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Because many of the published books used in the references are extremely rare , I
have identified the present location of a copy by means of the following abbrevia-
BA Bibliotheque de rArsenai, Paris
Bibliotheque Historicism de la Ville de Paris, Paris
BM British Museum, London
BN Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris
BO Bodleian Library, Oxford
CA Cambridge University Library. Cambridge, England
CO Columbia University Library, New York City
EU Emory University Library, Atlanta, Georgia
GL Goldamith's Library, University of London
HU Widener Library, Harvard University
LA International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, Holland
IF Istituto Giangiacorno Felt-thigh, Milan, Italy
LC Library of Congress
LL Lenin Library, Moscow, USSR
NP New York Public Library, New York City
PU Firestone Library, Princeton University
YIJ Sterling Library, Yale University

Explanatory Note
Place of publication will not be listed for any French-language work published in
Paris, any German-language work published in Berlin. any Russian-language work
published in Moscow, any Itallan.language work published in Route, or any Polish.
language work published in Warsaw, For English.language works, L = London,
NT = New York City.
The full title of journals will be given except in the cases of the frequently cited
Atutalea Historiques de la Revolution Francaise, which will lie Menctles Historiquet:
and the Annati deisIstituto Giangiaarnto Feitrincili, which will be Annan. For Marx
and Engelais Cesanstausgabe, Berlin, 1927 ff., I have used the standard abbreviation,
The full first name is given of any figure who is substantively important as a
person in the development of the revolutionary tradition- only the first initial is
given for figures who are cited only as authorities or authiers.

General Claude-Francois Malet, cited in C. Nodier, Souvenirs et portraits de la
revolution, 1841, 3d. .....
d*riws 308. The rejected metaphor of revolutionary organisation
as an Archimedian lever capable of lifting the world was also widely used in the
early nineteenth century and later adopted by Lenin.
2. Luigi Angeloni, cited in G. Beni, Bossier I i lei reskie gosuclarstva v period
risardzhimenta, 1959, 432.

Copyrighted material
512 Introduction
3. J. Starobinski, "Le mythe 'claim de la revolution." In "Sur quelques symboles
de la revolution francaise,' La Nouvelle Revue Francaise, 1988, Au's, 56-7.
4. "Die Strablen der Sonne vertreiben die Nacbt, Zernichten der Heuchler er-
schlichene Macht." These last solo words of Die Zaubertibte are pronounced before
the Temple of the Sun, whichby the end of the revoiutionary erawas repre-
sented by a circular sun in the midst of a giant triangle (see J. BaItzutaitis, La
Quite crisis. Introduction a rEgyptornanie, 1967, 57), thus linking the solar myth
with the occult geometric symbols that subsequently became central to professional
revolutionary organizers.
5. Restif de la Bzetonne, L'Annee 2000, published as a suttee:lent to Le Thesmo-
graphe, ou iddes d'un honnite-harnme sur un pro jet de reg t, propose a touts
les nations de ITurape, pour operer une riforme generale des lair; avec des notes
historiques The Hague, 1789, 515-58. The only important recent study of Restifs
revolutionary ideas dates the completion of this work from 1788. It was republished
in 179o. See A. loannisian, Kommunisticheskie eiv gody velikoi frantsuzskoi
revoliutsii, 1966, 287p 211.
A second fantasy on the same subject was published by a German communist for
use in France at the beginning of the 184os, Paris en ran 1000, which depicts a
historian lecturing In that year in Notre Dame Cathedral to an incredulnus audience
about the horrors of the by-gone age of war and class conflict. See A. Saitta, Sinistra
liegeliana e problema italiano negli scritti di A. L. Mazzini, isP68i 3949 402. A third
such utopian fantasy was Edward Bellamy's more widely read Looking Backwd,
3000-1887 of r888, on which see Si Bowman, The Year 20o0, NY 1958 See also
the Soviet entry into this field: V. Kosolapov, Mankind and the Tear 2coo, Brooklyn
Heights, NY, me; as well as H. ICs.hri and A. Wiener, Year Two Thousand, NY,
loft. M. Abensour refers to Paris en Ivan 2000 (by an executed veteran of the Paris
Commune, Dr. Tony Mullin, a work unavailable in major libraries) in "L'Histoire de
I'utople et le destin de u critique," Textures, 1973, nos. 6-7, 24 n. a.
8. The tendency to validate revolutionary action by an imagined past is analyzed
by the Polish Marxist Kazimlerz Keiles-Krauz, in his 'The Law of Revolutionary
Retrospection as a Cansequence of ECODOM.1C Materialiam,w Atene-urn, i8g7; dis-
cussed in L. Kolakowski, Main Currents of Marxism, II, The Golden Age, Oxford,
1078, 211-2. But one example of the neglected cosmic dimensions in the thought
of a hard-headed, major revolutionary is A. Blenqui, L'Eternite par lee astres,
Hypothese astronamique, 1872. Blanqui*s abundant further speculations in this area
are presently being researched from the untouched manuscript material In BN by
M. Abensour.
7. See, for instance, the rich analysis of the radicalizing roils played by the evo-
cation of Irish paganism among literary supporters of the Irish revolution W.
Thompson, The Imagination of an Insurrection: Dublin, Easter z9re: A Study of an
Ideological Movement, NY, z967.
8. H. Cobb, "Quelques aspects de la mentailte revoiutionnaire," Revue d'Histoire
Moderne et Contemporaine, zgsg, Apr-Jun, in.
9. Carlo Blanco, a letter of Mar 8, s8.37, cited in L. Carpi, it Risorgimento Rattan,
Milan, i886, Ill, 179.
zo. History Will Absolve Me, L, 1968. 43-5, 77-41, r0I-4. Castro used Dante 's
Inferno to set up his lengthy account of Batista's atrocities (62-3).
xi. See R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution, Princeton, 1959-64,
a v; I. Godechot, France and the Atlantic Revolution of the Eighteenth Century,
rno-r799, NY, ig65; and the latter's fuller exposition and transnationai bibliog-
raphy: Les Rftolutivns 077o=1799), sp65, and ed.
12, E. liebsbawn, Social Eats and Primitive Rebels, DIY, 1959;
13. N. Cohn. The Pursuit of the Millennium, L, r957, for the medieval period;
and. for the most important example from the Reformation, E. Bloch, Tilt:rotas
Mainzer als Theologe der Revolution, Munich z21; also in French. G. Lewy, Re-
ligion and Revolution, Oxford, 1974, has valuable bibliography and traces the inter-
action between the two in a wide variety of times and pUces. But its suggestions of
similarity and continuity between earlier religious movements and modern secular
revolutions are not supported by any serious analysis of the latter.
14. M. de ate au, "La Revolution fondatrice, ou le risque dexister," Etud.es,
rgi68, Jun-jul, 88.
15. Cobb, "Aspects," zao.
Ie. Loulsalliebastlen Mercier. L'A,, deux milk quatre cent quarante. Rive ill en
fist jamas, 1788-7x, reprinted with a valuable introduction by R. Trousson, 1971.
As with his friend Resat, the la ht Mercier was seen as a subversive vulgarizer
of Rousseau and was nicknamed le singe de Jean-Jacques.
17. Title of a chapter In Mercier, Tableau de Paris, 1783, W.
Like almost every generalization about revolution, this is subject to 4ehate---

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Introduction 513
the Dutch revolt against Spain in the sixteenth century having created a new re-
public, the Mexican revolutionary constitution of 1917 having proclaimed social as
well as political objectives. But neither of these events had the ecumenical impact
of the changes in the USA and USSR.
r9. "There is a revolution coming. It will not be like revolutions of the past .
the revolution of the new generation." C. Reich, The Greening of America, NY,
20. J. Revel, Ni Marx Ni Jesus; de la seconde revolution americaine a la seconde
revolution and le, x97o, tr. as Without Marx or Jesus, NY, 1971.
21. J. D. Rockefeller, The Second American Revolution, NY, 1973; and, inde-
pendently, J. Beat, "The Second Anierican Revolution," Vital Speeches, 1978, Jan
15, 208-1x.
22. Cited in J. Johnson, "The Children of God," Potomac, 1975, Apr 12, 15.
23. T. Wertime, 'The New American Revolution," The Washington Post, 1976,
Jul 5, A23, hides his essentially Froudhonist call for rural virtues and decentraliza-
tion in a pretentious muddle of pop-Hegelian prophecies: ". . the acts of birth of
the Great American Mother have been almost continuous.. . A tiger of change is
upon us . . born in some part of the womb of the American frontier. . ."
24. R. De Felice, Interpretations of Fascism, Cambridge, Mass, 1977, 19x.
25. J. Monnerot, Sociologie de la revolution, x969, 7.
26. As suggested by J. Pocock, Politics, Language and Time, NY, 1971, 3, J. Ellul
also complains at length about confusions in the usage of the term (Autopsy of
Revolution, NY , 197x, xoo ff., 177 ff., 197 ff.) but then adds to the confusion with a
title that suggests revolutions are ending, and an ending suggesting that his own
"necessary revolution" may be just beginning.
27. Outstanding as a philosophical-political discussion is H. Arendt, On Revolu-
tion, NY, 1963; as a general sketch of the intellectual origins of Bolshevism is E.
Wilson, To the Finland Station, NY, x9 o.
28. Mezhdun'arodnoe rabochee dvizhenie, x976-78, 3 v. The 21-man editorial
commission is under the presidency of the veteran Central Committee ideologist,
Boris Ponornarev: the first volume treating 'the rise of the proletariat and its for-
mation as a revolutionary class"; the second, 1871-x904; the third, 1905-17.
29. Main Currents of Marxism. Its Rise, Growth and Dissolution, Oxford, 1978,
3v. The first volume, The Founders, deals with the philosophical origins of Marxism;
the second (and in my opinion the best), The Golden Age, deals with the varied
p of Marxist thought in the period of the Second International (x889-
1914); and the third, The Breakdown, deals with the Stalin era and beyond. A pro-
jected multi-volume history of Marxism by the Italian Communist Party may prove
more interesting than most such collective, official publications, since it is sched-
uled to include contributions by non-Communists and dissident Marxists.
30. For a critical introduction to the immense literature on the nature of revolt.
Lion, see I. Kramnick, "Reflections on Revolution: Definition and Explanation in
Recent Scholarship,' History and Theory, 1972, no. 1, 26-63; also discussions by
two historians of the Puritan Revolution: L. Stone, "Theories of Revolution," World
Politics, x966, Jan, 159-76; and P. Zagorin, 'Theories of Revolution in Contempo-
rary Historiography," Political Science Quarterly, 1973, Mar, 23-52; as well as
E. Hermassi, "Toward a Comparative Study of Revolutions," Comparative Studies
in Society and History, 1976, Apr, 211-35; and M. Hagopian, The Phenomenon of
Revolution, NY , 1975.
See also P. Calvert, "The Study of Revolution: A Progress Report," International
journal, 1973, summer; S. Wolin, "The Politics of the Study of Revolution," Com-
parative Politics, 1973, Apr, 343-58; and a neglected discussion of the revolutionary
theories advanced by revolutionaries themselves: R. Larrson, Theories of Revolu-
tion. From Marx to the First Russian Revolution, Kristianstad, 197o. For a survey
of "the changing nature of the 'revolutionary ideal,' " during the last 200 years, see
R. Blackey and C. Paynton, Revolution and the Revolutionary Ideal, Cambridge,
Mass, x976; also their anthology Why Revolution?, Cambridge, Mass, r971; and
Blackey's Modern Revolutions and Revolutionists. A Bibliography, Santa Barbara/
Oxford, 1976. The methods of Marxism and Western political sociology are cora-
bined in a comparative historical analysis of three modern revolutions by T. Skocpol,
States and Social Revolutions. A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and
China, Cambridge, 1979, with useful bibliography 295-303, notes 7, x8, 201 97, and
380-go. Other sociological syntheses not included in Skocpol are A. Decoufie,
Sociologle des revolutions, 196-8; and W. Overholt, "An Organizational Conflict
Theory of Revolution," American Behavioral Scientist, 1977, Mar-Apr, 493-552. The
substantial German literature on the subject is overlooked in Skocpol and almost
all of the studies referenced here. See, for instance, H. Wassmund, Revolutionstheorien,
Munich, 1978; and, for an extra-European perspective, K. lunar, RevolutionThe

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

514 Introduction
Theory and Practice of a European Idea, L, 1971. See also J. Goldstone. "Theories of
Revolution; The Third Generation," World Politics, 1980, Apr, 42553.
A recent Soviet discussion (M. Barg, "Sravniterno-istoricheskoe izochenie bur-
zhuaznykh revoliutsii XVI-XVIII vv." Voprosy Istorii, 1975, no. st. 69-88) proposes
a step-by-step comparison of three major "bourgeois revolutions" (the German peas-
ant wars of the sixteenth century, the Puritan Revolution in the seventeenth cen-
tury, and the French Revolution in the eighteenth) as an antidote to the alleged
chaos of Western historiography. Both his polemic crudeness and his doctrinal
hostility to a synchronous approach are In sharp contrast to the most outstanding
single Soviet study of the revolutionary process in early modern Europe: B. Farah-
nev, Frantsiia, Angliishaia RevoliotsiiaI etrropeiskata politikaii seTedine XVII veka,
197o, which treats all of Europe from 1630 to 1655. Other important discussions
of the revolutionary process during the pecioci prior to the French Revolution and
the development of the revolutionary tradition as traced in this Work are 3. Elliott,
"Revolution and Continuity in Early Modern Europe," Past and Present, ist6g, Feb,
35-56; and P. Zagorin, "Prolegomena to the Comparative History of Revolution in
Early Modem Europe," Comparative Studies in Society and History, 1976, Apr,
A comprehensive Soviet effort to reconcile Marxist pretensions of developing a
scientific theory of revolution with Soviet requirements for defending the evolving
policies of a state allegedly ruled by such a science is provided In M. Seleznev,
Sotsiarnaia revoliutsiia, 1971, useful mainly for its accounts of internal Soviet dis.
eussions of the igfios.
31. An important and neglected "sociological model of the revolutionary process"
came from the short-lived Czech reform period and includes comparative graphs of
the English, French, and Czech revolutions (the latter defined as z414-5o). See
J. Kregi, "Sociologickf model revoluEniho procesu," Sociologickg lasopis, 1968,
no. a, 15sr-73. A recent attempt to introduce new distinctions into traditional Marx-
ist categories is 3. Topolski, "Rewolucje w dziejach nowoiytnych najnowszych
(xvii-xx wiek)," Kwartalnik Hittoryczny, x976, 251-67. He distinguishes
(264-6) between alit types of revolution: pre-capitalist, early bourgeois. bourgeois,
bourgeois-demccratic, early proletarian, and socialist.
32. These complaints are voiced repeatedly by H. Cobb, for instance, in his review
of a good recent history confined to one region S. Schama, Patriots and Liberators.
Revolution in the Netherlands, 1780-1813, NY/1.., 1977) in Times Literary Supple-
ment, 1977, Jul 29, 906-7.
33. The systematic attempt in this area by E. W olfenstein (The Revolutionary

Personality: Lenin, Trotsky, Gandhi, Princeton, 1967) makes its case more per-
suasively for Gandhi than for the more traditional revolutionaries. J. Seigel im-
proves on earlier efforts (such as A. Karl Marx. Elite FisychogTaphie, Vienna,
zg66) in extending this method to Marc; "Marx's Early Development; Vocation.
Rebellion and Realism," Journal of Interdisciplinary History, i973, Winter, 475-508;
and, in the context of his entire career, Marx's Fate. The Shape of a Life, Prince-
ton, 1978.
W. Blanchard, Rousseau and the Spirit of Revolt: A Psychological Study, Ann
Arbor, ig67, is the work of a professional psychologist who speaks of the -moral
masochism" of Rousseau. B. Mazlish, one of th better psycho-historians, discusses
the secularization of the ascetic ideal in the French Revolution, but concentrates
his attention mainly on Lenin and Mao in The Revolutionary Ascetic; Evolution of
a Political Type, NY, i975. Sociological and psychological analysis is combined
with particular effectiveness for Rousseau and Robespierre in F. Weinstein and
Gi Platt, The Wish to Be Free Society, Psyche and Value Change, Berkeley/Los
Angeles, 1g69.
In a class by itself is the psychological portrait of the earliest Russian revolu.
tionaries' combination of asceticism and theatricality by Yu. Lotman, "Dekabrist v
povsednevnoi zhizni (Bytovoe povedenie kak istorikopsikhologicheskala kate-
goriia)," in Literaturnoe nasleclie dekabristov, Leningrad, I975, 25-74. Despite
some terminological opacity, this article provides a tantalizing hint of the analytic
insight that the remarkable Soviet school of sernioticians could undoubtedly bring
to bear on more contemporary subjects if they were not restricted to writing about
distant times and pieces.
34. M. Trahard, La Sensibiliti refvolutionnaire (1789-94), 1936, 28, also 35-7.
35. P. Berger. "The Socialist Myth," The Public Interest, 1976 Summer. 15,
36. D. Bell, The End of Ideologic; or the Exhaustion of Political ideas in the
Fifties, Glencoe, rg6o; Z. Brzezinski, Between Two Ages: America's Role in ass
Te-chnetronic Era, NY. 1970; and Bell, The Coming of the Postsindustrial Society: a
Venture in Social was p, NY, 1974.

