waste time on such problems here by
myself, especially when I ain addressing you, a wise and perceptive man?
But so you can turn your attention to one of the ways in which God provides
some consolation for us, I ani going to tell you about it now. For it is by no
means a good thing, nor is it pious and pleasing to God, for a person to
 L81
L9

J A09 'L9 50170Ti1\O1D=2[, SodU Aol A70y1D'bd10x

Snod30 'kTixb 17ox S93TiU. A3 "'dD3V Aii. 70-G37)D30x.J JAnA 710SD7310U

%

5701 570did17012 A3 01. 5o,17AU AODO n3 161 201

5no63.G iod(;? 5332no 59 113oAJio
33 ((Ti 1)ox 441(W nO1l 13A7OXAnl Ai!`l AODkA A1D)OUF1AZaL 3
OOW10 'A 41 63 (R
9 Ao1dmX k21 `A37inOxiod70U 32k71 Sno.,31 AnoL Y(f A3 `5770nkxD
531Anod0Un3
Aolmdu 5nO2mG7Y SL&DRO 5U-,L. noDij.A 532m8'1Y 11D3 370x `91(70 .113U3 2nD
A3Ti

1( 'io71Ox AQATinoL 32 n0 I1ox 61Y(.a1. AnOy171oDodU 11AOXDiA-k 31 7o7i)O I7ox 3d3U

n7036dTt(D3Ti 'i70x iCg pox 7dX371 on2 LAc nd7o 11, 1,70x no nolkdod) 50)U `13no
olno]. 937ou A3 G. 5oJD3V 3XJ3 nox1OTid)Od) not Sno.G7oU lnolnot 5(n 2 A01
01 AOY93J i(. `SomUnA.IV Sn01 `51oi.0k13 Snlo Xno A3Timdo AnD 5(n 57o1n03AU -A3
1o.KVI )01 'An& pox 11D3 5038 l;.d 511 670Ag A3213 A70d310A131,1n Al.
nlyojl `n9Tin A)O nmyo L
G.n7oyO nminol .kAO71 17ox 511 163U 701 oyq 10(70.1.1 21ox
0.1, A7oyxdr no.Lno1A7d)OX O11OA3J. (A7oXk.Ti ` 71OX 313DI13.x3A03yU AWx 5101
c A c a c , c , a L

`A07iD Am Ann 5132o no SOJAOy no 7070A0du n0 ILTitLATi d)ou 'AlTin -72

510tA'o
81 Smpox 3A '7DnO10IL I1ox AnA701 A371nOTi3y0U A371 (n1 13)r3AU cal 6li(G9370 -90dU

71,no'(ybd `5(od2od)D A3.002A3 32 5061L (bmn01 7)O-GD3x3yurinD kx,L)OAT

37Ox ml (,(ol 'Am71D1),Oy 5k.1 Sk.O70Ap 5021uY3 I>ax n32G71

nminoel)Od)oun (,o.LDkdX 5901 ;odu 1D7071J '57od3U 01d70Tii3 `7011 5m 13x103

67i3YOU '13)o 17ox U.yf)137i 13'(pjj
61901 '6U10201A70U &3.G0 ox J A3
Y.-

Oti Aq.Dk32 371 A73d3d11o12 5101 AkInMI 6113y0U S10A311m613U 3 M3 5m 531,nbu

MD70D) `AnOTi3yOU3 32k71 A3 1i Amt. 513 51071L( Am.LAOXLI 310U(nU3R L 'S337d70
n3 3s U.1. 7s?dtmu U-1, iLD 590], 5L(1 5m31D3U 59o6gX3 500TioX7o71 An0Y31312
u c .+. a I
10 2 d3Un Am dml.xnA 770x A7Od31143Ti &k71odU `A93A10GOU)0 531A0'(1360 5701.
510DI 170-GD3d13Tib l
AnoA, A1d7OX AMTi(( &(T). d3Un Am1n70 A(OAn2A7x `77DA3333
A032 mino A13X3 ). SkTim 5(01(70 ?70x '5An3xD%d70U 30 32 310x 531f,nOlk1.70d1D

A70D 5701 `57OdGX3 XnO AODg 510 A32nO n0170AA3J..

.nO 5314 LInO AnoAOdd)3
A73x3YU Al7ilt
LLnG `no1.L70du3 )OYY)O 1)Ox (n1 5nOy92 5(Ioy1x10U 5mA01AnD
noA. o]no.L-5901(70 k2 AmA33x3 )2) AOA311ok3y ,.G7ox
5701 dn. e o.L d70u

770x-A071 xno toDnou3d].1u3 XDpo o 5 At,`C]. Amd)D A703d3.G(13y3 170Anogodu

; 19 Og id3u n311 tk2 nml Amd,o7A70 7011 11 6)0). 932
101rooD01 kdi3 c

3D (T)A3TinO1QU Aol
n3 51OD37i 5101, 5loinoloi 'AOno7i SmYY?? 31 pox SodU
31 62A;o 11ox `.nod)oD Smug 32 ?A3 AM, 510 51c11U. -)Od)oU
`no)oY
5030 nmX3D0du 1%D3
n01 `AnOA Am`3Y d70 AnA 2 77o71oY.d3 no
Ti,
d70). nOUL(2 31 `toy)ox no (,371 &no no 53y1d)03,G 32n0 A01DO 1.311 SGL
188
67
reveal the terrible effects of divine chastisement and then to pass over in
silence those things which afford him consolation.
"But," some people who consider it a great and admirable achievement
never to have indulged in literature will remark, "Why should a writer
spend his time on pleasantries when he is fighting against problems which
merit a tragedy ?" And they will want to indict me for "inopportunity," to
put it mildly, because I so much as mentioned the matter of literature. We
must, therefore, first speak to them and show them that if there does exist
a time in which it is necessary for a man to indulge in some sort of pleasantry,
that time is none other than that which constrains him to live in adversity,
the very time which brings tears to those splendid fellows who hold the
opposite view. But before dealing with them, you must excuse me if I make
a brief digression to avoid leaving your reasoning in utter confusion. For I
am aware that you might begin to wonder at the fact that we have started
our account of a tragedy with a pleasantry, that business about the winds.
Perhaps you will think that we are mixing together what cannot be mixed.
But we would have wronged a genuine friend, I suspect, if we had composed
this in a different way. If we were to observe the laws of friendship, it was
our duty to inform you of the fortune it is now our lot to share; but, since
after hearing about it, your wounded soul could have done no more than
lament bitterly-for I had no joyful news to offer you-I thought that
mixing some pleasantry into the narrative might not be out of place. For it
would surely be out of place and quite puzzling if I had first wounded you by
tales of misfortunes thicker than blizzards, and then, being able to apply a
medicine to the wound, had decided not to apply it. But what we have said
will not, I think, strike you as mere pleasantry, for there is something serious
mixed in with it. To put it another way, it is something serious which in-
cludes a bit of pleasantry. In a way the introduction of some lightness into
my discourse is first of all a means of upbraiding you-although it were
better to be silent about such things-and then a device for telling you that
I have not been drowned, as might be expected of one whom adversity has
tossed into the midst of the tempestuous sea. For such was the verdict of
God, who knows how to arrange everything for our benefit. Even though I
never learned to swim, I am floating on the surface, and am writing this so
that you may not become frantic or be dragged under yourself.
This much we have told you to defend ourselves, as it were, for having
mixed pleasantry with tragedy. But now our discourse returns to those who
easily find fault with anything and everything. When people who are serious
about being able to write wish to indulge in a lighter vein, I would not say
they are simply making jests, for this would not be true. But I would cer-
tainly assert that those who come forward with pronouncements of this sort
 681
L9
gg 5703331701E &9063&106 ;0&133 101 33 513
A703.gn717od703L 7o1A01(k UILm1D
`((,yXV,)> 3Dn0d3 53911 70371 11 &01.0).)0 Pox n9197o71n70-G 91
-I Am-
331&.71
.o1( A) 111) 133 m3)31o1L
701&06)306). 50 31 1DJ07iJgd1L (1011 13170 d3ur
7 101
(b1 17OX ( ((qJ.9 5myo 170.GDkATi3Ti 5101d,oxb
((5)o33(T).170d1 `. 110%
A0d3107iL.d)i3 m1L13 170-970lhpd). 371 3p 1Dn0D 'AL(d)0d) 133 (Q0 54dIL
o 5901901 9d17oq970A13103L7ou 51D) 170x 1)0`133 5m1LO 13 3, 1193
59d170x A3 ( 133
5101311011 A(1090A119(; 1A01LmdGA70 1(90 A11D3 50x(70 513390 O
(0x993 51197 0xJ.10A7o17ox Am `A(C)n9 90 531&0X31371 A19(0)0)(X 10 7031970('101
1531An0A0dd) 10190 s
10 '10110AA3) A031id]170d701L AO1md]L Ak AnX10d
10&11 noAOdX 5(101901. 513d))o (I09 (,01 A07iD110Y (.Ti m6b A3 5170371nx1d1 '1'70&13
23 dr 310 110 10qy3IL3 1O9 170DT11n70q 01 A9D 70131191E 570T1U 101 Si!_L
57073 91 M9116311 AmYX1Tin3A2L 109 5(r)D1
701 1o1x73T11 11oAnAJ.13T1 fOIL f 13L (3T17ODtk AO3(1d) A01DtL&k 5md313 A91
Ao).Oy '531A70ATd)9 4 A3Ti d$ A01701(J'mT A77i 590710& 570/Y16 1Dnodill.
170`3'0313 39 AI`.1 A1CXn1 5G( C.C2 A37i0X3137i AnA (l.3131L3 33 X90 701A70D90XV
9o-
4
09 0&313 170` AQdx11L 7o1A3Gmd1 MA-' 4Xnl
d$l 170A3ox((x10 as
9l13XnOdll 01-11 '3 170970d3X .1 1/1.12 klj 139 17=X A'`0131701L &3390 AO2L0130 3(Cil
9)4 0Ao.Uo-, 1A371 Ark iA.13 170% n01D7o1'in7oq 5?70dod)71nD 57oIA7o9(Od1 &(931061&

A((x12 17ox A4d7o1L A73J.1oA70Dodj.L 5io1 197oTinmd1 '70x7oT1d70d) 70113113 3 x90

ivD(rl.vp knood1L (k 511 1107110 70131701E 91 A0131kd13 10D
gg .13`03 (A3n01LD 670, 501X73T1119D '11D3 7 A0Y1() 33 sn03LD 511. 11.33 70DnOX31371

570131b1L 13AmAlox d;0 5m1L 5k1n7o1 9 A01(nd1L 9371 'Aa

-570719 A0A73Ti39 101 )1970101 3,. n103L0)1D ,132L3- A1 51oDn0)C0 5() 90

G.
5ox13 A3 ()3371 pox (x)\(109 5101 1D3d3XDns
1513d)1d (91.90 63o (91 5m1nod3tTinD 1&X/1L 118313 `n13Tionoxlo 10(10

09 (9 p3XLj.A 17 (li 15(r)x(C.q7i3Ti li.Ti 5LEnxx7 3&r1 54mi,moj'7017ox

v'o1L11L9
1)0x '501n7o
701(1101 A3Ti n1Tiil 17oikd13 5od1L 39 d33L9(7 ollr 510A3Tino).o'
ry

n 13170]! \ 13\37110 33 50d1L 5901 5md3X93

%

'3 AI9 197o9YJd3x iA.1. I

-D13 57o1AO-(Y?0 AM= g 11 A1o 1oXn1 170x "G(vpu no71g 50)q(9 (7olL 5L4riod3nl
99 n3T1 AQ0 5901970 510 0.1. A73)m2(103LD 1DGD70An3 `A13J.3
, , n , , a
c , , c o- ,a
c c
970 5(0 33 13 A3310
+

D.L `AX7131) XnO A70 .MJ.3 AkTi170Dn31 d70

T1103L73

AOd313 ! Q1 Sn01 51o1nb3L ((C A(10 AU1 11ox 5901970 1oA1 mA.3c
190
67
are annoyed and angry for no other reason than that not all of us want to
emulate their ignorance, not to call it irrationality. I suppose that since
ignoble pursuits are clearly exposed to be such when placed side by side with
the more excellent, it is like a hangman's noose to them for anyone to appear
to pursue something worthwhile. But let them tell-and I would be happy
to ask them-whether it is their judgment that pleasantry must once and for
all be censured, or that there is a certain time for lightness and that it should
not be excluded from all those matters for which the most wise Solomon
apportions a time.6 But I do not suppose we need a spoken answer from them,
for they are answering by their deeds, in which they show themselves more
playful than serious.
We must now examine what is the proper time for pleasantry, whether
it be when things are going well or at a time when things are going poorly. I
imagine that most people will say: "A time when things are going well." But
for myself, although it may sound paradoxical, I think the right time is when
things are going poorly. Why is this? I say that whenever life flows along
smoothly for a man, then he either has many things to do and is compelled
to work away, or else he finds himself freed from work and able to enjoy a
great deal of leisure and free time. Now if he has to work, he must display
a seriousness commensurate with the tasks and would have no room at all
for playfulness. If, on the other hand, he is not burdened with any really
toilsome occupations since Providence has willed to favor him so that he
sails along with a good wind and finishes his voyage without trouble, such a
person needs a sort of adamantine and vigilant soul to avoid relaxing the
discipline of his mind and thereby riveting himself to pleasures. If this is
the way things are, how can a person impelled by many motives to luxurious
living engage in pleasantries and yet not relax his discipline? And how, if he
does this, can he avoid giving himself up fully to luxury ? The savage beast,
luxury, should not be provided with more fodder, the relaxation that comes
from pleasantry. At any rate, this is not what a prudent man would do,
unless the charioteer is supposed to spur on the undisciplined horse down a
steep hillside, when he should really restrain and rein him in.
So then, when a person has received the highest gifts from God and
continues in prosperity, lie must at that time put away playfulness, whether
he be at leisure or not. On the other hand, when a person happens to fall on
hard times, involving difficulties of all kinds, then indeed, and only then,
is the time for him to appear as an athlete anointed with the right amount
of playfulness as though with oil. But it should be more than sufficient for
me to say this to the enemies of letters. How, in the name of God and of
truth itself, or for what earthly reason is literary endeavor to be equated with
pleasantries? There is, to be sure, a certain amount of pleasure and, as it
were, a certain delight in writing, so they say, just as there is in pleasantry;
 161
G9
c i

`n7o7J.o17o 701AOeX" 31 10x 1Dn0A3)OU317OX j7ox 701 1n-o1O1

A13d36x3 0du -AOA
7701 `X7YX)T3(,!d 01(101 3 30x nnjOU 33.3 nmY
'AIx7337oD1dnXD3 d7o,1 701 )01n7od)
OL Amt nmd31OYD((dX 11731&0X,1313
AmI07M33((11u3 U1 13D3.g)3d70U
nou SoXodd nI1D3 5701n73 13 511 Am9331k113L3 011On370d) 11 33 n9
Am1A9,131
50)36-33 d7oJ. nb &Wi3o.enu
0U0I0
Am1n)O.UIO
4
770n01D360
170&Z3 19nOxDtOA7J.

`A7o7317o]L 1. 770X 5kA,901 3)0&13 73M1 `n9d170x pox no A4071 Amt

`nmY 5140 1Dm333 nod70x o -03

gL (1c971o1 xno o n 33 71L&)3&33 e (10-u 5((x1o15(x1 ncoYn70 .5(q3D3dxou)0 520 T).d
11)07TA0 `7)OYAOA30d) 5mx1Yx70du A171k

nnA101 ?1D3 51I 0 5(C1R701 .S9d707 AOd310u A91 5((.1

.X.70dun3 o 5 `n371n0d3 (R.
AOY n01 A73Y173du `.5(Ox)3x 30 5n0331U
c t c a < c a i s o
08 A3T3 7707'ip.A A01 5101J.70d1U3 'A1Dn0d3 101'33 3 73 170x
`A1-3u73 0
5(c1 507J.70du9n3 73x03 .Smu (0A3 .m1.31 A7o10 0 503 r7ucndGAb
77o1Ixd3d) 7oY7ox `Anod 1OY, 770p7310XD-n noY AOY(10101 J0x
l;oAb fxx 01b7 `L(11ou k Am170TLJ.0dU 0YA0 LMXX(L `AOA?fl 5(11OXD 31 I0x
5733330 &1397310.0 1Xlx 33 A3T3 1)O.GD3)'D3.d3 `133 5lx3nOU9
gg nou Sm1n70u 5(Cn371on,UA. 5101 15101d3 j70x xno 13 & k,7,3 (1O7'3)o3n0
133 5k.1

511 73dcmX UY '7012170U 33 33 50A3210i nOY 13A0n10x n0d31D33mY7073J.)Odu

`501707imlurlnD m1nO 5L.1 51030AOd1 5kA3T370Dn3ynO Z7oX 3 5nidnO A73yU
not 23 7o1noX9VU d702L 5t.(Yn70 110x (,rol)0rll7Odu 5ldmX 77oDnA7o13 not `A((OXU

(n1 (A.3 `&no1o1 5(I.n?1n70'fi702-f 5on71 770x kd).3 5733ndo) 133 `5kXnff 50) 7'3

06 770913X7073 A01 A(1oA ?70x (!.19701 170.GD()'(kDodu -t 5110 S77ono 33 nno 9(1701

Smino 113X3 Smu 1193&3 A73'1701L 7'3

A AOA373nO.gm 513

`nC(d)nd1 t(T3 770.GD13X7o13 !?2 Smu `33 770913X7073 `9371 1 k 7D70u)01n70u

A01;70 170Ano2x3 U1 . Uthnd : k73 t mY `(r)3d4 UY `U(bndi 0110XDZd73u 511
m33-(u `AModY 7078 5((Y 57013170u A1f..L 'A1D(IX)012 no dbl 5olnnonodd)oD
g6 0190], '3.. d31L3 33(71 o1 51odYn3x b170x 20A71lxdx AODU1 731A(10Yx)01)0 AOY
AOXOAk `n13.g) A0170x1.70AM n0 A13X)(310000 1x 'AnOT37d)
`70x n3 Amiamdu
A7o1O 73d';q 701 T1D11Xldx 511 170YG.d36 70d70u n030
'3 99 1 110.GD13YOXD)0 ((X3 A)OX 31 `G.71 A(OSOUx3 A03.L3/10u
01
`UY317013 A-Ox
7o1n70x1A((1 Ali.Y 'Ab131)3U A'70213U3 1o1n37i 1D3d3XDn3 UX91 570AOdX A(OD3u7i3
001 7)0x 5odu 3J. 113 '510=0201,00.U 3101 3101 A0A071 9 t3 591n0io1 3..
t
90170'(3 (bd137171nD 7M1 '7012170u x3
A1xx12
51k1(t'(.gb t31y(Cyp 50&37'3
5)03Dno7d3lt 33 10TH 50du Snot 5101 510.10( 51A,0, '5nOd.GX3
31n)O1ry1)011xd73 7193
no1L 5RdU 9030 X IV 5((Y 57013.G(l-(b `51x1970 ( A34O0L 5(9y() A13JI70u

01 7d33L 5n0).0'( n13n0u 5((A06 1Y 50d371 ?70x ) 13Ao 3A.d)(id1 511 1D33

got 37ox 10 110Aq( `A)D70d) S) L'3 pox k TI27)0U (i 470.1 170132( `511 1n01 mn33x3
192 67

for whatever a person enjoys is his delight, no matter what it is. It surely
follows that if pleasantry is enjoyable, so is writing. It would not be off the
mark to refer to a writer as a man who makes pleasantries. Without realizing
it, you are falling into a logical trap yourselves, even though you are trying
to catch us in one. What is pleasant is not always blameworthy, for you
would not reproach a person who has chosen to live a life of continence by
saying: "But he surely derives pleasure from what distresses him." On the
other hand, to involve oneself in difficulties deliberately, but to no good
purpose, is not worthy of praise. For would you, my good fellow, think it
right to praise a person who would condemn himself to the very worst and
abominable troubles? To condemn oneself to things of this sort would be
unlawful. But let these people, my dear friend, walk along their own sweet
way and not hesitate to exalt absurdity. And this is as it should be; for it
behooves those who have "nothing sound" to them to exalt things which
have "nothing holy" to them, inasmuch as the two are related. But it is high
time for us to be finished as soon as possible with these wonderful gentlemen,
something which we should perhaps have done sooner.
Now, I am about to fulfill my previous promise to you. What do I
mean by this? I mean to inform you of the consolation by which God has
seen good to assuage our profound grief, thus manifesting His great love for
men. Just imagine how great a love for men He shows, when He does not
abandon in this time of trial those whom He wished to chastise, but in
many ways remembers, cares for, and comforts them. But I suspect you will
be pleased to hear about that consolation, for you have certainly been
waiting for it, and that for a long time. We have managed to keep you in
suspense by writing in such a discursive manner instead of telling you what
it was right at the beginning. You, however, who are always providing many
people with rich and variegated fare at the table of literature, you are to
feast sumptuously today as an honored guest. For look, it is I who give the
banquet for you, setting before you something more prized and desired
than any feast, something by which, along with many other things, God
blunts the barbs of tribulation. This it is which He provides, not so much as
a splendid consolation, but as a clear proof that He does "not rebuke us in His
anger or chasten us in His wrath," and that He might show that we are not
"bastards but true sons."' Now have a look at the consolation itself. I shall
attempt to describe it to you in words, even though my words cannot do it
justice, for my constant obligations, my concerns, and the specter of ill
fortune are such as not only to rob my mind of whatever I have appropriated
from literature with much love and labor, but to sap the strength even of a
rhetorician. The consolation, finally, is as follows. There is an oak right near
the place in which we have pitched our tent. Reaching to a great height, this
oak is thick with foliage, and we pluck its shade with much more pleasure
than if it were weighed down with the most delicious fruits. Under the oak
 961
L9

1l(6ndl A30x &n0110 'LC73 73 AQo L (12 11 190x L(. `913130L 92L( 11 110x 70
no (A)0L 101 A19 571 >0 10ld1071 13 701A0)1302L A01 101A0A3y 3), '13d3.00du 31701L(y3y
53or195noln10 13 k 5)07ik 31990d13u
no d3). o1 (2L& nOX101A3oL `A011LTi37i 13 L(7i 11O% A91 A1c)nD -L(L70020
Oil 301&709 01(~)71170 511 1,?y Am 510 2101101A30
11oInoLd10x 5m1A10u 110x
> c c \
'((ALCAO2L4 'X30 32(10 01 AMD3d3XDn2 A13y17iO 2L3 532LL. u3 A32n0 m1DL(dX A(ol
'AmA37in0A13.U3 1061Q 'd10.L. 70m'Al AOA71oE3 70(111 A13X3 17017dxx idzou A77i0
13 313.0(pll1 511 (b.Ln)03 &Q)1 LC1.A39L AmA0d13X I3oX AMlxn3aLlo ` 3oyy10 91 A707ill
70&11 Am190101 6-)IM03 90 AO11Ti3.1 3 'k 9yy)I0 3370 `(37i (n Lly3(h `Gy1vd)3x
L.7i
911 ALC1 ALly3d) A1.D1d)D (1420 17O-9 A32kTi AmIAnOAXO A13d1)D U.1
&0730x12 d7oA 5901 d39l &32n0) <(1531J1n 4 `A1970d) `5771&0 101 A32LlTi)

(('&9631 31)D (1D L(A3IJ `5101901 `101A0 nA101L 101 AoxkDodu 'A13d310L3 A11I 32
3odc0 1Aminol Amt Acw7193o7in7o1 5m 701.91X101 `73oAia1oyy37E10 319 SmD1 I1ox
&07X301 .Ln01 '1323
091 P , c /, Ic \
mxg 109 AnA01 AmDkyax 0
3), AA.1d)3 513.13X.00Ln) -u &010 2 O1n01
01 G91i7od70u A01 3.0 10212 130 ( 01. RX01L 5L(i 5L(u9X A77iUL 13x0293

`5030 AL(1 (101010 ALcyy0L AL(LX)I,10 50A37i(1&x132&3 AL( Aol d.GA3 A0 '7ou70A9

(r)1 d3oL 32L&71 A00), A3 m193o (h1 (bAOdX 51/..1. 590132170E 5nO A13311D30Ti 13X3.13
AminOl pox
`1)01GDLcy3yO2L3 10yyw 11ox 7>01932c(X 114X -n7i70dloL
9ZI 11 3191 110 `1911.510Xy0L AOx7XLcu 1310 1OD 79(1&x132 Ao1. :AOUmd.GA10yQd)

5'10x103 107i Ol A01.G97i10d1ou 710G93D90X39 '50A311039 513X0210d10x d$ noaA2

770x 3.. Ino1 x3 no'XOU 5(9 3D A06m31373 70.G3Ti10970)\,d13 ml d).LOy
L d10

AOd31mx1.MOdX3d70u 1301G9703L(dX 77ox U.1i 01 51Xd1o13o% 5nGn3 ln01 3 'A131L13

iyy m 5U.X1L0 500y310y0u 170x ,A)0u 5(ku)020 A(9yu1u?i3 5n0yy0L
'3 9 A OEi 9023 109 d3o,l
`n9 noXmn3 50A3Ti0A3), A0d3Ti1t.1 A()Tin11302
310LL/c21330

dm1111D3 `o,3 5kA1o.G 5Lc910u 109 31

A0d31m1T 13, 110x A0d310A13.G01L -3.G70d)OL

50A37i 01 (,n9 510yy30 A19O13yL A(OM1nycTib 0 5030 ALC1. XJs1x70 Am1. -970d73u
(,yd X(io moo A01G97i70d70L 11(101 73X3d7ou `AOdL1i%-X I70x noldLc71x3s
12 (0 M 53),d3oA3 5v) no)) (n1 (b7in4 32(0 It LUdo ((`139321bu cyyb
5Ei f.1 70 1.11 5(10.10& 1'bx 011oid10),1o1107i A01.G91i70d30u
LLALcd)OU10 Xno 5901(1 13d1G10

5M 6)0). A3 1xJ0A7u 6109 ((L9 170113Jd `770Ti0D39d731L 13 X 1) k7i 5Lc1

o 5oyk 170-G93X163 1)013DkAn2 ,k?133daa 170 1301yoXD10 0117ox 130Ti),10du

&73X3 7YJx 5mXy3o 51.X(11 xno `,\0&132 L<1i 710 3.L, A173Lc
not
non 13 11 70dvit Am.L nm.loy cb1oL 31 6yyou pox cbAou `n3T'17oxU.yn93D cyX-L

7b9nyx3 170x Amdo1Lcd '&9X97 u.93 An&701 Ao1G97i30d7oL 5nd2'32&0101

511. 1193 61 cii01. A3 (;) L.s A3.,L(.1L3E AMTIk L; 'tA&U.XD 5L( U's

50nds 510yy9d) 5k.Om11ox I= 513 0 5LCA3Ti3013110A

0y0E m12Uc oE3d2 ,\3r
(,U.i, A,b7X9 Li. 13 309no43idd 3XdLuui 510udxx
An-, Amloxnd)3E .A1391odd)n3
%

