Literature Review

Looking at the literature at hand, it seems that overall there is discussion, although not as extensive, on

the specific effects on the youth but on populations as a whole. This is probably because of the continuous rise

of technology alongside the youth. As technology constantly changes and is becoming more accessible to the

younger generations, this leaves the door open for more youth to be part of studies, or even be the sole focus

altogether. Also, there has not been that many studies published about the subject matter, maybe because of

the relative newness of the topic. Of studies already published, however, there is no clear consensus

regarding which between the reinforcement and mobilization theories are prevalent.

Theme 1: Social Media as a Mobilization Tool

Joseph Kahne and Ellen Middaughs 2012 article tackles digital media and its role as to how it shapes

youth participation in politics. An example given is the group known as School Girls Unite, which is comprised of

12-year-old girls in Maryland who used social media to connect with like-minded women in the US, Canada, and

Africa. These girls mobilized more than 70 girls organizations throughout the United States to support a United

Nations initiative to set aside one day a year to recognize the need for girls to be educated around the world.

Another example is 18-year-old Michelle Ryan Lautos campaign to protest school funding cuts in New Jersey.

What started as a Facebook message to 600 of her friends turned into a 18,000-strong supporter base, which is

considered as one of the largest grassroots protests in New Jerseys history. One last example was the shared

Facebook video of Ugandan warlord Joseph Konys abuses, which sparked the hashtag #KONY2012. This video

was viewed more than 76 million times, and what was discovered was that almost 60% of those shared and

viewed it were the youth, using Facebook, Twitter, and other forms as social media as their platforms for their

protest. Although forms of youth political participation and activism arent new, what makes these different is

the fact that these campaigns were peer-created and directed, relying on the internet and social media to
forward these campaigns. By using technology, the youth has been able to help shape the flow of political

information, often using their creativity. Political speeches can now be revived endlessly through tweets, posted

on YouTube and Facebook, and shared everywhere else. The fact that there is nearly no cost to using social

media makes it a lucrative platform for the youth to participate not only in politics, but in social engagement in

general. However, a concern raised by the researchers was the fact that the practice of using social media

would distract the youth, making them focus on peer-to-peer communication rather than on those in power. A

study on the effect of media on youth participation in politics proved otherwise, echoing earlier findings of

Cohen and Kahne (2012) that those who engaged in at least one act of participatory politics were actually twice

as likely to report voting. The onset of new media, the internet, and social media should be embraced by

educators as tools for political and civic engagement. Media literacy is needed to be able to utilize the internets

capacity as the next greatest political tool, proving that the virtual world can be food for the real world.

Delli Carpinis 2000 study focused on the youth, civic engagement, and the new information

environment. The survey he held noted that there was a form of disengagement of young Americans from the

public life. However, due to the continuous rise of technology and the internet. some argue that it is these

factors which may be used to improve this state of affairs. Delli Carpini theorizes that todays young adults were

the following: less interested in politics or public affairs, less knowledgeable about the substance or processes

of politics, less likely to read a newspaper or watch the news, less likely to register or vote, less likely to

participate in politics beyond voting, less likely to participate in community organizations designed to address

public problems, and many others. Possible reasons why such a disengagement exists include the belief that the

Social Security system will cease to exist by the time they are old enough to need it. Other reasons include the

lack of interest in pursuing a career in the public sector, as well as general apathy when it comes to politics. The

inception of the internet has revived interest in the public sector not only in the youth, but in the population as

a whole. This new communication environment has rapidly changed the economic, social, and political

landscape, offering more opportunities for the youth to engage themselves in political processes. True enough,

a key factor as to why the youth seem disengaged is the fact that there are not enough opportunities given to
them to participate in politics. The existence of the internet gives different opportunities to different sets of

people. For example, for the political elites (candidates, officeholders, organized interests, etc), the internet

offers them the opportunities to create new networks and reach new audiences. For the citizens, the internet

provides lower costs for them to engage in politics, at the same time improve the quality of their engagement,

and even increase the type of activities they can engage in.