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Chapter i 515
37. This line of thought arises from, though is not suggested by, N. Georgescu-
Roegen, The Entropy Law and the Economic Process, Cambridge, Mass, i971.
38. See the call for al"second Proteutant Reformation" by the former sponsors of
the People's Bicentennial Commission of 1976, J. Rifkin and T. Howard, The
Emerging Order: God in the Age of Scarcity, 14Y, 1979.
The erstwhile advocates of social revolution suggested that evangelical Chris-
tianity might spearhead a revolution yet to come in the same 1979 that saw funda-
mentalist Islam dominate an unexpected revolution in Iran and a relatively
traditionalist Pope draw mass crowds in many countries far in excess of those
commanded by any political leaders.

apter 1
See the exhaustive unpublished doctoral dissertation of F. Seidler, "Die
Geschichte des Wanes Revolution. Fain Beitrag iur Revolutionsforschung," Munich,
I055.14, 20-3 (LC).
2. Cited in Seidler, 0147.
3. See V. Snow, 'The Concept of Revolution in Seventeenth-Century England,"
The Historical Journal, V, 1962. no. 2. 167-74; Seidler, zo8 ff., esp. xr4.
4. See M. Walter. The Revolution of the Saints: A Study in the Origins of Radical
Politics, Cambridge, Mass, i965; B. Ballyn, The Ideological Origins of the American
Revolution, Cambridge. Mass, 1967.
For the particular importance of religious ideas in the American revolutionary
ferment, see A. Heimert, Religion and the American Mind: From the Great Awaken-
ing to the Revolution, Cambridge, Mass, 1966; W. McLoughlin, "The American
Revolution as a Religious Revival; 'The Millennium in One Country,'" New England
quarterly, L. 1967, 99-110; and H. Stout, "Religion, Communications and the
Ideological Origins of the American Revolution," William and Mary Quarterly,
1 977 Oct, 519-41. C. Brinton's Anatomy of Revolution, NY, 1938, set theloattern
for subsequent comparative study by treating the Puritan Revolution as the first
modern revolution. A neglected earlier analysis sees the English upheaval as the
first "universal" revolution; A. Onu, "Sotsiologicbeskaia priroda revollutsii," in
Skil-Pak statei portriashchennokh Patilu Nikolaevichn Miliukovu, Prague, 1929.
5. G. Griffiths, "Democratic ideas in the Revolt of the Netherlands," Archly tar
Refortnationsgeschiebte, 1959, so; also his "The Revolutionary Character of the
Revolt of the Netherlands," Comparative Studies in Society and History, 1960, Jul,
452-72, which finds the main attributes of Brinton's model for revolution present
in the Netherlands taken as a whole during this period.
6. J. Maravall, Las Comunidades de Castilla. Una primera revolucilrn moderna,
Madrid. ig63, sees the urban Spanish rebellion of z5zz against the Hapsburgs as
"one of the first explosions" of both national and social revolution (65).
.7, D. Kelley thus characterizes the remarkable hero of his Francois Hotman, A
Revolutionary Ordeal, Princeton, 1973,
8 H. Koenigsberger, in New Cambridge Modern History, Cambridge, rEqz,
302; also his "Early Modern Revolutions," Journal of Modern History, 1974, Mar,
9. 3. Salmon, 'The Paris Sixteen, 1584-94; The Social Analysis of a Revolutionary
Movement," The Journal of Modern }Haan', 2-97a, Dec, 54c.
Fors new version of the repeated attempt since Engels to represent the deeply
religious peasants' uprisings in Germany during the Reformation as a pioneering
modern revolution, see P. Blickle, Die Revolution von 1525, Munich/Vienna, 1075.
Ia. P. Hazard, 14 Mite de la conscience eturoptienne, 168o-171s, 1967, is the
classic account of these intellectual changes.
Ir. P. Gay. The Enlightenment: An Interpretation. The Rise of Modern Paganism,
NY, 1966, especially Book One, "The Appeal to Antiquity."
12. Ottavio Sammarco r A Treatise concerning Revolutions in Kingdoms, L, 173z,
esp. si-s. The original Italian edition was in Turin, 1829. For the background to the
Masanieilo uprising, see R, Villari, La rivolta antispagnola a Napoli: Le mini
(r 585-z 847), Bari, 1967.
13. Le Ritiotuzioni di Napoli. Descritte dal signor Aletsandro Gfray, Venice,
ret47, and many subsequent editions.
14. The Masaniello uprising also inspired nineteenth-century revolutionaries
through influential operatic and literary recreations. See M. Lasky, "The Novelty of
Revolution," Encounter, !cm:, Nov, 37-9,, esp. IL 24.
z5, James Howell, fiarthenopocia, or the His of the Most ogle and Renowned

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516 Chapter
Kingdom of Naples, 1654, discussed in Lasky, "The Birth of a Metaphor: On the
Origins of Utopia and Revolution," Encounter, 1970, Mar, 32. For more detail, see
Lasky, Utopia and Revolution, Chicago, i976; for a magisterial survey of 2,5oo
years of utopian thought combined with concern that "the creative utopian spirit"
may be "drowned by the roar of self-proclaimed ideal societies in operation" or
blocked out by television's "clatter of special effects" and by the "applied utopistics"
of the pseudoscience of prediction," see F. and F. Manuel, Utopian Thought in the
Western World, Cambridge, Mass, 1979, and the review hy R. Nisbet, The New
Republic, 1979, Nov 10, 30-4.
16. According to Lasky, "Birth," Encounter, 1970, Feb, 35. Lasky's discussion sup.
plements materials cited here with copious English illustrations and Spanish dis-
cussions from the later sixteenth century about the possibilities of revolution in
17. Ibid., 36.
A. A group of Parisian publications ranging from Revolutions d'Angleterre
(1670) to Histoire de la revolution d'Irlande 0692), along with seven English
pamphlets with "revolution" in the title between x689 and 1693, are all in BO.
K. Griewank (Der neuzeitliche Revolutionsbegriff. Entstehung und Entwick lung,
Weimar, 1955, 182-9) itemizes Histoires des rOvolutions for almost every count'',
past and present in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries; and there
were many others such as R. Vertot's Bistoire des revolutioras arrivies dans le
gouvernement de la Republique romaine, r719, 3v, which was translated into Polish
J. Sepleha, Warsaw, 1738) and republished In many editions.
The word occurred as the title of a play (Catharine Cockburn, The Revolution in
Sweden, L, 1706), the pseudonym ofa pamphleteer (William Revolution, The Real
Crisis or, the necessity of giving immediate and powerful succour to the Emperor
against France and her present allies, L, 1735), and an adjective describing a new
kind of politicst Revolution politicks; being a campleat coilection of ati the reports,
Ives and stories which were the fore-runners of the great revolution in :688, L, 1733.
(On this, see H. Horwit2, Revolution Politicks: The Career of Daniel Finch, Second
Earl of Notthwham, 1647x730, Cambridge, 1968.)
The English settlement will referred to as "our late Happy Revolution" as well
as "glorious": The Revolution and Anti-Revolution Principles Stated and Compar'd,
the Constitution Explained and Vindicated, and the justice and Necessity of Exclud-
ing the Pretender rriaintain'd, etc., L, 1724, 2d ed., 5 (LC).
A vast world atlas of 1763, which charted all political changes of mankind from
Noah to Louis XV (excluding "revolutions interieures" within states), was entitled
Les Revolutions de l'univers, 1763 (CA).
The Jesuit Pierre-Joseph rleans was the first to deal with the history of revo-
lutions as his sole subject in his Histoire des revolutions crAngleterre depuis le
commencement de la monarchic, 1693, 3 v, which described i688 as "la rivolutian
qui met encore l'Europe en feu." See K.-H. Bender, Die Entstehung des politischss
ilevolutionibegriffes in Frankreich zwischen Mittelaiter und Aufklarung, Munich,
1977, 40 ni 11 232. For a bibliographl and deal list of histories of revolu-
tion in the seventeenth and eighteen centuries, see 184-201.
19. Frederick the Great, Oeuvres, II, 325, cited in Seidler, gz n. b.
20. Oeuvres, II, 235, in Seidler, 336 rt. a.
2i. A. Weishaupt, Nachtrag von Weitern Original.schriften, Munich. 1787, 80.
22. F. von Baader on Aug 14, 1786, cited in H. Grassi, Aufbruch zur Romantik;
Bayern' Beitrag zur deutschen Geistesgeschickte 1765-1785, Munich, 1968, 431 ,
23. Mirabeau, De la Monarchie prussienne. sous Frolderic le Grand, L, 1788 V,
406 ff.; discussion in Griewanki 231.
24. According to J. Godechot, ed. La Pensie rivolutionnafre 178o-1799, 104. 25.
zs. Griewan.k, 230-2; nee also Seldier, 183.
26. According to the unpublished dissertation of T. Ranft, 4Ter Einfiuss der
franzosischen Revolution auf dem Wortschatz der franzosischen Sprache," Giessen,
nos, z23; and Seidler, 185 n. Mira au first used "revolutionarr on Apr 19,
1789, and the word was in general use by the fali.
2.7. F. Brunot, Histaire de la longue francaise des origines Ai nos jours, 19157, IX,
6z8 n. 7, 8. The former note raises the possibility that the word may have been
originated by A. Rivarol, who himself later became a counter-revolutionary.
281. Godechot, per, 127.
29. Cited in J. Thompson, The French Revolution, Oxford, 1966, 27; Brunot, IX,
623-4 respectively.
30. Cited from J. von Lampe, Vber die Reinigung und Bereicherung der Deutschen
Sprache, 17E4. in Seidler, 205. See also the entire section. "Verdeutschungen des
Wortes Revolution." 204
In 1783, a learned Prussian courtier suggested that the Garman world was subject

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Chapter 2 517

only to revolutions passagEres, particsdieres et intestines, and would be a bulwark

in Europe against any revolution totale. The Germans would naturally oppose touts
revolution trop grande et dangereuse & la sfireti et d la Liberte ghtiraie. Ewald
Friedrich von Hertzberg, Dissertation sur les revolutions des Mats et particuliire
rent sur ceiles de l'Allernagne, Berlin, 1787, 122-26, cited Bender, it.42.
31. R. Palmer, "Notes on the Use of the Word 'Democracy; 178p-gg," Political
Science Quitrterly, 1953, Jun, 203-36. For quantification of the use of terms:
M. Tournier, et al., " Vocabulaire de Revoludm," Antes His
Le s, ig&g, Jan-
Mar, rog-24, and materials referenced 211-2.
G. von Proschwitz ("Le vocabulaire politique au XVIII slick avant et apres la
Revolution. Scission ou continuite?" Le Francais Modems, 1986, Apr, 87-202)
argues for continuity, but proves only that the basic terms of nonrevolutionary
entary politics (majority, constitutional, opposition, etc.) bad been adopted
=llarngland well before the revolution.
- Polemic political usage of the term dates
at least from the Dutch Revolution. A pamphlet of 1583 opened with the assertion
that "there live no hapCrulc people than the Swiss, because Democratiathat Is, an
honest, well-appointedbourgeois (borgerlijcite) governmentis established tbere."
Text in Griffiths, "Democra Ideas" 62-3.
The term was widely and diversely used at the time of the American Revolution
(see R. Shoemaker, " Dmocracy' and Republic' as Understood in Late Eighteenth
Century America," American Speech, zg6o, May, 83). James Wilson, an author of
the American Constitution, saw it vindicating "the democratic princi0e." (Cited in
ibid. 89). But most idendlied democracy with chaos in any butsmaa states. They
argued rather for republicanism, agreeing with Madison that "democracies have
ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention . . . and have in general been as
short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths." The Federalist, no. It);
also citations in Shoemaker, 88.
32. An understanding championed by both counter-revolutionaries like Joseph
de Maistre and revolutionary enthusiasts like Georg Forster. See K. Julku, "La con-
ception de la revolution chez Georg Forster," Maude: Historiquss, m1313, Apr-Jun,
227-51. Julltu may overstate the case in suggesting (251) that, by comparison,
eighteenth.century usage of the word seems almost "pastoral." Even in the seven-
teenth century, a dynamic, political understanding of the term "revolution" is
detectable. See, in addition to Seidler and Griewank, 3. Gouismot, "Le mot Revolu-
tion politique (fin XVIII* slick), Annales flestoriquss. z987, Oct-Dec, 417-44.
33. Cited in Thompson, Revolution, 41-2.
34. L. Gottschalk, Lafayette in the French Revolution, through the October Days,
Chicago, 2989, ass.
u. "'Remarks on the Policy of the Allies with respect to France," Works, L, 1803,
11, 138.
38. V. Dalin, Crakkh Babef: nakanune i vo vremla velikoi frantsuzskoi revoliutsii,
2785-1794. 103I 285-6.
37. See Brunot, DC, 769-71, for early usages, derived from the location of the
different parties within the National Assembly.
38. 3. Laponce points out that in all major language-cultures except the Chinese,
the notion of left was associated with secular opposition to traditional social and
religious custom: "Spatial Archetypes and Political Perceptions," American Political
Science Review, 1975, Mar, 17; also R. Hertz, ' The Pre-Eminence of the Right
Band: A Study in Religious Polarity," in R. Needham, ad., Right and Left: Essays
on Dual Symbolic Classifications, Chicago, 1973. Prior Pythagorean and Manichean
use of the left-right duality are discussed (along with E. Bloch's ingirtritous ancestry
for the modern left in Avicenna and die Aristotelische Linke) in V. Fritsch, Left
and Right in Science and Life. L, 1968, In.
39. Brunot, IX, 769.

Chapter 2
I. The magisterial work of W. Kula, Miary i ludzie, 1970, 429-573, shows that
the demand for unified and standard weights and measures was widespread (and
altogether baffling to contemporaries) even in the cahiers de doliance before the
S. P. Chevallier, Histoire de la Franc-Maccrrtnerie francaise. I. La Maconnerie:
Ecole d l'Egalite r725-r799, .1974 360-4. Le Point Parfait was actually founded
during the Terror, becoming "the last to receive its constitutions from the Grand-
Orient." 363.
3. Joseph de Maistre, Oeuvres cotnplEtes, Lyon, 28a4, V,
528 Chapter 2

Etudes revolutionnaires. Philippe D'Orleans-Egalite, 18

0 , see S. Lacroix, Actes de la Co 45. 22..
4-ylA. Duc - in 4 the
the r alms. ..on,
R Oral during ' e
fi rst series,
appendix IV, 596, f osr. pEtrreacdi
"'mune d
i 1896, II, elli
pendant la revot A
liriliefOSSe I/Anti-Versailles ou le Palais-Royat de phui se Fie 4 444ril:
don; R. Heron tie e PPe E
for stiulating, but undocumented d!scussion.