LCM1L(dx 32 571 770x 10nnOdx Ou(1 LLL1 lads ')0170Ti3JA 31 97n0.1d)3o 17ox L(27312 770x
194
67
are a spring and fountains, full flowing streams, clear, sweet, and cool, in
which you can see fish swimming about, some of which you can catch and
pull out with a hook and, if you are dextrous, often enough with your hands.
And nests have been built in the tree by various song birds who, while the
nestlings chirp in the tree, fly about singing and gladden us with their songs.
See God's goodness toward us. Jonas sinned but a little, whereas for
us life itself, so to speak, is a continuous sin. His chastisement was both
severe and unusual; ours, too, is not a light or a simple one, but compared
with that of Jonas it is quite bearable. The consolation for such an elderly
man, frail and weakened by time, by life and its tribulations, was a plant.8
As for the consolation which we ourselves have received, while with God's
aid we are in sound bodily health, we have not attained the same age as this
old man-for we are just entering upon middle age9-as for that consolation,
we have described it to you. The plant favored Jonas with its shade only
long enough to make him grieve when it withered away. But God continues
to preserve our consolation for us. The sinner of that day was a prophet;
his sin pardonable, his chastisement hard, the consolation slight, and the
time it lasted very brief. But in our case neither our station nor our sin nor
our chastisement nor our consolation nor its duration are equal to those of
the prophet. We behold, then, the good God chastising us and we possess
Him consoling us, and at the same time granting us the favor of thanking
Him, both for the chastisement and for the consolation, and for the very
act of professing our gratitude for everything. But, what is most surprising
and most abundantly manifests His goodness toward our race is that of
His own will He places Himself in the position of owing us eternal rewards,
if only we present Him with the offering of our gratitude, even though it is
from Him that we receive "every good endowment and every perfect gift."10
For He it is who is at work in us "both to will and to work for his good plea-
sure," as Paul says,11 and grants us everything which we bring to Him,
though as our lord He had no need of this. Although He is the creditor, He
acts on behalf of the debtors and pays back their loan with great interest.
Who does not know that He alone does away with the interest? For God
rejoices more in always giving us the best of His gifts than we ever do in
receiving them from Him. If I must say something that resembles a riddle,
but which is nonetheless true, between God and ourselves giving and re-
ceiving have exchanged their places. For God is in want of nothing; He is
good, the creator; He holds all in his hands; He it is who provides everyone
with good things, and He never stands in need of anything. So receiving
from us He only seems to receive, but in truth He gives us the Kingdom of
Heaven. When in appearance we give to God in turn both the other things
 961

7o7axnY). 70x 7odXnr A3 530 1YD3A3 9371 57on.GX3 5non7a71oX1A `&7odo 1YD3A,q 32
Cni 770x cndYD7x,.7o 74-x 1x1. 1d13X 57XbyyOU p 3), 32 `507` 3 &00&33x3 -D)oDCnd73X
370.G 3Y pox '71o,GD3y3(,70 3701v70x 32 17o7n),.t/.131 ;od)ou At,;.] &nd2
1
1DlAdo A1D11,
51ox72cm O OY Aod2A32 AmYAnOAmd)7oY7ox of A A(DD03&
3Dnoy70y7d3u 3).
5701'1k 10A37i3)iui pox AwDnoud3Y '51100
091 370), &[L.L 57or1(.'d31 w.LU].9G7okT 20Y 'nO30 3YdzoiG 1Y AQdx171
j0-ti7odq
`570AmJ 6171(0 32 50 973133 9 5034j .7o3Yd)orl7o 51Dn323702L
cb&13X3 t(.u3\()OX pox
74x) 3). 'li.&17ox nO Gd)nox 9371 32no 32 70AoI, -o'(X7odX6'oL
1x.1,

t/A31d ?7ox A7o3`C 'tCYkdod) (0 7o3.Gn7l7od7ou cnY 32mx1y(lY 1d2A1O 7oY31ox cbAnooX nu
pox 13A3.GDO cbY 3Y m\OdX cni 3Y (bld cnY 31 7Y&7ojJ7'1AD ki&nxoxox 5f 32
991 A371oX21371
,
Gnr17od7ou 5703 o `3oi 5r7A3r1mdd3 &371 not 5oY7o7'1t)D 53Y&0X3
.
AnD 630 &k. A7o3xv no &k.L &tun% ,oA371tAYx3x cbY 533-11.(,Od3L duo..
(,(`(Y 9(0.0371 (C2(A k2 ALCM &7o3.gn7iXd701 703010 511 A7YD3
A3r17o97odd)3 'n1r1> AoAnoDOY &o&odX 6Yn70 (!. kin9xoyox 901.2 &7o1xD O170D3d7oX3
&0.09 AoA071 77oD101ny cbY '17onlC.Gn7od7ori n7111.s 32 73dG.1.&nD pY -, 5t 5n3Gnrl7odu.
091 '5030 0 9371 AQO 3.LOY 5mX1X1YU3 32 703Yd707170 (CYD(9n)JnD (0 32
`5IF.Y(Cd)0d1
703321701 3y)oX k ( 32
Gn7170dooL 701 70d2n717i) 0 32 50A9dX 5(n '5nX7od0j A171lk 32
'3 09 3Yn0 31.no oY 7oriGYdm717o Xno t. 7013217ou Xno 11. od7ou 17o7.Gnr1 '2no
OY 7o71kXD

5G.Yn7oY (CAOr17od70u 5kD1 cbY '((Ykd)od1 (,oi (,n(,10Y 9030 17ox

70YA0n321101 &311o13' pox AOA3r1n0.Gn1170d7oo &371OX3 `70x 701130 AOA3719)1d70X
991 A771Lc oY 5ki 5X)3321701 70X3913 (bYnoi A1dXX 17093213 770x 5t0Y 57o1.Gnr17od701
17ox noYn70 not AmYn70u 70X3(,13 A7d70X '&73).0\(0710 pox 01 &017010917ox 17Dx 0

1&0Xy7oJd31n5m 10d3m70d) At/,.1. 70Y(l.YOGG70I.'>D n0Yn70 A(0Y 1d3u OY 5093). `Amr1(0

I10 d31 pox Am7Am7X7 A(O,G7o).70 0.13-(73d)o AOYn703 7Y&OY3,G3 MkID1,G70X 13
OY n1d70X `1X)&3213 7o,170x d)ou 20Yn70 53Y&0&10d7170x 3).43 170x ()2L})
OLI ?7ox &7u1)0 70r1(cd(p2
A(C.G7o,l-AID02 A37l7od3d).0od1 'cbYnpo 50Yno,oi dbJl
170x oi) A13yse, A3 A7rlk 770X oY 913,Ld3&3 d3Ln 5tL, -#57o1xo2n3
no,(gxII oinOY &79U)212-Lkemd) &171k Apl d310 mYn7o Cd701

ncnrl(f l,7013dX nOYnoi

AMOY
07'1 `1YAoX3 11.90 cnldnx Amrik 170x okdX 51u a
5(c.1.

Acgi3y13d)o 57od3orl 170Y131ou1YAb 770X AWD cbXOY 1Dm2120ub OY

9Li No 51-1 Xno 3210 &0&0x1 i%ai3d170A10 70YAO 00Y nOXOY ` 13d170X db). 0

5030 cnY 1)0&0212 'X)Y ((7OX YD7 1370 GO.Lc2 A171(. U. 5137'11.0 c7Y Y(U7_ 1370 cdIDU
i a .t
s
&0(,13x3 13 32 kdX 1Y pox 1Y7o71).791XJ 937'1 `50X103 2 An0

5mrlu `9132.c13 113 (1030 MX &m711; 0Y 270&0212 3Y 170X

1Y)GD3A3J. '3xn63u 5o30 5k32A3910 nmXd;oln pox 7oAn

&37-1 dwA
54 170x.

081 `50).dn07rlk2 70Y(7J2L 93rd A3 mod3X 13X3170x 19701 2 &m,G7oA1o &O).1/.doX AOYn>03

73X3dYJ71 A7073dX 2 5on32n0 3].01 '73X3 &3.G9

OY 3,k
Am&X0d71) d)-D Am71G.

AnOx02 13A10dT170y t).Y 2 -b13.G(.y)0 &1Dm23 97TH( (,mn70dno 1D70c 'Am:3

3., 530 9 101md4 9030
53.'.9210x02 2 x70 5137'1 77090212 mY m30
17ox nki `mYnn 5coL `1310 A(.'(76 pox `A1.092
7DnOn3u70d3,G pox k2
196
67
by which men serve Him and also, as you know, that most loving and
appropriate gift of our very selves, it turns out that by giving we are actu-
ally receiving unending life and the lifegiving crowns. For God, then, re-
ceiving is the same as giving, whereas for man to give something to God
must, I think, be regarded as the same as receiving. But now our discourse
must go back to the tree and a certain question discussed there.
I was sitting as usual near the fountain, and many of my companions
who have been granted the privilege sat by me. Several of them proposed
a number of questions, so that quite a discussion ensued, free from the evil
tricks of quarreling and extremely peaceful, not without its share of secular
topics, but concentrating more on religious subjects than on others. Finally,
one of the group said: "What do you here say it is that, more than anything
else, seems able to add to a man's misfortunes, strangling and suffocating
the person who has experienced them, closing the gates of consolation and
making comforting words sound so empty to the afflicted ?" The others were
silent for a long time, pondering the problem by themselves, I guess. Then the
one who had proposed the question spoke again. "Well, I suppose I should
give my opinion, and one of two things will surely happen: either we shall
resolve the question for you, or we shall merely end the silence. I claim, in
fact, that a person might find many things of such a nature as to add to his
misfortunes, just as a strong wind rushing down on a still smoldering fire,
to all appearances just about out, will cause it to blaze up high. But what I
think is absolutely the worst of all is for a man to undergo protracted suffering
for something in which he knows of no evil deed on his part." When he had
said this, another person remarked, "Not having anyone to offer consolation
makes the misfortunes more grievous for the sufferer." According to another,
it was never being able to hope for an end to the evils oppressing him, while
still another believed it was not being able to look at any precedent for his
misfortunes. Others gave still other opinions. For it would be easy to make
many comments of this sort. Now, two of the griefs under discussion seemed
more intense than the others and most apt to make the sufferer's sorrows
overflow like a river, submerging him and sweeping him along: first, for a
person afflicted by misfortune not to be conscious of having done anything
deserving of it, and second, for a person not to be aware of any precedent
for his suffering. After these two griefs had won out, the two who had pro-
posed them looked at me and with a cheerful expression and a quiet smile
said, "We would be happy to hear your opinion on the question, but if you
should not have one or, having one, should not wish to explain it, then at
least be the judge of our opinions. We must acquiesce in whatever decision
you wish to make, for surely it will not be disputed. For everyone knows
that you are by far the best judge of such matters, since inasmuch as from
childhood to the present you have struggled with wretched times and diffi-
culties. So you must let yourself be persuaded to put an end to this discus-
sion and this problem of ours."
 L61
G9
981 511 S10.1170 m.1 110A9919 531A0&10d11l0\( )0G3119X91dn3 mdkLm 31 &km
1)1X 5t101 V.1 1L9) 510.1AOXU.9OdaL 510&10637.9 '`019 (L9 101(1701 01 A311 n13d10X
170&0913 13L3 `103 11L3 9 Am3L9)d.GA0 01 11A9919 11 (bl 630 &13A10d7i70X
I t \ \ I< I t \ \ I
1011 'mX09 )0-(y)o dwA 50311
o
&03191110& A7111A. 0 50&0\( 11L3 01 AOd9A39 1X)X 11
7o11LL1t,C 1Go.1970 '9.&mx
061 nkTl(,c.G>o%a, Sm A73.G0/)13 50du 1(1 L U.U 17ox O.LAL,GG7,OX3d)OaL A(7Y
1071
A9D 10713 10\(l(0aL S10 01(101 170.10933 '113101 pox .91A A(n\(\(01L 5)0\(\(0aL

Am1A0A73.1Od1L 31 51A.A3Ti0A3A t4)3 `nONOX1 502163 &311

`51A.99on3d10f0X 5UAkd13 39 `5k900T13A &mI 31 &m).0\( %n0 -101i'10
SkA.9nOd J)OX A().1 Amd31013,G Od1L &m1&)03L `51'.&3110X3 513 511 A3x4390d1L
g6i .A9)1L13 11 m 10100 110&13 31)od) 01 10191\(1011 A(r)1A1011 AnOXO9 S70d0d)11n9

ASA (1)D A73` '11G9)OA(l9 A73X)\.'l9 31 1)OX &13A1AILOaLID AOY 0\(

101A0&)Dd?J ALt1 I AX)d133L
&(01 `&mdo&dn9 1>Ox 5701 2
5 5701G1T1)Od10aL A371 A013(X SnoJlo(`S>odOG 39 5901
5701L0\( n13`)1T110X70Y70X S)01n00X91 AOdk\( AOA110d01L1 M.1 39
Am.110&)0 A()Yn70aL 1113 n\(OaL 170X A0.1 AOAO\( M.LNO `e `1101110 d)o.u
008 '5101N03 0 01 )o7ik1li.) 51A1310d1L 501010 A1\(')O.U .1.163 XJ\(\(XA> 01 &10X09 10TH
I \t t \ / / I W
n01bx1s AO 1&./t13
U13'&13. 170X &7019 1701391&&3) A70]L Sm1 n01z 1'A0d3I 0.1
t 7011(.1 A1T1n k A11.I Ak3Lm1D '&311090\( 1TIM) t.9 311-29 )0\(\(02L 10dn3 51.1 A70 )OY

1)0 &13 )OYOx(ld)33L 5701 5)od0611n9 d31L)G7JX )OTin3n1L AO1b9)Ll0d A0931L90d1L

513 50('11 13d11 70&0\(4) .13 A091\3 A1Ln37i06n1 1bX &70910X09 A10A 5101
90ti xou 5io\ .m3Tl3dk 0 39 U.91Ti0X A(I)1 &m\((17 A3 (1100.1 A131X3A03\(3L `m)1110&
O1 1A.Ti
1)0&3913&(19 )O&71 &3&i &OX)OX (').13)03 Am )0X3&13 &mX9X)3L (('13\(3.17079
10&13x3 Y(Ioa, 50LAOIL13 50\(\('77 O1 1A.T1 &13X3 AOY &0&37i09(/..Gn7i)Od)ou -13),\(70
01.
5)0d3Y0A 1310'1 5101 19nOX9'101L 5)0.1 ((5wd0d)T1n9 '3&3\(3 1)Ox 50d313 &371

cY0113S>(CT1 A73112L(3 AUX1\(\(Y11Lb

A9.1 510 1)013X3&19 `M)X1OX 5Od3Y3 33 q1
01y '&1331 11O) 50\(\(9 &31'1 0\(y)0 11
113X3 50d3L )OTiA139JOd701L 51.(1 5)d0611n9
3).3\(3 A(9\(\(01L dpA AOY00101 d01103 A313.01 A39 511 'A731L13 099 10.1&371 A(0.1
nm&311kd13 31399 1XlA3Xk111odX3X n(0Y 'Am\(\(10 1)0&13 3Y X)1X).10&139 3T&139d?? Al
5p, 5')01.Ln\( A-412 59&1.1 noTi)0.101L &0.1 c9 A3 5170.10 170X 170909>oY7oX 1)Ox

.170d0970d701L 01 31 k7i 1)0A3913An9 11 &q1 A3 51)01 5170d0671n9 (b.11703 AC-).l,

gI3 AmdotTin9 A01`JX) O.1 3.1 (ATi 50d1L L 7OTi).139'100 (10.1 510GX19L &13)3 'A73113\(d
&m1001 MT).L&09(,(Y)0dx &(n.1 0(,I9 70 1n-DI 531&92L13 10d3106T1 531AO91 573
1)OX A(,I0 Ap ((109 &01L13
3113 1XJX 53Y&)09XO1913Ti nT136k 111/.19d9170d)

5od1L 01
13 \9 x00 513X3
`A3711)o90ox70 501AO1L13 A p Ak'd A1/..0
5m9I ( x00 3 513(34 0X3 A `A131L13 y)0 v db), Skiwoxis nO&3A. S710Y
o . &7193
Af d)OA &-k &otk(> A031Xd319 &111(.
dr), 1b193 511 d)OA x00 &3310 5(9 7oY91\()IOTi
_.
14 x3 5o21)0.U Inx 53
&mu(nd.gAb A(ni Am-,00)o.1 09 3A 5o191dn
3Y9( 139 39
Odn39 S70A1.I(Y9n9 1911 510d1X)X I)OX

)01,&3,G9133L 1) nmLo\( pox nmlxrlA>odll SbTll (i

198
67
When I heard this, I immediately thought of you and said, "If only a
certain person were here with us," supplying your name, "who is able to
decide not only on matters of this sort, but also on those much loftier and
more difficult ones. Nonetheless, I yield and will not hesitate to tell you
whatever I think or know from experience, regarding what you have already
said as well as the opinion which I hold about this particular question. We
must not, however, accept whatever I might say as authoritative, but the
man whom I have just mentioned must hear all this, and we must acquiesce
in whatever he might decide. Everything therefore which all of you have
mentioned, and perhaps many other things besides, would be likely to
aggravate the suffering of a man in the grip of some calamity, but what I am
going to disclose to you right now strikes me as more despotic than anything
you have said. Let us now address ourselves to what you have been saying.
"Indeed, not being conscious of having committed any evil could by
itself console a person and steel his mind to endure suffering. For in addition
to bearing the waves of misfortune, one after the other, from without, a
suffering man who knows he has done evil is also bereft of his own internal
tranquility, and thus the seas mercilessly break over him from all sides.
The worst horror is that if he is still only under suspicion, he is afraid and
trembles and each day, so to speak, is pricked by his conscience; but if he has
been exposed and faced with the proof of his wrongdoing, he is full of shame
and without any hope at all. Now, the person who suffers but is not con-
scious of any evil does indeed suffer, albeit unjustly, but in no way at all
does he share any of those other things we have mentioned with the man
continuously pricked by his conscience."
"This is true," someone said, "but the man free of wrongdoing would
not prepare himself to experience distress, while the man who knows he is not
innocent of having done evil is likely to do so. Indeed, in this respect it must
be assumed that a guiltless person is far less able to bear distress and afflic-
tions than the guilty one. For the nature of these afflictions is such that if they
find the person they are about to attack is well prepared, they can do very
little, but if they attack him unexpectedly, they may overthrow even a man
respected for nobility of character."
"I agree, my dear companion, that when evils fall upon a man unexpec-
tedly they are able to cause great affliction, but little when expected. But it
would be quite puerile of me to grant that this occurs because a person is
conscious of wrongdoing, especially since you yourself do not appear to be
convinced by your own argument. For you seem to be trying to mislead us,
and to wish perhaps to display by this device your great ability in debating.
A good man has resources permitting him to suspect the onset of troubles;
the ignoble man and the wicked have opportunities for Hoping that they
will not be noticed and that for their failings nothing will be exacted of them
 L9
999 Am1n0J 51o.Onoxlo (9).3 909 &3'd ACCG9L(A113 5(1Gn3 11ox 3G13>) %

, ((`(4
Lj3 `A9 511)) .G311 513.G90du 01 A09 170110AO 501) G.7i 710 3). 701(170101
110170993 `A13A1dx)079 w'('(w 11Ox 31 110X
,
.7od3193d3X9(l9
bd31g1(G.rhn

mx13 2 990 `5m110 1)Ox A090 n09j3 11ox d3) A13-U13 XJd73u x90
(OAOdd) n17jn
59d) 3Y )01 dlou 607i0 `)1A3T)(1d13 11OX 5()u0 (9X3 o9 5k 501970
f9
%

'3 099 1d32L 11(l01 01 '7o71Ik1k AnOxn0 A03109 01 Sodnx A13X3 LO d3 Aw0 501910
`1Th0)13 o yy Ao319noxw 7o1A)Ou 1d9MOI 90 5OX).7oA3 Ak.G63 LM1 `513.GD 170x
9 11 AX) .9 S0A131t3 01n01 A03Yxd31D A711( 1193 )01A02L &Q_0 A371

d3L)o90 .d13 1731 79:ou 1'wx 10)0(7) m13y3L AOX(li A313An5Od)0) Aw) SmYOx13 A91
d)9 A90(I010 (10A739 9X3A99 'n0A3T 0yy9 9 101'3 3).
989 11O&13 A0190u Am `3170)13 0 (9 11OX 70x11913 x(7011 (nA7od)x3 SOdu S7Tln 1u3 32
w1 )OA37ikd13 Tln 4V o 9X 5 1 S(0 mil3dmX
)) 9J &M&101 t(71 190n3213An9 TAM, 6in703 `3oxmx i001 01970 1)093,()0x70d70u
1110992 A-O 7)0x 1709(ndn3A i tJ A7o7OA701g
'A13d3d) 0 d70). AmX.O)02_, 110x 5(?913A(i9
(1)1N03 70x)OX SOdu (61 17O.G93X39 5w1 n(91 nmI0nx

Swdod)1u3 110x Ski. &3.G09A0 d3 5O71t AT A3.GOX701A10) 5(OA13TV

110x 01 `A011010A139 `S(o 13 A371 n3 51)01r103L9 113 `770113x 3x10933
110x dI 13T X 1) Ounl 901 501og13An9 110Y131A3x .G7ox 5(11 A13-U13

`Avd311k 73 9 no `A3,GU.Y3y YY70 13X3 S(1oi `5nOX).3Y3 770x 5((AnX9170 3). 737'
SGou 770x
SG(1 n3xm13L3ux3 3 L' .5031 0 33 AmX9pu 170x U-d
019 5m913An9 (91(103 11 A9x10x Smx7970 `A311 13XDD.U 9 Ano 5(o719 710x `S01n70

50A33R0 cg n0d313 &m3, 9(0 AQ0119mu0 (3A(0A10X (ni 1>,x Ouf

901 SOYOg73An9
11.9'39)) `79D16) 0 S9d70G70X 5101x1210 2n0 A70 -10n3x91Od10u
A3139 A9Yn1o Amd7o7Aw A))813u 5(9 U.9 50x13 1193 A1310) A01
099 )010213999 ri71n7o3 701AOn3dbG1Ox .n(Ox70x A3 (nlnOl AnA101 (hl 13d31
W 9\(ou
11 A1390uw M1031)((.`(oun 1193 A91 A0d).GYJ 901 7i u 90190101 513 01 1704)l,970A99

M113d3d) pox ')JA739 !. dv). d) 519n

A(nl A(nd707Ac 39x101 511 .91193 13 A3Ti

`q62 13
Ao(13x990d701Ln3 1od23 Ao1 AO L `13xk wdxid 3xn63u
5m1.((x020odu),p `13YY)13.013 Aw)X 10d9A)o AOl 1L'3

999 (('AOA3TiOA(1&7i39
91* M Y16 101 wA139
1A3Ti `3d1)113 70Y(,L3Tl &371 770A3xn63u A70d9
nw913)3 5mlkxo99od1qw lo-G'(3u3 wdxr,1 2 13 770Y)0xo290d]L 01

owl MA321:wlD i )3 Olnol 770G93A7). MML ,L Awl

(10-1 (C1n)13 701701'1t.c.x13w
(1019109 n9 31
AROAOd63 J.13 `6.7i.013u3u3 310 32.1'3 5101
092. 570).0`( 7)OG93.G73u 101 '573x02 5)ox703 d$
5'b71tk A73L'Zd-n:.L `m3d13X1u3
(109 yoSL ekC
01901 50)91 7)1"139 50A3710,(n0d .U-- I C)1
rkl
M173n31uo)n
'&71'0)&9373X3 d7o). 1)Ox 0 5ovO)L-4 5o)(odGr39 5w7ido6v r.02ot3
513 0Y 770x
.Amd107Aw 13X3 p)X 0 SOyn70d) 7OX
0 5Ox70x

A30Ti A(' nx1101u3 A1193 7'17M1tAGX70d3L913 31 170x AU.x1g 3). 7Y)An03 A(C3.
200
67
and they will not undergo the punishment they deserve. Now, leaving out
the prophets, apostles, and, in short, all the saints who partook of every
virtue to the greatest extent and bore up under just about every trial, the
good man is able to look to the Savior. Since He has the fullness of the
godhead dwelling in Him bodily, by nature He neither says nor does any-
thing which is not clearly most noble, loving, and beneficial; and yet He was
hated by many and slandered, and a people He had treated so well-oh,
what ingratitude or what most wicked requital-condemned Him to death
on the cross; nor was even this enough for them, but they also mocked Him
and heaped all sorts of injuries on Him.
"How then can anyone of sound mind, even the most guiltless of men,
not expect evils if he acknowledges Christ as his model and example and,
as the leader of Christ's apostles said, should follow in his footsteps ?12 But
a wicked man who is conscious of his wickedness could point to a multitude
of other wicked men who have escaped from the hands both of their victims
and of the judges. How many murderers, as we know only too well, and
others engaged in every form of wickedness have paid no penalty at all, but
have died peacefully, to all appearances at least, and in advanced old age?
Readiness, then, to confront hardships with courage does not come from the
consciousness of guilt; rather, I believe it comes from superiority of mind
and sound judgment, which surely those people possess who are drawn
toward a blameless way of life. If, therefore, the guiltless are vastly superior
in knowledge to the more wicked; if, furthermore, it is those who are superior
in knowledge who are ready and prepared for the struggle against hard-
ships; then those not conscious of any wrongdoing are better able to prepare
themselves for the struggle against troubles. It further follows that those
conscious of having done evil grieve more than the guiltless whenever di-
sasters set upon them, even when the onslaught of tribulations and the
struggle against them come to them as unexpectedly as it does to the good.
Apart from this, we are well aware of the valiant exploits of people conscious
of having done evil, such as fitting the noose and jumping off a cliff and the
other means which men employ to become suicides. One of these was Judas,
the first and chief of them, although not chronologically. But if you want to
tell me that you have heard of, or perhaps known, a man who appeared to
be living blamelessly, but who having been falsely charged with theft or
murder, slit his own throat because he could not endure slander, I would
reply in effect that this person who, as you said, appeared to be a good man
was not such in reality. It is not possible, it is not possible for a person who
commits suicide not to have been filled with all sorts of other passions. For
the suicide would be quite prepared to pay no heed to the laws of God, and he
does not seem to place any value on his own good reputation. Indeed, that
person slit his own throat not because he was being slandered, but because
his mind was blinded by a swarm of passions. Those who wish to be free of
 109
L'9
99Z 71ox
11
O (371 `50P) 70(1 57oi0odlc 11ox 5(loy91Do3L70
mdz 17ox
5101&'I 1(1(&9
r
S nGL
1 u
5no1A1o 10 A7o970u &371 gY.,. AO Sm &010
1(131'1
,
31 `,13db
i

101&10.U 32 `&13u13 A7oD(A.1D3un `A011970613u 13X3 513 not

(7331 59 13x01631L 01 L 7011mdt SIk1
(37"1 mi SO11A103.g A3 61n70 AnOx7011ox
5mX1110T1m9 A13)C3 33k71 Ano) &13u13 1011.r1 3A acs 7Jdu 770 9 (7071 AO?,97YY30x
OLZ 11ox Ao1(AaL10A]0 71ox .AO717Y3d)m 03L S10 33
5(T)3.L 019391713 110x
17ox 5on.g3 23 A9.g1ou dTLL m-&01&10 511 `5101191dxXb 13 33 131(90fj 3A

5GL193XIox (7970x(1717131 m1010 17ox `nOdn7o19 33UT1

5101901 o;. An 531A3,g93xdf 7o1Yw 110x AO1n70 173X nmu1o301A70u

n1o9LcYstT13 Sat
91.2;
5")1p)non `101&0X31371 &OU(L.
AnO 1193 701AOXI n0.L91dXA01 170x -o1L0

`&oTlTodA T1A0113o0 31 A13.gn0Y0X10u3 Sio1 A793AX1 ((01&70 170x ) &Lu. (101

`ntfnmd) k71 NOXO39od3L 1YOX `10(739 AVX 1019117071 L -md.gnb
no3lotndox
Amat o S01c10701 (i. lox 5od1o ! 59 59X1ox (3310(99 m1n7o `7,x7ox 73X3
59d1L ox70x 5r 110 5no1D33Y3L (1337 Amt 70Am1A0An67013 57od,3X Amt 31 5n0 Si
089 n7091.Cx3glIC I7ox A(NO1 nm1910x72 513A0t d;oA 17ox 0u51F93 5npn'Ono1o3L11n10
5101x70x d3u9no,flo1L A371o1 A>0,7133G(7l 5701(709131 AkA.x33 YY- A3 &X93 zdlkA
510103L1OX3\ou1o n3 `1LACcd13 01 3A `&90x09 xno lode 4d-nu 01
&G.1 AG.Xf(f1

&13x9(&1j A01N03 92L9 517011770 1&0 ) 01 170g9Xn3XD3d1ou 3Xnd)31L 5odu 01

17oG93X33 Sm770&A3A 01 1107110 `Od)01L

01 A3 (7A 17ox C)1 Sm1An
987;
(,13A0dd) `A731x3A031(1L k19 5101 S01u71311b 19(w>3L70Af
0%
A2101d
1L5m11K 3A
%

&Od31013XiO 13 AM101 1.0&01X3&03Yu A3r1 A3 139(7)&( 10 10d70,g10x A()1

AmA0613X 5q &01.0 `31 01, 3 (0711013 310A13 31 TnX 1)D.g9X+n3X93d7ou SOdu

AkY701L A(Od3Xon2 Amt &m1A901x3&03Yu A3 `139()() ((y)1 C11 A(h1.03131,n9

5101&103 txig7<o
J017071 AoYY70Tl 110130,1A,
01 S9d1L mu &WA &13)10111013 Sn01n703
06Z `&md)olAp 7101331131( 33 SnO1 51019913An9 5101913 >OX10X &011x71 Amt A(pm.G1O
A7O2131L3 10.GY31L3 701 =739 Afx 61 171 &ZX0390du Sk9153 5101
%

91 31 AoXOdd
51o.G701 Ao9od)3 11ox 51d(oX 33 &m1901
17oij 11ox x
70i AmA7'llf.dx 1X191Lg(n A01n703 1YJX 1oYY7o1 57.0 53d73X01070

`1701&0&(1(.bx10x A791d)9 51o1010 Am10313An9

&(r).-L.