Best and Kruegers 2005 article focuses on analyzing the representativeness of internet political

participation. Despite the internet seen as mainstream avenue for political participation, current assessments

cannot sufficiently evaluate its representativeness in political participation patterns. The method used in this

study is a two-stage ordered-logit model of online and offline political participation, with results suggesting that

the factors predicting online participation often differ from the factors that predict offline participation. Factors

like socioeconomic status also play a role, as they do not proportionally posses the distinct online determinants.

Online political participation was measured using political questions asked to over 1000 participants thru

telephone interviews, such as asking if the internet was used to contact an elected representative, government

official, or candidate for office. The signing of petitions online as well as the facilitating of political discussions

over the internet were also used as a measure. Offline political participation was measured by asking the

following questions: Have you personally gone to see, made a phone call to, or sent a postal letter to an elected

representative, government official, or candidate for office? Have you signed a written petition or facilitated a

political discussion through telephone, mail, or in person with someone in an effort to persuade that person

about your view on political issues? These questions were notably a reflection of each other, with the vehicle

used (whether through the internet or in person) being the key difference. A key discovery in the analysis of

results showed that those with increased internet skills increased the likelihood of online political activities.

Given the strong evidence that suggests online participation may help activate the younger members of the

adult population, the efficacy of the internet must be considered compared to traditional media.

Samuels 2011 study focuses on social media shaping not only new social movements but also the

media as a whole. A case study used in the research was the 2009 University of California protest movement,
which was against tuition increases, furloughs, state budget cuts, and mass layoffs of school faculty. What was

interesting with the mobilization was that it was formed by a coalition of students and adults alike, formed both

online and offline. The protests were marked as a success, as it led to a $500 million increase in funding for the

University of California, which was initially facing a $800 million budget cut. The study looks at other similar

prodemocracy protests and the role youth played in them, like the mobilizations done in Egypt, which relied on

social media sites like Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube to bring their messages to wider audiences. These

websites promoted a decentralized social structure, allowing people with different backgrounds and interests to

link together over a shared set of demands. The fact that these movements had no set agenda or organizational

hierarchy signaled a new way of interacting with the world, one combining technology with spontaneity. In the

case of the 2009 UC protests, it is the online action of signing petitions by students and faculty alike which

sparked major offline action. Professors refused to teach classes, and student protestors utilized text brigades

to attract attention in leading a massive march along busy thoroughfares in Los Angeles. This attracted great

media attention, which consequently led to the restoration of the budget by then-governer Arnold

Schwarzenegger. The use of the internet and social media made it hard to control and predict these protests,

and these factors led to its surprising success. It can be attributed to the fact that since the generation of

students grew up in a media-saturated culture, they were able to manipulate media and create a culture of

media decentralization and personal empowerment. An example given in the study was how a large public

forum organized by students was used to voice particular calls for action, signifying a strong democratic and

participatory ethos of the youth in organizing collective action. Similarly, new media technologies like Facebook

allow such interactions to happen in the digital world. People are able to voice diverse opinions in an open

forum, creating a constant dialogue.

Carlisle and Pattons 2013 article analyzes Facebook using the context of the 2008 United States

presidential elections. They aim to see how social media changes the way we understand political engagement,

examining political activity of Facebook users during both the primaries and the general elections. Social

networking sites have also been cited as instrumental in political activities outside of elections, notably the
2009 Iranian protests against Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the Arab Spring as a whole, and the summer 2011