9ailt. a-
1974, -- )11I

The spirit of the Revolution zn 1799, NY, 1 949, 108;

5' Cir; rntre"(3 Tray ifistoire des Cafes de Paris, r934, 74. haaw, cafe
(pseud. -- G' e Life from Swift to Bob Dylan, L, 1978, 3x.
Society. Bohemian
. The account here is derived from dthei detailed j infori2
'nation and caref ul .
iosnauof jaRr.diFnad , te ju.Wet 1789. - .e-
con6strucitin alms -ounnaires, a
Desrnou l9nxti4c, pVileTt,:r:Inuiri
(Tram, 75 If.; Heron de Villefosse
Su lementary materials and versions $-.74. net,
j jort on i The Bastille Falls, 1.1, 12-4) do not materially alter Fargers 'a 2135-6;
193 6 P

G. Rude's study of the event from the bottom up refutes the rom
mass movement, showing that between Boo and 900 probably assaulted the 13-e of a
(even though some 250,000 or more were under arms in Paris), and that feRwstille
employed or even wage earners were involved. d See The Crowd in the French r, un.
tion, Oxford, 1959, 56 ff., I80-I; The Crow in History, NY, 1964, 9 fr., 12rievoltt.
Neither Farge's argument that the events were not a simple respo ' n
DesmouIins's leadership, nor Rude 's demonstration that the crowd wa s ores 21'.1-'
driven by hunger or direct grievance (asthey had been in attacking the notcust
houses) indicates the important mobilizing role playedby the clientele n
Patais-Royal, In this respect, as in many others, traditional, serni.iegendary
counts, which both of these authors refute in detail, may nevertheless come
to the truth by providing (as Farge and Rude never do) an overall accountingofs:
the vent. e
7. Lacroix, Actes, first series, 1894, .1, 97-8.
8. Ibid., 114.
9. Ibid., 423-4.
ro. Rogers, 2o7-9.
xi. Ducoin, 68.
12. P. Dominique, arisen .,..v h.:. e ..e
I roi, 1973. 5gt-60.
13. Ducoin, x96.
14. E. Mahe, Les Sections de
Paris pendant la re'volution francaise, 1898,
There were 2,4co active citizens in the Section of the Paiais-Royal, as distinct from
1,700 in the Tuileries, 1,200
rs. Traz, 74-5- in the VendOme, 90o in the Champs-Elysees, etc.
16, Lacroix, Mites,
Athenaeum ou idees diun first series, i897, VI, 34o-5o; second series, I, 232-3. Also
17. C, Du Boscq de citoyen sur . . . le Palais Royal, 1789, a 63-page work (BH).
revoion lut d'apris Beaumont and M. Bernos, La Famine d'Orleans pendant la
de vie pour le Palais-Royal sa correspondance inedite, xgx3, 3d ed., 214-6. The Reglement
de vie_" More detail on thedated subj
Feb 20, 1789 , was the guide for "le nouveau genre
may well be provided in a work ectanof the House of Orleans during the revolution
d'Orle 9 n Dec, but u nounced for the Journal of Modern HistprYP
availablefr o this study
Orleans and the New Politic" Kelly,"The Machine o fthe Due
18. Moniteur, 1792, S s.
19. Du Boscq de Beaumont, ep 17; Ducoin, Etudes, 184.
20. DtleOirlp 225,
;..1.. 141:lid., 2 also 192-3.
451 209; Rose, Babeuf,
Tuetey, Repertoire 131.
Pendant ia
revolutio f g elle Ira1 des sources manuscrits de lihistoire de Paris . J
1744-1 793. Les in r
-'. - xviii; H. Cros, Claude Faucher
angaiSe, Ii, 1892 i"
3. Du lq Ideses politiques, u xzn-iv,
fr. oscq de Beau economiq ta;, et sociales, 1 9
24. mid. 22 esp. 11. mont , 8-9; Ducoin, 8 12 P 27-8. 224 if,
25. Traz, 73, 1. 7 ff.; Heron de Villefosse,
Sion Heron de Villefo
f subsequent h
vieux p_ ,s
and surprisingly sse, 215. For the exact layout of the Palais-Royal and discus.;
and modifications of this remarkably well pry
e angesParisian
a rt * 1 956 185i-2 0o.
27. Traz, 32,_7+ monument, see j. Hillairet, Connaissance
28. Ibid., 37,
2 9. Ibid., 75} 129
30. rbid,, 47. .
31 ' Ibid.i 491 83
32. Mercier
the halals r I:
P v1 a leau de Paris
, 132.46. ,Amsterdam, 1789, 132; and the entire section an
Chapter 2 519

3. The Goncourts, cited in Traz, 79.

34, Ibid.
35. B. de Reigny, Ahnanach 9ertiral de taus lei spectacles, 1792; Try* 37.
36. The Goncourts, Traz, 79-80.
37. Ibid., 81, 83. For the Palates importance in the unrest leading to the Republic,
see 3. Peltier, The late Picture of Paris; or a faithful narrative of the Revolution of
the Tenth of August, L, 1792, I, 219-20, 231! also 31.
38. Traz, 75; "La Lanterne Magique au Palais-Royal," in Du Boscq, 19-35; also
216; Hillairet, COnfiailialiCer zoo.
39. Du Boscq, 68.
40. Grande Aventure arrivie Puler au soir au ci-devant vicomte de Mirabeati, atL
Palais.Roval, no place or date, but 179o, i (BH). Some indication of the new
language used in the Palais is in Rogers, 66-io.
41. Aventure, ig.
42. Ibid., 18.
See Andre Monglond's undeservedly neglected Le Prerontantisme francais, Gre-
noble, 1930, 2 V, for the "explosion of sensibility . . no scene . which did not
end in tears and embraces" (II, 406, 408), and for the general theory that the
French revolution developed partly from a prior revolution sentirnentale (I, 276,
and "Les origines sentimentales de la revolution," II, 7g ff.).
The intensity of the revolutionary cult of sensibility is illustrated by denuncia-
tions of "the vice of insensibilittg" and by the proliferation of neologisms invented
to describe those who produce the distortions of sentiblerie, sensiblomanie, or sew
timanie ( II, 444-6 ).
43. Mercier, Tableau, X, 133.
44. Ibid.
45. Ibid., 136.
46. P. Bastide, Sieyes et sa wee, 1970p 51-4.
47. Speech to the National Assembly of Jan ao, 179o; extended citation in Paris
revoiutionnairei 1848, 326.
48. L. Prudhomme, Histoire des journaux et des journalistes de la revolution
francaise, 1789-1796, 1846, II, 23o-2. The term "journalism" was not yet in use
during the revolutionary period (Brunot, IX, 8o8), and its retroactive use tends
slightly to trivialize a profession that was designated with more exalted titles at the
49. This I believe to be more accurate than Aulard's suggestion that at alone
advanced a thee of violence during the period: A. Au lard, "La theorie de la
violence et la revolution francaise," Etudes et Jeeons our la revolutian frangaise,
1924, ninth series, esp. 12-6. Marat's exhortations did not come as close to provid-
ing a "theory" as others like John Oswald.
so. L. Ratio, Histoire du journal en France z631-1853, 1853, 61-2. The title of
Hebert's first revolutionary pamphlet, a collaborative effort early in 1790, shows the
importance to him of hoth, the favorite entertainment form of the Palais-Royal and
its almost indulgent delight in flagellating the aristocracy: La Laterne Triagique, ou
Pleau des artstocrates.
5I. G. Walter, Hebert et le Piro Duchirte, 1948} 38 if. list of imitators and
successors' 357.
52. Walter, 365-6, and his entire invaluable appendix: "lexique de la langue
&Hebert," 359-99.
534 See the introduction by A. Soboul to the reprinted facsimile edition of Pere
Duchene, r968.
54. R. Barflies, DegrE zero de recriture, 1953, 7. For discussion of this tactic in
May, 1968. by student revolutionaries in Paris, see M. de Certeau, La use de
parole,. 196_8.
55. A. Decouge, "La revolution et son double," Cahiers internationaux de
Sociologic rg$9, JaiSun, 33-4.
56. In a speech to the electors of Paris, Jun 25, 1781), reprinted in La Chrostique
Moisp 1792, May, s ioi (LC). This early period of revolutionary activity is
discussed in the unpublished thesis from the Sornne of C. Lacroix, Recherches
Sur le COMICSOCial 0790-179i), I975, kindly made available by A. Soboul. The
only significant published study is P. Hariveis Nicolas de Bonneville, Pre-romantique
et rtvoluttonnatre z76o-z828, 1923, which is purely literary and pays Little attention
to revolutionary activity. Rude (Crowd in Revolution, 59) identifies Bonneville as
"The original promoter of the mince bourgeoise." Important material on his later
revolutionary activities not used in these other studies is in P. Caron, "La Mission
de Loyseau et de Bonneville a Rouen (Septembre z792),' La ivolution Francais*,
85p 1932, 236-58, 326-44; also biographical information on the Bonneville family,

Copyrighted material
52 0 Chapter 2
45-9. The fire in the Palais-Royal of x798 destroyed Bonneville'. papers from this
period and makes a reconstruction of his role particularly 411ficuit.
57. II revolutiou qui se prepare," Trawl 47.
58. iribun, 104, 114, 148-9 (BN). See ails; ac ix, 20.
59. IA Tribuu, 114.
6o. Ibid., ion,
61. Ibid., 44.
62. Ibid. 37 ff.
63. A. iulard, "Le tutoiement pendant la Revoilution," Etudes et *on. ruT la
revolution fraugalse, x914, third series, 28 n. Auld, following the practice of
other great historians of the revolution, dismisses this pioneering usage by Bonne-
ville as purely "poetic" and systematically neglects Ws importance even while
pointing to his innovations.
64. Letter of Bonneville to unidentified "Friends of Liberty" in Jun, x79o; Lacroix,
Actes, first series, 2898, WI, 572.
65. Delacroix, zo. This work itemizes for the first time the substantial revolu-
tionary activities of Bonneville, who helped provision Paris and Rouen. Even after
acting as secretary of the communal assembly of June x79o, he continued to address
both the mayor and the heads of Paris districts as a Repretentant de la commune
(Lactroir Aloes, first series, 1898, WI, 565-72).
A valuable doctoral dissertation that came to my attention too late for general
use in this work (G. Kates, "The Cercle Social: French Intellectuals in the French
Revolution," Chicago, xg78) argues that the Social Circle originated in the struggle
of the Commune of Paris against the mayor (x6 if.) and later against the Nationai
Assembly (ica if.). Kates positively identifies za2 members of the Confederation
of whom only, two were apparently manual workers (51 2).
66. Dalin, Babet 317.
67. Lacroix, Act's, V11, 578.
68. Delacroix, az.
6g. Ibid., 36.
70. La Bouche de Fer, I, 1790, 54, also 50 ff. The program is set forth in Du
se if social qui en a concu le dessin . et de tom Lei cercles de francs-fritres gut
lug scut affilies, 179o, discussed in It Rose, "Socialism and the French Revolution
the Cercle Social and the Enrages," Bulletin of the John lands Library, 1958,
Sep, 144.
71. Contrast by Faiuchet, diecussed in A. Mathiez, "Sur le titre du journal *La
Bouche de Fez', Annales Rivolutionnaires, XIX, 1927, 69o. Delacroix (r3) attri-
butes without reference the title to Virgil's Aeneid; but it seems rather to derive from
Georgicon. It 43-4: mihi si linguae centum tint, oraque centum, Ferrea vox.
72 Mid. 687,
73. Letter
' of Dec 1, 1792, from the Director of the Department of Correze to the
Minister of Justice, cited in M. de Certeau, D. Julia, and J. Revel, "Una Ethnog-
raphie de la langue," Annales, 1975, Jan-Feb, 27. See also, more fully, the same
authors' Use i:Politique de la Langue. La Revolution frangaise et les patois, 1975;
and J.-R. Armogathe, "Neologie et Ideologie daps is langue francaise au Tar slide'
Dix-Huitiiime Slade, 1973, no. 5. 27-8.
74. Suggested by Certeau in conversation, Jul 1975, elaborating his discussion in
"Ethnographier a8
75. Early in 279x, cited in Delacroix, 53, 70.
76. Trahard, Sea it revolutionnaire, 41, and the entire section "Le recours
77. Cited in ibid., 289.
78 Ibid., z85.
79,. Aulard, Les Dramas de la revoiution, z9o7, fi, 198-9 and ff.
So. Saint-Just, Oeuvres (ed. Gratien), rf14.
81. Cloots, L2 Ri7ublique universelle ou adresse aux tarrannicides par Anacharsis
Cleats, amateur du g enre humain, 1793, 82.
8a. Bonneville, Le Nouveau Code Conjugal, itabli 'yr Les bares de La Constitu-
83. La Bouche de Fer, 179!, Apr 33 cited in Deiacroix, 83.
84. For Bonneville'. juxtaposition of associations parlieret to stets de inIres
et diainis, see Chronique du Mots, 1792, Jul, 82.
85. Le re de Nicolas de Bonneville, avocat au Parlement de Paris a M. le
Marquis de Cendorrcet, L, 1787, 4' (BN).Ilynine e. la verity/1i," 1.4 Po a Le de Nicolas
Bonneville, 1793, '55 (BA); and Bonneville's translation of Jules de Taninte,
cited in Harivel, 92.
86. Baltnulaitis, Quate, 28, 30-1, 65-6; Poitie de Bonneville, 123 ff.

Copyrighted material
a,... citations from ,rthec . un_published d oc ni
for 321

pL g do sophe views "Le ei r! tie,-Heetiolution: the Abtie iftissertation of

257.-6o. See al so mor u ti "Rernarques phiCloreitet (in
1 9571a' particu-- - P Melan9es de 14#1...,i
ip oN " ni:n.,CNordon
sorsirailar argu ments were used earlier: (I) b Philosophic, Is 8P . hie
et di gp
t ixo
e s
e tewt7p:(101,18vw
o,pi illn ce'..A.
American revolutioinaan ridesiofrorun atuassblhigngthe word lit literate to ,30.es
1.2 29
P 1111

nating charrn' "whose Very- wit criticizika

foci axons inspire, that drives "an Enthu" slam in . , sound sound . ---...
_ales and nconfounds
.. all Cal 1 tiara ' Men
CU II with
grounded ,i, an unusual Iralike that which 71" a
13k1-1 " 534) and also (a) by modera'LLpon rational p ' PettiSitY, that
stout, " Relig10113 P
Bevo hition, who cautioned already in I789 abo ui l{e
in eft (Cited

by leaders who "would burden us with P er and dan -4 Free

when used '. cr
!phalli/ions de Paris, 1789, Nov 7-14, 3 ) and atns wahile speakiler
c'w ofe :-..ruis"

liberty killed liberty itself." M. J. Cheri erg brother cP later. cla Nitro"
i nl
i : i
cited in Gordon, Philosophe, 2 54 ) For moDrewornibaatecro: aedreiescu: th
ttil Con the opposition
ailosophes to the revolution, see A. fors,
ill PariSt
Princeton, 1976; also R. Monier, "Le 1.1 - . oterie An r..., liodbia : evetann
rexperience revolutionnaire," and S. Moravia, "La Societe d' Auteuil et 1 ermient
than:. Dix-Huittie hemp Scieecsle
ero s 1 974) 45-57, r8I-9 1.
By relating PofIrIpPolitical
popularization in Ana
of religious revivalism, Stout helps explain why sthe
instn.t Rev-oolu atiporriloirl.Laatrsarnedvoi:
terminologically innovative as the French practical, t1sun'
woa d ("Rhetoric and Reality in the American lievolutiol u.t,ional inventiveness,
Revolution illiarn and Mary
QUarterlY, 1966, Jan, 26) asserts the general importance
during the American upheaval but offers no illustration 4

88. Morel let} "Apologie de la philosophie contxe ceuxel4ui :uarpf new terms,
I :lc c ulfr
la revolution" (1796), Melanges, IV, 329. seennitlideeds na rhatut:::
89. Report of Abbe Grfigoire, cited in M. Morrnile, La "Neotogte
de Louis-Sebastien Mercier Rome, 1973, 199. ' " quoLutionnaire
go, Varlet, L'Ex-plosion, 7 (BM). At the height of its own war against bureucl
and inherited tradition, the cultural revolution in China urged the resection a even a
of the original slogan of revolution: "Tear Aside the Bourgeois Mask of
Equality, and Fraternity,' " PPking Review, x966, Jun io, esp. 13. ,
r. Mercier, Tableau, X, x3z-46; Restif, Le Palais-Royal, 179o, 3v. The friendship
of Mercier and Restif is discuased but not explored by R. Trousson in Mercier, L' n,
21-2, Mercier inherited ReNtirs papers at death: M. Chadourne, Restif de la
Breionne ou le siecle prophitique, 1958, 350 n. 2.
921 MOrnlilei 25-6; also Rest, Mes inscriptions, journal intime, 1889, preface.
93 Mormile, 157-8, 164 n. 2.4. The term is probably derived from Bonneville's
94. Ibid., 201-2, For Mercier's indebtedness to the innovators of revolutionary
terminology, especially Mirabeau, Bonneville, and Restif, see ibid., 230.-z, 3061
337-8, 347-8.
95. L'An (ed. Trousson), 63-4.
96. VAri (cd. 1786), III, rho, as cited in or e, 17o.
97. L'An (ed. Trousson), 388. See the imaginary extracts from gazettes in 2a
different parts of the world, 388-415.
98. Mercier, 14. Rousseau considere comme run des premiers auteurs de l a
ion, x791; also Mormile, 155.
99, Cited in Trousson, 68. many
1 0- Eloges et discours philosophiques, xv, cited in Trousto.n, h2i2s. uLtiokpei ;lei
other philosophes, Mercier was tempted to visit Russia to realize at, see the
and tried urisuccessf 11 u y to go early-inthe z in of Catherine
Lui-Sebasnantke Gre
Merle 1 ego . .

unpublish d doctoral dissertation of T. anadvorova,

utopichos e row,...
..._h Leningrad, x947, 16, in which he was
44 16 (( 2440-i god," al hole,
vt,121 . .Cros, Faucitet, 29; and discussion of the Soci O
4Ju'inevilleis principal collaborator, 25-41- g4--.9.
110231 In, . '
. } Actes, first series, x898,
r01-X viiP 5
77 P
5672 564P 5 -- - Old