96C 12 170x
3A. 10.g3T1Z1911L3 M2 513 5o9901< 170x 5ol(gdu 11Ox `50AkXdn
(.T1 i7% Mi (7AOdX 73 39 1071 A73A3 513Y3_g3 170A30x1A.Xp 1)0X n0u 70&11
(/.
110(3`73

110 5m1u113' 101AnOx02 `ARO14j 50 A'b1117o S(,SLUYx f noAOd) n1a,wri 57&37110(33

(71, 171 ls 7'pg9XJA 1.Akl nY)7iA70d)Oxn9 A13XA3A3 `&01n703 7(13X3 Ax
13XOs3 7T&7,3 XflO . .A n7
109 1dxo1LW `6.Tj3 5(0 AO 3), 09 5Ltd)
1)Ox
OR 61oA, `(7193 XfO (7193 A01 -9)0 5>03d13X0 701.oXm1.u3u1d3u 1.71 I

&mYY1o L O1A1O &OXUT) A(0-9)0u 0 d13X01070

{j
A13T7?A. d&). i:0,g91390:L
`&39 77oX n01 A73noxA
11327d32L9 &(')T10& SOr17013 1,(13
i93i:YJ n37)O j,n703 (r,
n0.lox no np MIMOI Ouo nOl
202
67
passions must be granted the virtue of endurance; if it is not given to these,
it would surely not be given to those pursuing ease and preferring what is
pleasant to what is good. Enough of this.
"The other argument, now, that having to do with not being able to
point to a precedent, strikes me as more grievous than the previous one. As
far as I can see, though, there is not a single thing which a person could not
adduce as a precedent, if he should so desire. Granted, you have suffered
something which nobody else has suffered. Do you therefore think that no
one else has suffered some terrible affliction which nobody else has suffered ?"
"I can think of quite a number," he said.
"Then, there are others who somehow share with you in patiently
enduring what nobody else has endured. So you have, whether you wish it
or not, a precedent to look to, no matter what terrible thing afflicts you.
Indeed, I would be able to make many points in answer to your questions,
but since what I have said seems to be enough, I will pass them over so as
not to stretch things out to no purpose.
"What remains for me is to pay my debt to you, that is, to express my
own opinion here before you. Our guides of truth and teachers decree that
men endowed with reason should never be distressed, except when they
perceive that they have given in to sin. When a person who has faced life's
troubles, whatever they may be, gives way to sorrow, these guides are as
far from praising him as they are close to reproaching him with the utmost
severity. They make it clear that the more serious the troubles, the greater
should be the joy and exultation; while a man who has not experienced
tribulation at all and for whom things flow along smoothly is pitiable and
deserving of tears. If, therefore, our discussion were concerned with defining
what it is that should constitute the only reason for grief for those pursuing
the path of truth, what it is that makes tribulations more painful to men of
character, it would be easy to dispose of these matters right away by having
recourse to the saints, who explicitly teach about them and proclaim them in
a resounding voice. But, since our discussion today has turned out to be
about transitory things and seems quite empty of more divine concepts,
our discourse will follow your,, and will proceed along the same path. I say,
therefore, that when a person is quite clearly treated despitefully by some man
who,13 to all appearances, would not choose to offend unjustly, and when the
offended party burns with great love for the offender and prefers him to
himself, and for that reason is unwilling though able to brush off the affronts,
since it would be impossible to cleanse the offender of his offense, even if the
one who has been oii'ended wished to wash them off-when this happens to
someone, why must he live, if he conies to look upon being free of these
affronts as worse than bearing the affronts about with hint, and upon death
as a far better fate than wandering about after being affronted?"
 E0ti
G9
c c

m1 &91 Anon 170.G9m1ox93 oun 907193 'AmG70L .G9(y) jo A1303dp.G10x

90E OL70 Amt 9,G70L `A 5101901 &03109
A(t_7, .(,7o3d31d707( 13 d1oA 39171
15101001 UYOX9 31 5101 Aki AUA(1)1910d 1119 IDMX 17oX 101 7032k
OA371m7111Odu 51
Amt. 'AmG10).10 &31,3
0y)) 103,&371 SOdu 1071f`1397Od7OL &13X3 &1331
(`,71 A0d31(0d701AQ 7071
77013A770d)
1101 '110d310dzr (L 1071 'mx09 99O AV A3 k13 AmY Am1A10?'
0IE 9 (.71 S9d.U 13X3 511 '&13).)0),,0 13 3). S70GA0L9L dT,L
11 9 5139no1 5od313 5(n.G&oL2L .n1Y93 (,90700 3990 A0y+(9 70&11 1310 -AOL3L
170A3,G 11 A0A139 LO 513290
506313 3.G&0L3L ((
1OYYOu)) 1071 ((`19(i0x02 A19Ud)
An0xnO 70170X 3.,. 01 170A3XUA3713710Ln 9 5132110 &3XUA3713710Ln 5od313
9jE 10&m&IOX 109 5cL -11ouAOAI), S13X3 70d10 506.U L `&7331 A70x d)n
&n0no10 kX3An9 1(10&132 &103 U. (bA37107(nOd 109
14,1391od)
71
A &(l0
'7110)3 &70 A13103 '
50du d1ou `Am71n L V-(X (k1 2 uA70x1 1071 OX 1 )01 Af& 70A311Ud13 770GX0939
701

L 1T1U1d) 5(9' '170,G93A13ix3

o 32 'AOL1O' 01 503dX A771n `1709131x3 AUY ATd3Y3T1U
()SE OA) &171 513 5(I09371 5)G71n '&13)00)10 10 Ski 57013.GUXIO AMT1L1. 10)lU9o 110x
10x70x9?0212 10L32no 5)od9A;o 1T)G9701&Q AaOA 5701&0X3 k A)O113L3

57o11d)o71n Sno11U 170]Am.G91)0 '5901n703 01 601 &01L01 tl1Ln+( 11OA002 AO:.

7911(;(.991010L0 70YGxm1L3L1d3L 510X71(o1d &01(10901 A79nOX3LQ A13A110L3

l
((OL V 111 1 '7019n07d3 (o1 d7o 71 AOyl() A9 )D.2 A3 510&739
%

&090 11Dx
9tiE .'C1 Ao,4x &'132 A73d170X 1)o1 '&)oid7x9 AO-1 32 9171 A(1090AMYno 7D10xUX931371
11
(lO-do70d731 pox (b10 Q170x mod Q1 701b71Aoda 1)013d3d) Amndx)o9 7? Ao1

170x '&0(,133)(3 13 &116101 1631L 11_01 11 ci9L. &1Y93 (4 710.GG9131nx

&OAOT) UdX SQOY n1LO9.XIx 5)013.GU`(Q 5-41AO)1970d 0 50.19\( 173 '&1711 170X 0
A
510'. 5101)02(10719 SnO1 5nO71970d131L 5nod3Y0&13),(Q '7YJ13)m.d3 A070d AT
0E rAl n[1mdu 13-13 Snot Snol.l)o 5701AO711od9 10
17oGY.-MaU.LQ nmix11.1.7odh
%

19nox9Q212 170x 5m79ndL7019 'A7911011ndUH 913]L3 c9

AU9Lcdd7019 701(1)01 1 d3Ln
Amt xiL3 hmd(; kyl Am.1 -31013'6'
%

L( 3 1O( 3XUd3d71n9 A0d3T1(;.1 770x

Amd Am,.9'( 1970L'YN1N0L '1'b13A1)0d) 1%!1303 170x 0 50631371( 50..0)( 5101 A2719
ox 5101070 A(10 5() mo.Lo 511 n19Y)rl.lzdL
Aulmo 170Y131910d '&01'Ad1Q 1T1Ud)
AL,.
'J A99 ;E 5101070 (1.G70x I d)n nnOnOYO nfi. &)O`92 n0(3T170A(12 (,13X9)067OL
Sm Xno (3 110 &)o 5mx12Q `7391ddn 0 32 1701J777H7d3L
20. 170x SJ.Y nO:.n70 170'T11YOd)_' 5J_.`(pGh3x 1)0x Q72 O?.nOY 1YJ1)0&02

`A3Tl no no-,:r(nod '32 5. 513ddn `7wG91rf;1d1Ou) 5m xno (,0&3 A73n3d70.G70Y.

5()3ddn A01 iddn '1oin'o (l0' 50YA3.G97ddn 5701 573ddn 50.A709(C`(3u3
E o1no1 U1)1d71119 `1&11 11 AIl.) 13 3), AOd13X (,3T1
0u OY (,(N)1 1101 Sb1 5736dn -1d3LTln9
77013&1,. nm3ddn nodVGVX17o\D..Gtho
'A1363d) 1101 32 &O&3T191ddn m3190A1d3L 0You 7Y SILL 50AoA13T10 5Y061071
1193 QY A73n70.GOLQ ((`.
204
67
These words, o best of friends, were judged by the audience to have
been most elegant indeed, and to adhere strictly to the truth, but unless
they obtain your approval as well, I will not trust in that of the others.14
1 The date and the circumstances of this letter are certain. It was first edited, with
a brief commentary, by R. J. Loenertz, "Manuel Pal6ologue, 6pitre h Cabasilas," MaxeSo-
vixa, 4 (1956), 35-46; of. Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 151-58. Since autumn 1383
Manuel had led the defense of Thessalonica against the Turks, but the inhabitants of the
city, unwilling to bear the rigors of the siege or the "tyranny" of Manuel, had turned
against him, as he makes clear in this letter, which is confirmed by other sources: see Letter
4; Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 85-88. Manuel realized he would be forced to leave
Thessalonica and, after considering several possibilities, made plans to sail to Lesbos,
which was ruled by his cousin, Francesco II Gattilusio, to whom Cydones had written
recommending the fugitives. Finally, in April 1387 Manuel and his followers set sail for
Lesbos, and Thessalonica capitulated to the Turks.
Although granted permission by the ruler of Lesbos to spend some time on the
island, two months at least, he was not allowed to take up residence within the walls of
Mytilene, possibly because of the large number in his entourage or because Gattilusio did
not wish to irritate the Turkish Emir Murad. Not long after their arrival, one of Manuel's
companions, Rhadenos, sent a brief note to Cydones in Constantinople. To this he replied
with a lengthy letter, part of which reads: "Your letter contained nothing at all about
what you know I am interested in learning. But you raced through all those things as
though they were newsworthy, and as though everyone had not been talking about them
on the street corners for some time, I mean your informing us about the sad fate of Thessa.
lonica and of your arrival on Lesbos, where you have found refuge.... How could I be
ignorant of your sailing to Lesbos and of the kindness shown to you by the inhabitants?
For it was I who wrote to persuade them to let you stay there.... Indeed, it was I who
wrote to the lord of the island commending you very highly, and I persuaded him to show
you kindness and hospitality." Letter 350:40-53. How long Manuel remained on Lesbos
is uncertain, but his expression, "the height of summer," makes one think of July at least.
From Lesbos later in the summer or in the fall he went to Tenedos, Brusa, briefly to
Constantinople, and then to exile on Lemnos until late 1389 or 1390: Dennis, Manvel in
Thessalonica, 157-58.
In the manuscripts this letter is entitled: Discourse in Epistolary Form, 'E,navo-
acltaio5, which would indicate a didactic or literary essay with the epistolary form as a
simple convention, and Manuel did not include it among his collected letters. But on
reading through it, and despite its length and occasionally didactic character, it does
seem to be a personal letter and should form part of the collection.
2 Manuel's encampment must have been on the coast of the island, which is, as he
remarks, rocky and mountainous, although there are fertile valleys in the interior. The
island is exposed to the force of the cold winds coming down from the Dardanelles: see
Burchner, "Lesbos," RE, 12 (Stuttgart, 1925), 2107-2133.
3 The Mangana was the quarter in Constantinople in which was located the arsenal,
containing the machines of war which gave it its name. Situated in the easternmost section
of the city on the slopes between the ancient acropolis and the sea walls, it was a well
populated, bustling section with several important buildings and monuments, such as an
imperial palace and the monastery of St. George: R. Janin, Constantinople Byzantine.
Developpernent vrbain et repertoire topographigi-e (Paris, 1964), 295-99. Arcla is the name
given to a tiny island in the Bosporus just off Scutari (i.Yskudar), on which Manuel Com-
nenus had built a small fortress, whence its name (Latin, arcula, diminutive of arx).
Between this and the Tower of the Mangana (Demirkapi) a chain was supposed to have
been fixed to bar the entrance to the Bosporus. The Mangana and the Arcla, then, being
right on the Bosporus, would receive the full force of the winds from the North: ibid., 491.
 205
67
'AAA& 'r 'r', w ='Wrcov &pta' ab, x&AAtorc E,cev 8 Ec'pr)619-ocL
345 xopJp, Ey &oc tie Tou opM Aoyou Toil axovaaaiv eyw
cS' el xod 'c- ay q evp,o.pYjan:e 4 cpou, Tail rC,ov &AAwv -appeiv ovx 9X"

67: 2: of. Aphthonium, Progymnasmata, 21. 10: of. Herodotum, 6, 140; 7, 168-
39: Plato, Leges, 929e; Aristophanes, Nubes, 1482. 47: Libanius, epist. 10, 1325.
74: Eccl. 3, 1-8. 81-82: of. Platonem, Bespub., 492c. 116: Plato, Gorgias, 524e;
Paroem. gr. I, 140, 288; Suidae lexicon, 0 798 (ed. Adler, 3, 577). 134: Psalm. 6, 2; 37, 2.
135: Hebr. 12, 8. 154-58: Jonas, 4, 6-10. 169-70: Jac. 1, 17. 171: Phil. 2, 13-
268: Col. 2, 9. 273: Mat. 27, 29; Marc. 15, 20; Luc. 23, 11. 276: I Pet. 2, 21.

B f. 24-29V. 12 M&yxava codd. 1121 4-g8eru6norc: q3bvor B 11 283 aLTLar. B 11 292 ye:
Te B

d First in Constantinople against Andronicus IV and his allies in 1376 and 1379--
1381; then in Thessalonica, Cabasilas' fatherland, against the Turks from 1382 to 1387.
s Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 85-88, 151.
e Fcclesiastes 3:1-8.
7 Psalms 6:2, 37:2; Hebrews 12:8.
s Apparently the castor oil plant; see Jonas 4:6-10.
9 Manuel was thirty-seven years old on 27 June 1387.
to James 1:17.
11 Philippians 2:13.
12 1 Peter 2:21.
13 John V Palaeologus: see Dennis, Manuel in Thessalonica, 151-58.
1' Cabasilas apparently held on to this letter for some time before showing it to
Cydones who, on reading it, wrote to Manuel: Letter 380 (translated by Cammelli, Deme-
trius Cyclones Correspondance, no. 21, pp. 48-50). After praising his ability to combine
serious writing with pleasantries, Cydones continues. "I have now come to realize this nlorv
clearly on reading through your discourse, as beautiful as it was long, and which ought
to have been given to me sooner, for I would have had more time to relish the pleasure
it provided. But the excellent Cabasilas was able to enjoy it before me, to whom it should
rightly have been given earlier. Although in other respects he is a just man, he thought
little of depriving me of something which was rightly mine."
206
68
68. To the most holy Hieromonks and Spiritual
Fathers, [David and Damian]'

Thessalonica (Mount Athos?)

Constantinople (?), 1416

I know that this fruit of my labors comes to you much later than you
had expected. The reason is that it ripened so late, inasmuch as the season
did not provide it with air of the right temperature. So it has remained
unripe for a long time, but now that it has just shaken off what was prevent-
ing its coming to maturity, it arrives to fulfill its promise. No sooner had it
ripened than it sped to you as if on wings, for it would have been of no use
to you had it become overripe. But I do not think it should be surprising
that the book was not completed sooner; the surprising thing is that it has
been finished at all, even after such a long time. For, as by agreement,
many troubles of all sorts set upon us and left us absolutely no free time. It
would take too long to relate each one; nonetheless I ought not to pass over
all of them, for I know you are anxious to hear news about me. I should,
therefore, give you a reasonable explanation of some of the things that
happened at that time.
Well then, we had scarcely set sail, when right away we ran into
troubles that gave us reason to believe that our voyage would continue in
like manner. And this is just what happened, even though, owing to God's
favorable judgment, it ended up favorably for us in other respects. For that
rough, outbound voyage was terribly long and stormy, and there was no
end of thunderclaps echoing in our ears, an ill-omened sound, and bolts of
lightning incessantly flashing in our eyes, along with raging rainstorms and
occasional snowstorms. When all of these join together at once, they pene-
trate to the depths of men's souls and make their hearts tremble and fill
then with alarm and confusion, as those who have experienced these things
know very well. Frequently enough, also, the winds blew upon us from all
sides. They dashed upon the slips with tremendous fury, if we may so de-
scribe it, changing directions each moment, and threatened us with a horrible
shipwreck in the middle of the sea. Huge waves formed and crested above
the decks of the ships, a fearsome sight if you could bear to look at them,
but even more fearsome to hear for they filled our ears with a savage din as
they crashed one after the other against the ships. In fact, the storm threat-
ened, almost as though it could speak, to sink the vessels with all hands.
To sum it tip, the sailing was just the thin; to Lear out our best hopes by
the roots. There was no relief from any of these horrors, and I was still
trembling, as you can imagine, when I stepped ashore in port.
 LOZ
89

'd 9L 89 5?oy 5101701(0190

c
A3 1od31
o

510X70AOT/
17ox 510x7Y70T3n3A0
A79pdY)DU
87nlop> 170x (1mn1o1717Dv

70810 &(D1 nmd31371n Am83UX3 1nolnol &91 Amt AmT33

nod31n8)Odd
A(OA(OJp AOLd)Ox 5m 570T1n 'non37i.A1d))o pox 01 no1Y170 110 d3o 5o170d(n 31110
g `1)OYVA3).3). 3Y;o k 5m3Dpdx 50&.10).' )od3o
,,,
5111 5)odc, (n1n)o o)i.doX 'SkD
P \ /< k c \
A2O 5Od(T))O 5o-,no 1u3 mdX70T1 l L k
(O1n0 A3T1 '13XLLA3Tj3T1)11s 1303 3 AnO 51)(o11
701 )OA371p1D7DOdh SC?An3d)3L)ol8 533 A1A.T1xY) `(73.1(3 `1)013A770d) of
no38 no d7o,l 1,c.63 `513.A)OU3u pox 50 Ao k.T3 Giotgl n1T1n
50YDidXw 5odm53 `5p1Db170)( d3UDCO 5od31uoun 'A7D73o n0 `3S
\
OI `170T110 1 f
A0Y170. Ol A011(dld `1)0].D11dRL70 \(\(10 13 pox 7016
A13)phhn70. 0 1Y
1
n0YD7o n0A0dX 5)Od3u '13d)k\(13 70\0(00 d70). A171(;. 170x 10U70801A)0o d3.UD9
x3 5oY7oT14(\n9 701)OT1,lpd0 170x 00 13d(OX3AnD 70

701A70u A73),3\( AOdx)o71 A70 .R13 )O1n1oL7o 8 51.p70 `A13T17od87odlou no .noxllj(Dodu

70810 d)oJL 5-min ( 5n0A3110X1 A13Ap.A70T1 701 L.1Dx 5>oT1l 138 R Am1npL
91 70x3(3 5(01dl3T1 A171(1 ))09(0\(1).8 )011\3 A(M)Y 'Am10xmYU30T1n9
110x `Ann1o1 k11 (', A023XD o `A1913.X7oA 5m `DU31()oX )01 )01713Oodu 17ox

Ak1 mol-WA.8x3 AMT3lk 70YA0012 nOG.O3n3Yn)OT1 50 170193 51o1no1 'S0\(\(i71JOd)3 c

3). 170x 5(OYApu `n3x1f-d3dx3 13 pox 59du A1T1(;(

'3 n9L no30 5L(scod 'A1D)ODtkd10Tln3 0 dwJA 501)Old 5(10\(uou)o 5On13X3 5m L(T) 1Xn0
oZ 50191xff.71 AM 3&71 not 50n(T)T1l3X `501x3 A(n1A0dd Av1 J A(ODnoXkA3 51101
c c , c c / /c c /
`51)Ooxo `n0170'LOd1ou70 xn0 1)OX A(,)AXnD 5110 (1931'10 AOOd.lO
A71D3 -r0
AmDn012-1171Dodu `4(,)L)Od1D)O 51o13(l )o11 51o3)0S),70d 17ox A1Dpt1A
x t;8 .AzL c1o71o X1YA0.\(3AnD 53 54pd 17o.D13Ax1d)3 Amt AmXn! 1)Ox
Ao-dodl 51101 51)03860X A1310u713 17oX 9 5() 31 170.93113838 3x(163L 17Dx
gy `n13X1Lno (090 d3L &191091 5(7)dldxp 10 Am1no1 10A37170d13L3L lo713A70
31
310Y()D 1oyy( 'X1AXn?1 A3.0\(xnx 'O1AOn63L3 uO 17Dx .371 5.90 5(!.1 `5(/Y1n\(
11 1
13 3). 61 Ao'(7d) 5(O'.n0 `A13u13 51)01 1on70A 531A0\(\(ZdDOdu 1'ox 531An01)OiDf
A3
`13d70xp AOA13S mor, &01k nOD3Tj 3L 5(lo) '(,O13D3u3 7o17DT1nx d7D,l

`o13d33J,kle d3un wi 7711oTimdlD7o17ox nm1 nmL(n 17oA3T1no6ndox A31

ot, )03.G 'M'k 13 511 170x 1010'X)1 `A73U3\(d AOd31(I)d3dot `1bAk.GDnOX'k 3
1:0 (9191)053 70(1-'. AOUnOR Y)1nnO1OL713 5101 1D(h (b1 d709OdL Al -\()OU3yy-k D
70\kl 51m 'A3Dn)On 13Y33uG `3,l (,knmd)1XnononoTl `7o1(1d)n 5?o1n)o 1DdG1m(L
A139n2)OY10x 70Y U.d)7CxD o1 moat `n13-13 501Y11on13? (,L( 0 5noyu 5b1
(\m1
5b631 s L 57083 5(1o)1ddod1 'n70UD%A7053 5OA38kT1 n2o
'} 9L 9f `5on31-1J`70\(\(ku) 15noTIod1A3 `57D71cc. 5(,)u `3.9310 103 (\0. )OA3711\( UOAtk.X)o1709
,
208
68
This, then, is how our expedition began. What happened after the
landing? Well, there is that one thing which is enough to confuse and
confound the mind and the reasonings of any ruler on earth, a pressing
need for as much money as possible, for when money is missing, "nothing
that is needed can be done," as the rhetorician says.2 But of this we have
little, and what we have will not burden the hand of him who carries it off.
What can we say about what followed? There were veritable blizzards of
tasks to be done for the common good. Above all, there was that task which
most people thought was absolutely futile, the fortification of the Isthmus so
that, with the aid of God's grace, we might favor all those dwelling therein
with freedom from fear. In comparison with these tasks, what mighty swell
of troubles would not be but a glassy calm?
These matters and others like them, and the worst of our problems,
the stubbornness and ingratitude of certain men, kept us from relaxing at
all, for I had to devote all my attention to the pressing tasks at hand. How
could I, hemmed in by so many and such great problems, easily turn my
thoughts to something else? Added to all this was one other thing, a very
bitter one and quite capable of preventing the mind-even, I think you
could say, that of Demosthenes or Plato-from doing any writing: plotting
and deceit on the part of those who owed me the greatest debt of gratitude.
The great variety of machinations they fabricated against us defies all de-
scription. This is how they fittingly repaid me for their deliverance from
danger-for they were on the very brink of disaster and ran the risk of
having their cities laid waste at the first onslaught of the enemy-and for
those blessings they were able to enjoy in abundance.
For they could now till the fields without fear, reclaim woodlands and
sow where trees had once stood, and look with pleasure upon the billowing
crops and with still greater pleasure reap them, attend to plants that had
been neglected, replant the vineyard that had been left dry and plant new
crops besides, and feast their eyes, as well as a friend, on the fruits of all
these and luxuriate to satiety. What is more, they were able to sell their
surplus at a high price if they wished. Even better, or by no means worse,
they were able to fatten herds of cattle and flocks of sheep and their other
livestock. For since they no longer lived in fear of barbarian incursions,
nothing hindered them from making use even of the outlying borders, culti-
vating them as they wanted, be it in the plains or in formerly inaccessible
places. Summing it up, I really believe that they and those from whom they
derived their income were able to engage in all kinds of labor beyond what,
even in their dreams, they would have expected.
No longer were these people forced to seek some cave or fortress to
shut themselves in at night, or precipitous places accessible only to wild goats
 609
89
I1n10IL 71 &3% (20
)o1 101md1L 5k1. .510371(1.2x3 101 3g 701371 1. A j93L n1D10
7030 kdX9uw 31 pox ^0(.971 0(73X3 n1311pd1o1 31 37ox 7odgod.o nnoyo.e
59o71D1A0y 31 110x ^1070(,012 591NOU A(10D0(.71no '501&OXd3? 771k6 91 770.eDpg
Ofi (.379 Aol
A0I17WX 119 'Amyy01L Act Gag 'AmlA0d10u A3gn0) 11D3
^Od110x
710#9393,. (.()l (('Aml(.93g 0 dm14d '(&d)0 W3y0 3g (.0 170A33 pox 7009 Lc79 &(U
no.,. 5o1A0)3190x )od13X '&13uny 31'p 511 1o1L1,3 101 zl dw.A d3u9 nol
nomox '101107.41du n1970d)7A `1o1ox1o3 I7QX od3L 2). L nm1AO 0993X3 `n0Adx01
91 5101 190]3y= AnOXOg A1D101Lp1n10u '(.O1(&kA1 01 ^73`3X131 0).A3y ^01
9. '&15g) 5G.&371od11on(I9 51x1. 51o33.g 1D101L70 5101
'5o11dwX &okA
A1Dn0x30 joo n,o3 `7Oer37i31oD7d1oX A1o1ou ^1o3rinxldl 19101901 (.iA.A3190%(y)od1od7o1L
xno (.V A1OD90 (.IjCxn3y
..