London youth riots. These mobilizations, often instigated and participated by the youth, illustrate the ability of

social media to mobilize users for political activity. However, little empirical work in the academy has measured

the nature of actual political engagement occurring. The 2008 elections is often regarded as the first Facebook

elections, as social networking sites played a prominent role in the campaigns. Facebook was notably a

cosponsor of a presidential debate, which allowed users to become actively involved before, during, and after

the debate. Live feedback was made possible, and discussion between and among members took place. It is

these kinds of phenomena which change the nature of political participation, and the research aims to consider

whether the same factors behind offline participation also play a role in online participation. Data from student

questionnaires, school records, and Facebook profiles of college undergraduates and recent graduates were

used to assess the level of political participation demonstrated as well as discover the factors that influence

those kinds of participation. Studies show that the accessibility of political information made it more likely that

people are willing and able to invest themselves in political issues and processes. These engagements mainly

reinforced those who were already engaged, but findings have suggested that the internet can propel

individuals into political life especially since political information could be easily gathered and discussed, and

the cost of participating has been dramatically reduced. Other results showed that specific political activities

undertaken by students included participation in political discussions, political status updates, their intention to

vote (or otherwise), and vocal support of a candidate. As the study took place over the duration of the whole

election campaign, it was noted that several types of political activities increased over the course of the

election, most notably during the general elections themselves (possibly due to its symbolic importance as well

as the attention given to it).

Theme 2: Social Media as a Reinforcement Tool

 Cohen and Kahnes 2012 study on new media and politics among people was deemed the largest

nationally representative study at that time. They used a survey to question more than 3000 young people on

their internet and social media usage, as well as their engagement in politics. What is interesting with this study

is that it encompasses youth from different races and socio-economic background, making the results as

comprehensive as possible. This also supports their claim that participatory politics are equitably distributed

across different racial and ethnic groups. The participatory politics these groups joined included starting

political groups online, writing blogs about political issues, or sharing political videos among peers. It was noted

that, defying conventional expectations, black and Asian-American youth are the most avid users of media, and

participate in online forms of participatory politics at rates equal to or slightly higher than whites, Latinos, and

Asian-Americans. The study shares that participatory politics add to an individuals political engagement, rather

than serve as an alternative to other political activities. They found out that among those who were of voting

age, participating in at least one act of participatory politics will likely increase their probability of voting during

the 2010 elections compared to those who did not participate in politics. When it comes to the consumption of

news, Cohen and Kahne noted that 45% of the youth reported getting news from social media feeds like Twitter

and Facebook. Interestingly, they believed that getting their news from these sources benefited them by

learning how to judge the credibility of what they find online.

Bimbers 1999 study supports the notion that media is a reinforcement tool. He proposes a

reinforcement profile, namely males who are educated, older, and has more political connections. These

subjects were those who engaged in politics actively through engagement with government services like

making telephone calls or communicating online through emails. Interestingly, the younger citizens were more

likely to use emails in contacting the government compared to the older citizens, but it is the older citizens who

would use it consistently as a constant form of communication. This was attributed to the fact that the internet

was still fairly new when the study was conducted (1996 and 1997), thus making it harder for the older citizens

to acclimate to the changes. Bimber conducted a later study in 2003 which provides more evidence that the

internet is used as a reinforcement tool. He posits that the internet is successful in providing people political
information during the campaign season, and thus not able to produce mobilization but provide reinforcement.

It was later mentioned that the internet attracted very few new and marginalized participants to campaigns,

probably because as the internet became more diffused, its effects will lessen. This will lead to its messages

becoming less interesting, as the audience is directed from being purposive to that of a mass audience.

Jennings and Zeitner showed that the internet had a positive impact in terms of an increase in political

engagements. Their evidence suggested that online political participation mirrored offline political

participation. Their study included an analysis of panel data which examined an individuals level of participation

over a period of time, and they were able to conclude that the more politically involved an internet user was,

the more likely that they used the internet to gather and obtain political information. Additionally, they added

that this scenario was more likely to happen to the younger citizens compared to the older citizens.