14 11024Che de For,, 1790, I, 3. thloesC

wirlur rclLe:craot!tique ,
04. Ibid ca,....,,oni.4 ..3 pagination, 1-4, for the "Prospectus F.,
and ., .:1
---- iv Actes,
ici._. 1.,
2) th
. e 'Portrait du Cercie Social."
firsts _ .r.stimates in Rose, 146, which differ somewhat from
10 eries, lin, 597.
8: Delacroix , 33_4.
i litose, x 44.
oannishin, idei, 43p 39-4o.
522 Chapter 2

io. Ibid., 35-8, supplements the still basic account of A. Lichtenberger, "John
Oswald, ecossais, jacobin et socialiste," La Revolution Franfaise, XXXII, 1897,
John Oswald, Review of the Constitution of Great Britain, 3rd augmented
edition (Paris, 1792), "and sold at the Cercle Social" cited loannislan, ldei, 47. An
important role in this campaign was also played by the English priest, David
Williams, whose Lessons to a Young Prince by an Old Statesman on the Present
Disposition in Europe to General Revolution (1791) was translated and republished
in La Bouche, and who influenced Bonneville even before emigrating to France as
an honorary "citizen' of the republic. Idei, 41-2.
112. A French translation appeared in the same year: ibid., 49-50 and
113. De l' sprit des religions. Ouvrage promis et necessaire a la confederation
universelle des amis de la verite, 17927 249,88 (LC).
114. Ibid., 88.
115. Ibid. ( appendices of the second edition), 118.
z6, Ibid. (appendices), 132.
117. Cited from an unreferenced work of the Social Circle in Mercure de France,
1790, Dec x8,96.
118. Cited from Fauchet in ibid., xo8.
rr Ibid.
I2o. Les jesuites chassis de la franc-maconnerie et leer poignard brise par Les
macons, L, 1788, I, 27.
121. Cited in V. Semevsky, Politicheskie i obshchestvennye idei dekabristov, St.
Petersburg, r910,402. See W.so M. Halushin, ed, Pushkin i ego uremia, Leningrad,
1962, 165-6 n. 3.
r22. Bonneville, Esprit, z29-30.
123. Ibid. (appendices), 326,322, 343, 333.
124. Ibid. (appendices), 334. According to the hostile account in the Mercury
de France (Dec 18,1790,98), Bonneville addressed these words to the sun with the
invocation: ECLAIRE, le Monde sera eckzire.
125. Mustrations and textual keys, ibid., 236-43. Much of this was borrowed
from David Williams. See loannisian, "Elzhon Osval'd i 4Sotisaliny Kruthok,' "
Novaia i Noveishaia Istoriia, 1962, no. 3, 66-7.
126. Esprit, 250.
127. J. Abray, "Feminism in the French Revolution," American Historical Review,
1975, Feb, 4g, following the judgment of Aulard, cited 5o.
128. Bouche, I, 3; Etta Palm, Appel aux frangaises sur la regeneration des
moeurs, et necessiti de l'influence des femmes dans un gouvernetnent fibre, x791,
129. In addition to her Appel aux frangaises, see Discours de Mme. Palm
d'Aelders, hollandaise, lu a la confederation des arnis de /a verite, Caen, n.d.; and,
on the Societe des Amis de la verite, A. Mathiez, La Revolution et les trangers,
130, E. }luny, "Note sur diverses gravures de Bonneville representant des negres
( 1 794-1803)," Anthropologic 0899), X, 42-6. Bonneville's associate, John Oswald,
insisted that the "rights of man" be extended not only to women and slaves, but to
animals. See his The Cry of Nature, or an Appeal to Mercy and Justice on behalf
of the persecuted animals, L, 179x (I3N).
131. Alekseev-Popov Sbornik . Volgina, 329.
132. Lacroix, Actes, first series, VII, 6ox.
133. M. Conway, "Thomas Paine et la revolution des deux mondes," La Revue
Hebdomadaire, XXVI, 'goo, May 26, 478; XXVII, Jun 22 74-5. Recent work on Paine
offers no important new material on his Paris stay, and generally overlooks the
study by Conway, which characterizes (XXVII, 75 n. 2) Paine's Declaration of the
Volunteers of Belfast (Ina) as the first public manifesto in support of the French
Revolution outside France. Barlow also later wrote a Letter Addressed to the People
of Piedmont: see J. Woodress, A Yankee's Odyssey. The Life of Joel Barlow, Phila-
delphia/NY, 1958,134.
134. Cited and discussed in Conway, 479; for Jacobin alarm at the circle, 480-2.
135. Karat, Izbrannye proizvedeniia, x956, III, 126; Dalin, Babef, 324,
136. Morton, Bastille, 2o5.
137. Mathiez, Etrangers, 37, 105-ii. The Swiss, too, had their "bureau of corre-
spondence" close to the Palais-Royal (34). For the furious antiforeign campaign of
late 1793, 138 if
138. Text in Caron, "Mission," 334-5.
139. Rose, 153-66; Ta. Zakher, "Zhan Varlet vo vremia iakobinskoi diktatury,"
Novaia i Noveishaia Istoriia, 1959, no. 2,113-26.
140. For the difference between referential symbols, which suggest ideas linguis.

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

Chapter 2 523

tically, and condensation symbols, which in some way directly express or look like
the object described, see F. Sapir, Language: An Introduction to the Study of
Speech, NY, 'gat; and discussion in Laponce, "Archetypes." xi, n. i.
.r4r. Hillairet. 12.
142- Description of the'program drawn up by David in Chronique de Paris, 1793,
Jul ii3; translation in Henderson. 357-8; illustration of the fountain, 356.
tin. I. Tiersot, Les Ftes et Les chants de la revolution francaise, rook 95 ff.
144, Tiersot, 27-30.
145. Ibid, r07: Descends, 6 Liberte, fille de la Nature:
Le peuple a reconquis son pouvoir immorteL
Sur les pornpeux debris de rantique imposture,
Ses Mahn relevant ton autel. raTiersot, 1071
146. Citizen Guiboust in a speech to the popular society of the Section of the
Republic, cited in M. Ozouf, La Fte revolutiannaire 178g-gy, 1976, 301-2; see also
Abbe Gregoire, Essai historique et patriotique stir lei arbreg de la liberte, an II.
147. Ozauf, 313, 315-62 102.
148. Ibid., 310.
149. 3. Crocker, The Guillotine," Essays on the Early Period of the French Revo-
lution, L, 1857, 550, 519-71.
150. Evreirtov, "Teatralizataila zhizni," in 'natr kak takovoi, Berlin, 1g23,
50--I. For full discussion of Evreinov's theories and their impact on his own reen-
actment of the storming of the Winter Palace (subsequently largely incorporated
into Eisensteinis film October), see the forthcoming Princeton doctoral dissertation
of P. Thon, to whom I am indebted for this citation.
151 Ibid., 51. For another sustained depiction of the French Revolution as the-
ater ("of demonic picturesqueness . . Latin perfection of form"), see E. Friedell,
A CuZtural History of the Modern Age, NY, 1954, II, 3B0-5.
152. Citoyen Gregoire, Swansea de no topographiques (z793), cited
in B. Baczko, LumiEres de l'utopie, 1970, 369.
153. Tiersot. 4o.
r5. Ozouf, Flte, r77.
z55. Declaration of Sarrette, cited Ozouf, 152.
156. Ozouf, 157.
157. Micheiet, cited in Tier t, 157.
158. Oaf, 178; detailed account Tiersot. 156-67; Baczko. Luntares, 283-71.
159. Report of nit principal author of the calendar, G. Romme, cited in Baczko,
"Le temps ouvre mit nouveau Ilvre Thistoire. L'utopie et le calendrier revolution-
naire," Lumierea 214. See also A. Galante Garrone. Gilbert Romme. Storia di un
rivoluzioviario, 1959; and. for Rommes litdelnown influence on his Russian ward,
Count Paul Stroganov, Dalin, Liudi, 9-2r,
r6o. Romme, cited Raczko, Lumieres, 215.
rex. Ibid. 217, 2 F 224,
162. Fibre &Eglantine, cited in Henderson, 402; also 399-4oi.
163. Mathiez, "Robespierre et le culte," 124.
164. Declaration so me des droits de l'hornme dams Vatic social, 1793 (repr.
1967), 4-
: 65. Text in Dommanget, "La Fte et le culte de la raison." Annalet Relsolution-
naires, IX, 1917 355.
i66. ou f, 736-7; Mathiez, Autour de Robespierre, 1925, 123-44 also 117-20.
167. C. Nodier, cited in Ozouf, 130.
188. Ibid., 131.
169. The importance of this exhibit is stressed in Walter Benjamin. " Paris capi-
tale du XIXe siecle." Oeuvre*. noir. II, 129.
170. Cittd in Ozotil, zos n. r.
171. Tiersot, Fetes, 2o2-4.
r72. M. Thiebaut, "Motif Carnavalet." La Revue de Paris, 1935, Jan 15. 439.
"Apprends 6 ma chore /le/ Que je puis matter./ rai fini mon grand ouvrage."
Resdfs fullest prerevolutionary picture of a communist utopia Is that of an imagi-
nary island in La Decouverte australe par ton homme-volant, ou le Didale francais;
Mauve tr, s philosaphique. Suivie de la lettre d'un tinge, Leipzig, 1781; cliecuesed
most fully in Ioannisian, "Utoplia Beata," r8i. if I. Pinset, in citing a variant ver-
sion of Resting hymn of praise to his beloved isiand, refers to the island as repre-
senting not so much the site of a social utopia as the psychological focus of 114 the

great, egocentric romantic pilgrimage." "Les Origines instinctive, de la rivolution

francalae," Revue d'Histotre Economique et Soria } i96z. no. 2, 201,
The infatuation with idealized islands as a refuge from artificial social convention
is again traceable to Rousseau. See E. Wagner, Vile de Saint-Pierre ou i'lle de
Rousteau dans le Sac de Bie-nne, Bern, n.d.; Monglond, Preromantitme, II, 44 fr.

Copyrighted material
524 Chapter 2
Further stimulus was provided by Charles Garnier's series: Voyages imaginaires,
songes, visions, et romans cabalistiques, Amsterdam/Paris, 1787-95, esp. VIII, 1787:
L Isle inconnue.
173. The literature on utopias has become enormous and increasingly repetitious
in recent years. More introduced the Greek word for "nowhere," Utopia, in his pic-
ture of an imaginary voyager discovering an ideal society: De optimo reipublicae
statu, deque nova insula Utopia, Louvain, x5i6; and some subsequent Reformation
tracts published in Antwerp were listed as coming from Utopia. M. Kronenberg,
"Forged Addresses in Low Country Books in the Period of the Reformation," The
Library, 1947, Sep-Dec. 81-3. Similar dreams of an ideal order like those of Andreas
and Campanella arose in the wake of the religious wars in the early seventeenth
century (just as Plato's Republic bad appeared after the suffering and division of
the Pelopormetian Wars); but secular utopianism begins with the awakening of the
geographical imagination and of social criticism in the literature of the Enlighten-
The earliest secular utopiaslike many of the most recentsaw men overcoming
sexual as well as social divisions. Gabriel Foigny's Les Aventures de Jacques Sadestr,
1676, and Varrasse d'Alais, Histoire des Severambes, 1677, depicted, respectively, a
society of hermaphrodites and a communal life with eight hours of pleasure a day
(Reybaud, Etude, 37-40, 54, 60). But secular literature soon began to invest real
places with the utopian qualities of perfection. The tendency to idealize European
experiments (the Jesuit state of Patagonia in Paraguay) gave way to more radical
praise for the unspoiled Indians themselves, beginning with plays like Dialogues or
Encounters between a Savage and the Baron de la Houta, 1704. In the course of the
eighteenth century, "heroic" utopias inspiring men to action increasingly prevailed
over "escapist" utopias lulling men to quiescence. This progression in 3. Szacki,
Utopia, Warsaw, r968, is similar to the one that C. Rihs traces from "sentimental"
to "revolutionary" utopias in Les Philosophies utopiatea; le uthe de la cite corn-
munautaire en France au Mane s cle, x97o; and to the distinction of E. Bloch
between "uchronias," which look back to a heroic past, and "utopias," which are
future-oriented sources of militant optimism and secular revolution. See Bloch, Das
Prinzip Hoffnung, z955, II; and Geist der Utopie, Frankfurt/Main, 1964; also
P. Furter, "Les functions de l'utopie," lamagination creatrice, la violence et le
changement social, Cuernavaca, 1968, 3/11-3/41. B. Baczko, "Lumieres et Utopie.
Problemes de Recherches," Annales, 1971, Mar-Apr, 355-86, inclines rather to the
view that utopian ideas generally lead to reformism rather than revolution. L. Sar-
gent, "Utopia The Problem of Definition," Extrapolation, 1975. May, 137-48, dis-
cusses none of the preceding works and deals mainly with narrower literary and
structural problems. For an uneven but often stimulating series of short papers and
discussions on social ideas in utopias, see Le dlscours utopique. Col to de Cerisy,
Utopian thought helped launch the revolutionary search for "symbolic geography"
(Certeau, "La revolution fondatrice," 81 fL)4 for some tangible, secular locus for
an alternative society. The disruptive tial of this mode of speculation was in-
creased when combined with the "p , irreligious and socially revolutionary"
tendency to juxtapose natural law to Christian tradition. R. Lenoble, Esquisse dune
his Isere de l'idie de nature, x969. 365. In addition to this searching study of at.
tempts since classical antiquity "to construct against the myths of one's time a
coherent Nature subject to laws" (927), see also the works of G. Atkinson, esp.
Le Sentiment de la nature et le retour a la vie simple (169a-1740), Geneva, ig6o,
and of G. Chinarci, esp. L'Anierique et le reve exotique dens la littirature frangaise
au XVIle 1963, 2V; also L. Crocker, Nature and Culture: Ethical Thought in
the French Enlightenment. 1963; and P. Van Tieghern, Le Sent tent de la nature
dans k preromantitme europeen, 1960.
174. The still mysterious Morelly's Code de la nature, ou le veritable esprit de
sea loix, de tout tents neglige ou miconnu, appeared in five editions between 1757
and 1773, following on his Naufrage des isles flottantes, ou Basiliade, Messina,
1753, which purported to be translated from an Indian work. See R. Coe, '1 A la
recherche de Morelly," Revue cl'Histoire Litteraire de la France, z957, Jul-Sep,
Babeuf's program for economic redistribution and welfare was so closely based
on MoreIly's Code of Nature that he has been called "MoreIly turned into a man of
action." H. Baudrillat, Dictionnaire &economic poll tique, 1852. I, 427; cited by
Dommanget, Babeuf et les probb)mes du Babouvirme, 32. See also IL Coil, 'Le
theorie morellienne et la pratique babouviste," and the appended discussion be-
tween Dart Saitta, and Coe, Anna les flistorioues, 1958, Jan-Mar, 313-64; for
Morelly's with an alleged "liters communist"
mm movement of the eighteenth

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Chapter 3 525
century, Cot, Moray: Ein Rationalist wit dent Wege rum Sozialismus, 1961, 9;
and. for Babeurs direct testimony of derivation. 2964
175. G. Likhoddn, Sii'ven_ Maresharf "zaveshchanie Ekateriny Lertirigrod,
1974. 18-20. Le Tom au de 1.4. Rousseau, 1779; L'Age &or, recueil des cantes
pasta raux par le Eger Sylvain, 1782. The dominant poetic influence was that of
the German-speaking Swiss painter.poet S. Gessner.
176. No copy has apparently survived. See 0. 'Cumin, "Sylvain Marechal et le
Manifeste des Egaux," Revue Historique de la Revolution Francaise, nom, L 513.
'77. Correctif a la Revolution, 17931 discussed Ioannisian, ldei, 149-59. This
work has been called the founding tieatise of modern anarchism by one of its lead-
ing historians: M.Netttau, Der VorfriOiling der Anarchie 1924,1.
178. Cited in Kamilla, "Marechal," 51r; also Dommanget, Marechal, 455.
179. G. Pariset, Etudes clihistoire revolutionnaire et coattemporaine 1920.129-3o.
i80. Cited in Thompson, Babeuf, 28; also 27-9, and Ioannisian. Idei, 223.
at. Barlow, "Genealogy of the Tree of Liberty," unpublished, undated manu-
script, Houghton Library, Harvard, bMS Am 1448 (r3), 21.
This could be one of the relatively few French revolutionary rituals to he derived
directly from American revolutionary precedent, if Arthur Schlesinger is correct in
his suggestion that Thomas Paine introduced into France the practice of eulogizing
liberty trees; ifLiberty Tree: A Genealogy," New England Quarteith Dec 1952p 453.
But Schlesinger's learned study explores only the American side. He seems unaware
that this practice developed in France well before Painera arrival, and quaintly
patronizing in his suggestion that Barlow was simply writing 'for his own anause-
rnent" (438 n. I ).
182. See the loose page added to Barlow, Ge ne al ogy ," 25, on the liberty cap,

which was allegedly adopted by the Romans as the cap that signified the gift of
liberty to a slave.
183. Ibid., 23. The erotic aspects of revolutionary symbols will apparently be dealt
with in a for Polish work of M. Janion, who has already written on "the
fevers of romanticism"; Coraczka rantantyczna, 1975.
IN, Le Pied was translated the following year Into G-eratan and, in 1774. into
Russian in St. Petersburg, where Resdfs works generally received a warm reception.
See G. Buachidte, Retif de la Breton's v Hosea, Tbilisi, 1972, esp. zora-g. For a cone
venient bibliography in French of Russian work on Restif neglected In Western
scholarship. see 3a8-4o. Le Pornographe ou Wes d'un honnate-homme eur un p-rojet
de reglevnent pour les proetituees, Labe Hague, x779; see discussion in Poster,
Restif. 33-5o, and material referenced in 97 ni i on Restirs own possible foot fetish.
185. Poster, ggp.
x86. Ibid., and Monsieur Nicolas. 1, 359' Like almost all Western writers on
Restif, Poster seems unaware of the importance of this "communist" work-and
relates erotic impulses to literary forms rather than to social or revolutionary

Chapter 3
t. Brunot, IX, 641.
2. W. Adams, "Republicanism in Political Rhetoric before r776," Political Science
QuarterlY. 1970, Sep. 397-421. For widespread prior identificadon of republican
forms with the negative features of the Commonwealth in England, see P. Maier,
'The Beginnings of American Republicanism r765-17-no" In The Development of
a Revolutionary Mentality, Washington, 1972. 99-117. See also C. Robbins, wEuro-
pean Republicanism in the Century and a Half Before r776,' ibid.,
3. Cited and discussed in G. Dutcher, "The Rise of Republican Government in
the United States," Political Science Quarterly, umo, Jun, 2o g. He also credits John
Adams with simultaneously turning the word into a badge of merit and authoring
a model republican constitution for Massachusetts (which. alone of all formed
prior to 1707, remains in force). Ibid., 209-IT.
4. G. Gbelfi,idEuropean Opinions of American Republicanism during the derides'
Period, 1713I-178g,' unpublished doctoral thesis, Claremont. 1968. American writers
of the 178es who considered their revolution incomplete looked for its fulfillment
in a formal constitution rather than in further social change. See D, Higginbotham.
'Me Relevance of the American Revolution," Anglican Theological Review, 103,
Jul, 33-4.
5. Palmer, Age, I, 489-5os.
6. The Life and Works of Thomas Paine, New Rochelle, 1925, VI, ione.