1o1n70 k pox wl '101010101 pox o n(?thoyox (.ml 'A(xIOx 01 Am3A3

.
(.0u0d.IDng pox 'A0191dvXw M10A379no 90333 `A13)wy0XD d3L SO% d1o GLg 91
09 &0L131L3110x A0y9 7071 (.01 nn0A '13y97-Dfcuw 5ro1L d$ '&U&3 510190901 3.1 l
pox 51o19ox1yk1 d1L '1D707U. n73(.7x .ug Oyy39 5m33iod

5901 `.5907iD7A0y no (47'1 10yyw pox A9d313 11 `(.k.POd1L (.O1701odx1u 31 I1ox

.&9L (.OA732 533 loy (.m ^oxol 770Dmdttu `Ano& ,3u33 (.p `511 '71079;o 71o% v -3.Jpwd

500A pox '5oAm1wyJJ o1Ln dip), em ^m1(.Oy13t0 710^3333 'A7dwX

^U.1, AZu..O7.k37'1
99 110yn0J1u3 31 71ox '10'02 50)1L 970 511 102,13 91 (.0111O201A10u n0)1 3I2L 5701901
Am1w7ikA1OXk7i v0 ,G1ox Am7lf d1Ou Amn1O 0.7.311LFdd3^n9 '. m1no 107'1 5b1
510d7o7iw 1 5103` 'A07i3A3uw
5l(1. 31 Amt AMA9gMX 7u3-5k.l1oyy7oi.Lw nodnS
dv) A10D 10n371k.1dtf 5101901 101 '7011o71A;od1L pox 5901101910f.1 3n3A5t2A7x9
510?. 513y9u (.0)1910 '110.GD3&3,L UyOfjD13 U.1, U1.md1L (.m1 ^m1-M)d,gX3 31
09 A(oplw A(OA33x3 &cm ^13910you10 'AOXj3
a, NkL dw.l nodod, 5,dmX A90dw 110X 51oyn pox'A90d311Lt m3d33uo tkDyp
'5101(.0(.7131 77OX 92 )01^O^1107ikX A133L3yd 10.1 101i.Cy I10x A012IA 7019701 A707iT 31ox

A(91(16 AmA37iky371k 110.G9l3y3Th.U3 11ox 0 )0A(7y3u7i (.0&37imDd3X3X -IA11ox70Aw

'A13 170X 11L3 5701no1 7oA770X 'A73231nd) I)OX 57O1 510ud10x A7011D3
Al
3799 `A9Ydy1O.G4,o
32 5101901 ^73X3
&107193 32 'noy3d) A706nd1 '.060x pox 513

5odu 3). 113 noyyou (.13xwwdulu o.L d3u Aon3i 1,3 'o1A10y9od AkDodu Ol -901
901 '(.o1113dx t 5m717ogkii 'Ao111oy3 wly9xnod 31 11OX `101A7'130u ?IOX 1 ,y'
1o90u0 ..Gkod73X A(91 'Am20u7Od131 n13d)3d.7. 513 30ymX3
'3 LL co `n33d70,1
31p
51,L12 nml
90204)3 0117232 5G.A37i1 '113Xk71 11o.GDkdX
OL &371 '511o111OX93 710pkdX 3g '5110dxp 110x 110.9)0111012 170x

510, 57012331 Akx S1o1 5ioiotlw 01 'Aldu 71OX 11AOy3AfD m3u33 AOX23
ApX
1^b1L
701910 31 '903 IOA13x)ox 6w ((p 3). ^79,69 110 17020D9du 5(p
29O d10A9 Ab 310u A709kx9g39od]L '7707130
32n0 dpJA 11 AOdlAp 31, pox Aoidnoddb 113 A1311.( 31D0)
5L 5oixn^ Snolnlo 32nD 7ikdx )i k xidcOX A7'J310 571O7d1w 5170\011
210
68
or some thicket deep enough to hide them and keep them from becoming
the prey of their enemies. Now they believed that they had no need to seek
for such places and that they no longer had to be as frightened as were
those whose minds had been deranged by terrors and whose souls had never
been at peace. For once the ancient walls had been raised up, it would be
sheer madness to endure long and pointless periods of distress once again, to
live in trembling when they could do so without fear, to be frightened by the
rustling and the shadows of the leaves, and in the dead of night to quit the
places where they were and to seek safety in some deep holes and lairs of
wild animals, which is what they had grown accustomed to doing. Now,
they certainly could, very much so, live in a manner just the opposite of
that in which they had been accustomed to live when their fears were at
their height, and in compensation for their previous distress could enjoy
the fruits of a good life. So sudden was the turn which everything took for
the better, so free from fear were they now, that they who had been more
cowardly than hares did not hesitate to light huge fires and to lie down
beside the springs and snore away, having welcomed, as a poet might say,
"sweet sleep to their gentle eyes,"3 whether in the fields or on the hills or
anywhere.
This, then, was the lot of those ungrateful people. To tell the truth,
though, not all of them were ungrateful, nor is it right that the wickedness
of some men should harm the guiltless. I shall therefore speak in defense of
those whose discontent was well founded, but this does not mean an indis-
criminate defense of everybody, since not all were the same in their attitudes
and their actions; they differed vastly from one another. So, as the saying
goes, in order to avoid "having all things become mixed up,"4 I should defend
as vigorously as possible those I have mentioned, but waste not one word of
defense on behalf of the worse faction, since none can be found, no matter
how much we would like to. Now, I think some distinctions should be made
that will clarify the differences among these people. Whether they be officials
or those wearing the habit of consecrated men, natives or foreigners, they
fall into three categories. First of all, those who are superior in character
and wisdom-and these may be counted very quickly-strongly approved
the idea of not leaving themselves constantly exposed as easy spoils and
prey to the hands and mouths of their enemies; they eagerly desired to
exchange obvious and familiar dangers for those which might not come at
all or would pass away. All the swarms of Illyrians5 thought and said the
same, inasmuch as they suffered more serious damage from the enemy, for
they did not dwell in cities but were accustomed to spend their lives in the
fields and in tents. Once they had freely made their decision, therefore, all
those men who were of sound judgment immediately set to work as, indeed,
every one of them ought to have done, and they did not spare their feet,
their hands or their entire body as night and day, to put it briefly, they
 119
89
10&11 AS U1l.o
'mod A7o13-G7od &(.(.A3T17onns A73`)1&3od)T 5n01 -n367017ox
`57oino). 5m AT (pi 7o717odkG 5101 'X3 '570d no n01n0101 A0311/11/C
5101n7o X273X023
co A0l`3 .U
&13X9' A91n1o1 510&13x3 510 kd3An eo.vm p1

mgd)70d131x3 5701 5,nA3dd) 17ox 5701 57,OXn(I1 ]Ox x(11 .510A3Y1((1x3x

08 &701&7071 d70l 770&13
M70.0 7013?1
ql b1 71oXi0oL
1&.X731 570dx7oT1 3,C
An 6-dgd.L A06102 `5mdg6X
31 5nolLnlx pox 570/x9 M3smddo pox
AmY(nr>5 Am Amlxnn Aql AS
d3um A70Db.13,G3dn3 AodmX v `A73d1311 pox 5no717odkX 57on71 5n017oxn#7od pox
513Dng7o17Dx Am1dtL.g `A1311d.)7u3 101n7o1 2 701 '1o19Gm13 1)43 dr.l `n03L1A2
'3 ALL 98 17ox Y7o71 .G&70u A(()l AoJOd) A7o93.Gm13 n731OOL 50d.11
A011A7oA101 (7odW13T1 `n13 pox Amt Amd310du AO110dd11Ab -9n01Ld7ox
1706 A1dl. `&UAnDOdd)n3 (91nO 7o1A70u 5odu o1 Ao1113dx 3,
5kA7uvo
pox Ao1.noDo1 Ak1d33L 57o1do6w 5cn 17ox 5noi (h 701X73g 5n01 57oxm11L

57o1n0?17od27od7ou 371 70)()0 31 A1313L70AT %90 17o.GD3XDOUb `pdn1L pox 57o1AOX)63d

06 510X70(7071 3L3 `197071714 L o 51.1.k 70213 1511
AOAUn A01D7st `5n0A37U3232 npx 5101 5'rodkp ATx 5101 `51o6oY (1X701970x3
170x %1n7o1 (,371 57o1 S701D1d70Xb '570&13x3 n0 AL(.T1 170T10DG.um1D
(i01 .S3G11 32n0 d70 Ou 531A `101D1d7OXb 3290 AG.1 Am1A3 `n7opx70x Ab.T19

770.GD30), 5101 'A3X1ADOdu 17o710D[J.0l(OlLM nnn3ol. d31Ln 401 -M3

96 5m). `Aml&oA77od3XDn2 3gno d70A d3un &m1r `5myu 314 2G.71 ;o 53.vq]L.
AWD1 A3 5101 57oirix pox 5louodl 770x `A79707U70du YYT Na A7DOXOAb.A313
OU (by( cbl (bD371 GD(l) 7o&1 1.71 101. #AZ2D) noT1o ((`701)0711R.dX 9n7D7o6
d3un &371 A(n1 AmA371kd13 A031b.)W(0UM 513 A1T17oA(12 d3un 32 (101 50A0d13X

`50170T171ox 32171 n0),oy n0313od1L `no&37101u70 31.4 RUT1 (11.0

001 `&73dn3 13 k2 1703( 70d296.0 13D(,C-(3,G '511 A132 32 170711,0 `5701A9\312 Tyk 130
J SL Akl AS 7D7d)D 'A;odod)7o12 1,LX7d1 L 01L A Am3 `A(9A3?1D7d3713T1 7)0x &(n1 AS '13Y31
I

17ox not &M-1 n(OA3T1md37 170% nm1 &m13L0,.&3 170x `mgg3 10 `&371 10

5nol113dx Aql nov.odi 31 AtI.117ox 701n0-A793AnD 2 1o11.LT1.G1d70n3 -5m1Anu

-C-mi AnoA(;1.u3 0l (T1 570d1D 13.0 &0711013 pox `&Fdod
S;0I
1D63X 170x 7D1o1101D Acn1 `n(ndGX3 5m71n6GOduXYYV 170-q9311010(10 Amt

nmd3n?Od) Am10Gm73 A(OAn2A1X 5n01 A3 p7yb.270 5n0n37113x

770% 170X n0
5no711Aor1 5701n01 32 170% A(10A0dd)071m 77ox &nOJ0Y071m 770% 701. A(nl
701A7ou `1.(&1/.719 3].10 17ox 1 &Oyy( 70d701L A(T)].
`A(nd;X3
3... 531&4 17ox AS 510d),b 1)OX 517oALxD 10&37191613 'An01d7012 5101 510A01L
OII A(1A101 5(1,Gn3 5nolnw 7090 &(71 A(o.GdO olAOX13
L `531( `531o%m232%3 7o71b cbl AU.1 &b.71mA.l no Amt `nm20u
')o
5m o A03d) 3.C ox 7

no Amt `40dl3X no not 5o1A7o1l. o1no21363 `5o17oT19.0 dmlx9A 31 pox ,.8371

212
68
brought in whatever was needed to raise up the walls. Obviously, there is no
need to speak in defense of men such as these. How could I, for they really
deserve to be rewarded?
But then, there was another category, people yielding in rank to no
one among the highest, but certainly inferior in their judgment, who neither
intended nor did anything at all befitting their station and reputation of
long standing, and who in their madness left no stone unturned in their
efforts to destroy our undertaking. Although these were few in number,
they managed to spread their contagion to a large number of the more
unsophisticated, not to say more stupid.
While they were priding themselves on their success, they only im-
pressed me as choking on their bile and losing their wits in the midday sun.
For everyone knows that they preferred the least to the greatest and the
worst to the best, namely the freedom to plunder and to commit outrages
on the most valued possessions of free men. And if only this terrible thing were
all that was going on! But now other things, just as wicked, are happening.
For these people think nothing of slaying their brother for no reason whatso-
ever except that he might have something which their Excellencies might
desire for themselves. For they seemed to think it a matter of no consequence
at all that they had become partners, both in the reckless crime and, in some
way, in the sad remorse and constant dread of him who in the beginning had
invented murder, that of his innocent brother.6 Why were they so out of
their minds? I will explain. From longstanding malice and their unwillingness
to refrain from their accustomed wanton violence, they dashed headlong
into stupidity without realizing it. This is understandable. For most natural
phenomena are generally subject to change, especially when they attain
their highest point, as the Physician says while philosophizing about good
health.' "The inability of anything human to attain stability or to remain in
the same state or, for that matter, to make progress whenever it actually
reaches the absolute, makes being in top condition treacherous." Surely, the
wise man spoke very well and soundly on this point. For if there actually
does come a point in our lives at which no further progress can be made
and if at this point it is impossible to stay still, then we have to move back-
ward or, at times, change to the opposite.
Perhaps some would like a still clearer explanation of the reasons for
such folly and for the apparent blindness of these people who deemed them-
selves sharper than Themistocles in discerning what was beneficial.8 Every-
thing can be attributed to one cause, their desire not to be within those walls,
those on the Isthmus, I mean. For this was a veritable noose around their
necks, inasmuch as it completely prevented them from continuing to per-
petrate their former outrages and from manifesting their loyalty to the
despot,9 not by deeds, but by the mere claim to be well disposed toward
him. It forced them into the position of having to confirm by their actions
 giti
89
Aod371Lc. d32LA9 `6193X3311333 13 129 5m71OZAnD `A13u13 -Od131.3AT
lox d31Lt; 35Am1 A(n1 4(ndSmo $0 135 nou 5mIn),o1L "1o#D431oyo.uw
gII 1A3.G93L 191190 pox wX-GT A3xk.OOdu

' eSL
10631a, 3i3 `31. 10 pox SLt1 5033d3T1 A10D1 5141 AM &m331(1)du 1D?51.71
`5konodmXod)o.i 10 5nod33X 3 10150 ALL `AG7iTA.l I 3k71 `690710 31G71
pox
531AOllwdu 10A371n00AO19 61 A(nd)D A0'(G.Y1(101)Ox 11)771ciXD V..1,

3 5o10A0uw )OlAwu l.(.5

AOG11( An0A1x3 )0711A.d13X).Qo1
Qgi 11of'lradlw&v 1ox'10A3r1Td13u tj&'1o A37l 5o1o1(,iXodd `59rl.ildw xno
51o1 `1o1A3T1 51od?101od3x10 `AwDQ0 (93 d)ol M31.3 5m o 51~5.1, A3

1D169 SkiiR 'AlOD3x(n535o13'1

1oJ.3N 6371 Ano Anonod63 cbl .111ork;).gdolwx 10713 690x033 -oX?.10`(371
`A70y lox 5w3dd7ll,(D3T1 5)Od3.G)O1D A133wuodVaL dv).531 xRO 43310 5m o1D1X3oY3
ggi Am1D3).3T1pox olDlx;ox Am1DiXyrx nodu A10D3.e3a 01 L 6)o 5101101
`Al3)wudw pox S13 w1 O1m1T111 ) Am 93\(3 Amd pox 3.G13 )019)01
&06971 if 01, &0&135 Ann 35 1wx wyylQ 5101901 '1oyyl7l;od)3 pox d$ 11Ox 01

ocI
A13$3A0d) A9139b `AOd)' Rlal An0A71A(t Ao311o `wlox1(X93d)Ou L AL(\ 201 &13X3
`990110 d3uzo AV
duo). 5(n A3x103
mm&33x, 51.C1olDl.(dX T11Glu3 `313.0 d)o3L &359o

`kd)oD 13 10&(OA10x 01&10+. d3u.0? 5U

no
-L
l
of 1Sw3Xw-D m1,90 7?5 5mu lox (101 A13A31D pox ,3x3Akkl9 1)O,&D3X?1)Ox

16)71od1 61 <lox 5YXdw not AOAOd) 1wX 2o6y3310 5o19XIkx15L(

'3 SL
ggi
'A33k71 A3.g0u w1
1wx (71 C11 [il0d
531A0.gw( 5)06D 3)l 5(101910
mddou
M21 3 )
`.5m3D1;(Aodd)
nm19
5odu 01 'k93 53
'1)07ioXd3 b33kox>ox
I

5(91ox33 i31(id) d)ol

`lodx>orl

5m >ol >o-(you 01 1d3u ALcl d) Atot -6371061,1 A131uju0137i 1wx 071 DD 67014
0153 Ao1w1odxz Awlwx l `U, 5(h 0 59d1)01 `AlDkd) 1d3u '6m6oDOy16
5)01 d,). 53 Aodx3Q `17061,3 1015 01 `011)OeDw4n5 <q)O% -3d1f
`&133r1 &i AS
61 631NO A13A371 no A3T) A90 39(l0 `A13A1wdOdu 4w513]L3
o$I Sodu A01>oXDno1 9lnX 01 5'bd3]L d)1) ((1701LX S(o)()ox 9). )oXwrl lwx 5mA3rlm6d3
1w11A.d13 (bi '(T1d)OD 13 d>o). cd)3 9 lai md'311wd3u A13A3ododu 1A3 9 11 3101LIAg
Am Gwx 7115. 5- `logy3 oleos, 35 L-k&)o kx (v1 `A13T13diw IA.xA.)OAp (103(;.9 pox
53 m91uR01 `A73)39od pox 59du &011A)O&nOl A11D3 319 pox 'lw&kALDO137l
3Dn0Dlr(1lA.Z 53911 SmD1 u.n1 A1Dwd)Odu 5G.1 51L1n10101
ggi 113 `Aod31D36wD pox 5mu (d)nl A1311(n `A79ox103 10 3). 5odu of pmD A'1 of
A0910nnD Al3 1) 1wx 5(1o3Yx01D1713o AQOx093 0 '1Od310 n3 91 nm.'ln;ou
1&011110 o1 5nolnol mD13 A(T)X131 1wp3xcod 1wA3A0.13). `1Am1n01 Am9.
n3 (w)1 6rlgDj, A o 01901 dv). SoXodd 5ndx11AV Al `5101no 5m xno
nouladilu3 Ol `A0YOAnD 3190 5101 51od31odu &iDOTln3dlA.A0U 113
091 31no AG(rl pox 5101 510).d3 d U.l9UD35
C(T1 AC AlA nx3g An `1)0

'3 AU 1dXoa71 I
35 901 5)06D SR01nw 5n0An3 07(,33x3 .wDOd1L `&l3n3dO yyw ` Pox
214
68

that they were, in fact, what they only professed to be. The wall, of course,
would tilt the scale in favor of the despot and enable him to compel them to
act according to their profession. Understandably, they were not very fond
of their chastener. For a person who does not wish to be virtuous naturally
hates whoever will not permit him to be evil. Then too, whoever compels
another to act virtuously, against his natural disposition, would fill him
with joy by departing this life. As a result, those people did not recognize
their real enemies who, like wolves, were pursuing them with gaping mouths,1
nor did they listen to very persuasive and helpful counsels that cited examples
from the past, by which we gauge the future. They were unwilling to heed
any of these arguments and to change for the better the views they had held
for a long time; thus they practically called down on themselves their own
destruction, as though they simply hated their own prosperity. For anyone
who willingly does anything that inescapably leads to evil consequences is
doing just about the same as hating his own prosperity. Surely not even
their parents would intercede on behalf of such men. As for these, then, who
from foolishness turned to malice, unless it were better to phrase it the other
way around, God did not allow their views to prevail, but by bringing low
their vain presumption and pride in their shameful deeds, He made them a
bit wiser and caused their admirers to retract. All this was as it should have
been. But now may He show His mercy toward them. And I am certain
that He will, since in imposing judgment on them He tempered it with
kindness.
Finally now, something should be said about the remaining category,
for whom some words of excuse seem to be in order. Certainly, I do not think
it is right to be hard on this group, which for a long time was having serious
misgivings, and indeed with reason. For I myself was not without uncer-
tainty and was not firmly confident about the outcome of our activities. I
must therefore speak on behalf of this group of men, who, while depressed,
and not without reason, by the apparent futility of the construction and,
owing to many factors, the uncertainty of its completion, nonetheless followed
us and cooperated with all their might. By so doing I shall fulfill my original
purpose. Perhaps some people will regard this as a sort of digression, but on
looking more closely they will see that it might be the best way of dealing
with our subject, apologizing for my tardiness. What seems to be a turning
off our path here does not strike me as that at all. Speaking in defense of
others also does not detract from the subject at hand. Rather, the defense
will also prove to be my own excuse, just as if we were writing these words
with this purpose alone in mind. Very much the same thing happens to
people burning incense, for they are the first to enjoy its fragrant odor. In
fact, the anxiety of those men at that time and in those circumstances
surely seems pardonable, since what we were then undertaking, to all
appearances without divine favor, involved so many difficulties as to con-
found any good expectations, and there was every reason to believe that
 91ti
89
5no1n7o 4797011).bdu 51o.n7o Ano170d3d ,Gnol. g '01&10-(70x
pox d$ pox M1 1L10uD32 A(AUOd (02323 n7o.7. o1 'A131OL 501Ox33 32 Ao1
A(A.1DinoddmD xno nm1Lx).4 o G.7i `11OA13 3xn63u
d>u,C
991 n13D1Ti Ao1 xno 701.4(03 170413 'AOx70x pox 9 5odu lb1, ggio Ao1
< . N < / t /
90 `701oxnL33l &70x A313A')odth93 Ao1n7o '1d.370AG3113 1n701 )od70 31.((.71 5401 5(91&2

5nod.GX3 531Amdo nmxnI &1Lx7g 170x A0-1n7o `5701AA(.(.X3x 4'1 6(11 -kGFd13u3

A7o9 nmX1oX oun 51/1, &(94)3x3 50d13X `10n371(lA713ri 31.471 A77od10u miw3
`531&0x13 5170940X3 31 9.1 &13.G)3u .GST1 nio3 Amt 17ox 511oD40.G(/.O 5(?
091 7O1D71(x7i 5101 790x)0.G63 `&197011).30du 510 01, (,oYY37-1 `70G371od77071x31 1&32(71
&n0). 4m1 &(919010.1 A13fj13Ti70 1U3 701. At,(l, 170'(703L &1,(7]m&). `531A0\C3G3
/ // W i 1 {
A(R.l\
&0)1470 A7013i(u)0 7XnoAOAoT1 `ol,nnoX7oxnodu. d33L.O( 470 13 Ald1 470727
n7o3AO71170g93 531AnOD1Ti 'A7oD(;. 01 d-). 701.49x3 A1311xd1L 640&11&0 AS 510
xno 143 012
613).nd 701 `X1x7ox
nO),Iyg 4132 &014701 71LD3 61 64(1 4773AO7i1702n3
99I 'A13.017i d3Un (kg &(0.1901 no &311 Apo 3no ,o 70A37i7o9(C4A3).
5(101001 tk 5401 513.GkOx701L '3 157o1sGkn3 13 (.fl 70\0(70&3 ` A73U73
'3 08 O l
5030 x40 3970I13 &k AlA11(IA). A13A170u3 `&73X3 510 3Y73.G70x 91 oxc Aod
`70TikAOdd) pox Akl 1u3 5701. 510191X9170 570).d3 Amin01 `&gdd)o 5(1o.1no1 31
170x 5401 5401.470 A7o3g6&1\(70U
5nod31D3&Odd)mD
OLT &732 'o 114701 &311 A40 50 'A(tidX3 701 A(1A 3s 5701401 5m3Y1
'0110&3). 170x k3 210 110 `77o13D.A3). U(213U3 pox Akx32 5n01,M Am1170duD23
7010An3 o1 '70Ad7x3
AU.1.
77013Y13y (`(2 710x
7d3u 5UI 5kU70-( 5023d37i `&73U13 510 31 J70x
Ao311r.111od)o]L '13x02 U.1n7o1 `An4701 b)(\(OU &31') 5m31 AnD (m).o)(
110413
9L1 `101A3Ti `UD(IOA170d3XDn2 n0 A13A7701L3y70X 1101110 'A3xkood31 3240 6x). 513Ti1;
701470 (Ofj7d)Tib 5707 A371 1501x3 pox not X11 A73dd70G 5(T)?Td3d 1d3u Ski

5m3Dbdx3 Amt. d:L t71A) ( 440x40 3. d3Un Amt `&OdRA- At 31 ?Am1no.L

5k1, 5-m7io2ox3o (h1nA(L9 `11&nox02 (n1 31, ou A3,GoX7o' )p 6)(k not

170&13

`5o1bd3a nmA3711qd3d `631-) 1XnO x.11 4nD `d)).01( 4(0A31101L3 2 6QO &1711; pox
081 nml.Ano).d3nnD UDX. `737ixAn2 A031111.A\(O1L10 59 3). '70G37i3.GnOd2L O1n01
L2 13 pox 5797D#dYJU 370&13 571 5(Q9( 13`02 `&7971 &x0 n7D7oj)kuoxD

`&od31D3fj1dxx X-4. Ab k13G3dn3 S(o(>Ox Ao&xX).n1 not. .non31113xodu ml?X

not d31Ln 5C(. 50i,klnpodd o1. . dx k2 AnOxO2
'3 A08 `70.G270.LA3 XnO 5m1no &0X3 1101110 1XJ113A706 no dx), 77o113A7011ni(I (71 -13xOd3L
x'81 tA37i 01. MX d31Ln &0'(X)D `77oGD13,LOXOU)0 x(\(70 MLD3 `01nO1 1)ox 70d3137ik
o
`519(4.mxd X40 k 601: U. 93 pox d3un 51&.1.4701, 3). 5k4011 &7114 9 50)..OX
n3Xdlr.lLn Son311D70).d133 nol,nolol dx.l `5m&X31x A010 Abx 5101 1D0171n-GG
-
5b-.r&37oVn dx.l 5j.7iDO &(n1 Am13)71mdx 5nO1n70 3).
5nol,mdr' 'A13X3137i
,
510&73x3 A(1&701 0.7. 770&31232 &nD c (ndl)ox pox cbJ 6n37ioA).1). 1.L13 r:7o xno (O

061 `5U11mA..nD 2131L3 . x L4J9 &171. `7017011).xd1L 5)073 Sluwd

`10A3rinOdm3G 3). 01 53d3X9ng LG311 A(n1n7o3 `43X13 5(0
218
68

anyone putting his hand to this task would swiftly suffer evil consequences.
For the arduous nature of the task, or maybe you could say its magnitude,
or perhaps both, required no less than the hand of the Creator, so terribly
difficult and fearsome a thing was it to undertake. But the task had to be
done quickly, and how quickly I will explain.
One particular sentiment inspired these men, and the same resolve
spread itself among all, that since the right decision had been made and the
construction had somehow begun, all that remained was to continue in ri-
valry with the ever flowing springs and never to let up in their work. They
equated deliberate slowness with not wanting to breathe. For that hostile
beast,u even though he gave the appearance of agreeing to the project, did
not really do so in his soul and in his actions. Neither he nor his satraps, both
those on our borders and those about him, seemed able to endure the sight
of what they had not expected. They believed we were likely to need a con-
siderable amount of time if we were going to complete any of the building.
In expecting to fool us, consequently, they have fooled themselves by
feigning indulgence. But when they saw the walls going up spontaneously,
as it were, and not as slowly as they had expected, just limping along and
an easy prize for them to take whenever they merely wished, then, no matter
how much they wanted, they could not conceal their anger, or if you prefer,
their wild madness or fury or whatever else worse than these can be named.
They spewed forth the poison buried in their souls and claimed they had been
deceived and were unable to endure this injury which had been compounded
by shame.
This, I believe, should be a reasonable apology on behalf of those who
had th it reasonable misgivings about the undertaking, and also on behalf
of ourselves for not having discharged our obligation to you more swiftly, as
you had hoped. For we needed a period of leisure to finish what we wished,
but the tasks to be done left no room at all for such leisure. If you think we
have been acquitted of the accusations, I will quote your verdict when
anyone brings up the charge of tardiness against us, and right away, I am
sure, I shall be free of any reproach.
 Liti