Theme 3: Social Media as Both a Mobilization and Reinforcement Tool

Cornfield, Rainie, and Horrigans 2003 study focuses on the usage of media as an outlet for campaigners

to reach voters for elections. The internet is seen as a great two-way conduit for them and for the citizens, with

room for third parties (like those outside of the initial conversation) to provide context and commentary. The

report examines online politics from three perspectives: the campaigners, the online citizens, and the portals of

web traffic (AOL, MSN, and Yahoo). Americans were surveyed, ranging from the youth to adolescents to the

campaign managers themselves and content analysis of candidates web sites were also monitored. From the

campaigners perspective, they were deemed successful in using the internet to conduct political research and

communicate with the press. However, they lacked coordination with the public, missing an opportunity to

build public confidence. The number of online citizens swelled from 33 million to 46 million between 2000 and

November 2002, meaning that the audience the campaigners had dramatically increased at a time when public

internet access started to boom. However, the lack of coordination with the campaigners led to them not

finding the information they needed, information which would reinforce their voting inclinations. Most
engagements between online citizens revolved around participating in online polls or swapping jokes about the

campaigns and elections thru email. For the web portals, they served as the gatekeepers of political information

and facilitators of political research, often playing matchmakers to those with similar political interests and

views. This connected audiences to one another, developing extensive directories for campaigners to use but

did not promote election activity as much. An analysis of these perspectives led to the following conclusions:

the importance of grassroots support, open coordination between parties and groups, and the use of humor to

attract attention about and to a campaign. The survey also highlighted the importance of the email as a tool of

communication, where nearly 67% of those who were active online during the election cycle sent or received

emails related to political campaigns. Apart from emails, web sites containing agenda of interest groups

received a lot of attention, being used by internet users as tools for education and information to help them

make voting decisions.

Effing, van Hillegersberg, and Huibers 2011 study focused on social media as a tool in democratizing

our political systems. Using field results of the 2010 and 2011 elections in the Netherlands, they try to

understand the meaning and impact of social media on elections. Current findings in literature dictate that

using the internet as a tool to shape public participation in politics did not meet expectations, but social media

could become the game-changer. While social media platforms did not significantly influence voting behavior

during the 2010 and 2011 local elections in the Netherlands, it did however play a role in the 2010 national

elections. Politicians with higher social media engagements got relatively more votes within most political

parties, showing that these can be an avenue for greater exposure not only to the voting public, but also to

party members and volunteers. The rise of social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter, LinkedIn, Myspace has

made the internet more social and participatory. As a political tool, however, political parties have not been

able to effectively capitalize on the phenomenon. The case is not true for the Obama campaign in 2008, which

was systematically based on social media. Running nearly 20 social media websites, his team was able to

complement their offline work with online publicity, and even bridging the two avenues thru activities like

fundraising. Likewise, the campaign of Segolene Royal during the 2007 French elections connected a massive
crowd, increasing her party membership from 120,000 to 200,000 members with majority not being part of

political parties before. Both politicians were able to effectively expose themselves to the public, using the

internet as a tool to communicate to a wider audience. The internet and social media have been cited as

empowering citizens in participating in politics, with no age range defined. Their accessibility to even the youth

make it a lucrative platform in spreading political awareness. Crowdsourcing has been a vital tool, changing the

perspective of the people to not only become consumers of political information but also as producers. Mass

mobilizations in Iran and other Middle-Eastern countries are just one of the many proofs that social media has

been changing the game of politics.

Norris 2004 study considers the consequences of the internet for civic engagement. In particular,

whether technological change will widen the pool of activists or if it will reinforce the participation gap between

the engaged and the apathetic. The power of technology to transform democracy has become evident with the

rise of new social movements. Again, this study looks at the reinforcement and mobilization theories of internet

activism. Scholars have forwarded the notion that virtual democracy promises a cornucopia of empowerment.

The utilization of bulletin board systems as democratizing technologies, used to exchange ideas, facilitate

political discussions, and mobilize the public. With the new technologies in communication, these opportunities

shrink the distance between the government and the people, helping facilitate direct democracy with the use

of the web and the internet. However, the strongest claim of the mobilization theory is that online activism

represents a new type of political participation. It reduces the barriers to civic engagement like financial costs,

and widens the opportunities for political debates and dissemination of political information. In contrast, the

reinforcement theory suggests that the internet will only strengthen, and not transform, the existing patterns of

political participation. The socioeconomic biases which exist in the conventional forms of political participation

seem unlikely to disappear even with the dawn of the internet, stating that the internet does not change

people but allows them to do the same things in a different way.