Copyrighted material
526 Chapter 3
7. Republicain ou le difenseur du gouvernement representatif lasted only four
issues. Dalin, Da f, 4107-8. Paine saw "a new era that is going to wipe despotism
from the face of the earth" ushered in as revolutionary republicanism became
"universally extended." See his Lettre de Thomas Paine au peuple Francois, 1792,
Sep 25,3, 7 (EU).
8. Dalin, 405.
g. "Constitution," in La Chronique du Moist 1792, Jan, 3. This journal like Re-
publicain was edited by a group that included Bonneville. Paine, Condorcet, and
Brissot. Bonneville likens the constitution of the state to the constitutions of nature
itself and ofthe human bodywith "the people" its "blood" (4).
io. A. Mathiez, "La Constitution de 1793," La Revue de Paris, 1928, Jul 15, esp.
318 if.
ix. Successive periods of this tradition, which became essentially nonrevolution-
ary, are traced in G. Weill, Histoire du parti republicain en France de 1E114-487o,
4128, and J. Scott, Republican Ideas and the Liberal Tradition in France, 1870-
1914 NY, igi5x.
The word "republican" was used as early as 1770 in France as a virtual synonym
for revolutionary. J. Godechot, "Pour tin vocabulaire politique et social de Ia revo-
lution francaise," Actes du 8 Congres national des sociflis savantes. Section &his-
toire moderne et comemporaine, 1,1964p 371-4. The concept of citizen also acquired
radical meaning prior to the revolution (A. Dubuc, "Le journal de Normandie avant
et durant les etats-gentraux:' in ibid., 387 n. 7), and came to be resented by some
as a new term of privilege during the revolution (Godechot, ibid., 373).
22. Lettre de Fa e, 3, 7; Palmeri, Age, II, 113-23.
Z3. W. Nelson, 'The Revolutionary Character of the American Revolution," in
C. McFarland, ed., Readings in Intellectual History. The American Tradition, NY,
1070, 159. The American concept of independence and nationhood probably exer-
cised its main influence on the Latin American revolutions that began in 1808. See
J. Lynch, The Spanish American Revolutions. z8o8-1826, a valuable synthesis that
is weak in discussing ideas. The concept of independencia will be treated in a forth-
coming study of German Arciniegas; and the historical luster of this term probably
accounts for the intensive recent use of its opposite (dependencia) by Latin
American nationalists to characterize their continued cultural and economic domi.
nance by North America without direct control.
The first Declaration of Independence in Europe after the outbreak of revolution
in France (that of the nearby Belgian province of Brabant in October 1789) re.
peatedly refers to "the nation" and "the body of the nation," and insists that "the
will of the nation is always the supreme law." Godechot, Pence, 68, and 67-9. The
word "nation" entered the vocabulary of American politics in the ideological mod-
em sense largely after the outbreak of the French Revolution through idiosyncratic
ideologists like James Wilson, then associate justice of the Supreme Court who
asked rhetorically In Chisholm vs. Georgia in x793: "Do the people of the United
States form a NATION?' (G. Dennison, "The 'Revolution Principle': Ideology and
ConstitutionalIon in the Thought of James Wilson," Re-view of Politics, 1977, Apr,
187). The first university course taught on the American Revolution (at Harvard in
1830 used a history written in 189 by an Italian nationalist who had become a
French revolutionary activist in order to inculcate a full-blown romantic nation-
alism for which there were still no American texts. Carlo Botta, History of the War
of the Independence of the United States of America, Philadelphia, 11321, 2V; dis-
cussed by M. Kammen, A Season of Youth, NY, 1978' 282-3 n. 83 D. Donald con-
tends that presidents before Lincoln "generally avoided the term" (nation), and that
the Civil War led to the widespread adoption of the European term and the end of
the tendency to refer "to the United States in the plural." Liberty and Union, Bos-
ton/Toronto, 1978f 215.
14. J. Godecbot, "Nation, page, nation alisme et patriotisme en France au XVIIIe
fie"" 4n ales Hist?Nue', 1971, Oct-Dec, 494-6.
15. Delacroix, 9.
x6. G. Zernatti, 'Nation: The History of a Word," Review of Politics, 1944, Jul,
352-8p 361-5-
Account of Apr, moo, by Nicholas Karamzin, cited in Brunot, IX, 838.
al. Le Magnikat du tiers-itat, 1789 (EU).
ig, Synthles des Patriotes francois, ou Credo des anti-aristocrates, 1790, 7 (EU).
20. Litanies du tiers-iitat, 17902d. ed. zo.-z (EU),
ars This line of interpretation is suggested, though not developed, in the stimu-
lating new study by a Breton separatist J. Y. Guiomar, L'Ideologie national. nation
representation propriete. 1g74, 91-4. J. Gottmann sees a new conception of terri-
torial sovereignty emerging from the French Revolution as the basic characteristic
of a nation: The Significance of Territory, Charlottesville, 1973, 74-6.

Auteursrechtelijk beschermd materiaal

Chapter 3 527
22. Memoires pour servir a Ishistoire du jacobrinisme, Hamburg, 17913-9, Hi, 184;
cited in Godechot, "Nader'," soo.
3. L. Krieger, "Nationalism and the Nation-State System: 1789-187o," in Chap.
tern in Western Civilization, NY, r982., 3d. ed., II, its.
24. 1.-E. Harsany, La Vie a Strasbourg sous la revolution, Strasbourg, 1963, 99,
lists 73 cabarets, 86 outdoor rotisseries, and 33 brasseries in Strasbourg in 1789, and
describes (89-99) this "golden age of cafs."
5. The basic picture presented here is that established by J. Tiersot, Histoire de
la Mantillas., zips, 27-9, which can be supplemented by A. Dietrich, La Creation
de La Marseillaise: Rouget de Lisle et Frddiric de Dietrich, r917, and confirmed In
P. Martin, "Propos autour d'un tableau historique: Rouget de Lisle chantant 1a
Mors liaise," Seisms d'Alsace, s964, Winter,
It had long been argued that the melody could not have been invented so rapidly
and must have been taken from some forgotten operatic work of the periodvari-
ously said to be Dalayrac's SamDines ou reeve de l'atnour, Grit 's La Caravane de
Caire, or a lost work of Maul, to whom Rouget de Lisle dedicated his published
collection of 1796. Tiersot carefully refutes these claims and insists that Rouget
was the sole author of both words and musk: Histoire, 410-22. More recent specu-
lation has focused on possible borrowings by Rouget from an oratorio based on
Racine's Esther, composed by the 11111111iC master at the Cathedral of Saint-Omer,
where Rouget was stationed previously. See M. ogela is,Quellen und Bausteine zu
einer Geschichte der Musik und des Theatres in Maas, Strasbourg, 'gm A. Gas.
toue, "L'air de la Marseillaise, naquit-il a Saint-Omer?" Echanges et Recherches,
Roubaix, 1939. Jan 148-53. answers the question with a decisive no, insisting that
the composition was original. At the same time, he indicates that Rouget drew some
key phrases from local military terminology ("enfants de la patrie" and "aux armes,
citoyens") and from Sargines Centendez-vous le bruit de guerre . Marchons,
marchons"). See also further references and discussion in J. Mouchon, La Musiquz
en Alsace, Strasbourg, 2970. 136.
26. Hareem'', io9-ro and if.; R. Reuss, La Cathedrale de Strasbourg pendant la
Revolution, x888. "Ein feste Burg" was itself adapted for the revolution: M.4. Bopp,
"La Poesie politique pendant la revolution," Deux Siicles d*Alsace francaise, Stras-
bourg/Paris, 1948, 184.
27. BoPP 195-6.
a8. Tiersot, HistIre, 68-71. This Offrande de la liberti. Sane religieuse sur le
chant des Marsei/laises was first performed on Sep 30, 1792.
29. Ibid., 71. See also ibid., 63-7; and L. Fiaux, La Marseillaise: Son Histolre
dans l'histoire des francais depuis r 7g a, 1918. 148, 346-7; also B. Shafer, Faces of
Nationalism: New Realities and Old Myths, NY, 1972, esp. 136; and, more generally,
J. Leith, "Music as an Ideological Weapon in the French Revolution," The Canadian
Historical Association: Historical Papers Presented at the Annual Meeting, 1966,
30. Flaunt, 33.
31. J. Chaffiey, "La Marseillaise et ses transformations jusqu'a nos fours," Actes
du Elg congrEs national des socliftes savantes, 1964, 1, 16.
32. For description of La Revolution du xo aout ou le tocsin allegorique and the
judgment that it was the most important festival held outside of Paris during 1793,
see Tiersot, Lea fOtes,
33. La Musique en Alsace 136+
34. Croker, Essays, 84g-5r, corrects the still widespread belief that the first
such machine was made in Paris by either the scientist Gutilotin or the surgeon
35. Bonneville, 1.Am:de MDCCLXXXIX ou Les Tribuns du Peuple, nd., v, 8o,
36. See the Assembler des representants de la Commune de Paris. Extrait du
procis.verbal, 17 juin x790, and the handwritten attached letter of Bonneville to
Desmoulins, which are not catalogued but located next to a copy of
L'Annee: Rf 17044 (BA).
37. Document and discussion by Mathiez in Annales Revolutionnairec VI, 1913,
rot-a, and VIII, 1916, 437.
38. Harivel contends (Bonneville, rdsT) that Bonneville's friend Letourneur first
used "romantic" in its modern sense; but his undated example almost certainly
derives from prior German usages discussed by A. Lovejoy, who ascribes the first
use to Schlegel but also stresses the importance of Schiller: Essays in the History
of Ideasp NY, 1955. 183-207.
39. See the neglected doctoral dissertation by E. Nacken, Eulogius Schneider in
Deutschland (1758-1791), Bonn, x93i, published only in part as Studien fiber
EMUS Schneider in Deutschland, Bonn. 1931. The basic studies are F. Heitz,

Copyrighted material
528 dEutoge S c hnei d er, aSst:oaubrogu
la vie et les , rigab94112i14,14. NI
PEITioi te; surhne ider. Sein Lel)"und-se-i.nean Sc-hrtihft S 11
eider, strasbourgi 11396 .....nd pz, 1932ri, 15f f articles by 01'114441i
Eu1107 Ire it n c VII I, 193 1 P ?99-44ctu_toring. of..N
Histor ique., s other laOn3cco k1
l te3r3s6:-42N,11 irt
Annales, 135. 21848. Schneider's nia.nti.. ideas
z is%Fussed in T. a,'11 StrasbNa,
1,73; AAAanznission o f proto-roman
nd the tr Charles Nodier, Beit-rage ur Gesc tchti3 el.er roman:7Hi "bie
a Ische alai
schilderung bell Tv 7' SPTric it.
d Literature", - 4 me grands courants de Fopinion publique i, r, ken
WI40. see F LHuill'er P
Tiersot, s
Histome, Ttnaies Higtoriques, IX, 1 i 4Jeux iA
73; A
5 a X m..,

d'AiSaC) 244I?!
and Tars
S k j
s7 5
; 9i
:der the only revolutionary to use the cour: 32 'vcItt'
Twelve Who Ruled: The Committee of p fourbiticiss
h voluittiortath.:c
er'riae t ry
propaganda," 1, x87-90. The best source'
;Tench Revolution, 1_9 4
to be theahi.storyt wdritten in Prison by risaufficielnly
institution would seeni ia propag _ndiieu e es miracles quieue c
slose associates: ilistoire
de ,,hreidee&
referred to in R. Jaq_uel, n terroriste alsacien: %4 lActit'
cs trasbourg . . . , Strasbourg, 1967 (repr. of 1954), 2Le Corcl"
Jung," La
Bourgeoisie Alsacienne, and section on Schneider, 13.33. 86. raer
Nadler, Souvenirs, 2X ;
d 107' Schneider, Heber die Denunziationen," Ar9os, RI, 17 93,
42. ars n J P

43. Harsany,101. P
Argos, 1793 , Aug 31 p Sep 3, cited in D
44- iTatriotischer feu zzug; eux Wciegi
26a. Lesebuch fur unsere Zeit, Weimar, 1952' 346,
45. Cd Forster , Ein
46, Text in Harivel, 153.
Bonneville, L'Hymne des combats, 1 797p 5; also his Les "Francs-Cermin . e
nos ancetTes, discussed in ,runot, ll IX, 633.
La Chronique du Mois, 1792, May, 7. Faucheti s article "0n the
48. "La Drulde,"
University of Nature" (Bouche de Fer, 1790, no. 25, 385-97) is discussed by
Alekseev-Popov, Sbornik Volgina, 305.
49. Mathiez, trangers, 67. Nodier stresses his role in Paris even more: Souvenirs
de la Revolution et de 1' Aire, 3d ed., 1864, I. 245-6; T...T., 24 ff.
50. N. von Wrasky, A.G.F. Rebmann. Leben und Werke eines Pubtizigten zur
Zeit der grossen franzosischen Revolution, Heideiberg, 1907.
1. Matbiez, Etrangers, 112-7, 142, 153-1. Pvimer has correctly noted (Age, II,
u7) that the foreign revolutionaries . . . rernain one of the mysteries of the French
Revolution." No aspect of the mystery has be less explored than the impact
within France of the largest neighboring nationality, the German. One of the few
studies that even raises the question is Stern, Anacharsis Moots der Refiner des

Menschengeschlechts. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Deutsche n in der fratizilisischen

Revolution, 1914.
52. Cloots, La Republique, Igo.
53. Bonneville, Le Vieux Tribun et sa Bouche de Fer, 27; cited in Brunot, IX,
633 n. 2.
54. Such as his incendiary "Prise des armies," La Chronique, 1972, lay, 94-10.
representant du pettple
au genre liumain, par AnaCharsis Cloots,
sau5v5. Appel
eta, nd, 20, These capitalized words end the pamphlet.
56. Herder, Samtliche Werke, 18 x V,zo. It Er ang Herder and the Found'
bons of German National' ? NT thatt Bartuel
_ manMaY is
9 ' xxoif
P 193Ip 5 3 4 The g possibility
in fact have taken the term ismfrom prior usage by Herder or some other G e. I de-
given Fort by Palmer's
suppo almost exciusivey
Pl's analysis of Barruel's - - work as a
pendent on Ge an sources and authorities; Age, II, 2.5I-4.
57. Statement of1803, cited ' . Harivel, Bonneville, 79. See a
in also 77-118 for
n literary influences in France from the beginnings of the I7805 , mission t
58- Palmer wei ve, 3.6; on Saint-Just, 9io, 73-7; and, on hip
1; 7.2
$9. Laponce, 4dA0.1. 1.
rCnetypes i" 12.
6o. II unto, cut hitt'114tempi 4son presenti," Paradiso, XVII, I S i

61 Ci onivi 12. ThlS n .

mental work (b a f :ter, Saint-Just et la force des choses, by Malra ft-b'e usefullY
19541 %'R ur UltiprOP

f riend of Carnus, with an introduction

nately lacks precyi
S Upplemented se documentation on many key points. This wor.k can t Pg Allnafr$
- hy M. Abenso Saint4US ? 1, raphY
is tques 1966 3tJ an,411a ur, La " Philosophie politique de A hilnlOgP f
BMA ....,nobtics
by j..p. fir}OES A ,,4., r i 1 32, JunSep, 341-58; by the articles ' 1 0