89
mozou 10333L,(3 &ki Ak-G1o.4 Sk.Xnrh 5G.DDfu)o 'A13JODO.U pox 1019
%

&13.G13u 'D3dpOTix31 110 5;1.Gn3 A73`Jk 513 A)Od13u A139 M0 &01

m1 '1110TV.fdu pox d$ 011993 511.&971 Ski noAdno1n703L 91 not

Sod13X
961 no,ld3 .531&.00&) 5o' A70 01 9
317Ti 5O. 5(T)Dl '&33L13 Iw 1OX;o1 pox 70d319t7ix
0)1H0 101 Aou3y)X),JO]L `lox A9d3J06 1)ODkd13XA3 1393 33 61 111oiUwdu
.5noX3)1 170x 'fOD9 .0113R
101lq 511, n3Xdtk.Un&3 1D701L30 '70`309 170x Lc1$1O 7od7ou 501A701L 014&1313`3

'5oo'44 5(9 'd3uk9133L3 &o&13Ti7Q 99 '&70 tXd)p 511 Ski

11O.4d3d1oiwx
00z '5U.rio2oxlo 9 A93L70-( '11.03 'n13dmX 5odu SnAG.u 5701 5nObAA3)0 O -DTimYY17i
I is '5no& 3103L99kTi y A73l1 'MM3 Ak1
c
L
dX A01Dno-(3.G3 n9)Odd '101U.1 53 AODI
i
I
i c
.
&OA m1 A13A1L10A 0 d70A U'9
3 'df&.G 13 710x 13X093
'A13xOsn3An no U..7, U,Xnrh 110x 5101 '1D707iA70d3L 1)Ox 190 591n1O .Gno 10
+ n - c >c i c

'170u7Od1)03 10 31 531An0&0113A 'A17it. 1)OX 10 M170 A01n)0 '53L&9 101,0 31

ON A13d3O 01A0A17063 01 6701L )0913LX3 AOA37iOA1)Dd) 01AO(b 60A 5m &3X103 nO&OdX

Am991d3u AiTU. 'A139DOdu 13 &3TiioYY311 11 5k1 5kri09ox10 'A73D,y31X3 110X

7079 'oino1 A73Dk1( 570Tik '531A0)1]Ly3 5rd)D 5n01n)O &1D')D.et(y7( &fk&nDOTimAAn3
'10n31i9&1dXOun 531A(060 9 631lDm 701W7301n70 70A3710n6 01 ((X731 Y)Q0 no
7017ox 5701. A(n1R70 5701x09DOd1L 'UoXD ?)Ox &010 (oX 701AOn3\ pox )yo 5(1
01S 5101901 ')oTi1DM'(30 '(3.q 3DTJO1 3A AOAOTi '&3)(3 n131undx xno 'olew&rv 10111DX
'531eo'(3&U--L, 'ApCAd9 13 3S Oy AWdu7 &X11&7073 ( 'A'T.Llny

9 71. AOd73X &m1n01 A11D3 '&133L13 1)OX 101&373 170X An07i(k3 A01 (01 A01 51)01
)IMOW 511oXnfi (md)7i3 AOn3 '701 (770 '531&0&3 7'bx (C1i A13d3d) D70An9 770

rik nz U.A9XD77o 'A(.(A3T3i7dx3xAnD

gig ,1.n)o1, '1>o7iJo 5iD1117Odz1L 5oAoYn3 ,110A3A &z d3un Amt Q.0 A 6)A9`C

nml.nonlwd3XDng cmi '1s>orl,lbdaL ,zzx d3sln or1L. n 'Am1n)o not LC73 A01Xb1
J A18 A111n 57011o170X 15)0373r(3 A3X(r)S13SO1L3o 770 91 'S036X 13 13 A3Ti
d70), 'S(.(Y07D d311n
(10.1 170.03(31 01 -)OTlkyn0J Am1. 3y 9n0
L
)Od 61
OT Amt )7X3&3
1)01.7L73-(3Y0un Td(')X AX1X
&3Tim,50 n'(3\( 170gs AP)1
+
(XA3 'Am1'YJ7i
OZ'g 5od313 ATTik U.d3d)od3L (,ij.1 nmri;l U U11r)(A Sod noL
rd9V 'Am&37mdX )oxlinb Sm3T7137 n3 qZ0 1-q 1od3].mA70 5mu ')0.63T10D3

:89 :I-p-Ob `I o7 :F 'snruogigdy

'v77nu8vuwJiiooJd ':p :06 'JO naawoH j !7(ij'' 'CT '08 :L6 1a513s1uv 2nfivt/'s I
pndu 'utauoquld 'opanv/d O 'u.) `t ti FI :()f- H <saq2raaodcl xauplacn/dj
1i .6 30:9fI `,cap);bg'urouugdojsuy !j-59 rfi 'I -VLF :OL-69I 'OT(31d -RDIld
'sre.fp 'q-'sFV7

poi 'uaidflo '7, 3 'I 3 &IS-9L F :no)d3.13rln uoo 87-L7. U'94!-OJ

ulnpuoBal '531AO01701D>? q 13d))Xm
218
68
1 During his sojourn in Thessalonica from October 1414 to March 1415, Manuel was
visited by a number of monks from Mount Athos, who took advantage of the Emperor's
proximity to expedite various matters for their monasteries. Among these may have
been the two hieromonks, David and Damian, with whom Manuel entered into close
friendship. They had seen him composing a religious work, a sort of meditation along the
lines of a general confession after recovering from a serious illness, and had requested a
copy of the work when it should be completed. The Emperor promised to comply with
their request, but it was about a year before he was able to do so. The present letter ex-
plains the reasons for the long delay. It has been edited and commented on by R. J.
Loenertz, "Epitre de Manuel II Paloologue aux moines David et Damien 1416," Silloge
Bizantina in onore di Silvio Giuseppe Mercati = SBN, 9 (1957), 294-304; also cf. Barker,
Manuel II, 301-20, for an English translation and commentary. The religious work in
question is found in the cod. Crypten. Z.S.I., fols. 11V 65v, accompanied by a preface in epis-
tolary form, fols. 1-10v, which is also found, without the religious work, in cod. Vat. gr.
1107, fols. 315-325. The Grottaferrata manuscript gives the names of both monks, David
and Damian: see Loenertz, op. cit., 297, and his "lilerits de Macaire Macros et de Manuel
Pal6ologue," 190-93 (= ByzFrGr, I, 75-79). A fifteenth-century copy of the Grotta-
ferrata manuscript is in the Collegio Greco in Rome, cod. 11.
After a stormy voyage from Thessalonica, Manuel arrived at the port of Kenchreai
on the Saronic Gulf, about four or five kilometers south of Isthmia on the eastern side of
the Isthmus of Corinth on Good Friday, 29 March 1415: R. J. Loenertz, "La chronique
breve moreote de 1423," in ST, 232 (1964), no. 25, p. 407; further details on pp. 429-32;
Barker, Manuel II, loc. cit., and his article, "On the Chronology of the Activities of Manuel
II Palaeologus in the Peloponnesus in 1415," BZ, 55 (1962), 39-55, which includes trans-
lations of excerpts from the sources. On 8 April Manuel began work on a project he had
long intended to undertake, the restoration of the Hexamilion, the defensive wall across
the Isthmus dating from the time of Justinian. As this letter makes clear, he was anxious
to complete the work before the Turks could realize what had happened. In fact, it was
completed in twenty-five days according to Mazaris: Journey Into Hades, 177-78. Resent-
ful of the financial exactions of the Emperor and fearful for their own freedom of action,
a number of the local Greek nobles rebelled. Manuel, of course, does not give their names,
but Mazaris identifies two of their leaders as Krokondylis and Eleavourkos. Manuel
defeated the bulk of the rebel army on 15 July and then spent the next few months in
reducing their fortresses. Several of the leaders were taken captive and later imprisoned
in Constantinople. It was not until March 1416 that the Emperor returned to the capital.
Probably soon after his return, he wrote this letter to the monks David and Damian.
Rather than give an account of his activities in the Morea, he wrote down his reflections
on the situation and his analysis of the attitudes of his adversaries.
2 Demosthenes, Olynthiacs, 1, 20 (15).
9 Cf. Odyssey, 5, 492; 13, 80.
1 Anaxagoras, cited by Plato, Phaedo, 72c.
5 Albanians.
6 Cain and Abel: Genesis 4:8.
Hippocrates, Aphorisms, 1, 3.
s Cf. Aristophanes, Knights, 884; Paroem. gr. 1, 373,
Theodore II Palm ologus, the son of Manuel II.
'o The Turks.
11 Sultan lMeohmod I.
APPENDIX
 APPENDIX 221

I.
Letter of the Priest Euthymius to Manuel II Palaeologusl
Cod. Vat. gr. 1879, fols. 328v-329

f. 328v Tw oc6Uv' ou 'r paaLAeZ

T6v AOyov To 3vov, W xp&TLa re p =Xe 5, oux e1xO ro S, xai auyyvwK
p.oL Ti1S ToAp.rjq, oALyoLS 6 TL '8LoV 7coAAotS yap Eywye
TL &yaRv TouroV fjyrjp,aL p.&AAoV slvaL, xa10&7rep Mj xad Tov kiov
5 sxeivov xprjap.ov cxi rokov &yoc. UELwS 7rapkipxac. otpc yap, p.&AAov 8e,
ol8a aa96c, coa1rep ExeivoS Tray ro X re xat sic rr&v rm4 o(rW xai Tokov
Ed4 yot$v TouS 6Xe S aia,4op,&vouS BLapyjvoct Ts xat Tjl x&pLTL xpaTELV.
TouTO p.EV Tb xa&apov TES re xoct iX7j0,ES wcpsXouv yours,
TouTo 8e Td &7rayysAtaS 86 re xai x&pLev 118ovrq 6TL 7rXdcr r xai
10 x&pvroc &p.u&fjTou Tou,rouq 7cXrjpouv. 1'&oS 8' ouv &AXo S xat xeXwpLapxLvoS
Ep.ot 8TL Ta a& &ya&a 7r&vTa f &a'r& p,o L xai' x6-Ti p.ovcp 8oxeL, xai
TouTOLS fj8op,aL p.&AAov fj &AAw Tw &7r&vTwV xat 8oxo6wTwv slvaL
xa? v. 8E auTOv 7rep.cp,'4vTa .oL wS g.EV t&ov xcc &7rep eilrov
f. 329 7jmcoca& v v fj8Lar& 7rwc, xat ws cpLAoup.kvou p.oL xmve?LA-jaa yvf mov
I

15 ykvvrjp.oc, T' v rc p .v xm?,6S yvwptcro Tou p6aav-ro4 xoct ' v x&pLv

aacuaaas oarjv Trjv OckUp ebrLAaparouaav. 7rpoa,&rxyjS 8 ev ockw
&cpaLpgaswS our' aura eupov &ELov ouT' &AXoS ol8a sL p.rj TLS oux
&ELcic T05TOv &v xat WC 06X ExEL VO7jasLEV.

1 See note 1 to Letter 54.

II.
Letter of Nicholas Cabasilas to an Emperor2
Cod. Paris. gr. 1213, fols. 300-300v

f. 300 T6 Bocrr.X t
67rEp &yaMv p.sy&Awv Tin- 7 6ArL xat Ta&rrjv &v aoL
ycvka-kL -r-'v o8ov, (ilaTCEp TO xOLVYj AU6LTEAELV OLEt 70k, aoLS ocpeLAopLevov
TrOVOLC,. 7rOLEL 8E p.Lv TdS EA7rt80CS, o xai 7rELpav fjveyxev &ya,&wv Toy
f. 300v 5 paaLA&wS I &pETrj, VeO,' 'S 8L& Tr&vT0wv rjxcov epy0)V XOLV6V eix6TwS

2 Ed. P. Enepekides, "Der Briefwechsel des Mystikers Nikolaos Kabasilas," BZ, 46

(1963), 44-45, no. 18. See p. xxxiii.
222
APPENDIX

6(pEAoc 1. TOt4 LEV 06V napOUaLV 0 OEbs 76pa4 eneviyxoL xp7)aT6v, laiv
F1E Ei LEV a6TExa McLC n&VTa Eap xai O6SEV6; aehaEL TWV 69EXCLV
e
TEpnELV nLa2a(.I.EVWV. EL ETL EL p,Lxp V Exit La-T aL, 0 L7COV ocV EG TO

-r6V r aS ei (1ev v sot. axoai xai xELpoc av e8Eti)&rtv

10 Epyov Elvat T>7S O o6 Tr q cpe VV15 l,Lovov tiV' E6ppQEVOLEV.
VUV SE 06x EWVTWV 01(1aL TWV cu(InLTLTOVTWV, 6vov xai 6 BouA S-1 q
O'I/.aEL Td &x'9'OC, xiCV Un ToV 2J(LoV EnLTpLf) vaL. EE 8' ExcLVoq Eni Ta IIepawv
I I
xaL
I I
Exwv \ f
xac /
avaupLBa xai\ Ta1aa
7
FL' wv
Y4VOLTO, xai iroX WV TExvE'r c ri v uncpcppovct,
15 youv xai dEypapov n6HLnE =1 Toil
EaTw TLS [wall papa aoU xai npos ill1Las X6yoc.

To an Emperor

We are hoping that even this road you are taking will result in great
benefits for the city, just as what always profits the common good is due to
your labors. But fulfill these hopes of ours, since the valor of the emperor
has also caused us to experience good things. It is with this valor that you
always come, as is natural, to be of help in the common tasks. May God,
therefore, bring the present situation to an excellent end. But for us, if you
shall come here, you will be everything to us, and you shall not miss anyone
who knows how to be of service or to cause pleasure. If, however, you still
have to spend a little more time there, why then, one would have to make
use of letters. If indeed you had some leisure, and I were missing a hand, it
would be the business of your hand, not just of your voice, to write them, so
that they might cause happiness from both sides. Now, however, since I
believe that events do not permit this, merely command, and Boullotes will
bear the burden, even if it has to wear down his shoulder. But, if he has changed
over to the customs of the Persians and wears boots and loose trousers and the
other things which turn a man into a savage, and as a military expert he
looks down on using one's hands to write, then, at the least, remember to
send an unwritten message so that those coining from there might bring some
word to us from you.

Comments. It is clear that the addressee of this letter is an emperor

who is absent, apparently on some military undertaking, since the writer
hopes that his valor and labors, as in the past, will benefit the city (Constan-
tinople, one presumnes) and the common good. The phrase, "even this road
you are taking," implies that there is something unusual, or perhaps un-
pleasant, about his present journey. This way of describing it, the writer's
suspicion that the emperor will not be free to return for some time, and the
mention of the Turks (Persians) in a context which is not hostile, but implies
some familiarity, or even friendship, with them, incline one to conclude that
 APPENDIX 223

the emperor in question is off someplace together with the Turks on some busi-
ness over which he has no control, but is subject to "events," perhaps a delicate
way of saying he must obey the Turks. The reference to his valor and labors
and to Boullotes' military expertise indicates that the business is of a military
nature. All of this is certainly applicable to the situation of Manuel II on
campaign in Anatolia with the Turkish Emir Bajezid in 1390-1391, during
which he wrote his own Letter 15 to Cabasilas. However, since other imperial
correspondents of Cabasilas, John VI Cantacuzenus and John V Palaeologus,
also found themselves at times in similar circumstances, one cannot definitely
assert that this letter was sent to Manuel II. This could only be clearly
established if Boullotes were to be more precisely identified. The sources do
not mention anyone of this name in connection with either John VI or
John V, but in treating of late Byzantine history an argument ex silentio is
extremely hazardous. The person in question, though, may well be Demetrius
Boullotes, an important official of Manuel II, listed as a domestic of the
emperor (o'tYCGog) in 1401-1404. In June 1401 he testified before the patriarchal
synod regarding the inheritance of his wife's cousin, Irene Apokauchissa, and
a month later regarding the possession of an icon of the Virgin, a case which
also involved the emperor.3 On 29 September 1404 he was sent by Manuel on
a very important mission to the Turkish prince, Suleyman Qelebi, to Mount
Athos, and to John VII in Thessalonica to settle affairs in that region which
had recently been returned to Byzantine rule .4 About 1414 Mazaris recalls
having accompanied "the most wretched Boulotes" on missions for the
emperor.5 Both the mission of 1404 and the remarks of Cabasilas imply that
he was a prominent official, a trusted friend of the emperor, and had some
familiarity with Turkish customs and institutions.e

3 111M, II, no. 509, p. 655; no. 513, p. 658. There are slight variations in the spelling
of his name. He is not listed among the domestics of the emperor present at the synod of
August 1409 in Constantinople.
4 A. Vatopedinos, BaatXtx 8twr y Wpbs BouXe v kepi `Ayiou "Opouc,
in Pp7)y6ptos 6 HcO.o xs, 2 (1918) 449-52; cf. Dolger, Kaiserregesten, 3301, pp. 90-91.
Journey Into Hades, 147.
Manuel Tarchanciotes Boullotes, a friend, perhaps a pupil, of John Chortasmenos,
was probably too young to be the Boullotes of this letter; see Hunger, Chortasmenos,
82-83, for information on him and other members of this family. A Demetrius Boulotes
from Thessalonicaa, is mentioned in an astronomical manuscript, cod. Vindob. phil. gr. 115,
fol. 2, but the writing is barely legible and the context is not clear.
 :PM xIQlsadaV
'III
sq.daaga E UlO O saa>rlaZ JO aaopoatlZ LSOItul3god

*pop yr `snot/ uo.czaj `f8L' sloS ALgl-itii

'J it (10j no101md)oD (10371)01011not 1)0Y01D1L3

n4prj Z oZ `sotlgod i g8gj-i
m,6'9II A

51d;og 5101 AWDn3X1D)od 1D73A7o`^(70E30 A37i 5D-t Akkmdl yyb 5(10(

SodL
i 57odothpox 51.1 5U1A1'b-(311 33 3A 5kXn1 51o7d1. 3fh0 11ox orl SD A20Dml0
d)n 5(. 91 A0d3131`1(;C 50A3A AO-I(1oD01 k2. AOAOdX -od13.Gd)
.3 ATtii `A0637i xno 11R I 5OA3A 2n0 `50A.G3 `07i7i73y01)Ox 73. Sn0A3A 1701U(A3),3.
110x' Ao1o xno &,P 511 Sm18'od 313D3dmAA Aod3ioL 5noA3A Sod3rl 5oAXl
SnoA.G3 '3xU.1D3.G)ox 1)Ox 119 61 SU(1 13yy)OX )01(I10.Un A371 1)01'p*y3Lb
`70D)OL 50306 8 510L30 17o1D(lodX3xx3 170x 201 S0032 S31A3170)(1(70Lb 1o 70'(34)
01 not dA 613d) 5(039 dl,; ) 170X'O &010 A13XD(r)A1AVAV AID3d)D 5101n)O
AUi. A70d31odL A)01Xid) 170x (b1 (bAodX A)0D73.GA)Dd)O7i Ano3A10A10 170x A7od,pw
51-enr '790.GD3)MAd3 A3.GG9 1'ox 501n70 7012 noAodX noD not )O1AWu n01D31)(3d
.3S3S SoA97 AU.1 31 A701v(1OL N01-(1d) 1)3X AU-1 X3 Am3710L 1d3L
)01707M)OdA
5n0A0' Atkd1d1)O1S A010 )01A0)1dmAAbA10 AUCGD(Cd3Ln 5mL01x3 119 A21 AT
91 AnO71n.G313 d)ol `)031L'(3 1)Ox 50 (d3)o1ld3 1A7], %mXnmd3.u AM
AoXni3L3
Am1D1i(V()Ox xno A11D3 A73L13 d)n 5kAo9 51.1D9 .AU(7iU.W.3A3 Ao1noD01
5)071UL510 57oxY)O1D3L3 '5)OA)Od6n3 5wob..un-(3 3g AOAO7l 510 G. '5(103 5(? OLp
AcAU.dx Amt n(nDooj pTMvd)L A(T Amd3131l( 'A73Xni 1>oAU;dx dbA AcDnoj
.

W.U IL &1-71 xn `A1D13 5m `501n70 m `31D111(3d SoA37'i0)1d)OX -5U.63 no AU(7l 1()(b

0ti no 53x70nd 'AoAO'( SOdi d70A 5101 510'('(31 51oxbx 510 Aylk U. 3d)OL X)1n.GnykU
3x`on3XD3d70L S1dk13XJx32 1>ox 11o0Dmd70dd'bd3d `3x1l1oa3L oin01 Ail 110
A1D3S(nDn)OApd 51o1(odGA10 53 53x3AU(1201 1X)x 51oidmX 3 -1d.im1

A37i0d 5kDnoN 31 1bX 570139170E 5U.X1Aky( S33 a

UVAI. `510A37iDIX6.U)O
O1nO7, 110 1XX Am1Vd1d A0)1A'X)Lp 531A3.G(ld31D0.U U-1 Amt Am7((nd)7l3
52 Am713y0L X -017i010M xno (3710X73 (blO 31,OLk9 msrodi 5701 5ioLo,( ,371
1)O.GD3d3d)DOdL 170x' ,VGDU(dX 5101n01 5m1AnOdd)OG 13&010 SU1
5U.11.G;o1Dxno )o&aTlmd13LDnD Ui XJ)X10 10AO71 510&071 A111l(
`5U.ono
51o1n)0 3A 'x.G3110A3y7019 A21 Amd9lodL A(OA73X3 -4)071
`&m-3o71 5odL AnoA (b1 k7i 11 1 A0 A(0A011'(3d AS ki Ski
0 d1701L SOs1 ' 110Y A011A70An0:, 1XiA3-GAOL3L
3xm1L3L1'in9 170x 0 K3 S703A
\00L 5310XU.7ix3x 51371. `A37i)OXO'(13An.0 Oin01 k.9 5odL . 5>7dk S310X)0'(Uy3
IV 1(0.UVDod.U V%31( AS V12 AI/.:, 5U-' SkXn1 'A-Md3XDn9 (1)3 . (dx A)3A3 AIl:
A(o1 Am1An01YJdx 4odx17'i `A701X d)n SL( 0'. i A) A3,G0
xn0 Ab 93 Ski SU.D x0QDOdL5701 A3

510)..9 5310AOA3A 'A311U.13A)Od)

e UO 'sonuv?.o'l aas 'dd 'j-rAjx

 XIQNaddv 999

aanar 8 oy `sotta.oa I-I8I T 1

u m A
noaoi d)oA. nG.TD.oU lag n3TI 5>u1 5>ox1Y10a
1oA3Tj 5)oAX?i. )OA1
1 I-
5f,O1. Sno.1-41013x1O Amt Amy1d) 510 Ab x3 n(')1
Amd313d)D
AmAX31 &310X3 33 `01&101 10 3S 5101 51oA9
9 (1-4 AM A05f10dpwa,3 )o1,AOn3
10A371k?1DOX3x l 5n01
&;6D li
AOa9d1 5101 x3 A(01n01 10YA141371b 1)Ox 1mo1
x3 5u-t Am1.5(u.nx AmA.q\ 5)D13drb1,3 X W &Lc1 O A70111 801 20y7Dx
nk1 *Xc3 15)o.Ln9X9oodvu )oyy)o Ai32 A. M Ua, U.D X UIDk `5)ODItdd)0.G
170% 5Q1.9x 1a3 of UXn1
Aoxlkcoodu A13dmX roux 51o nD 3A. 5x1
51A, 5)01y16
5)0111)0 1)DAOS12 51o.1no.1 1)Ox 513Tj(L 53 )o137j 11
A(u.n701 n131aOn10 A3Tj4G
0I A13s 7>ox 510]
S10AOy n13nix 'Al 5m x3 nodxITj 50dk.GA1a9 n99d(U M )
AmYno1 n3ThO(f)lonw

aaglaZ fr oZ `sopod 381-I8T i

J) (gZi (?,L
?70x 371 )OYnoxDbd) Soda
A3ZIU 44 Au X, p)ox A>7YYmyA. I
7010 nnyou k2u. Aon9dX 5)os,nolo1
1)Ox c13T1 5)D13Amd13 1).1 7013do],kd `A0637j(9dX (9190 Aoyyzrj Q1
9 AR)1 A(n).gy I.U3 1)O.G.OnAxp3 50yy)Ox pox Aki n3 5101801 A(IXD1 U1)oab

U.x11,D1d)0D A13.11L(dxA.(l9 A3,GLLg `5o&3Tj(ndl31L (o1No n11U.9).2 AOyyw7j

cnY rj n3gG i. i. 1)o is
Amt nmldmXA.3 iolxlodA.x ni3xog

.L oy sopnuaD Pus soaopouat(qy

'3) (Etii 61, (n1D1Tj3J p)ox mdTpAk,gV,
a A831 sAnN 5(T)1L9 L93 531ox)DSnO. 311/.13 ;d31L 5801. 5(10)0y -OA131)01S
- 1)Ox An& A371
A(1)A37 1bx 1O)o1 63 (binoDot nod;odd10d 5LiYmy.C `13)q)y31L
5(lo)l9y 1)Ox i1n)0Y A3
5ma0 wl1) 5L(gno1LD 5n01 d3an
1)Ox 01 5LL3. 5)013fj3Dn3 501mdx
9 r)1 5LLi, `1A37ie(la A3
A1Tjn 73x1F90da OG93)p19LCdd70a `1 An& Sm]LO f10Tj0 SXYAXlI AOg3X9 Snot
01Lb f101D1dX A1F). A79LCyx 51019xL(XD3 114x 5noA3Tj032 A3 md1)Ox 5L.1 d3,
A73101L 1)OX 5QA3QkTj &')Y X3 9D3O
AmTjn j 'ko 5013. C 3,GD(ATigG310da
.1Tjn Am01oAw `A13d3YDOLX) n31jod1)oX
999 xIarjiaav
aalpri '8 oji ] [aaopoaip 'snuaznoviuso aqp ajoun
JO ;DP 'aoaadu(H Q8I-I881

'3 '091 61 (b13e 201 5m3(1D70 5L.

aoy no'()Ox mdoyoDndX &(ID 7071 (;)I d)1DkdX 61AA3(1dg A13934D3d7L)013

;01 (101 5m9(1D)0d 50160'0(371 59dU &01 j 1)03( )013 01 Ski. f 514D(10!
'3 tiI AQA10x 1bx 5(n 57ii;. I 'n0A371.17d)10 L
I.(Y-(0 A371 A17i 13f;13L3 )od3oX Ski 901.
g Sod2q 1013 nOAgdX 5)o1D(L0AnD 5g) n01)o7id3 50611
.AMDgxkX2131
x(10 S1 4(AOsli A1l 3XD31)Ox (
A4CX(lr 501A03d 90673x3 61
cb0gjj 1)Ox A(n1 AMD 50oX37i13L3 (1013A1)03L3 dvu Ak'(Q A77ik. (I0A3710A).1A A1f.1.

eV1(17i9 A3 6D9 33 31 5901 520A7701L3 1361x3 U1. R.719d Sit.L 'Sk1.1myl. 6701D1&nD

J50637)0'(10 1Dn01(101 5101 S10D 510X)Ox '13-q113D0d1L 1)Ox 01 &(O1

01 &(9713 3D &1371 770p 7)Ox (03y1d) f 5X1I 1)OX 5)01A9Uf 17O% Amt (919)0 IOD
A(9A37i>o1D1A(ID 50&3 50(,33171 52o11X1C3 d)07L (IOD 1)O#D17i0A3A
Ao1di;(Tix31
53).dlO 110x5(91A`03L 01(101
55161
5((D 5i1D1ddX D7dZiL A(O
'5k71(A). 0 d)o)
5901 mddgu 91 ), 5(0x11.(963 1)O.GD23x)013
1)O0D13103L 59du 5901 59,1.13
pox 1)0p73)(7d) '5901 10 101 pox (l(9A 137L3
601).53 Sk.1. 53017i10d)OU
QT A37i73oxkx( '5lw9oxD)0313 1)Ox )O1ro01 6371 rU. A 0 5oX)Ox 5)Odm((ODndX 1d3u
10D 31 770x 6(01 A(MD 3yy3)j..k13 .5MA37iD)O3n011D3170x (?,.3 33 5tka, &371
5L(xoyu A(n1 &(96170713 A0)1d`Ox)07i3 31. 691 ')od3A>9 1)OX 510YX01L Ait.7imd133L3
t
5 s n a o 5

A13A2A713D 5101 ( '510).0 33(10 d)01. AID 5Ox13 91 5(9190 6)o7L A071Lc &13AXA(1111L3
' A1,( AO1x1d)3 1071 1>oX 01 201 (1011)0$ A01d)1(7D 770A3xkXD3
'&4&1=3 d3.u'
05 390 (10&13x3 I 610 A1.(71)0913d)3 162&V1170.GD]ODi.&7i1101(7d) 137i '5tL&gDO7imAA93
&U-t9)OD01 (1)613x3 (1011iA.3 A1R1 A1dbX mA0((07i9 3).. '17063313 3D 13 51-01,00
1)OGD3d737ip 510)10 A(T(3.G3 d37Ln 31, Amt A(nVox AT 513xttXD3 1)Ox nol A(r)1
k (Md3137 OiLn 31 5Lc1 S)01x,od)D 5(0x((.)3AnD AG(8d)m kC

701.
A01=331)OXD1d1 770x'501.3 5it..L SnOs(013d)d(ID 51AI 1)Ox X071 5)OdL& 'S701311yO71
1071'1'3 A73x10AnD 1dX3o 1)Ox 53 Ak7. 31113'1 13X 901 &(,)I
D)071)0 A(7 A)Odxb7i Si A37i (nD01Ab
1L3
5n0ykXXp 531A3uiod1 pox 701 Xxf Amy 5(n
Smg)3d)b -7)1Ld7013
153160) 591 3 5(od.Lx70 mokp It
1Ax1d1otLy 7bx 13X36(1D Amt .7d1 &co (730d)3
331,11. 2 '70G37i0Y17ik 07Ln A(10). Amt A(9117 Am 637i70xkd13 A(0].(10I 901. 31.
0 506(6.yya 170x 901 351 A73)1x11110 A'bdX)071 70(,31')01A70XD3.U)O x90 A37'10X3

7704DiA.dX U-L 1316wd,l 5m1A9odd)O.G 31DM 5901. 5907'13 5n0Y16 5j07.