Hirzalla, van Zoonen, and de Ridders 2011 study on internet use and political participation focuses on

the mobilization/normalization dichotomy. They say that web-based and theoretical studies often claim that the
internet can mobilize political participation, while survey-based studies say that the internet will normalize

participation. Using the 2006 Dutch parliamentary elections as a case study, they studied the use of two online

vote advice applications (VAAs) of the youth in assessing the nature of internet use when it comes to politics.

These VAAs are highly popular in the Netherlands during the election campaigns as it aids voters by comparing

different parties on a number of policy issues. This tool is widely used by a group that is often considered as

apathetic: the youth. Using structural equation modeling as a method, they found out that the use of VAAs

reinforces the mobilization thesis among the youth, while the normalization thesis best applies to the older

people.

Nams 2010 study focuses on the effects of the internet on political participation. An empirical study

was done comparing the reinforcement vs the mobilization effect, as well as comparing offline and online

political participants and their respective predictors. The study presents three implications: people who do

online political activities are different from those who do offline political activities, patterns of cross-group

difference (demographic differences like race and age) in activeness of political participation make distinctions

between offline and online activity, and that the internet plays a dual role in mobilizing new participation by

offline inactivists as well as to reinforce continuous participation by offline activists. The reinforcement thesis

refers to how the internet would inform, organize, and engage those who are currently inactive in and

marginalized from the existing political system, while the mobilization effect refers to online resources used by

those who are already active and well-connected via traditional channels for reinforcement of beliefs. Testing

these two hypotheses show that the reinforcement thesis as more pronounced, as online political involvement

imitate the established patterns of participation, the internet does not act a pivotal role in transforming it.

When it comes to the demographic differences, it was discovered that those who are affluent and better-

educated were more active both online and offline compared to their counterparts. When it comes to race, in

the American context, whites are more likely to participate actively in offline activity compared to non-whites.

When it comes to age, it was observed that young people tend to participate in online activity more compared

to the older people. This reflects a generational gap in online political activities.
Theme 4 : Social Media as Neither a Mobilization nor Reinforcement Tool

Bouliannes 2009 article aims to answer the question: Does internet use affect engagement? She notes

that many scholars are in conflict regarding the impact of the internet on civic and political engagement. Some

say that internet use leads to civic decline, while others argue that the internet is responsible for reinvigorating

civic life. Scholars say that by surfing the internet, people do not get to participate in civic and political

activities. Others, however, claim that internet use will activate those who are already interested in politics as it

reduces costs in accessing political information and generally presents more opportunities to become politically

engaged. This improved access to information reduces the differences in knowledge between those of differing

socioeconomic status and demographies, notably the youth and other age groups. Her research aims to assess

the hypothesis that internet use does lead to a decline in civic life, as well as if the internet has any significant

effect on engagement. An analysis of 38 studies with 166 effects was examined for the study, with the results

showing that the internet does have a negative effect on engagement. However, it does not say if it has a

substantial impact on engagement.

To conclude, much of my literature revolves around the concepts of the mobilization and reinforcement

theories regarding internet use as agents for civic and political engagement. A clear gap is that there is no clear

prevailing theory as many scholars argue that each theory have their benefits. I find this as both a good thing

and a bad thing, as it gives 2 very different perspectives in studying social media. For future research, I see that

the dominant theory may depend on the type of social media platform used. For example, Facebook, as a very

comprehensive form of social media platform, may be able to attract supporters of both theories as the

platforms flexibility may serve whatever function they deem necessary in the nature of civic and political

engagement. Other platforms which may need more levels of tech-savviness or cater to a specific skillset like
Snapchat, Instagram, and Vine may be more beneficial to the younger ones, meaning that the mobilization

theory could be more dominant. However, we cannot discount the opportunities any social media platform may

present to its users. The internet and technology in general continues to evolve, so it is not surprising to see an

overwhelming amount of political content across all kinds of social media platforms.