Vioienct : F Coil s and by

r Waltert
.... wn IvioOrep
oque aint-just 1968 -
oril bil"tesquieu to the Terrorists,
The Critic ID3obit
Essays in K. WoIff and "' 1 21-49.
.1 FP r*
2- Palmer , T ' in Honor of Herbert Marcuse, Boston, 1961,
Twelve 74.
Chapter 3 529
63. 011ivier, 38-41.
04. Ibid., esp. 37 B. 011ivier sees this neglected play Organs as a key to Saint-
Just's development, and points (55) to another subsequent lost work, Dialogue entre
M. D. . et rauteur d'Or9ant."
65. Cited from Ariequin Diogerte, in ibid., 57,
66. Ibid.
67. Ibid., 7z,117,94, on LiEsprit de la revolution, finished late in 1791; on De la
Nature, de retat civil, de la citO au la rear de l'indirpendence, which Abensour
dates between Sep x791 and Sep 1792, see the bilingual edition edited by A. Soboul:
SainWust, Frammenti sulk Istituzioni republicane, Turin, 1952.
68. 011ivier, 89-7o.
69. Ibid., 228-9.
70. Frammenti, 133.
71. Ibid., 174. Italics added.
72. B. Baczko, Rousseau solitude et cammunaufe, Paris/The Hague, 1974. 141-2.
The first part of this rich study argues persuasively for the retroactive application
of the overused term "alienation" to Rousseau; and the second part, for the cen-
trality of a twofold concept of nature In Rousseau as the denial of what is and the
affirmation of what might be. See also L Reiche, Rousseau und dal Naturrecht,
1035; and for the impact on Saint-Just, S. Kritsche*sky, J.J. Rousseau und Saint-
Just: Ein Beft-rag Entwicklungsgeschichte der sazialpolitischen !deems der Mon-
tagnards, Bern, x895, esp. 30-x.
73. Text in B. Dmytryshyn, Imperial Russia. NY, 1967. 241.
74 Wirier, 75, 7 8,9.
75 Ibid., 88.
76. Ibid., 88-ia.
77. Ibid., 173 187.
78. Ibid., i68, 252, rro.
79. Oeuvres de Saint.fust (ed. J. Gratlen), 1946, 296-7. Italics in original.
80. 011ivier, 232.
Sr. Ibid., 233-g.
82. Mid!! age; Oeuvre, (ed. Gratien), 184.
83. Onivier, 297.
84. D. Hamiche, Le Theme et la revolution' 1973, 174; text, 269-305. For
provincial performances and imitations, see M. Dommanget, Sylvain More 1.
Vegalitaire, lihomme sans Dieu." Sa vie, son oeuvre 4750-1803), 1950, 258-73,
The image of "the word revolution" as a "trumpet of the Last Judgment"
resonating "in the four corners of Europe" was used already in May 179: in the
Rivolutions de Paris for which Marechal wrote (A. Aulard, The French Revolutian.
A Political History, NY, igto, I, 237). Independently in 1703 the German radical
Georg Fonter wrote that the lava of the revolution is flowing and no longer spares
anything." Julku, "Conception,' 251.
85. Section from Organt describing his "holy shuddering" in contemplating the
lava inside Mount Etna "where Terror resides" capable of ending "the sleep of
tyrants." 0111vier, 52.
86. ifDane le temple de la Raison,/ Aux yeux de la nature,/ viens me mettre
l'unisoni Abjurer 'imposture." La Hite de ta raison. Opera en tin acte, '794. 20.
Copies of this and another little.known Marechal-Gretry opera. Denis is Thran.
Opira en un acte, 1794, are in IA.
87. Calivier, 36-7.
88. Knowledge of this work derived solely from the review of a performance
printed In Gazette Nationale ou le Moniteur Universe', 1793, Oct 22 (repr. 1847,
XVIII, x71), identifying the author only as "citoyen Saint-Just," the composer as
"Mengozzi." The latter is undoubtedly Bernardo Mengozzi; and the former, probably
the revolutionary leader as A. Soboul contended in Winging this notice to my
attention. Another Saint.Just, however, the brother-in-law of Cherubini, later wrote
operas of a lighter sort with French collaborators; See A. Pougin, LiOpera-cornique
pendant ia revoititian de z788 d .r8oz, Geneva. T973, 247, 2o7 2r3.
89. Milder, 233; Oeuvres (Gratien), 292.
go. Oeuvres (Grattan), 3o6.
gr. Schneider was arrested the day after his marriage. with Le Bas playing an
uncharacteristically major role: Harsany, Vie, 310 n. 628; Mathiez, Et-rangers, 174.
92. Mathiez, &rangers, 94-8. She appears to have been victimized by the retro-
active application of a previously unknown concept whereby "cidzenship" in one
country was seen as in with communicating with representatives of
93 Clara letkbi, Zur Ceschichte der proletarlachen Fri +t Deutsch.

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530 Chapter 3
lands, 1958. 16-7, on these neglected groupswhose dimensions may be somewhat
exaggerated by the revolutionary enthusiasm of the author. For other provincial
examples, however, see Abray, Weminism," so n. 40.
94. Jules Michelet, Les Femmes de la V0111 NO71,1898,115.
95. M. George, 'The 'World Historical Defeat' of the Republicaines-Revolution-
naires," Science and Society. 1976-1977, Winter, 412; also 432-7 for the "male
chauvinist" denouement
g6. Censer, Prelude, 97-8.
97. Abray, 56,
98. Cited from report of A. Amar on behalf of the Committee of General Security
in Abray,
99. Censer, 96-7.
ioo. On the etching (done from life and distributed rapidly) as the popular
answer to the aristocratic engraving during the revolutionary period, see H.. Mitchell,
"Art and the French Revolution; An Exhibition at the Musee Camay&let," Hietory
Workshop, 1978, Spring, esp. ;27-g.
mix. Thompson, Revolution, 553.
102. Dec 14, 1793, in Oeuvres comptites de Saint-Just (ed. C. Vellay). xgo8, II,
x6r, echoing his complaint that "the laws are revolutionary, those executing them
are not." Report to the Convention of Oct to, 2793, in Oeuvres (Gratien), 174-
103. According to E. Hamel, the earliest biographer of Saint-Just and the one
most disposed to find female companions for him at every turn, in Olivier, 505.
104. Report to the Convention on factions, Mar 13, 1794, in Saint-Just, Discours
et Rapport. (ed, A. Soboul), 1957, 171; and the beginning of his famous last defense
of Robespierre: "je ne suss d'aucune faction; je les combattrai toutes." 011ivier, 61 ,4-
105, Ibid., 510.
zo6. Thum, F& s, 41.
lin. modele eternel de rassemblement, de simplicite et d'allegresse," Ozouf,
xo8. Tiersot, Ftes, 128,
zo9. Thompson, Revolution, 551-2, on the repas fraternels.
'so. The word is invoked in a description by his colleague in the Committee of
Public Safety, Bertrand Barere: 011ivier, 654.
x z Oilivier, 649, 597-8.
112. Ibid., 652-3.
xx3. Ibid., 651-2, 655. A life of Cromwell was found in his room after his
execution, 650 n. x. These attitudes contrast with earlier criticism of Cromwell and
of Christianity for its subordination to Constantine. A. Malraux characterizes Saint-
Just as "passionately totalitarian" by the end; 011ivier, 17.
xx4. See M. Dommanget. "Saint-Just et la question agraire (en rapport avec ses
origines paternelles et la terre picarde)," Annales Historiques, 1966, Jan-Mar,
ixs. Cited in A. Mathiez, "Robespierre et le culte de rare supreme," Annales
Rivolutionnaires, 19x0, III, 219.
xx6. Mathiez, "Constitution de 1793r" 314-5.
3117. The "Questions sur les loix agraires," ostensibly published in London, re-
produced in Saitta, Buottorroti, I, 285, who attributes the piece to Rutledge, then
resident in Paris.
TA. Rose, Eabeuf, lox.
Iz94 L. Bernstein, "tin plan soclaliste sous la revolution francaise," International
Review of Social History, xg37, II, 2o9. See Abbe Antoine de Cournands De la
proprititg, ou La cause du pautrre, 1791 (but written in 178g, according to Ioannisian,
Imo, x3); also Dalin, Babef, 427-35,
220. Cited in loannisian, Idei, 55. The text of his plea for acceptance into the
Friends of Truth (cited 54) is reproduced as an appendix to Delacroix.
A work of Dolivier was found on Babeuf at the time of his arrest: Essai stir la
justice primitive pour semi' de principe gentrataur au seal ordre w ial, x793. See
Ioannisian, 'del, 58-9,
121. Rose, Babeuf, 73 101-2.
122. Ibid., 3g, refutes Dalin's hopeful suggestion that Babeurs concept of a
ferme collective already represented the essentials of the Soviet " farm"
collec tive

in 7786.
On this complex question, see G. Lefebvre, "Les origines du cornrnunisme de
Babeuf."IKe Congris international des sciences historiques. Rapport., I, 561-71;
discussion in II, 2,37-43; also Godechot, 'Travaux recants," in Babeuf, Buolsarroti,
12-4; and R. Legrand, "Babeof en Pkardie," 22-34.
123. On the Lettre 'run depute de Picardie, and the abundance of copies
covered by police in a raid on the Palais-Royal in August, see Rose. 7e, 305 na so.

Copyrighted material
Chapter 3 531

x24. Ibid., 78.

125 ibid., 14x.
26 . Ibid.. 44, 62.
127. Founder considered himself the first figure to turn rerPrIt Publique Into
l'esprit militaire, by arousing the Palais-Royal on June o, 1789; and, in his project
for a cercle dieducation, proposed the beginnings of a revolutionary military school:
Mernaires secrets de Fournier ramericain. 1890. 5' 42-4; also A. Espinas, La
Philosophie iodate du 'clan made et la r4volution, 1898, 219-23; and Dalin, Babef.
508-14. who corrects some dating in Aulard's introduction to Fournier's memoirs.
'28. On Babeurs links with No Makketros, Rose, Babeuf. 136-9, corrects
12o. Cited in Dalin, 516.
r3o. Eapinas, 225; Dalin, 516; Rose, 138, 151.
t3r. AuIarcl, Parispendant la reaction thermidorienne et sous le directoire,
i898, I, art 2 of in x. Newly discovered material indicates that Babeuf favored
unlimited press freedom: R. Legrand, "Les manuscrits de Babeuf conserves a. la
Bibliotheque ilistorique de la Ville de Paris," Anna les Historiques, 1'973, Oct-Dec,
esPi 573.
232. Letter to Joseph Bodson, Feb 28, 1796, in M. Dommanget, ed., Pages chess
de Etabeuf, 1935, 285, See also 165-6.
Recent surveys updating the bibliographical discussions on Babeuf by Dornmanget
and Rose are Dalin', "L'historlographie de Babeuf," La Pens e, 1966, Aug. 68-101;
and The Most Recent Foreign Literature on Babeuf," Soviet Studies in History,
z973, spring, 353-70. Dalire' Babe f covers only the period prior to the conspiracy.
The first volume (of four) covers Babeurs writings up to z789 (Sorkinenlia. 1975,
I), has also appeared in French, and includes hitherto unpublished work in the
133. Prospectus in Pages, 228; justification of the new title in 189-7x.
The recently reproduced (z966) edition shows that the new slogan began to ap-
pear regularly with no. xi; of Journal de la liberte de la presse; the new name
Le Tribute du peuple ou le defenseur des droits de l'homme being adopted with a
five-page explanatory footnote only with no. 23.
r34. Response to Pier:v.-Antoine Antonelle of 1796, Page., 268-7o.
135. Manifeste des I:dation of 1796 from Tribun du pruplee in Pages, 250-4.
These phrases are repeatedly italicized. The undated prospectus of the Trawl is in
Pages, 228-31.
138. Cited from the text in G. Lecocci, tin Manifette de Gracchus Babeuf, 1885, in
Pages, 172-3. On the eclipse of the Jacobin clubs, see J.A. Faucher, Les Clubs
politiques en France, 2965, esp. 23.
137. C. Ma uric (Babeuf et la cons-ptration pour regalit4, 1962, r r n. z) sees
this passage standing at the head of a line of thought about base areas for revolu-
tionary warfare which moves through BlanqUi and others to Mao.
138. Letter of Jul 28 to Charles Germain, Pages, 219-20.
139. Pages, 257, 264.
140. Ibid., 219-20.
141. Ibid., 275.
141. Cited in H. Baulig, "Anacharsis Clouts conventionel," La Rivolution,
Francaise, 41, 1901, Dec, 435.
2 43. Charles Fourier, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, proposed that
phalanges of about sixteen hundred withdraw from society to form phalanstires,
the socialist equivalent of monastares, (A. Senor, Jr., 'The Evolution of the Socialist
Vocabulary," Journal of the History of ideas, 1g48, Jun. 270-1.) These phalanxes
championed peaceful social idealism from the first effort by a Hovnanian Journalist
in Bulgaria F. Manuel, The Prophets of Paris, Cambridge, Mus, z96.2. 208.9)
to the enclave of New England intellectuals at Brook Farm. The same texm was
revived by Fascists a century later: From the Falanga of Polish Fascists who later
became Stalinisu (A. Bromke. "From Talangai to 'Pax,' Survey, 1961, Dec, 29-40)

to the elite units (a gee of Franco's successful rnilitarf revolution against the
Spanish Republic.
But the main continuing thread of usageand that most faithful to Babeuf
was that of Filippo Buonarrotl, Babeurs disciple, future biographer, and historic
revolutionary in his own right. about whom we shall have a good deal to say later.
Buonarroti's followers were to reach as far afield as the Flemish Phalange 'lantana:le
Anneessens of the i830s. (A. Galante Garrone, "Buonarroti en Belgique et is
Propagande Fgallt re, fn Babituf et les problem*. du Babottuirme. 103, esp.
221-5; drawing largely on 3. Kuypers. Les Egalitaires en Belgique, Buonarroti et
sea societgs secrites, d'apres des document. inidits, 1824-1836, Bnissels. 196o.)
Auguste Blanqui called for a homogeneous phalange of activists capable of pro-

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532 Chapter 3
viding militant leadership, of acting as the "forceps of revolution," (Marx and
Engels, Sochineniia, II, 596) while the original German Communist leader Wilhelm
Welding mobilized in the early aisos a "brotherly phalazx" for equality among
emigres in London.
Bakunin in his correspondence of 1870 with Nechaev, argued that the Russian
revolutionary students of the 186os were "a true youth . . without status or homes"
who could uniquely provide the needed "phalanx" for "the people's revolution."
(Letter of Baktinin to Necbaev of Jun 2, 1870, first published by M. Confine in
Cshirrs du Monde Hulse et Soviitique. 1966, Oct-Dec, 626.)
The recurrence of this Babeuvian-Buonarrotian term may be merely fortuitous;
and revolutionary genealogies are notoziously elusive. But there is within Babeufus
original revolutionary "phalanx"-particularly as idealized retrospectively by
Buonarroti-an interesting foreshadowing of the passe for purity-and for
purge-of the modern professional revolutionary.
144. Babeuf, Pages, 249-50. The figure of 2,000 ill given by Buonarroti only. For
a concise and critical discussion, see D. Thomson, The Babeuf Plot, L, 1947, 21 IT.
145. Pages, 265-7.
146. "Manifeste des Plebeiens," in Pages. 2,56, and text 250-64. Lie Manifesto des
enragis of 1793 by the revolutionary priest Jacques Roux was not originally so
entitled and lacked the systematic structure of Babeure work. See Dommanget,
Jacques Roux Le cure rouge, n.d., 53, te.tt 83-91.
1417. Mazauric, 135-40. He follows the careful argument of A. Saitta in refuting
suggestions of serious dissent within the conspiracy. Saitta shows that at least six
of the seven were in essential agreement with Rabaul". program. "Autour de la
conjuration de Babeuf, Discussion sur le communisme 0706), Ante es Historiques,
198o, no, 4, 426.
148. See P. Bessand.Massenet, Babeuf et le parti communisto en 1796 1926, 28;
also Mazauric, 139.
X4119. The full title was VEctaireur du peuple, ou le defenseur de 24 Milli0712
d'opprintes. See Mazauric, Babruf,
i5 o. Dommanget, "La Structure et les methodes de la conjuration des egaux,"
Annales Rtvolutionnaires, XIF, 1922, 282. Facts about the conspiracy are from
177-06 and 281-97.
rsr. According to the detailed, though often unreferenced account in K. Berg-
mann. Babeuf Gkich and Ungleich, Cologne. 19651 346-51.
152. Pages, 264.
153. Tribun du peupte. no. 35, 1795' Nov 30, 97. Italicized in the original (and
placed in quotation marks).
154. Pages, 272.
155. M. Dommanget, "Tempdrament et formation de Babeuf," Babeuf et le
babouvisme, 32-3. Dommanget departs from his usual thoroughness in discussing
the implications of a trend of thought which he--like most admirers of the early
rervolutionaries-apparently finds either distasteful or embarrassing. Invocation of
Christ also occurs in the key document first setting forth his Agrarian Law, the
Letter of Sep xo x70 (Pages, 122); but Dommanget excludes other works of Babeuf
that discuss this theme.
156. G. Avenel, Anacharris Moots. L'Orateur du ge-nTe humain, 1865, I, 233, and
22o-69; Fauchees religious ideas are In his De la religion nationale, I789.
157. The Spartan Jacobins had earlier been contrasted with the Athenian
Girondists, See Ozouf, Fates, 127 Li and E. Rawson, The Spartan. Tradition in
European Thought, Oxford, 1969.
258. Cited with multiple references in Dornrnanget, Martichal, 3o8.
159. Correctif d la Revolution, 1793, 306. The work was published anonymously,
but a poem signed S.M. is printed opposite the title page. (EN)
16o. Ibid.. 307.
161. Cited from Mukha, Tableau historique des evirnernents revolutiortnaires.
1795, 160, ill Kucherenko, 168.
162 R. Postgate, ed., Revolution from 1789 to 1906, NY, 1962, 54; see, however,
the more diluted document actually adoptedby the secret directory of the con-
spiracy: 56-7.
163. Pages, 311-3.
z64. Espinas, 248. This was the chorus.
res. Ibid., 285.
x66. For the breakdown in the tabulation by Buonarroti, Rose, 264.
167, Ibid., 244-58; Espinas, 282-4. The latter's description suggests the imam
rection as a kind of fate.
The basic appeal for leadership from Charles Germain to Babeuf invoked for the
lint time the metaphor of the revolutionary elite u a motor within a a