1D(1OXt(..GOX 510).0)( 1x A1371DOx 101 ' ' '

.6 oy 'aaopisj uvj!jodoagaAT jo `eoiuojessa>IZ 960T-088I

'J A'Y7I mL 5L(x1Ao,(-4DD30 dnx mdm37Dj,
' ' 510 Ar1A A37i0'f(31D13L3 A0Yk3 1L 5m1( 5m AoYiL293 1fno1 AQ
01106).)1 L )) 'M 1333 A37i AQo 1px (0631od7L 01(101 '7)0A3x1l.1o7137L 110x AG.1
A70110y103L 3X3 (tL 'AX)1y1d) (A x3 5)03A A3 51013DnOT1 70037i70Di/_1D3AnD I (bAodX
e A7o79x1,(71x3x 51270 '1b.GD709(93A70A10 133L3 3 LC nO.L nod1bx )o1x7ox x rn &nod
 APPENDIX 227

xoct To"LS xaxotS ast xaxa xat ToZS Ea&TTOUat npoaTt-

Maa naVrjyupty %V xax& V E dyarE, xat 8 XMIL To"uTO xaxc Xuxev... .
NLELS 8E Twv TE xotvwv a6yc v x&pLV Wv nenat8E6p9'a TES TE xp7ja' c
90"LocS v Eu0`us Ex naLBwV n&vTWV npOEaTrja&(ceO'a, aoU TE 8i1 xat Twv
10 ' - apsTi5S ayaap.&Twv p.&aa ye EpwTtx6q ExovTES xat
o14 &v TOUTO 87lao5v

Letter 12. To [Demetrius] Cyclones, 1373 (1385?)

(f. 128) Tca KuMvp Lp'

f. 126v ... ToZv yap paata6oty ES &xpov 67rt (LEy(aTW xocxw Twv `Pwa(wv
avTtxaV91aTap6voty navTa %op6pou xat ?jv ttear&, xat
xuxewvoS xat xa68wvoS, xat `PcOp.a(wv T& BEty&, T71S
5 epua(OU aT&a .o S &XIV paoy?S x(Xt 05TE Tt po6aeua
uytEs unep Twv xotv&v v 05-re npaEts &v&aoyoc npbc d v Twv aetvwv
a7Uoa6p7)aty, &aa' 'xaa-roS ExaT6poty Toiv paata&oty Ta np6q
(3ouaeu6EVOt xai T& yE acpLaty auTotS aiaxp&v TL th v xat naoUTOV aaEay
f. 127 npoL;EAaoVTa, T& Twv `Pw(aa(wv ES To"uTO T6)(jq auvijaaaav. i ... ouxou"v
10 LC&S tav wS &L; 67rapZil r'v npoT6pav pta(av e'xelvrjv, 8rj TW xp6vcp
xex(.tr)xutocv, avaveouv poua6E,LEVOt, npco ro. xai ' v apxi?v Tou yp&cpsty
TrMO

Letter 13. To the Emperor

(f. 127) Tw BocatXd Ly'

Kp&T a,re BaaLXe5. E6 Ve'v ou 7rovijpws & xstT6 (,Lot Tb alil(La, &aa'
wS au't S Epoua4LTnv, Pa6V TE 8' a6y(O XMIL np6S TYjv nope(av EuxLvY)TOV,
(lr)8Ev Pex?4aaf rjaauvov Eu&uS 'd'v Wpbs r6 Bo &vTtov cp6pouaav, xai
5 8Lx6(..gv Ta1JTYjq (Janep TLS Ao&. S ELS nES(oV, rb TOU a6 you ye
ELTELV, 7rpoxaao6p.EVOs, To5TO (.tIv Not T ap xpuap xcpa), xat WONT'
E(a.Ot aspaap.La T'v 6yaXop,6vIv LOU npoax6vrjaty &=8660) yvrja(wS, Hat
Tbv epycoXE6ovT& [Lot Tp (I)U) 7r60&ov &Tronarjp() ). ToUTO y&p j.LOL T6
aiav xat EnepaaTOV, xai 8 vuxTaS SaaS xai rj6;,aS xaT& vo5v
10 &VEXLTTw' 0 0 8' 'va xat nept Twv Ewv xat T-jc otxtaS a6v yE
OEw r& 8e'ovTa pouaeua&j evoq Ta 3EXTLw xai a 7C0tE.V EtxbS
Tots 6p ' c Tcept T(av 6E6wro v pEpouXeu LEVOtS. euxTbv ouv rjv &v 6oL,
&EL6TawC paatasu, Sit' yE 8 TM' xaa' (J&S (.LET' Euxarjp(aS EX )P L xat
8a4La&S ELnEZV rY paaTCilvrjS. .. .
 BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Sources

Bpce c Xpovtx&, eds. S. Lampros and K. Amantos (Athens, 1932)

Cammelli, G., Ddmdtrius Cydones Correspondance (Paris, 1930)
Cantaeuzenus, Ioannis Cantacuzeni imperatoris historiarum libri I V, ed. J. Schopen, 3 vols.
(Bonn, 1828-32)
Clavijo, Buy Gonzalez de Clavijo, Embajada a Tamorlan, ed. F. L6pez Estrada (Madrid,
1943)
Corpus Paroemiographorum Graecorum, eds. E. L. a Leutsch and F. G. Schneidewin, 2 vols.
(Gottingen, 1839-51)
Ducas, Istoria Turco-Byzantind, ed. V. Grecu (Bucharest, 1958); Ducae Michaelis Ducae
nepotis historic b yzantina, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1834)
Enepekides, P., "Der Briefwechsel des Mystikers Nikolaos Kabasilas," BZ, 46 (1963),18-46
Gregoras, Nicephori Gregorae Byzantine historia, eds. L. Schopen and I. Bekker, 3 vols.
(Bonn, 1829-55)
Hunger, H., Johannes Chortasmenos (ca. 1370-ca. 1436/37). Briefe, Gedichte and Kleine
Schriften. Einleitung, Regesten, Prosopographie, Text, Wiener Byzantinische
Studien, VII (Vienna, 1969)
Lampros, S., lIaXamoa6yeLa xal lleaozcovvjataxci, 4 vols. (Athens, 1912-30)
Lacurdas, B., '0 Eu(3ouaeurtx6c 7rp6q ro65 Oeaaa>,ovExnt s rou Mavouila IIc)atoa6you,
in Maxe3ovtx&, 3 (1955), 290-307
Legrand, E., Lettres de l'empereur Manuel Paleologue (Paris, 1893)
Loenertz, R. J., "Chronicon breve de Graecorum imperatoribus ab anno 1341 ad annum
1453 e codice Vaticano graeco 162," 28 (1958), 204-15
"La chronique breve Mor6ote de 1423," Melanges Eugene Tisserant, II (= ST, 232)
(Vatican City, 1964), 399-439
Correspondance de Manuel Calicas, ST, 152 (Vatican City, 1950)
Ddmdtrius Cydonis Correspondence, 2 vols., ST, 186, 208 (Vatican City, 1956,
1960)
"Epitre de Manuel II Paleologue aux moines David et Dauiien 1416," Silloge
bizantina in onore di Silvio Giuseppe Mercati (= SBN, 9 [1957]), 294-304
"Manuel Paleologue, bpitre a Cabasilas," Maxc3ovax&, 4 (1956), 35-46
Mazaris, Ot&aoyoc vexptx6S. 'Eirn6-jjcLa M&i;apt iv "Mk), ed. J. F. Boissonade, Anecdote
graeca, III (Paris, 1831), 112-86; also with German trans. by A. Ellisen, Analekien
der ndttel- and neu-griechischen Litcratur, IV (Leipzig, 1860), 187-314; new ed.
with English trans. and comm. under the direction of L. G. Westerink (Arethusa
Monographs, V [Buffalo, 1975])
Miklosich, F., and Miiller, J., Acta et diplomata graeca medii aevi sacra et profana, 6 vols.
(Vienna, 1860-90)
Sabbadini, R., L'epistolario di Guarino Veronese, 3 vols. (Venice, 1915-19)
Sphrantzes, Georgios Sphrantzes ill emorii, 1401-1477, ed. V. Grecu (Bucharest, 1966)
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 229

Sitidae Lexicon, ed. A. Adler, 5 vols. (Leipzig, 1928-38)

Syropoulos, Les Mdmoires du grand eccldsiarque de l'Eglise de Constantinople, Sylvestre
Syropoulos, sur le concile de Florence, ed. V. Laurent (Paris, 1971)
Trapp, E., Manuel II. Palaiologos. Dialoge mit einem "Perser," Wiener Byzantinische
Studien, II (Vienna, 1968)

2. Monographs and Articles

Barker, J. W., Manuel II Palaeologus (1391-1425). A Study in Late Byzantine Statesman.
ship (New Brunswick, N. J., 1969)
"On the Chronology of the Activities of Manuel II Palaeologus in the Peloponnesus
in 1415," BZ, 55 (1962), 39-55.
Beck, H.-G., Kirche and theologische Literatur im byzantinischen Reich (Munich, 1959)
Berger de Xivrey, J., "Memoirs sur la vie et les ouvrages de 1'empereur Manuel Paleolo-
gue," MdmAclnscr, 19, 2 (Paris, 1853), 1-120
Bohlig, G., Untersuchungen zum rhetorischen Sprachgebrauch der Byzantiner, Berliner
Byzantinische Arbeiten, II (Berlin, 1956)
Cammelli, G., I dotti byzantini e le origini dell'umanesimo. I. Manuele Crisolore (Florence,
1941)
Charanis, P., "The Strife Among the Palaeologi and the Ottoman Turks, 1370-1402,"
Byzantion, 16 (1942-43), 286-315
Darrouzes, J., Recherches sur les'Ocppp(xLz de l'dglise byzantine (Paris, 1970)
Dennis, G., "The Byzantine-Turkish Treaty of 1403," OOP, 33 (1967), 72-88
"The Deposition and Restoration of Patriarch Matthew I, 1402-1403," ByzF, 2
(1967), 100-6
"Four Unknown Letters of Manuel II Palaeologus," Byzantion, 36 (1966), 35-40
"Official Documents of Manuel II Palaeologus," Byzantion, 41 (1971), 45-58
The Reign of Manuel II Palaeologus in Thessalonica, 1382-1387 (= OCA, 159)
(Rome, 1960)
"Two Unknown Documents of Manuel II Palaeologus," TM, 3 (1968), 397-404
Dolger, F., Aus den Schatzkammern des heiligen Bergen (Munich 1948)
"Der Klassizismus der Byzantiner, seine Ursachen and seine Folgen," Geistige
Arbeit, 5 (1938), 3-5; rep. in IIAPAEIIOPA, 30 Aufsdtze zur Geschichte, Kultur
and Sprache des byzantinischen Reiches (Ettal, 1961), 38-45
and Wirth, P., Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des ostromischen Reiches von 565-1453.
V, Regesten von 1341-1453 (Munich, 1965)
Eszer, A. K., Das abenteuerliche Leben des Johannes Laskaris Ifalopheros, Schriften zur
Geistesgeschichte des ostlichen Europa, III (Wiesbaden, 1969)
Fassoulakis S., The Byzantine Family of Raoul-Ral(l)es (Athens, 1973)
Guilland, R., Recherches sur les institutions byzantines, 2 vols. (Amsterdam, 1967)
Halecki, 0., Un enapereur de Byzance b, Rome (Warsaw, 1930)
Hunger, H., "On the Imitation (MEr)aiS) of Antiquity in Byzantine Literature," DOP,
23-24 (1969-70), 17-38
Reich der neven Mitts (Graz, 1965)
-- "Das Testament des Patriarchen Matthaios I. (1.397-1410)," BZ, 51 (1958), 288-309
Janin, R., Constantinople byzantine. Ddveloppeinent urbain et ripertoire topographique
(Paris, 1964)
La giographie dccldsiastique de l'empire byzantin. III, Constantinople, lea eglises et
les rnonasteres, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1969)
Jenkins, R. J. H., "The Hellenistic Origins of Byzantine Literature," LOP, 17 (1963),
39-52
Karathanasis, D., Sprichworter and sprichworterliche Redensarten in den rhetorischenSchri f ten
des Michael Psellos, des Eustathitus and des Michael Choniates, sowie in anderen
rhetorischen Quellen des XII. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1936)
230 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Karlsson, G., Icldologie et cdrdmonial dans l'dpistolographie byzantine (Uppsala, 1959)
Krumbacher, K., Geschichte der byzantinischen Literatur (Munich, 1897; rep. 2 vols.,
New York, 1958)
Laourdas, B., `O Ta(3paia Oeaaaaovlxric, in'A,rjv&, 56 (1952), 199-214
Laurent, V., "La date de la mort d'He15ne Cantacuzhne, femme de Jean V Paleologue:
Une precision," REB, 14 (1956), 200-1
"Les dates du patriarchat d'Euthyme II de Constantinople," BZ, 54 (1961), 329-32
"Le mhtropolite de Thessalonique Gabriel et Is couvent de la N60C Movi,`EX.tlvtxa,
13 (1954), 241-55
"Le trisbpiscopat du patriarche Matthieu Ier (1397-1410). Un grand proces canoni-
que a Byzance au debut du XVe siecle," REB, 30 (1972), 5-166
Lemerle, P., Philippes et la Macddoine orientale (Paris, 1945)
Loenertz, R. J., Byzantine 2 vols. (Rome, 1970-72)
"Chronologie de Nicolas Cabasilas, 1345-1354," OCP, 21 (1955), 205-31; rep.
ByzFrGr, I, 303-28
"Demetrius Cydonc s. 1. De is naissance >i, l'ann6e 1373," OCP, 36 (1970), 47-72;
"Demetrius Cydones. 2. De 1373 it 1375," ibid., 37 (1971), 5-39
"Ecrits de Macaire Macrr s at de Manuel Paleologue dans les mss. Vat. gr. 1107 et
Crypten. 161," OOP, 15 (1949), 185-93; rep. ByzFrGr, I, 71-79
"L'exil de Manuel II Paleologue A. Lemnos, 1387-1389," OCP, 38 (1972), 116-40
"Manuel Palhologue at Demetrius Cydones. Remarques sur leurs correspondances,"
E0, 36 (1937), 271-87; 37 (1938), 107-24
Les recueils de Lettres de Ddmdtrius Cydones, ST, 131 (Vatican City, 1947)
Mercati, G., Notizie de Procoro e Demetrio Cidone, Manuele Caleca e Teodoro Meliteniota ed
altri appunti per la scoria delta teologia a delta letteratura bizantina del secolo XI V,
ST, 56 (Vatican City, 1931)
Moravcsik, G., Byzantinoturcica, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1958)
Nicol, D. M., "A Byzantine Emperor in England. Manuel II's Visit to London in 1400-
1401," University of Birmingham Historical Journal, 12 (1971), 204-25
The Byzantine Family of Kantakouzenos (Cantacuzenus) ca. 1100-1460, DOS,
XI (Washington, D. C., 1968)
Ostrogorsky, G., History of the Byzantine State, trans. J. Hussey (New Brunswick, N. J.,
1969)
Papadopulos, A. T., Versuch einer Genealogie der Palaiologen, 1259-1453 (Munich, 1938;
rep. Amsterdam, 1962)
Petit, L., "Manuel II Palhologue," DTC, IX, 2 (Paris, 1927), 1925-32
Schreiner, P., "Chronologische Untersuchungen zur Familie Kaiser Manuels II.," BE, 63
(1970), 285-99
"Hochzeit and Kronung Kaiser Manuels II. im Jahre 1392," BE, 60 (1967), 70-85
Studien zu den Bpayia Xpovuui (Munich, 1967)
Sevbenko, I., "Nicholas Cabasilas' 'Anti-Zealot' Discourse: A Reinterpretation," DOP,
11 (1957), 79-171
"Nicolaus Cabasilas' Correspondence and the Treatment of Late Byzantine Literary
Texts," BE, 47 (1954), 49-59
Thiriet, F., Rdgestes des deliberations du sent de Venice concernant la Romanie, 2 vols.
(Paris-The Hagtte, 1958-59)
Thomson, I., "Manuel Chrysoloras and the Early Italian Penaissance," ORBS, 7 (1966),
63-82
'Ibntadalces, N., Bui;av TWi E^,taro),oypz pie. Eiaayooyil, xellteva, xaT&Xoyoc E7mLeT0),oyp0'LCPWv
(Athens, 1955)
'1'rapp, E., "Per Sprachgebrauch Manuels II. in denDialogen miteinem `Perser,"' JOBO,
16 (1967), 189-97
Treu, M., "Demetrius Chrysoloras and seine hundert Briefs," BE, 20 (1911), 106-28
"Mazaris and Holobolos," BE, 1 (1892), 86-97
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 231

Vacolopoulos, A. E., Origins of the Greek Nation, 1204-1461, trans. I. Moles (New Bruns-
wick, N. J., 1970)
Vasiliev, A. A., "Putegestvie vizantijskago imperatora Manuila Palaeologa po zapadnoi
Evrope (1399-1403)," Zurnal ministerstva narodnago prosveReniia, N.S. 39 (1912),
41-78, 260-304
Voordeckers, E., "Les entretiens avec un `Perse' de l'empereur Manuel II Peieologue,"
Byzantion, 36 (1966), 311-17
Vryonis, S., The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization
from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century (Berkeley, 1971)
Wirth, P., Untersuchungen zur byzantinischen Rhetorik des 12. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1960)
Zakythinos, D. A., Le Despotat grec de la Morde, 2 vols. (Paris, 1932; Athens, 1953)
 INDICES

I: PROPER NAMES

"ApapLq (myth.) 9.34. Pappir;A, metropolitan of Thessa-

<"Ape?> (bibl.) 68.132. lonica 52.1; <57.1>.
"Aytos "Opos, Mount Athos 67.2. P&8eupo, Cadiz 30.24.
"Ayxupa 20.11; 63.2. PaAaTta, France 37.7.
4.9. Tapivoc, Guarino of Verona 60.1.
AiyoCw4, Aegean Sea 13.8. Pe6pytoc>, Giorgio
AiyunToc 67.10. Gatelusio 58.1; 59.1?
Atk&toi, Ethiopian 18.23.
'AX& av3pos, Alexander the Great
4.25; 13.25.
AatBocXos (myth.)
59.2, 8. Dacavo, monk 68.1.
"AauS, Halys River 16.50; 20.13,
Dap6avoS (myth.) 44.10.
15, 17.
<Aotut8> (bibl.) 31.52.
'Atuvaoc 16.56.
DauL8, monk 68.1.
'AvTio;tos, imperial official 44.13.
St. Demetrius 6.48.
ancient painter 35.8, 10;
see Ku86vrS, XpuaoAw-
49.6; 56.22, 24.
'ApLaTetBrs 52.39. paS
14.10; <30.58>; 33.8;
<'ApiaTo pavrc> 19.32.
'ApLQTwv, father of Plato 4.2; 45.58; 52.23; <62.12>; 68.<41>,
53.
52.13.
"ApxXa, island in Bosporus 67.13.
'AaavrS, KwvaTavrZvoS 18.1; 20.9, `EX v , empress Helena, mother of
<15>; 30.1. Manuel <1.1>; <23.2>; 62.<6>,
app.
see n yLa5i c c> "EAArvEq, pagans 1.24; 25.18.
BaAaawv, protekdikos 34.1. `EAarvixos, classical Greek29.9.
<13ouatx&>, Marshal Boucicaut <`Evptxos), King Henry IV of Eng-
41.25. land 38.20-42; 55.12-22?
13peTav'm tey&Ar, Great Britain 'Epyivos (myth.) 45.2, 97.
38.20. `Epi7S (myth.) 45.57; 52.28;
Bpe-ravot, English 39.28. 64.31.
 PROPER NAMES 233

Eu, tuoq, priest, patriarch 39.1; 'Ic (bibl.) 31.89.

40.1; 51.1; 54.1. 'Iaoxp&'njc 3.33.
'ItiaXeS 60.1.
<'Iw&vvrjr, Emperor
ZaxXeLos (bibl.) 6.42. John VI 1.20.
Ze6S (myth.) 4.12; 12.7. <'Iw&vvrjS IIaXoc oX6yoc>, Emperor
city of Zeno 16.49. John V 12.4, 13, 20; 13.6;
67.335.
<'Iw&vvrjc>, Emperor John VII
`Hpax?djS (myth.) 31.41; 45.229.
"Hcpata-ros (myth.) 52.39.
33.35; 45.172-74, 219-25.
<'Iw&vvrjs Xpuao'a-roj.Los>, St. John
Chrysostom 25.2-22.
O&ao5 58.1. 'Iwvas (bibl.) 67.151-63.
O" 34.20; 68.146.
Oe6yvLs 8.2.
<Oe68wpoc IIa&aLoA6yoc>, Despot Ka(3&&0,a4, <NLx6Aoco4> 6.1; 7.1;
Theodore I 9.30; 13.1; 56.2-21; 15.1; 67.1.
60.3. <Kaiv> (bibl.) 68.132.
<OE68wpos IIaAaco),6yoc>, Despot <KaX6xoS, MavourjX>, 30.7 ss.
Theodore II 68.150, 153. Ka?AtaS (Iliad) 65.13.
Oe68wpoq, see Kauxa8rjv6s. K0,Xa4 (Iliad) 41.15; 50.42.
Oe6S passim. Kavocv6S, official 13.2, 35.
Oepat'rrjc (Iliad) 17.86; 64.22. <K&poAoc>, King Charles VI of France
< zacrLOovLxeLC> 4.11; 11.13; 37.11; 41.27.
67.23-29. Ka-rocpp&x'raL, Cataracts of the Nile
OeaaaAovixrj <3.19>; <6.6, 22, 48>; 6.25.
11.16; <43.25>; <44.29>; <45.61, Kauxa3rjv6S, Oe68wpos, imperial offi-
69, 83, 162, 168, 169, 219-23>; cial 27.1.
52.1; 57.1; <67.22>. KeXTeS 6.26.
Oouxu82rjq 28.2; 33.8; 52.23. Kpoi6os, legendary king 4.16, 21.
<Owp.ac>, Thomas Aquinas 30.40. Ku86v7jS, <Orj'j-rpLo;>, 3.1; 4.1;
5.1; 8.1; 10.1; 11.1; 12.1; 14.1;
16.1; 19.1; 20.1; 21.1; 22.1;
'I&yapLS, courtier 34.8. 23.1; 25.1; 26.1; 29.1; 31.1;
<'I&xwpoc>, King James of Cyprus 36.1; 62.1.
32.11-36. Ku7rpo(; 32.9.
'I(3&yxo5, rhetorician 45.1. Kwv61r0Cv'rLvo67coALC, <13.5>; <19.28>;
13.10. <20.8, 20); 51.2; <67.12, 19>.
'IAAuproi, Albanians 16.17; 68.107. Kwv6-rav,ivor,, see'Aa&v-%.
'1o68ocq (bibl.) 67.295.
<'I7r7oxp&1rrjS> 68.137.
TIpos (Odyssey) 4.15; 65.13. Aasp-rrjS (Odyssey) 40.3.
Isthmus of Corinth 68.45, Aa'rlvo 44.23; 60.16.
148. Ae6(3Lx6S 5.20.
234 INDICES

Akapo4 67.2, 9. IIaEoves 6.26.

AovxouAos, Roman general 65.22. Hcc Xos, apostle 31.66, 81, 83;
AuaioS, gladiator 6.54. 67.172.
AuBoc, Lydian 42.3. Ha 5S, Turkish ruler 16.55.
A6=rno4, ancient sculptor 56.22, IIEA4: Tou IIeAonoc, Peloponnesus
24. 9.29; 13.8; 51.11; 68 passim.
Il&paoc, Turk 14.27; 16.15; 44.23.
<II&rpos), apostle 67.277.
M&yyava, monastery in Constanti-
IIA&'rwv 3.2, <18, 24); <4.2>;
nople 3.20; 67.12.
14.28; 26.8; 39.14; 45.58, 76;
Mocx&ptos, monk (?) 52.40.
52.13; 68.54.
<Max&pioc), metropolitan of Ankara
ll?oi.roS (Aristophanes) 19.33.
63.1; 64.1; 65.1; 66.1. H6 os, correspondent of Manuel
Kovr;v6c>, Manuel Kom-
17.1.
nenos, emperor of Trebizond
Ho os, MavoujA, correspondent of
53.1. Manuel 35.1; 42.1.
MocvourA, see IIollos, `PaouA, Xpu-
os, Pompey 16.46; city of
aroAwpas.
16.42.
<Mapia), Virgin Mary 39.32;
IloaetUov (myth.) 3.42.
57.13, 16; 61.12, 15.
Ho,r4r;s, correspondent of Manuel
<Mexep.e&r), Sultan Meehmet I 68.202.
47.1.
Mot5c i (myth.) 4.9; 34.23; 39.2;
44.72; 46.6; 52.28.
MuaoE, Bulgarians 16.17. `PaouA, Mavou'A, official in Cyprus
Mw&e&, Muhammed 31.70, 85, 32.1.
95. 'P6 LoL, Rhodians 4.12; 12.8.
`PwaZot, Byzantines 9.37; 14.10;
16.23; 45.221; ancient Romans
NetXos, Nile River 67.10.
16.46; 65.22.
NeoxaiaapE-rjS, unidentified 8.5.
N6a-rwp (Iliad) 41.15.
EaT&v 31.70.
EepaaTeia 16.60.
evop i 15.27. Eey7;vsq (myth.) 14.14.
<E6y:aEw5vToc>, King Sigismund of
'O8uate6q 13.9; <40.3>. Hungary 31.2-15.
"Op.rjpos 32.16; 50.43. EtxeXcxo nop& 6o 20.15; 35.22.
'Opcpeus (myth.) 9.34; 34.17; <EEwv), protos of Mount Athos
44.62. 57.2.
<Oupp&voq), Pope Urban VI 8.18. Ewt 16.50, 56, 58, 60.
Exa.p&vos, imperial
official 49.7-17.
SultanBajazid 16.54, ExUAIaa 14.10; 17.61; 18.17, 19;
62, 75, 99; 19.32, 35; 29.17; 20.12.
33.36. ExOAAa 35.23; 58.6.
 TERMS and VOCABULARY 235

EoXojzwv (bibl.) 29.11; 67.74. I payy6rcouAos, correspondent of

Eoutaocq, dictionary 4.8, 14. Manuel 24.1.
<EouAsit,t&vrjc>, Turkish emir Phrygia 20.11.
57.8-11.
E-xev-r&pr)s, Turkish ruler 16.59. X&pu(3& 35.22; 58.7.
ETnatXopoc (myth.) 30.34. Xpep.uAos (Aristophanes) 65.13.
XptaTtavot 25.16; 31.14, <47>, 72,
ancient musician 34.16. 111.
<Toipxot> 6.52; 12.9?; 14.12, 27; XptaT6S <6.15>; 6.44; <8.15, 18,
16.15, 18; 19.9; 29.15; 31.38, 47, 19>; 16.19; <21.9>; 31. <53, 56>,
62, 65, 68, 82; 37.19; 55,20; 72, <91, 114>; <35.20>; <40.7>;
67.22; 68.59, 77, 105, 108, 157, <41.41>; <57.12>; 67.<267-73>,
204, 213. 275.
53.1. XpuaoXe pas, 33.1; 41.1,
TpLpocXAot, Serbians 16.17. 14; 43.1; 44.1; 45.226; 46.1;
Tpt(36X7)4, official in Morea 9.1. 47.11; 48.1; 50.1; 61.1.
T6X-q, fortune personified 19.33. <XpuaoAcop&c, 'Iw&vw c> 56.25-32.
XpuaoAwpas, 37.1; 38.1;
cai8pos (Plato) 10.5; 52.12. 49.1; 55.1; 56.1.
(DetBtaS, ancient sculptor 50.38.

II: TERMS and VOCABULARY

&(3kTo 6 (3toS 3.19. &pocl,st; (Moslems) 31.88.

&ytoS, saint 67.266, 330; (of em- &apTia Lapp.; 6.19, 21; 31.32,
press) 1.1; (of despot) 13.1. 55; 67.151, 160, 322.
aywv, commander (Bajazid) 16.54. &V.70, 6v 68.63.
&BeAcpi (of letters) 9.13; 15.22. &Iq 4p 2.12.
&BeApt8o5S (nephew of Manuel Chry- &.Luv6evot 44.9.
soloras) 56.25. &v&yvo LS, (Latin) liturgical reading
&8aAp6s 68.128; (Theodore, brother 30.38.
of Manuel) 9.30; 13.1, 34; 56.2, &v&yupov xtvsZv 30.61.
13; 60.3; (Abel, brother of Cain) &v*'p (Chrysostom) 25.7, 17; (for-
68.132. mer emperors) 48.21; (John
At,to4 Aeux65 (proverb) 18.23. Chrysoloras) 56.27; (Kananos)
&x(Xr'r i 16.87. 13.10; (Plato) 3.2; 4.2, 5; (King
axpo5 apXo.wv (King Henry IV) 55.12. Sigismund) 31.13; (Theodore Pa-
foreign land 44.42. laeologus) 56.8; (Western Euro-
&AAo,rpta, foreign land 30.16, 18; peans) 37.5.
32.36; 62.17. &v,paxes of raaupot 38.14; 53.12.
&A(;: &pXv) Twv &Acwv, supervision of &v,pwnoc (servant of Asanes) 20.16;
the salt works 8.6. (Suleyman) 57.10.
236 INDICES

&vTExpLa,roc (Muhammed) 31.95 . ygvoc (Byzantines) 12.13; 31.37;

avw zroTapwv 6.51; 19.24; U.S. 39.22; 40.4; 44.54; (human race)
a7rLaroc (Moslem) 31.68; (pagan) 67.167.
25 . 8 . ye pwv 2 . 16 ; 44 . 14 , 74 ; 45 . 98 , 107 ;
15.17. (Jonas) 67.156; (Plato) 3.18.
aTro?as (of Albanians) 68.108. yXcdi ES 4.9.
&7r6a-roxoq 67.265. ypmyP, indictment 10.2; 62.23;
&t paapLBoc 41.2. yp&cpsLv y. 67.39.
& 7r o ypalL h 45 . 14 .
&pyuprov, coin 18.30. Wvroq 4.18.
&pp.a 2.app.; 45.172. 3EazroLVa (empress) 1.1; 23.2.
&pX6.LcvoL, subjects 32.18. 8eo-n&,rj,; (Christ) 8.19; (Asanes)
&pxwv 68.39; (King Henry IV) 20.18; (King of Cyprus) 32.20,
38.20; 55.12; (Manuel II) 44.55; 27; (despot Theodore I) 13.1;
(Turks) 16.60, 99. (Theodore II) 68.150, 153; (Ma-
ocaEpELs 31.47, 62, 65. nuel II or Kalopheros) 49.11.
&aTu (Thessalonica) 45.162. 8EuT6pa olxou vr;, Great Britain
&TTLxti;w 32.9. 38.21.
auTooAsty 30.17. Sr&tcpoc 76,o54 16.39; 24.9; 29.3.
auT6oaoq 30.31. Sr; uoupy6S, God 1.28; 12.12; 67.
auT6xELp, suicide 67.293, 301. 180.
8L&xovoc, civil servant 49.11.
3L&XEx-roc (Latin?) 31.11; 32.12;
p&ppapoc 16.34; 31.88; 52.35; 37.4.
68.69. &ck?,oyoc (nept y&p.ou) 62.9.
pappapouv 52.35. Fi L8&axaao; 28.18; 45.7, 8, 12, 26,
paaLXELa, palace 52.2; 57.3. 47, 115, 209; (church fathers) 67.
focaLXEUS (John V) 12.4, 9, 13,20; 321; (Thomas Aquinas) 30.40;
(John VI) 1.20; (John VII) 45. xoLvoi S. (classical authors) 50.22.
219; (ManuelII) 17.13; 62.app.; 44.9.
(of Trebizond) 53.1; (predecessors) &x&,ov-ES 44.9.
2.app.; 48.21. Uyl.La, decision 13.20; 43.11; theo-
(3aaLXEUELv 4.10. logical doctrine 52.31.
paaLALx6S 13.6; 59.2. ,36pu 43.12.
paaiXLaaa Twv spring 45.176, Sou):oc 4.19, 20; 31.91.
215. FpEravev 2.13.
3.faiov 10.3, 13; 43.18; 44.33; Spur 67.140, 142, 144, 147.
53.2; 56.22; 60.2; 68.10. Suv&rs-r;;, Western ruler 41.29.
poux6),La 68.67.
pouXEu-c"piov 45.20. 4$vos 17.18; 59.11; (Byzantines
or Turks) 12.9; (Turks) 16.18;
(Jews) 07.271.
P&6ELpa: of U-Ep -r& P. vY1couc EXEU`JEpia 4.20.
oixoua. 30.24. ?,Eb9&Epos 4.21.
 TERMS and VOCABULARY 237

9t;w,4ev A6yo!, secular topics

67.193. iaTp6s 1.20; 12.5; 44.20; 611. (Hip-
67.1.
67riuToAt i ocios pocrates) 68.137.
97n, 4ytoS, funeral oration 56.2. kspe6S (-r& v flEpa& v) (Moslem reli-
EntTpo7ros TOU EwTi1Poc (pope) 8.17. gious leader) 16.15.
&aa'A& &n' ea8? & v 34.3; 49.4. iepop.ovax6S 68.1.
eankpic [t6p7], Western Europe innix' p.&ir;ns 43.4.
41.12. iirnoS 2.app.; 13.31; 14.20; 18.
6TatpoS (Demosthenes) 62.12; (Pla- 26-28, 30-33; 26.2, 6, 10; 43.2,
to) 14.28; (unidentified) 34.2. 11, 13, 24, 28; 45.163, 178; 67.95.
VgGtaL, north winds 67.10. ia'opta 6.30.
eux-rr pmv, chapel 57.20. taTOpix6S 19.7.
Ta 3.41. taX&3c Aeapixat 5.20.
&Uaepely, be orthodox 52.32. iX05s 45.193; 67.145.
x5p65 6.14, 54; 13.13; 18.16; iwvi& 45.182.
48.3; 67.102; (Turks) 14.12;
31.54; 33.36; 55.20, 24; 67.22,
26; 68.59, 77, 105, 108, 157. 45.32, 120.
x&&e8pa
xapxtvos 66.4.
xevil p axapta 53.11; 55.5.
vjS onoLta 46.2. x7lnoi Mouawv 14.9; 34.23.
J'XipaTOS 16.4. xtTTa 45.197.
ilvtoxoc 67.96; (JohnVII) 45.172. xoLva np&ypLW , common weal
i1po sc 13.7; 46.9. 43.14; 44.30.
,rr (of an imperfect composition) xoiv& T& r &v ptawv 54.3.
11.16, 20. Evvoiai 17.19; 33.26.
xoLvoi 8i8&ax00,oi (classical authors)
50.22.
67.154, 158.
UccTpov 9.7; 27.2; 28.19. xopupazo; (St. Peter) 67.277.
-r6 (the Byzantine Church) x&rrupoc 45.197.
30.17. xp&-roc (of empress) 1.24.
,'c,[& Twp, mother of God 39.32; xpaTCilv (God) 12.12; (ruler) 57.4
57.16; 61.12. xpclhcd 18.22, 29, 31.
,'eov.6aci.c (Turks) 31.82. xpivwvi& 45.182.
peoncTwp (David) 31.52. 17.7; 48.7.
9epocncta, pastoral care: ci T& Till xupLoc, 6 (God) 30.20; (Christ) 31.91.
9'. Ecpe%TaL 8pav (bishops) 30.45. xuwv 18.17; 43.10.
,4p 50.10, 14; (Sultan Mechmet) xw.x64, 6 (Aristophanes) 19.32.
68.202.
&i;pa 32.13; 43.12; 45.94, 194.
4rptiov 19.5; 43.9; 45.188; 50.7;
59.16; 67.93; 68.84. Aanp6Ta,OS (king of Cyprus)
po'voq Tou xptvcr,v 15.34. 32.11, 35; (king of England)
38.26; (king of France) 37.11.
,uywrr p (of Manuel) 27.16.
238 INDICES

Aec7ro'r&xrrjs45.29. vko5, youth 27.14; 45.9, 28, 67, 99,

Aec7ro,atou ypacp 62.23. 30.24; (Lesbos) 67.4, 6.
Xsc'roupyta, public service 13.6. v6.uoi 14.23; 36.5.
20.14; 44.43; 45.174. vooS, law 6.11; 45.26, 69, 221;
13.13, 24; 16.93; 31.2, 34; (of God) 67.302; (of letter writ-
38.29; 68.35. ing) 11.22; 16.67; 31.107; 34.9;
A6ycoc 35.4; (scripture)25.18. 38.36; (norm, rule of life) 2.25;
AoycaTr q, financial official 49.13. 35.20; 52.9; 56.10, 13; 67.48.
Aoc65 20.19. voaety o xacp6s 3.31.
Auxoc 68.157; Auxou 7rrep& (prov- voarJj 16.77; 31.26; 55.10; 57.19.
erb) 16.24; 18.22. voaos 2.11, 15; 12.5; 16.65, 80;
22.8; 29.2; 31.5; 44.21.
vuxTo axta 33.40.
.Cayvj'rc5 45.116.
V.oc y c i (Dominicans) 30.41.
tavta 57.11; 68.80, 211.
l.avcxk, vehement 3.28; 13.16; kvos 32.26; 44.24; 68.102.
45.63. tcpoq 16.11.
piapcax&AxoS, marshal 41.25.
t.auXe vas (title of Moslem religious
leader) 16.15. 6 8uvc s or, ac c v (Christ) 57.12.
&xacpa 16.14. 68r;y6; 'vas &Arfle(as (religious teach-
preys j 7r6A.S (Constantinople) er) 67.320.
67.19. otxerjS 20.9.
(.6yac xap'rocpuAaE 34.1. oixtaxov 52.3.
p.eat'res, intermediary (Virgin Mary) olxos 44.7, 11.
57.16. oixouevr 31.28; 38.21.
E.c'J8ev lep6v 67.116. olvos 16.100.
gaiv 6yci4 31.74. oitAoc 13.3; 14.20; 19.4; 32.12;
Wrl'r4 (of Christ) 57.13; (of Manuel) 41.32; 43.9; 51.14.
1.1; 23.2. 67rXt'tr 38.41.
Ec7'I)p PrJT6pwv (Thessalonica) 45.83. opvcs 45.197; 67.147.
(.6'qTpo7roAA r 57.1. is oS 45.62; 67.34; 68.1.
rZavr;, siege engine 58.9. ou6Ev iepov 43.28.
cp W, flea 50.44. o68EV uytk 28.7; 67.116.
iov 6S 3.7; 44.24.
1.1.ouarGov 45.20.
61oS 3.43; 4.13.
7r4aoS: avu Lvouv 'r& 7r&&r; (passion
p.ue,aywy6S (Muhammed) 31.85.
pea, liturgical rites of Christ, Stabat mater?) 30.28.
tLua 30.38.
7tac8eta (education, training) 1.13;
45.60, 94, 138; 52.31; (chastise-
vaucycov 68.28. ment) 67.35, 123, 161, 162, 165.
vauc 3.41; 16.90; 33.29; 38.42; nocZ8eS .7@v is pwv, physicians 1.19.
45.174; 68.27, 29, 32. 7rat8eumq 16.70; 67.151.
 TERMS and VOCABULARY 239

nat&&, pleasantry, humor 2.6; 43. noALopxeiv 18.35; 29.14.

33; 45.138;
50.5; 67.41-106. 7co XL; 9.29; 16.25-27, 30, 34;
na6Cw, engage in pleasantries, jest 17.18; 18.35; (Ankara) 20.11;
2.2, 11; 10.4, 6, 7; 33.39; 43.23; (Constantinople) 20.8,20; 37.13;
45.228; 50.34; 67.37, 65, 76, 91, 42.8; 67.12, 19; (Thessalonica)
103, 107. 6.48; 11.15; 43.25; 45.83, 168,
7c&-Ls (Christ) 31.53; nai8es (writ- 169, 219, 222; (inMorea) 68.59;
ings) 5.7; 9.15; 44.86; 54.2. (Pompeiopolis) 16.46, 49.
naMwp8iav 48ew, retract 30.34; noakT-% 44.24; (of Thessalonica)
31.22, 101; 68.169. 4.11; 11.13; 46.61, 219.
nav&4w os (Virgin Mary) 61.15. noaunouS 12.19.
7cav' oupybs: xetp n. (of God) 68.194. nop,&6S (EaxsXt.x6S) 20.16; 35.22.
naa&C, priest 39.1; 40.1; 51.1; 54.1. noppupoyevv oc (Despot Theodore I)
n&nno4 (teacher of rhetoric) 9.6. 13.1.
nm-r!p 45.91; (author) 9.16; 15.23; noTcN.6s 6.51; 16.2, 44; 18.6;
(teacher) 45.47; (God) 31.53, 57; 44.43; 45.177; 67.213.
(John VI) 1.20; (Manuel II) 33. nveu(I.aTGxoC, na-njp 68.1.
36; (treatise of Chrysostom) 25.8; nba 18.25.
a6ywv n. (Cydones) 62.2; 7cveup,a- npsa(3eia 8.17, 18.
-rLxoS n. 68.1. npea(3E6S 41.24.
na,rpLapxr;S 51.2; 54.app. 7rpoyovoi (ancestors of Byzantines)
na-rp(S (Byzantine Empire) 12.18, 19.41; 44.32; 45.90.
26; 17.25; 19.28; 37.18; 49.11; npbvoLCX (divine) 67.87; (imperial)
55.33; 62.17; (Constantinople) 13. 13.5.
5; 44.45; (Thessalonica) 3.19; 6.6, upon&-rwp (of Moslems, Ismael)
22; 45.61, 69; 67.22; t.xovv' 31.89.
(foreign lands) 30.16. npopr 67.265; (Jonas) 67.160,
ne8tov 16.3, 22; 42.3; 43.26; 45.187; 163; (Muhammed) 31.71, 79.
68.71. npe'rb xoc 34.1.
neaayoc 3.19; 13.23; 31.2; 44.42; npcc oc (of Mount Athos) 57.2.
53.6; 67.58; 68.28; n. X6ywv npwTOae(3aaT6S 2.1.
16.90, 91; 31.108; 33.28.
n&Tpac 6neipew 8.8.
7rryai &evvao. 68.200.
pg, king (of Cyprus) 32.11, 35;
(of England) 38.20; (of France)
rLcT (Christian) 31.76; 37.15;
37.11; 41.27; (of Hungary) 31.2.
55.20; 67.22; (Moslem) 31.68, 74.
pr;Topela 4.30.
rrw"oL (Christians) 31.48.
p7)Twp 9.8; 14.8; 32.6; 34.18, 19;
na&vr; 7zstpav (nzipav) 13.9; 16.53.
noip.v:a 68.67.
45.6, 27, 83; 67.140; 6 p. (De-
mosthenes) 30.58; 68.41.
noAep.toq 1.18; 18.14, 21; 19.35;
po8wvL& 45.182.
20.15; 29.15; 37.19; 43.12; n.
D'1p (sultan Mechmet I) 68.202.
n6azp,oS 14.19; 19.4; 43.9; 45.225; aaTp&nrS (Turkish leader) 16.55;
58.10; 67.19, 20. 29.17; 68.205.
240 INDICES

axacpoy 16.90. T6xos (A6ywv), writing6.2; 10.13;

axr1v1 33.22; 67.5, 141; 68.109. 33.8; 44.87; 45.85; 46.8; 49.4;
amvE&OV 19.19. 62.10, 14; 68.53.
axopnEOV 6.55. 38.41.
aocpk 3.5; 25.4; 28.7; 31.106; Tpayq c 4.3; 6.16; 67.38, 45, 63.
35.2; 47.9; Toy x6cr ou 3.8.
aopLaT'4 (teacher of rhetoric) 9.7, u3pL r.v 30.59; 45.53; 65.24; 67.
10; 45.26, 143; (Thomas Aquinas) 336, 337, 339, 342; 68.126.
30.40. 6(ipLS 30.52; 50.11; 64.35; 65.28;
onoyyL& iaaeraL 52.38. 67.338, 339, 341.
aTOLTdjp 12.2, 6, 9. ui65 (Theodore I) 9.31.
a-raup6s 67.272; avup,vouv Tov a. uvoc 15.31; 30.<27>, 38.
(Vexilla regis ?) 30.28. upvgBic 30.43
a,rpaTnyetty 14.11; 67.25; (of Mu-
hammed) 31.70.
aTpa'r y6S 15.27; 39.25; 41.25; papLanLoc 31.59.
65.22. pOAav,'fpwnia 6.20.
arpaTL& 16.5, 55; 18.14, 35; 19.8; ytXoaopEa 30.53.
38.12, 42; 39.32. cpLA6aopoc (-wc) 3.14, 17; 30.60;
a,rp ct c rr;S 41.30; 43.2, 17; 62.23. 43.8; 45.27.
auxocpavTrjc 26.5; 48.7; 63.3. y0 ro roL, dear ones (of Empress He-
auaxEa 38.41. lena) 1.11, 28; (of king of Cyprus)
auaxoL 39.28. 32.19.
auvtijyopoc, advocate 26.11. cppoupLOV 29.14; 58.8; 68.74.
auvr&rjs (Manuel Kalekas) 30.7. cpuAa (rr6Aecc) (St. Demetrius) 6.48.
aX p.a 15.12; 45.25; 67.162; pwv>7 AarEvwv, Latin language
68.118; (imperial dignity) 1.19 60.16.
(21?); 2.app.; 44.37; 65.36;
(royal) 38.26; 56.12; (monastic)
XapLc &AAX;vLdj 29.9.
1.21 (?); (of a judge) 15.35; a. XapTop6Ax , FLeyxq 34.1.
Twv iepwdvwv (clergy) 68.102. Xeiwv 2.17; 3.18; 16.65; 31.4;
E&r p (Christ) 6.15; 8.18; 21.9; 33.29; 38.30; 68.20.
31.114; 35.20; 67.267. XeLp: of uno X. (imperial subjects)
awppoVLaT-ijc (teacher) 27.14; (chas-
52.34.
tiser) 68.154.
yeAL3c v 45.197.
XprjpLaTa, money 4.8, 9, 16; 38.41;
41.31; 44.29; 68.40.
xpuaea XaAxe'oLs 52.26.
68.44.
XpuaLOV 7.4; 9.34.
Teixoc (wall across Isthmus of Cor-
XPua6c 4.12, 21; 12.8; 16.101;
inth) 68.80, 113, 147, 208.
25.2, 12; 48.10.
4AOS: of dv T&?rL, officials, nobles
37.13; 68.101.
T&TTL 66.14. (P) Kupiou 30.20.
 CITATIONS 241

CITATIONS

BIBLE Actus Apostolorum

1.7: 31.113-14
Genesis
4.8: 68.132 Ad Romanos
2.16: 31.96-97
3.19: 31.66
Psalmi
2.9: 31.53-54
1 ad Corinthios
6 . 2: 67.134-
3 3:
. 31 96-97
.

9 . 21: 31.65
3 . 13: 31 . 83
37 . 2: 67.134
7 . 10: 1 . 25
57 . 7: 31.59
15.47-48: 31.49-51
72.9: 31.58, 60-61; 58.12
113.9: 31.54
Ad Colossenses
124. 3: 31 . 47
2.9: 67.268
136.4: 30.20
Ad Philippenses
Ecclesiastes 2.13: 67.171
3.1-8, 17: 29.11-12; 67.74 4.4: 1.26

Jonas 1 ad Thessalonicenses
4.6-10: 67.154-58 5.18: 1.26

Matthaeus 2 ad Timotheum
9.16: 35.1.6-17 2.20: 31.49-51
18.22: 6.44
19.17: 31.46
Ad Hebraeos
21.22: 8.15-16
12.8: 67.135
27.29: 67.273
1 Petri
2.21: 67.276
Marcus
2.21: 35.16-17 Epistola Jacobi
10.18: 31.46 1.17: 67.169-70
11.24: 8.15-16
15.20: 67.273 Apocalypsis
2.27; 12.5; 19.15: 31.53-54, 81
Lucas
5.36: 35.16-17
15.20: 33.42 OTHER
18.18: 31.46
19.8: 6.42 Aesopus
23.11: 67.273 336 (ed. Chambery): 66.14
242
INDICES

Dionysius Halic.
Anaxagoras
fragm. 1: 68.97 De comp. verb. 18; De Thucyd.
2, 53: 28.2

Aphthonius Euripides
Progymnasmata, 4: 3.15--16; Medea 410: 6.51; 19.24; 57.8
44.58-59; Phoenix, fragm. 812, 7-9:
68.40-41 3.15-16
Progymnasmata, 21: 66.14; 67.2
Herodotus
3, 53: 30.66
Aristeides 4, 36: 15.33
XLVII ad Capitonem, 2, 419:
6, 140; 7, 168: 67.10
52.38-39

Hesiodus
Aristophanes Opera 582: 66.4
Aves 285: 65.13 763-64: 38.24
301: 4.9
Equites 884: 68.146 Hippocrates
Lysistrata 68: 30.61 Aphorismi 1, 3: 68.138-40
Nubes 1482: 67.39
Pax 1083: 66.4
Plutus 87-91: 19.32-34
Homerus
336: 65.13-14
Iliad 1, 69, 105: 41.15; 50.43-44
1, 249: 5.19
969: 3.29
2, 24, 61: 32.17
2, 212-44: 16.86; 64.22
2, 489: 65.7
Aristoteles
Metaph. 8, 6, 5-10 (1045A): 6, 236: 52.26
15, 273, 619: 16.4
39.25
16.35: 16.4
17, 75: 16.87
Cydones Odyssey 1, 58-59: 40.3
Ep. 79, 19-20: 5.2-3 5, 492: 68.90
9, 243: 16.4
10, 88: 16.4
Demosthenes 12, 188: 14.15
De corona 159 (280): 11.25; 13, 80: 68.90
62.11-12 13, 196: 16.4
De /alsa legatione 245: 3.15-16 18, 6, 25: 4.15; 65.13
In Midiurn 42, 45, 185: 30.58
547: 62.23 Isocrates
Olynth. 1, 20 (15) : 68.40-41 Ad Dernonicum 1, 86: 3.33
 CITATIONS 243

Joannes Chrysostomus Plato

Ad patrem infidelem: 25.8 Convivium 219a: 52.26
Gorgias 524e: 28.7; 31.74;
67.116
Ion 534a: 14 . 8-9; 34 . 22-23
Libanius
Leges 840b: 45 154
.
Declam. 31, 200: 4.12; 12.7- 8
929 e: 67 . 39
Ep. 10: 67.47
94 3d : 62 . 23
80 , 6: 30 . 61
Lysis 207c: 54.3
143 , 1: 50 . 2-3
Phaedo 61a: 42.3-4
143 , 2: 50 . 31
69a: 14.28
1 4 3, 3 : 9 .34; 15 . 33
71e-72d: 26 . 8-9
143 , 4: 65 13
.

72c: 68 . 97
300 , 3: 45 . 2
85a: 39.14-15
348, 11: 4.12; 12.7-8
Phaedrus 228a: 10.5; 52.12
515 , 3: 16 . 24
243a-b: 30.34; 31.22 ,
617 2:, 42 3 .

101;
790 1:, 36 4 .