Auteursrechtelijk beschermd materiaal

Chapter 3 533
"Let us rally our forces to a common center. The party which seeks the rule of pure
equality would he only a faction unless you declare yourself its leader', you must be
its motor. . ." Espinas, 241 n.
168. Ibid., 36z.
z69. Palmer, Age, II, 18o, and 195-7, minimizes the likelihood of links between
the Dutch and the Babeuf conspiracy. W. Fishman, The Insurrectionists, L, 1970,
42, assumes direct coordination, but misdates the Amsterdam uprising and offers no
170. J. Godechot, "Le Babouvisme et rate italienne (1796-1790," Revue de.
Etudes Italiennes, 1938, OctDec, 270 and 265 ff. Some supplementary material
is in Onnis, Buonarroti, 38 ff,, who unaccountably makes no apparent use of the
Godechot article.
171. Godechot, 268, for the text of a diatribe against Buonarroti from the army
to the ministry of foreign affairs on Apr 9, 1796: 't knows nothing about the world

and its affairs . he is seeking a mission whose vast object is completely un-
I72. Ibid., 272. Buonarrotils friend was the "revolutionary commissioner" with
the Napoleonic army. Both his position and his complaint resemble those of
political commissars with Communist armies in our own times against the narrowly
pragmatic perspectives of professional soldiers.
173 Ibid., 273-83.
174. M. Kukiel suggests a possible Baheuvist influence in pr by powstmicze pip
trzecim tozbiorze. x795-4797, Cracow/Warsaw, 19z2, 253. L Miller stresses in-
digenous Polish roots: "Vozzvanie Frantsishka Gozhkovskogo," in iz istorrii sotsiarno-
politichesitikh idei4 Sbornik staff h semidesiatipiatiletiiu Voigina, 1955, 365-75.
:75. Bergmann, Babeuf, 487-9.
176. Friedrich von Gentz, Vrber die Momlit& in den Staatsrevolutionen, 1797,
cited in Griewank, 248.
177. Rose, 32, 98.
178. G. de Nerval, Les Illumines. R4cits et Portraits, 2929, 113. This Is one of the
mast imaginative discussions of Restif's ideas. For a closer an of texts from a
different point of view, see the equally neglected work of loannisian, "Utoplia Rettfa
de lia Bretonna," livestila akadetnii nail t SSSR, otd. Witch. nauk, 1931, VII
serila, no. 2,171-200, no. 7, 833-56.
R. Darnton has stressed the general importance of what he calls "grub street"
radicals In "The High Enlightenment and the Low-Life of Literature in Pre-
Revolutionary France," Past and Present, no. 5z, 1971, 8z-115.
179, This prophetic aspect of lie stif Is fully discussed (though at times exag-
gerated) In Chadourne, Restif.
180. loanniaian, Idei,, air
18z. Nerval, xxx-2.
182. First proposed In Le Thevmographe, The Hague, 1789, ad part, 511-4; dis-
cussed Ioannisian, "Utopiia," 113o---z; and later in Idei, 219-22, with valuable new
detail along with the gratuitous ideological homily that Hestif's typographical
work (which was of a highly skilled, artisanal type) gave him some kind of proto.
proletarian perspective.
183. Les Con temporalnes communes. oil ovantures des belles marchandes,
ouvrieres, etc,, de rage present, Leipzig, 1785, ad ed XIX, second unnumbered
pagination after paragraph no. 69 (BM).
184. See his Reglement didducation nationale, 1789, Itli, vixiv (BN). Be also
sent the plan to Volney, who rejected it. The plan was based on his earlier project
(vivii) and was reasserted and elaborated in his OhLiratif, maison patriarchale
et champatre, Aix, 1790 (BN). See also his oran republicain ou institutions
fondonentales du gouvernentent populafre Cu 14gititrie pour radministration, riduca-
Non, le mariage et la religion . . par l'auteur de la communaute philosophe, 1794.
J.-M. Querard, La France lit mire, IV, 167, describes Hupay as "an ardent disciple
of Swedenborg," but this is hardly evident from his secular. Rousseauist writings.
185. Material in Ioannislan, Met 99.
186. Mciiso-n de reunion pour la communaute philosophe dans la terre de l'auteur
de ce pro jet. Plan d'ordre pr re aux personnes des deux sexes, de tout age et de
diverses professions, Four Isur faire passer- dans des ccinTrzunautis smblablei is vie
la plus agrOable la plus sainte et to plus vertueuse, Euphrate (Aix) and Utrecht,
1779. Copy in Houghton Library, Harvard. loannisian (Idet, 97) considered this
work to have vanished altogether. P. Jacob (pseud. of Lacroix) reproduces the title
more correctly, though less completely, than either Restif or Ioannislan: Bibliog.
raphie et icanographie de toils les ouvrages de Restif de la Bretattne, 1875, 2o9xo.
187. Malian, 3, 34. It was to be in a pleasant climate far from the "tumults' of the

Auteursrechtelijk beschermd materiaal

534 Chapter 3
it38. ibid., 3, prospectus opposite title page, and particularly 32 if., z58--7o, on
the Moravian', who apparently helped publish the work in Utrecht.
rag. Ibid., 11-2, 87-8.
i9o. Ibid., chart of the Maison, opposite 8, in which these two labels are the only
ones in
191. Ibid., opp. 8.
192. Ibid., 6, 26.
19. Ibid., 45.
294. Ibid., 6, 22i. This is the earliest use of the phrase consinunatsti des biens.
195 Ibid., x44-5.
z96. Ibid., 146. For the 'general fascination of Western intellectuals with the
possibilities for realizing radical reform on Russian soil in the eighteenth century,
see A. Lortholary, Le Mirage rum en France au XVille slack, x951.
x97. See J. Childs, es is de la BretonneTimoinage et jugements. Bibliographic,
aid.; F. Prigault, "Restif de la Bretonne corninuniste," Mercure de France, 1913,
Dec 16,732-9.
zgfi. Contenaporaines, XIX, second unnumbered pagination, 3.
rgg, Cited in Ioannisian, r9o, from La Wcouverte australe par un homme.-
tiolant ou Ie cledale francais. Nouvelle tries philosophique, Leipzig, 178r, 3v.
200. Thannislan, "Utopiia," 184 ff. Nerval implies (Illumines, 267) that this
workas well as his later ideas of interplanetary travelmay have been inspired
by acquaintance with the balloonist Montgolner.
201. L'Andrographe ou idea diun hamillte-homme, Jur nfl pTojet de reglement,
propose a toutes les nations de lTurope, pour pentr sync reforme generale des
nweurs, at par ate, k lionheur du genre-humans, The Hague, 1782,82.
202. For other aspects. see the compendium by C. Manceron, The Wind from
America, NY, 1978; P. Sagnac, "Les origines de la revolution frangaisel l'iniluence
aniericaine," Revue des Etudes Napokgoniennes, 1924, ,fan- -Feb, 27-45.
203. Contemparaines, XIX, second unnumbered pagination, 3.
204. Le plus fort des pamphlets. Vordre des paysans aux Etats.gentrau.r, Feb
a6 1789, published under the pseudonym Noilliac (BN).
205. Avis aux confoideres des LXXXIII mart ens, sun les avanta9es et les
dangers du sijour a Paris, 1790 (EN),
206. Citations from Le Thesmographe in Ioannisian, 214-5.
2017. rm., 230.
28. Usage of Feb 26-7, 1793. in Les Nuits de Paris, ou rpectateur nocturne,
his diary of the revolution, part 8-17, i794, 460-I, discussed by loannisian, "Iz
istorii, 2E6. who does not, however, discuss the origin of the term.
209. Monsieur Nicolas, ou Ic coeur umaind voi 2794-7, in the new ed., 1959,
VI, esp. 30g, 3n. Rota attached great importance to names and chose Nicholas
for his communist novel because he believed the name was composed of two
Greek words meaning "victory of the people." Buachidze, 159.
Monglond presents Monsieur Nicholas as the culmination of the Rousseauist
process of externalizing emotions and claiming sincerity through the genre of a
confession (13reromantisme, II, 322 ff_), and analyses the "nostalgic voluptuousness
with which he returns to rural infancy." (II, 326)
210, Ioannislan, "Iz istorii," 120.
211. Ibid.,
222. Discussed in Ioannisian, Idei, 236 ff.
213. Monsieur Nicolas, VI, 257. There is an unreferenced, isolated usage of
comministe by Mirabeau in 1769 (in the sense of coproprietaire) listed in
A. Dauzat, et al.,. Nouveau Dirtionnaire etyngoiogique et historique, 1964, 182; and
another isolated usage of the revolutionary era Listed in Brunot, IX, 1123.
214. Monsieur Nicolas, VI, 311.
215. Ibid., 313 H. See M. Poster, The Utopia? Thought of Restif de la Bretonne,
NY, 197x, for other, related aspects of his thought.
216. Ioannisian, Mei, 232.
217. Les Porthumet, 1802, IV. 314; loannislan, Idei, 240-5.
al[8. L. Gottschalk, "Communism during the French Revolution, 178P-17931"
Political Science Quarterly, 1925, Sep. 438-50.
219 loannisian, Iclei, 132-6, 117.
220. A. Lichtenberger, "Un projet commune to eu 1795," La Revolution Francalse,
XXIX, 1895, 490, 49.2.
22x. Ioannisian a40-r. Speculation ranged widely on where on earth
examples could be found. Restif argued that only the American Indians and.
Moravian Brethren provided worthy illustrations in the New World (where con.
temporary examples were generally sought); Idei, 237; but Restif s friend Gaspar
Beaurieu insisted with wild inaccuracy in 1794 (in the new edition of L'ElEve de

Auteursrechtelijk beschermd materiaal

Chapter 3 535
la nature of 1766, cited in Mei, 82) that the "inhabitants of Virginia" provided an
admirable example of cooperative labor without private ownership of property,
22i. A. Radishchev, Puteshestvie iz Peterburga v oak f Moscow/Leningrad,
1935, 202-3; discussion in Buachidie, 62-4, where hidden sympathy for Restif is
also hypothesized. Radishchev's founding role is proclaimed not just by Soviet
critics, but also by N. Berdiaev in his Origins of Russian Communism, which iden-
tifies Radishchev as the first "repentant nobleman" to heighten moral conscience to
revolutionary intensity. Like so many of the French. Radialchev was deeply in-
fluenced by German proto-romantic ideas during the prerevolutionary era.
223. Ioannina n, "Utopiia," 854 0. 2. The call, issued in 793z by Ioannisian, for
an archival investigation of this problem has remain unanswered even by Ioannistan
224. Dalin, Babe, 589.
225. Journal fntinte de Restif de la areturine, 1899, Sip 123, 3051 309; cited
Ioannisian, "lz istorii," 123.
226. Ioanrdslan, Mei, 33-
227. Ibid., sz7; Hose, "Cercle," i54, 165-6; also Zakher, "Varlet," 1I3-26,
228. B. Guegan, "Read de la Bretonne apprenti, prote et imprimeur," Arts et
M tors graphiquei, x934, Dec 35; Poster, 144 ,
229. Dalin, Babe f, 317.
230. 319.
23r. Dalin, "Babeuf et le Cercle Social," Recherches Internationale' ti la luntiere
Marxime, 797o, no. 62, 55-6
23 Ibid 66-7. Babeuf began to work closely with Marichal early in 1793 and
*u influenced by reading his works in prison the following year: Ioannisian, Idei,
rsg-6o; G. Kucherenko, "Zaveshchaniia" Zhana Mere v IIIvet e, 1968,
141ff. 165 fr.
233. Jean Varlet, Projet d'un mandat special et imperatif, aux mandataires du
people d la convention nationale, 1792, 22, 7, 9, 13, 15. Varlet did not foresee, how-
ever, the need for radical egalitarian measures so much as "the gradual disappear-
ance of excessive inequality" once the accountability of central )egislatures to
grass-roots assemblies was secured: 13 and s1-4.
The nature and extent of the activities of the Social Circle press can probably
never be determined because of the fire that destroyed records in the Palais-Royal;
but the press survived at least until 'Boo, through the journal of 1797-1800, Le
Bien-Infornti, edited by Bonneville and Mercier under the imprimatur of 117n-
primerie-librairied e owie Social. This Journal (BN) compared Napoleon with
Cromwell (see biography of Bonneville in Biographie univeTselle, 1843, V, 38) and
represents a continuation of the intimate association that Mercier clearly had with
the press (publishing there a host of writings from his Fictions morales of z7g2 to
his Le Liberateur of 1797).
234. Ibid., 71-2. Dalin, the only scholar ever even to consider a Bonneville-Babeuf
connection, concludes (in an uncharacteristically superficial analysis) that there
is "no doubt about the fact that the Social Circle exercised no influence on the
formation of the communist revolutionary conception of Babeuf." (Babef, 325;
repeated verbatim In "Cercle," 73). But Da'in's discussion does not support any
such judgment, never dealing with the nature of this conception (or indeed with
ideas, organizational forms, or even revolutionary dyriamics). Re generally ignores
the role of Marechal and Varlet, Jet alone Reiff; shows no curiosity about the
survival of the Social Circle Press; and seems ideologically impelled to detach
Babeuf at all points from the less socially radical views of Fauchet and Bonneville.
If, of course, the influence were organizational and conspiratorial, the complete
absence of written references to Bonneville (with whom Dalin admits Babeuf was
closely familiar; Babef, 325) could be a sign of deliberate concealment. Babeurs
papers are notoriously silent on the conspiratorial side.
Babeuf attacked Bonneville as a "false tribune of the people" after Bonneville
established his Old Tribune of tit* People in i796 as a rival to Babeurs new Tribune.
Babeuf likened Bonneville to the treacherous tribune Rufus Manlius who "sold
himself cravenly to the party of the rich in Rome" in order to destroy the true
tribune, Gracchus. Babeuf distinguished the brief period of Bonneville's authentic
tribunate in 1789 from his subsequent descent into "ministerial intrigue" and
"slavish dependence" on "Mirabeau and other patricians." The excessive anger and
Babeufs erasure of his signature as "Babeuf of the Confederation of the Friends of
Truth" may betray the classical technique of excoriating a revolutionary rival in the
process of annexing his ideas and role.
235. Espinas, 282-4, also 2.47 n.
236, Kates, "The Cercle Social,' charts for the first time the vast dimensions of
the publishing program it sustained after ceasing public activities in the summer

Copyrighted material
536 Chapter 4
of 1791. See esp. 158-237 for the journals, and 272-85 for the 193 books published.
At its height in 1792-3, the publishing empire constituted a radical brain trust
subsidized by the Girondist government, harshly critical of Jacobin centralism,
regularly publishing an intellectual review (Chronique du Mois), an inexpensive
journal for urban posting (Sentinelle), a daily newspaper (Bulletin des Antis de Ia
Write), and two journals taken over from others: La Feuille Viliageoise for the
French peasantry and Le Creole Patriote for the colonized West Indians. Kates, how-
ever, sees the entire group as a simple perpetuation of the Enlightenment; and his
study does not seriously investigate either the occult connections or the post-
Thermidore legacy of the Circle.
237. Kates, 110-12.
238. See particularly the work of Bonneville's friend and fellow translator, J.
Dusaulx, De /Insurrection parisienne et de hi prise de M Bastille, 179o; T. Mardar,
Des Insurrections, ouvrage philosophique et politique sun les rapports des insurrec-
tions avec Ia prosperite des empires, 1793, and the work of J. Oswald discussed
239. Cited Kates, 210. The Social Circle equated Robespierre with the royalists
because of authoritarian tendencies noticed even before his ascent to power. See
J.-B. Louvet, A Maxitnilien Robespierre et sea royaiistes, 1792; Kates, 211.
240. Manglond stressed Restif's ties with Mercier and Bonneville (II, 173, 323
n. 2). He also pointed out the inadequacies of the sole monograph ever written on
Bonneville (its neglect both of Parisian links with German writers and of Bonne-
ville's role in the revolution). Unfortunately neither Monglond's review ("Nicolas
de Bonneville. A propos du livre de M. Philippe Harivel," Revue d'Hlstoire LittOraire
de la France, 1926, Jul-Sep, 408-14) nor his Preromantisme seriously discuss what
the role of Bonneville actually was.
Whatever their personal links, Babeuf clearly echoed Bonneville's symbolic lan-
guage in defining the destination for his organization. Babeuf focused the impulse
for radical simplification onto a single-minded political program by suggesting a
more inclusive concept of that "central" or "perfect" point that might provide new
legitimacy. His conspiracy was to converge on a point unique located in space (the
circle of conspirators), time (the coming social transformation), and sentiment
(the enduring quest for human satisfaction). The stated purpose of Babeuf's con-
spiracy was "to mark in advance a single point, towards which you will all strive
without division, modifications, restrictions, or nuances; and to be circumscribed
within a narrow circle of virtuous men, isolated from all who could oppose di-
vergent and contradictory viewsfrom everything which could not be fused into
the one and perfect sentiment of the highest point of goodness." Cited in J. 'Flamm,
The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy, NY, 197o, 186.