68.169-70
1183 , 1: 42 . 3
Respub . 492c: 67 . 81-82
1184 , 11: 16 . 24
Theaet. 159e: 33.14
1215 , 3: 36 . 4
176a: 45.76
1325: 67.47
1 400, 7: 6 4 .31
1426 , 6: 42.3
Plutarchus
Vita Alexandri 41 , 1: 59.2-3
Sententiae 3: 68 . 40-41
Vita Luculli 39-41: 65.22

Lucianus Polybius
Hermotimus 71; Navigium 11: 1, 82, 7: 19.3
53.11-12; 55.5

Proverbia
Menaion, Oct. 27-28: 6.54-55 Corp. Paroemiogr. Gr.
1. 24: 14.8
32: 38.14; 53.12
33: 41.2
Menander 47: 6.51; 19.24; 57.8
fragm. 341 (411) : 44.58-59 59: 4.9
106: 54.3
140: 67.116
Pindarus 270: 16.24; 18.22
Olymp. 4, 19-28: 45.2 348: 18.23
7, 34, 50: 4.12; 12.7-8 373: 68.146
244
INDICES

5: 14.8
Symeon Metaphrastes
II.
23: 4 . 25
Passio S. Demetrii (Acta SS.,
Oct. IV, 88-100) : 6.54-55
24: 24.9; 29.3
48: 8.8
140: 43.28 Theocritus
145: 45.14 Scholia 12, 2: 3.26
156: 13.35
202: 8.8 Theognis
203: 12.19 I, 35: 34.3-4; 49.4
210: 30.24 I, 175-76: 8.2, 6-7
359: 4.9
421: 45.2
Thucydides
509: 16.24; 42.3
3.22: 33.40
557: 45.149-50
611: 8.8
Xenophon
661: 30.24 Memorab. A, 2, 16: 1.2-8
756: 17.17-18
763: 31.44

Unidentified :
Sprichworter, Karathanasis
82: 30.24 &pLeLvWV 6 '&avaT0q i q o1S
176: 62.20 (3Louv 7rp0'xrcrw. Twv cpLAou.Levwv
214: 30.61 XWpLS: 1.9-10
iv Tw TETap&X OC!. To6q A0yLgt0u'
&v&yxr; 12.26-27
Suidae Lexicon eup'xavov u7rocv Tb 3.41
K 215 (3, 17): 65.13 cpaaL TLva -crov Ev &ypoig 'v oL'xjoLv
K 2550 (3, 200): 54.3 7cOLou ivcoV paaLASL& 7ro'S 1&Eaa&-
K 2551 (3, 200): 17.19; 33.26 svoV ouTWC, Ex7cAayilvOL T TOUTWv
0 798 (3, 577): 43.28; 67.116 Wpq. WC, TOV OL%Laxov Ev xar&Alle
E 1095 (4, 443): 30.34 uailaaL 're xa. 7rapc o5vca rcupi:
T 620 (4, 556): 34.16 52.2-4

IV: INCIPITS

A'pEaLV :rung.: && 1 BU.aLALxbv xa. To5T' EtvaL 59

'AxouW 'r7ro' EuyCV=q aw. 43
'An),' EL xaL ev T(Z; &pELnoua:v
'A).?.' ol5 l.Ev ' v epL).Wv
'AA),a aU ELEV T( LGUTOy GLUS
"AvTLxpu; &o 7rpoS av6pc4 17
.Apa ELnrtpEVa6 TLa'.cUaEL 12
A6-(,c arv yc pLv &v.yvwv 23
Ps'yovs Tb pLP)d0v TouTL 60
3r r- v -,v ,,xx v Era)i mn c 16
14 At7 &iw EYEUaco xanoxayo o'v 64
19 'Eycw xai 6-"' aou T& 7 pLv 66
'Ey6 Tbv Zpuao5v Tnv yXO TTav 25
EL uE xcd (b&XXOV 2
'Eo. 31 7-A, oC 7rpayp,xTWv 44
"Eocxas SL' 6v xal Oouxu3E3ou 28
'EnaLvcLv as 2-i 1 aonoLLaq 46
'E7r vouv #Cv am Ta yeypoct46voc 47
'Enl roco6Twv am ;'-Iv enLaro),Yv 9
cps otalora xoci AEav 5
`Hyo5aE as 38
'Hxe Wk xpovou 34
'HxsL am Ta cEw&ora XOyoL 62
'Hxev p,Zv enLaroX> 10
rily &vocyvou 32
Oaup,&acov rL n&11oS xocE 15
Oepouc axil xal pctS 67
Kul Aaxwvcxily T]lv 24
Kaa as tk l &v 3axp6wv 21
M auxop&vreL yey ipaxtc 48
to aoyoq ouroq natS aFLpo r&poLS 54
'0 pLawv ExeLS 3
to xpjarbs ouroal Kavav6 13
Ola oto n47ov v &vi)p 4
013a (ipoca repov rwv 6er4pwv 68
Ma & c az eucppo,tvcL 40
018a wS e,'fa' ataaaS 20
OlS iv paaLaeioLs oux earl 57
"Ore T05TO To (3L3AEOV en"yyEaacc
53
Ou 8siv as vop.E,ecv 7
O63ev n?4ov papa Toy yp&p jtxroS
Oux sic r6 n4Aayo4 31
II&vu cot xoX& Ta EnearocXV.6va 42
Hap& pLev rcov oux cE3orcov 61
L j noXX& eZvai aoL 50
IIoA,&xcs e(3ouXopa7jv cot yp&4cc 37
IIoAX&S aou 8e3ey4vos e'MaroX&S
39
E& Te xai Till ails 4u) 49
ET4XX6) aOc rov 7rp6q rbv &3eXy6v 56
Eu 3' 6'rL (.ciV cppoveZ 58
16 as xoc ana PocXf3E8oc 41
16 3e xoc 2-6 ccXcrr6v 35
16 [hv ey&vou (.Loc CpEXOc 51
Eu p.ev rov OExop.eVOV innov 26
16 ev r 6v abv Epd(levov 29
luxop&vra; p,ev noXaous o 3 oS 63
Ta eipj c&va roc iv ccxpw 27
&vayvousyvwv 30
T'jv enLaro?,hj Set&pLevoc t,4v 55
Tily xaaily encaroaily &vayvouc 33
Tily nepi neviav W'rsZaav 8
TE as To 7EEZ40V &vaLaxuvrcZv 65
To p,ev A4yecv Eaxuecv 11
Ta ev napeveyxe%v as 6
Tw p.ev ouv 'Epyivy pocc v 45
'aa1 rcva rwv e'v &ypots 52
22 'SZv p,ev au ye e'pgS 18

V: CHRONOLOGY

1371-1373? 5 1391, fall 15

1365-June 1383 1 1391, winter 161718 1920
1373-1390 2 21
1382-1383, winter 3 1392-1396 22 23
1383, springy summer 4 1392-1396? 24 25 26 27 28
1383, fall 11 1394-1396 29
1385, spring 8 1396, summer-fall 30
1383-1387 6 7 9 10 1396, October 31
1387, summer 67 1396, fall 62
1389, fall-1390, April 12 1396-1397 32
1390, fall 13 1397 33
1391, summer 14 1397-1399 3435 {?)
246 INDICES

1397-1398 36 1409, summer 65

1400, summer 37 1409, July 66
1401, January-February 38 1409 55
1401, spring-summer 39 40 41 1409-1410 54
1401 42 1409, December-1410, January 56
1403-1408 4344 45 46 47 1411 57
48 1414, summer 58
1407-1408 49 50 1414, summer-fall? 59
1408, summer-fall 51 1416 68
1408-1410? 52 53 1417, summer 60
1408, summer-1409, summer 63 1417 61
1409, spring-summer 64

VI: GENERAL
(References are to page numbers)

Acacius, 28 note 1 Andronicus (see Asanes, lagaris)

Acciajuoli, Bartolomea, liii
- Nerio, liii
Achaia, 168 note 1
Acindynus, xxviii
adelphaton, xxxi note 24, xxxviii
adnoumiastes, 23 note 3
Adrianople, xlii note 73
Aegean, 10 note 2, 34
Akapniou, monastery, xliii
Albanians (Illyrians), xix, liii, 42, 48
note 3, 210
Alexander the Great, 94 note 3, 96
note 3, 166
Alexandria, lix
Alexis, lx (see also lagoup, Apocaucus)
Alexius Comnenus, emperor of Trebi-
zond, xlviii
Amnisus, 44
Anatolia (see Asia Minor)
Anconitanus, Petrus, xxv
Andiocho, Angelo, Iv note 112
Andrew (see Asanes)
Andronicus IV Palaeologus, emperor,
xiii-xv, xxxix, xlv, xlix, 1, Iii, liii,
205 note 4
Andronicus Palaeologus, despot, xvi
Anemas Tower, xiv, Iii
Angelos, li
Ankara, xv, xvii. liv, 60, 62 note 1,
114 note 1
Anna Philanthropena, empress of
Trebizond, xlviii
Anne of Savoy, empress, xxxii, li
Antiochos, lv, 116
Antiochos, Demetrius, lv note 112
Antony, patriarch, xxviii, liii
Aphthonius of Antioch, xviii
Apocaucus, Alexis, xxxii
Apollonius Dyscolus, xviii
Aquinas, Thomas, xxxv, xxxviii, 76,
78 note 1
archon, xxxv note 39, lvi note 118,
lx note 126, 156 note 1, 182 note 1
Aristophanes, 58
Arkla, island in Bosporos, 186, 204
note 3
Asanes, Andrew, xxiii, xxiv
- Andronicus, xxvii
- Constantine, xxvii, xxviii, 54, 60,
74, 78 note 1
- Isaac, xxvii
- John, xxvii
 GENERAL
- Manuel Raoul, xxvii
Ascoli, Antonio d', 153 note 2
Asia Minor, xv, xxi, 6 note 1, 36, 38
note 1, 40, 42, 48 note 1, 49 note 10,
52-58, 62
Athenodoros, 1, 225
Athens, 12
Athos, Mount, xxiv, xxxviii, xl, xlvi
xlix, liv, lv, 10 note 1, 160, 162
note 1, 206, 218 note 1
Aurispa, Giovanni, lvii
Babylon, lix
Baghdad, lix note 125
Bajezid, Turkish emir, xv-xvii, xxiii,
xxxiv, xlviii, 38 note 1, 46-50, 58,
74 note 3, 92 note 1, 114 note 1,
162 note 1, 223
Balsamon, Demetrius, xxix
- Manuel, xxix, lvi
- Michael, xxix, xxx, lvi, 94
Barbari, Francesco, 168 note 3
Barlaam, xxviii
Berroia, xxxviii
Bessarion, cardinal, 153 note 2
Bologna, xxxvi, lvi
Boniface IX, pope, 106 note 1
Boucicaut, Jean le Meingre, marshal,
xv, 108, 110 note 1
Boullotes, xxxiv, 222, 223
Bosporos, 204 note 3
Branas, lx note 126
Brescia, lviii note 124
Britons, 106
Brusa, xiv, 32 note 1, 204 note 1
Bryennios, Joseph, xxxi, xli note 63,
li, lvii
Bryennius, 1, 226
Bulgarians (Mysoi), xxvii, 42, 48
note 3
Burgundy, xliv
Cabasilas, Neil, xxx, xxxv, xxxvii
- Nicholas Chamaetos, xiii, xiv,
247
xxiii, xxx-xxxiv, xxxviii, xlvi, 16,
20, 40, 186-204, 205 note 14, 221
Cadiz, 76
Cairo, lix note 125
Calecas, Manuel, xxviii, xxxvi, xxxix,
Iii, liii, lvii, 74-78, 88 note 1
Camaldolese, lvii
Cantacuzena (see Helena, Theodora)
Cantacuzenus, Theodore, 1, 226
Cantacuzenus (see John, Manuel,
Matthew)
Catalonia, 156 note 1
Cataracts (of Nile), 16
Celts, 16
Chalcedon, xliii
Chamaetos (see Cabasilas)
Charles VI, king of France, 100, 108,
156 note 1
chartophylax, xxix, lvi, 94
Chilandari, monastery, xl note 60
Chora, monastery, xliii
Chortasmenos, John, xxix, xxxiv-
xxxvi
Choumnos, Macarius, xlii, xliii
Chrysoberges, Maximos, lvii
chrysobull, liv
Chrysoloras, Demetrius, xxxiv, xxxv,
1, li, 90, 92, 108, 112, 116, 132,
135-38, 142, 153 note 2, 170, 226
- John, xxxvi, xliv, Ivi, 158, 160
note 1, 168 note 1
- Manuel, xxxiv-xxxvii, xxxix,
xliv, xlv, lvi-lviii, 98,100,140,154-
58, 168 note 2
Chrysopolis, lix note 125
Chrysostom, St. John, 66, 68
Comnenus (see Manuel III, Alexius)
Constance, xxxvii, xliv, 157 note 2
Constantine XI Palaeologus, em-
peror, lvi note 115
Constantine (see Asanes, Ivankos)
Constantinople, passim
Corinth, Isthmus of, xvi, 208, 212,
216, 218 note 1
248 INDICES
Crete, xxxix, lvii, 98 note 1, 172 note 1
Cydones, Demetrius, xiii, xix, xxvi,
xxviii, xxxii, xxxv-xl, xlv, xlvii,
1-liii, lvii, 4 note 1, 6, 10-14, 20,
22 note 1, 26-36, 42, 49 note 16,
56, 58, 62-68, 72, 78-80, 86 note 1,
98, 157 note 1, 172, 204 note 1,
205 note 12, 227
- Prochoros, xxxviii
Cyprus, li, Iii, lvii, 86, 88 note 1, 172
note 1
Damian, monk, xl, 206, 218 note 1
David, monk, xl, 206, 218 note 1
Demetrius, St., 18, 20 note 4
Demetrius (see Antiochos, Balsamon,
Chrysoloras, Cydones, Frangopou-
los, Skaranos)
Demosthenes, xviii, 30 note 1, 38, 90,
124, 148, 172 note 3, 208
Denis the Areopagite, xxxvi
Dionysiou, monastery, xlii note 73
domestic, xxxi, xxxv, lvi
Dominicans, xxxviii, 76, 78 note 1
Doria, Hilario, 70 note 1
- Manfredina, lvi
Dragag (see Helena)
ecclesiarch, xxix, xl note 60
Egypt, lvi note 115, 186
Eleavourkos, 218 note 1
Erzerum, 56 note 1, 60 note 4
Erzincan, 56 note 1, 60 note 4
Esphigmenou, monastery, xl note 60
Eugene 1V, pope, lvi note 115
Europe (Western), xxxiv, xxxv, xliv,
liv, lv, 118, 154
Euthvmius, patriarch, xl-xli, xliii,
xlvi note 84, 22 note 1, 104, 106,
144, 152, 154, 221
exarch of the Great Church, xxix
note 11
Ferdinand I, king of Aragon, 164
note 1
Ferrara, xlv
Florence, xxix, xxxvi, xlv, lvi, lvii
France, xv, xxxiv, lv, 86 note 1, 98,
114 note 1
Francesco II Gattilusio, ruler, xliv,
204 note 1
Frangopoulos, xli, xlii, 66
Frangopoulos, Demetrius, xlii note 73
- George, xlii note 73
- John, xli, xlii
- Leo, xlii note 72
- Manuel, x1i, xlii
- Nicholas, xlii note 72
Gabriel, bishop of Thessalonica, xlii,
xliii, lv, 148, 160, 162 note 1
Galata, xiv, xlv, Iii, lix, Ix
Gattilusio, Giorgio, xvi, xliv, lx, 164,
166 (see also Francesco)
Gemistos, 1, 225
general, xlii
Genoa (Genoese), xiv, xlix, 1, Iii, lvi,
110 note 1, 114 note 1
George (see Frangopoulos, Gattilusio,
Plethon, Scholarios, Skaranos)
George, St., monastery, xxxi, xxxviii,
11 note 3
Glabas (see Isidore)
Golden Gate, lix note 125
Goudeles, xlvii
Great Britain, lv, 102
Grevenon, x1i
Guarini, Guarino dei, xxxvi, xxxvii,
xliv, xlv, lvi, lvii, 166
Halys, river, 44, 56 note 1, 60
Helena Cantacuzena, empress, xii.i,
xxvii, xxxviii, xlv, lii, 2, 4 notes 1
and 3, 64, 172, 174 note 2
Helena Dragas, empress, xv
Henry IV, king of England, 102, 104
note 1, 154, 156 note 1
Hermogenes of Tarsus, xviii
Herodian, xviii

higoumenos, xl note 60
Hippocrates, 212
Holobolos, xxviii, lv
Homer, xviii, 50 note 16, 88, 144
Hospitallers, Knights, xv, 86 note 1
Hungary, xiii, xv, lvi, 86 note 1, 156
note 1
Hypomone (religious name of Helena
Cantacuzena)
Iagaris, lvi, 94
Iagaris, Andronicus, lvi note 115
- Manuel Palaeologus, lvi note 115
- Mark Palacologus, lv i
Iagoup, Alexis, xiii note 3, xvii, xxiii,
xxiv
Iberia, lvi note 115
Illyrians (see Albanians)
Innocent VII, pope, xxxvi
Irene Asanina, empress, xxvii
Irene Palaeologina, queen of Bul-
garia, xxvii
Isaac (see Asanes)
Isfendiyar, Turkish ruler, 4.1,
note 9
Isidore, bishop of i lonenivasia, 160
note 1
Isidore Glabas, bishop of Thessalo-
nica, xliii, x1vi, xlix, 220
Isocrates, 8
Italy, xv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xxxix, xliv,
xlv, lvi, 80, (18, 100, 111 note 1,
140, 158, 168 note 1, 1i'_'
Ivankos, Constant xiii, xlvi,1v,122
Iviron, xlix
James I de Lusilinan. kin, of Cyprus,
li, 80, 5
Jean le 3leingre (So, liouci(eant)
Joasaph (religious Hams' of luhn
Cantacuzenus)
John V Palaeologus,
xiv, x 11, xx111, xxvii, xxviii,
xxxiii, xxxiv, xxxviii, xxxix, xlv-
GENERAL
249
liii, 10 note 1, 11 note 3, 30, 32, 38
note 1, 64 note 1, 202, 223
John VI Cantacuzenus, emperor,
xxx, xxxi, xxxiii, xxxvii, xiii note
73, xlv, xlix, 1, li, lviii note 121,
2, 4 notes 1 and 3, 223
John VII Palaeologus, emperor, xv,
xvi, xxxiv, xxxv, xlviii, liv, 32
note 1, 34 note 2, 36 note 1, 48
note 3, 92 note 1, 130-34, 146
note 1, 223
John VIII Palaeologus, emperor,
xvi, xvii, xxxvii, xiii, lvi, 70 note 1,
92 note 1, 168 note 1
John XXIII, pope, 156 note 1
John III Asen, king of Bulgaria,
xxvii
John Calecas, patriarch, xxxii
John, xlvi, lx (see also Asanes,
Chortasmenos, Chrysoloras, Fran-
gopoulos, Kalopheros, Kananos,
Pothos)
Joseph (see Bryennios)
49 Justinian, emperor, xvi
Kakoalexios, lv
Kallistos, patriarch, liv
Kalopheros, John Laskaris, xxxvi,
xiii note 70, lvii, lviii, 140 note 4
Kananos, lvii, 34, 36
Kananos, John, lvii
- Laskaris, lvii
Karycs, monastery, xl note 60
Kastamouni, 48 note 1, 49 note 9
Katadokeinos (Katablatas), xlvi
Kaukadenos, Doukas, xlviii note 87
- Theodore, xlvii, xlriii, 70
Kenchreai, xvi, 218 note 1
Khairaddin Pasha, 1
Krokondylis, 218 note 1
Kyra Martha (see Martha)
xiii,
Langosco, Bartholomew de, lviii, lix
Laskaris (see Kalopheros, Kananos)
250 INDICES
Latin, 116, 168
Lavra, monastery, xxxi, xxxviii, xlvi
note 84
Lemnos, xiv, xxxix, xlvi note 84,
6 note 1, 32 note 1, 204 note 1
Leontares, 170 note 2
Lesbos, xiv, xxxix, xliv, 14, 32 note 1,
78 note 1, 186, 204 note 1
Libanius, 134 note 2, 144 note 3
Lombardy, xxxvi
Lomello, lviii note 124
London, xv, xxxvi, 100, 104 note 1,
156 note 1
Louvre, xvii
Lucullus, 182
Lugano, xxxvii
Lusignan (see James)
Lyaeus, 18
Macarius, bishop of Ankara, xxxv,
xli, xliii, liii, liv, 114 note 1, 174-84
Macarius, 150 (see also Choumnos)
Macedonia, xiv
Mamas, St., monastery, xxxi
Mangana, xxxi, xxxviii, xxxix, 8, 11
note 3, 186, 204 note 3
Manuel II Palaeologus, emperor,
passim
Manuel III Comnenus, emperor of
Trebizond, xlviii, 150
Manuel Cantacuzenus, despot, xxxi,
xxxviii, Iii
Manuel (see Asanes, Balsamon, Cale-
cas, Cantacuzenus, Chrysoloras,
Frangopoulos, Iagaris, Pothos,
Raoul, Tyris)
Margaret, queen of Denmark, 106
note 1, 114 note 1
Mark (see Iagaris, Pothos)
Martha, Kyra, monastery, xlv, 64
note 1
Martin V, pope, lvi
Martin I, king of Aragon, 106 note 1,
110 note 1, 156 note 1
Matthew Cantacuzenus, emperor,
xxxi, xxxviii
Matthew, bishop of Cyzicus and
patriarch, xvi, xxix, xli, xliii, xlvi
note 84, liv, 176 note 1, 184 note 1
Matthew, bishop of Medeia, xxxv,
xli, xliii, liii, liv, 176 note 1, 182
note 1, 184 note 1
Matthew (religious name of Manuel II
Palaeologus)
Maula na, Turkish title, 42, 48 note 1
Mazaris, xxviii, xlviii, xlix, lv, lviii,
lx, 164 note 1, 218 note 1
Mechmed, Turkish emir, xvi, 156
note 1, 157 note 2, 216
Menitze, monastery, x1 note 60
mesazon, xxxviii, x1ii, xlvii, xlviii,
114 note 1
Messalianism, xxxi
Michael VIII Palaeologus, emperor,
xxvii
Michael Palaeologus, despot, lii note
102
Michael (see Balsamon)
Mistra, xli, x1ii, liii, lvi note 115, 4,
26 note 1, 34, 146 note 1, 158 note 1
Mohammed, 82, 84
Mongols, xv, 38 note 2, 49 note 10,
114 note 1
Morea, xv, xvi, xli, x1ii, li, lii, liv,
lvi, lvii, lix note 125, 24, 26 note 5,
34, 140 note 5, 144, 146, 158 note 1,
164 note 1, 168 note 1, 170 note 1
Moslem, xiii, xvii, lix note 125, 50
note 16, 60 note 6
Mouskaranos, lix, lx
Mouterizes, xiii, 60 note 6
Murad I, Turkish emir, xiv, xxxiv, 1,
23 note 4, 204 note 1
Murad II, Turkish emir, xvi, xlii, lvi
Musa, Turkish emir, xvi, 156 note 1,
157 note 2, 162 note 1
Mysoi (see Bulgarians)
Mytilene (see Lesbos)
Naillac, Philibert de, 86 note 1
Navarrese, liii
Negroponte, Iv note 112
Neil (see Cabasilas)
Neokaisarites, 20, 23 note 3
Nestor, St., 20 note 4
New Monastery, xliii
Nicaea, xlii note 73
Nicholas (see Cabasilas, Frangopou-
los)
Nicopolis, xv, 66 note 1, 86 note 1
Nile, river, 186
Nilus, patriarch, xxviii
Niphon, bishop of Rhaidestos, lviii
Niphon, monk, xxxi
Padua, xxxvi, xliv
Paiones, 16
Palaeologus (see Andronicus, Con-
stantine, John, Manuel, Michael,
Theodore, Thomas)
Palamism (Palamite), xxviii, xxxii,
xxxviii, xli, Iiii, lvii, 78 note 1
Pantanassa, monastery, xlii
papias, grand, xxxi note 23
Paris, xv, xvii, xxii, xxxvi, 98, 104,
106, 110, 114 note 1, 156 note 1
Patras, xli, 168 note 1
Paul, St., 82, 84, 196
Paul, St., monastery, Iv
Pavia, xxxvi, lviii note 124
Pediasimus, Theodore, xxx note 20
Peisha, Turkish ruler, 44
Peloponnesus (see Morea)
Pera, xxxviii, 64 note 1, 78 note 1
Persian (Turk), xix, 38, 42, 116, 222
Peter, St., 200
Pharmakes, xxxi
Philotheos Kokkinos, patriarch,
xxxiii, xxxviii
Phrygia, 60
Piacenza, lviii note 124
pinkernis, li
Pisa, xxxvi
Plato, xviii, 6, 8-12, 38, 68, 104, 124,
125, 148, 172 note 3, 208
Plethon, George Gemistos, xxxiii
Pompey, 44, 48 note 5
Pontus, 48 note 1
Portugal, 106 note 1
Potamios (Potaines), Theodore,
xxxiv, xlviii-1, li, 136, 224
Pothos, xlix li, 52, 224, 225
Pothos, John, li
- Manuel, 1, li, 96, 110
- Mark, li
Prochoros (see Cyclones)
prostagma, xlvii, xlviii, Iii
protekdikos, xxix, 94
protoasecretis, 23 note 3
protonotary, xxix
protos of Mount Athos, xl note 60,
xlvi, Iv, 160
protosebastos, 4, 6 note 1
protostrator, xli, x1ii, lvi
protosynkellos, x1i
protovestiarites, lvi
Raoul, Asanes, lx note 126
- Manuel, li, lii, 86, 88
Raoul the Ant (Myrmix), lix, lx
Rhadenos, 204 note 1
Roman, 26, 38, 44, 50 note 16, 132,
182
Romanos, St., gate, Iv
Rome, xiii, xiv, xxxvii, xxxix, xli,
xlii note 70, Ivii, 22 note 1
Russia, 38 note 2
sakellarios, xxix
Salutati, Coluccio, xxxvi
Saudji, Turkish prince, xiv
Scarperia, Jacopo Angeli da, xxxvi
Scholarios, George, xxx
Scythians, xix, 38, 46, 49 note 10, 54,
56 note 1, 60
Selymbria, xxxiv, 90, 92 note 1
senate, xxxv
252 INDICES

Serbians (Triballoi), xv, xix, 42, 48 Theodore II Palaeologus, despot, xvi,

note 3
Serres, xv, xlii note 70
Sevasteia, 46, 49 note 10, 56 note 1,
60 note 4
Sigismund, king of Hungary, xxxvii,
lvi, 66 note 1, 80, 86 note 1, 156
note 1
Simon, abbot, xlvi, lv, 160, 162
note 1
Sinope, 44, 48 note 1, 49 note 9
Skaranos, Demetrius, lvii-lx, 140
- George, lviii note 121
skevophylax, xxix
Sophianos, lix
Spain, xxxvi, 156 note 1
Sphrautzes, George, 164 note 1
Stephen Lazarevi6, Serbian prince,
48 note 3
Stoudios, monastery, xli, xliii
stratopedarch, x1ii, lvi
Suidas, 12
Suleiman, Turkish ruler, 49 note 9
Suleyman celebi, Turkish emir, xvi,
114 note 1, 157 note 2, 160, 162
note 2
Syropoulos, John, xxix
taboullarios, xxix note 11
Taherten, Turkish einir, 56 note 1
Tamerlane ('Tinnlr), khan, xvii, xxiii,
xlvlll, 56 note 1
Tatars, 38 note 2
Tenedos, 32 note 1, 204 note 1
Thasos, xvi, xxxvii, xliv, lix, lx,
164, 166
'l'henlistocles, 94, 212
Theodora Cantacuzena, empress of Zaccaria, Centurione, 168 note 1
Trelizond, xlvlll
Theodore I Palaeologus, despot, xiv, Zampia, daughter of Manuel II, 70
xvi, xviii, xli, x1ii, x1v, lii, liii,
Ivii, 10 note 1, 24, 26 notes 1, 3, Zane, Paolo, xliv
and 5, 34, 60 note 6, 144 note 1, Zealots, xxxii
146 note 1, 158, 166
xlii,146 note 1, 168 note 1, 212, 214
Theodore (see Cantacuzenus, Kauka-
denos, Pediasimus, Potamios)
Theodoret (religious name of Theo-
dore I Palaeologus)
Theognis, 20, 22 notes 1 and 2
Thessalonica, passim
Thessaly, liii
Thomas Palaeologus, despot, xlii
Thomas (see Aquinas)
Thucydides, six, 72, 90, 148
Traversari, Ambrogio, lvii,168 note 3
treasurer, lviii, 140 note 6
Trebizond, xlviii, lvi note 115, 150
Triballians (see Serbians)
Triboles, liii, 24, 26 notes 1 and 2
Turks, passim
Tyris, Manuel lagaris Doukas, lvi
note 11.5
universal teacher, xxix
Urban V, pope, 157 note 1
Urban VI, pope, xl, Ii, 22, 23 note 5
Venice (Venetian), xiii-xv, xxviii,
xxxv, xxxvi, xxxix, xli, xliv, xlv,
1, lvii, lviii, 34 note 3, 80, 86 note 1,
92 note 1, 114 note 1, 168 note 1,
172 note 1
Vercelli, lviii note 124
Verona, xxxvi, xliv, xlv, lvi, 168 note 1
Wales, 110 note 1
Xanthopoulos, monastery, 150 note 6
Xenophon, xviii, 40
- Stefano, 168 note 1
note 1
Zeno, 44