Chapter 4
1. J. Roberts, The Mythology of the Secret Societies, NY, 1972, intelligently
discusses (9-16) the reasons for neglect of the subject. His own approach, however,
might lead the uninformed reader to believe that the myth itself was the major
reality rather than the phenomenon.
a. The invaluable historical account by a Swiss socialist G. Kuhlmann (based
on information from A. Becker and sent to Metternich by his chief of intelligence
in Mainz in March 1847) called Buonarroti "the first apostle of modern Commu-
nism." Barnikol, Geschichte, 14.
3. His teacher noted in 178o Buonarroti's "rare talent" and "romantic" (roman-
zesco) imagination: "Everything exists only for the moment with him. Dissipation
rapidly follows study." See M. Morelli, "Note biografiche su Filippo Buonarroti,"
Critica Storica, IV, 1965, 536; and 521-64, for new material on these early years.
4. Ibid., 536.
5. The basic account of the influence of Francophile Italians on Buonarroti by
D. Cantimori ( Utopisti e Riformatori Italitii, 1794-1847, Florence, 1943, 1 2,11"'7 )
should be supplemented by P. Onnis Rosa, Filippo Buonarroti c altri study, 1971,
esp. z61 if.
6. L. Basso, "Il Prospetto a stampa del 'Journal Politique,' " Critica storica, VI,
1967, 863.
7. Ibid.
8. L. Modona, Numero del 'Journal Politique,' " Critica storica, VI, 1967, 866;
and 868 ff.
g. E. Michel, "Le Vicende de Filippo Buonarroti in Corsica (1789-1794),"
Archivio Storico de Corsica, IX, 1933. The seminal work on this period is still

Auteursrechtelijk beschermd maleriaal

Chapter 4 537
A. Galante Garrone, Buonarroti e Babeuf, Turin, 1948. E. Eisenstein, The First
Professional Revolutionist: Philippa Michele Buonarroti (1761-1837), A Biographical
Essay, Cambridge, Mass, 1959, 161-90, provides a valuable bibliographical essay
and a good general narrative. Subsequent scholarship and bibliography are con-
veniently summarized in Dizionaria biografico de9li italiani, 1972, XX, 148-61.
The first 32 issues of this rare journal (Apr 3-Nov 27, 1790) have been re-
printed with some biographical information in Bulletin de Ia societe des sciences
historiques et naturelles de La Corse, Bastia, 1919, 1921, nos. 389-92, 421-4. The
pages are numbered consecutively with an index appended 221-68. The serial
probably went on at least through no. 36-7. See 219 n.
xi. Open letter of Buonarroti in Giornale, Jun 12, 1790 (reprinted in Bulletin,
U 2-3), replying to a bishop who had written that supporters of the confiscation of
church lands "stink of social heresy" ("da ogni parte puzzate di eresia sociale . .")
and threaten to throw men back to chaos ("nello stato de natures" ). Ibid., zoo, 112.
12. Cited in Onnis, Buonarroti, 213.
13. Speech in Moniteur Universel, Apr 30, discussed in Onnis, 213.
14. Cited in Onnis, /67.
15. La conjuration de Corse entierement devoilee, 1794. 3. I attribute his author-
ship on the basis of the early addition of Buonarroti's name in ink in the anony-
mously published copy in BNI. Not discussed in the standard works of Buonarroti
by Saitta and Garrone, this work has his stylistic and terminological characteristics.
His opposition to Paoli is discussed by Arnault-Jay-Jouy in Biographie nouvelle de
contemporains /827, 572-3.
Among many Italian revolutionaries with whom Buonarroti maintained contact
in Oneglia and Paris were Corsicans like Salliceti, who was later a kind of political
commissar with Napoleon's army in Italy.
16. Grand besoin d'une grande purgation, ibid., 14.
Onnis, "Filippo Buonarroti Commissario Revoluzionario a Oneglia nel 1794-
95," in Buonarroti, 62-5. See also other works referenced in J. Godechot, "Travaux
recents," 5-6.
18. Danis, Buonarroti, 68, also 169.
19. Ibid., 138.
20. Ibid., 87-8.
21. Buonarroti's defense speech, reprinted Onnis, 137.
22. Ibid.
23. Saitta, Buonarroti, 1, 117-8.
24. Ibid., I, x x8, citing Buonarroti's principal memorandum on revolutionary
organization, reprinted II, 91-x16.
25. Ibid., II, 93.
26. Ibid., II, 140, for Buonarroti's discussion of cette douse communaute as "not
an impossible thing" to realize and a goal that only "levity, depravity or weakness"
could cause one to oppose.
27. Details of this long period (relieved only by his affair with Teresa Poggi)
in Onnis, 303-T r.
28. M. Pianzola, -"Filippo Buonarroti in Svizzera," Movimento Opera o, 1955,
Jan-Feb, r23.
29. The most thorough account of these contacts is now D. Tugan-Baranovsky,
"General Male, dobshchestvo filaderfov' i Napoleon," Frantsuzsky ezhegodnik, 1973,
1975, esp. 184-8.
30. Cited in V. Dalin, "Napoleon et les Babouvistes," Anna/es Historiques, 1970,
Jul-Sep, 417-8.
31. Ibid., 4i3.
32. Growing police fears of Buonarroti and of his Masonic associations in Geneva
are documented by M. Pianzola, "La mysterieuse expulsion de Philippe Buonarroti,"
Cahiers Internationaux, 1954. Dec, 6r; also "Svizzera,' 124.
33. Basic discussion in Saitta, Buonarroti, I, 79-119, is supplemented by A. Leh-
ning, "Buonarroti and His International Secret Societies," International Review of
Social History, I, 1956, 112-40, esp. 119-20; more recent studies referenced in
Godechot, "Travaux resents,"I n. 25-30.
34. See the valuable exploratory article of D. Ligou, ."Un source important de
l'histoire du XVIlle sicle. Le fond maconnique de la Bibliotheque Nationale,"
Actes du 89 congrEs national des societes savantes (Section d'histoire), 1965, 38.
35. J. Servier, "Utopie et franc-maconnerie au XVIII sicle," Arinaies Historiques,
1969, Jul-Sep, 409-13; also other articles in this issue devoted to the question of
Masonic links with revolution.
36. On the use of the vofite d'acier on Jul 17, see J. Palou, La Francamaconnerie,
1972, 187.
37. D. Mornet, Les Origines intellectuelles de la revolution ran wise (1715-1787),

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

538 Chapter 4
1954,375; discussion 357-87; bibliography, 523-5; and outside of France, BilWigton,
Icon, 712.-4. A. Mellor, Les Mythes maconniques, (1974) also minimizes Masonic
influence, though vaguely acknowledging the influence of the occultist revival on
the revolutionary movement.
38. Ligou "Source," 46, alio 49.
9. This subject has never been comprehensively studied. For the best discussions
in general terms, see 0. Karrain, "LInfluence du symbolisme maconrdque eur le
symbolisrne revolutionnaire," Revue Historique de La Revolution Frangaise, :910,
1, 183-8 (particularly on numismatics); 3. Brengues, "La Franc-maconnerie et la
fete revolutionnaire," Humanitine. 1974$ Jul-Aug, 31---7; Palou, r81-315; R. Cotte,
"De la Muslque des loges magonniques a Mies des fetes revolutionnaires," Les Ftes
de la rivolution, 1977, 565-74; and the more qualified assessment of Ligou, "Struc-
tures et symbolisme maeonniques sous la revolution," Annales Historiques, 19 69.
Jul-Sep, 511-23.
For the heavy reliance on Masonic structures in provincial civic rituals, see, for
instance, F. Verrnale, "La Franc-magonnerie saveisienne au debut de la revolution
et les dames de Bellegarde," Annales Revolutionnaires, III, r910, 375-94; and espe.
daily the monumental work for- la Sarthe which its the level of research far above
anything done for Paris: A. Bouton, Les Francinacaras manceaux et la revolution
francaise, x741-18x5, Le Mans, 195B. See also his successor volume Les Luttes
ardentes des francs-vinous manceaux pour Vitabiissement de la ripublique 1815-
laza'. Le Mans, 1966.
In the New World, where the links between Masonic and revolutionary organiza-
tions were particularly strong, rival revolutionary parties sometimes assumed the
names of rival rites. In Mexico, for instance, esroceses (pro-English "centralists"
from Scottish rite lodges) battled yorquinos (federalists from the rite of York in-
troduced by the first U.S. ambassador, Joel Poinsett). See A. Bonner, "Mexican
Pamphlets in the Bodleian Library," The Bodleian Library Record, ig7o, Apr, 207-8.
40. laigoup "Source," 42-3, 46-7. La Partaite EgaUM arose in Franche Comte and
generally supported the magistrates of the Parlement in opposition to the "Sincerity"
lodges of the royal intendants.
Because of the extreme secrecy of these groups and the preoccupation of the
police with Buonarroti himself, we know very little about who else participated, but
there were apparently old friends from On.eglia and French exiles such as Jean
Marla (a watchmaker and brother of the martyred journalist) with whom Buonar-
roti lived in Geneva. See Onnis, Buanarroti, 225 esp. n. i3.
41. O. Karmin, 'Notes our la loge et le chapitre, La Parfaite Egalite de Geneve,"
RELeue 1f intrigue de la Revolution Francaise, xn, 1917, Jul 1 314-24.
42. Lehning, "Buonarroti,"I r 6 and raz ff. This terminology was later trans.
formed into more secular, traditional Masonic form: church became lyceum; synod,
academy; sublime elect, perfect Masons; sublime perfect masters, true architects.
Saitta, I, 86.
43. Cited in S. Landa. "Xonspirade oiwieceniowe i taine organizacje polityczne,"
Przegkid Historyczny, 1967. no- 23 247. The closest approximation to a modern,
scholarly account of this neglected movement is probably L. Wolfram, Die Ilium.
tnaten in Bayern und litre Verfolgung, Erlangen, 1899-i9oo, two parts.
R. von Dulmen, Geheintbund der Illuminaten. Darnellung, Analyse, Dohumenta-
tion, Stuttgart, 1975, provides the fullest bibliography of books written on or about
the Illuminists during the revolutionary era-88 from 1784 to 1800: 423-V. 3+ Re-
galia von Bieberstein, Die These von der Verschniiirung I776-1945, Bern/Frankfurt,
1976, provides the best account of the succesalve stages in the codification of the
theory of an Illuminist conspiracy (95-137), and shows the transfer of this aroused
suspicion to the Jews, beginning with the Napoleonic period 082-3). An unpub-
lished doctoral dissertation inaccessible to me is W. Hofteri 'Das System des II.
luminatenordens and seine soziologische Bedeutung," Heidelberg, 1958.
44. Weishaupt, Pythagoras oter Betraehtung iTher die gehettne Welt und
Regierungskunst, Frankfurt, 1795 (originally 1790), 385; cited in Le Forestier, Les
Illumines de aaviere et la Franc-maccinnerie allemande, 1914v 596.
45. J. B. Baylot, La Voie substituee. Recherche sir la deviation de La franc-
magunnerie en France et est Europe, Liege, x968, 64. The neglected works of Lands
and Baylot (using Masonic materials from the Low Countries and the Slavic coun-
tries, respectively) are the first studies to enlarge the horizons both materially and
conceptually of this problem since Le Forestler.
46- Letter of Ti eishaupt to K. Zwack (his most Important original collaborator).
Mar Jo, 1778, cited in Landa, 246,
47. Letter of Weishaupt to Zwack (almost certainly misdated as Mar 21, x772),
cited in Baylot, 38.
48. Ibid., 36.

Copyrighted material
Chapter 4 539
49. Ibid., 7; Wolfram, illuminatert, part 1, i6, 22.
50. Baylot, 39-4o, for _these and other details on terminology, drawing on new
Weishaupt, Einige Origivaalschriften des Illuminatenordens, Munich, r 787
1-2.; Baylot, 40-2.
2. Baylot, 44-8, 56-7; Le Forestier, L'Occultione et la franc-magonnerie
icossaisr, 19281 2d ed., 3ii; J. Droz, VAllernagne et la revolution fraticaiSe 1949.
404-9. According to E. Lindner, the Duke of Brunswick himself joined the Order
of Illuminists in 1783: Die konioliche Kunst int Bud. Brit-rage zur Manographie der
Froinsaurerie, Graz, 1976, 200.
53. Baylot characterizes Masonry as being placed "en sandwich" between the two
stages of illuminism: Ibld, 43.
4. Weishaupt. Pythagoras, 308; cited Le Forestier, Illumines, 59.6,
5. Estbnate of Mathiez in Mtnates Rivolutionnaires, 1916, 433.
56. 3. P. L. de la Roche, Marquis de Luchet, Essai sur la recto des illumines,
1789, ad ed., 73-6. Both first and second editions appeared in r78.9, a third edition
augmented by Mira beau in 1792. See Chevallier, Francinaconnzrie, 1. 317.
57. De la monarchic, V, 99-zoo; cited by Mathiez, Annales BeJolutionnairet,
VIM 1916, 434-5;. also Chevallier, 32o-t, for Mauvillon's role. D. Ligon is skeptical
of Mirabeau's association with Masonry ("Mirabeau, a-t-U ete Franc-maconr in
Les liffrabeaux et tear temps. 1968, esp. ssEl-23), but generally ignores the
Illuminists and betrays ignorance by referring to Weishaupt as "Weiskaupf."
58 Even less is known about Bode and his aion than about other aspects of
Muminiszn during the period following its official suppression. His real name was
apparently Theodor Heinrich Bode. Princely patronage was Important in enabling
him (and others) to spread Illuminist ideas beyond Bavaria to any u a whole
(Grassi. 220-I ). Hisprotean activities are most fully diussed
discussedin Fragmente zur
Biographie des verttorbenen Geheimen Rats Bode in Weimar, Rome 1795. See also
Harivel, 2.3-5; Frost, I, 41-2; and (for Bodes influence on Bonneville) Grassi,
Kniue appears to have had a direct influence on revolutionaries in Germany
similar to that which Bode's diffusion of Illuminist ideas exercised in France. See
the encomia of the German Jacobins on the occasion of Knigges death In 1796:
H. Wilt, Die deutsche jaPtobinische Literatur and r799--ziloo, 1955,
No one has yet sorted out facts from counter.revolutionary propaganda in Frog-
rnente. Before his death in 1793, Bode was apparently a composer of military music
CE. Lennhoff and 0. Posner, Internationales Freimaurerlexikon, Zurich/Vienna,
1966, 196-11); and he shared Bonneville's literary interest* as a translator of
English pr oto-romantic literature Wihan, Johann Joachim Orristoph Bode als
Vermittier englischer Ceistes-werke in Deutschland, Flag, 1906).
59 Lettre a Condorcet, 3z, 29, 12,
6o. mid., 37.
6L Critique o ercure de France. z79o, Dec 18, rat (misreferenced in Harivel,
62. Les Jituites, 1, 26; also De L'Esprit des religions. 249, 88.
63. Les jinsites appeared almost immediately in Leipzig In a German translation
by Bode, who in turn impressed Friedrich Schiller with the image of a Jesuit con-
spiracy against the Enlightenment (see Schiller's letter of Sep so, z787, "Die
jetzige Anarchic der Aufklikrung wire hauptslichlich der Jesuiten Werk," Grassi,
290). Thus Bode influenced both the German playwright and his French translator,
Bonneville. who immediately published two more works, extending the Illuminist
argument to a denunciation of the Scottish Rite Masons as well as of the Jesuits:
La Maconnerie &iambic compare avec lei trots profeoritras et le secret des Tem-
pliers, and Les fesuites retrouves dans les tinibres, discussed in Mathiez, Annales
evolution free* VIII, 1916, 435 n. 2. Darman suggests that Restif as well as
Mirabeau and Bonneville may have been a channel for Illuminist ideas entering
France: Metmer, r32-3. Rich if unsorted new material suggesting both the illum-
inist horravrings and the widespread following of Bonneville are in Baylot, Vale,
011Ivier (Sabtt-just, 96-sze, 249--5o) sees German influence on the lodge of the
Amis Reunis to which Saint-Just belonged prior to the revolution, Saint-Just com-
municating with Bonneville from Picardy in 1791, and an occult group aiding
Saint-Just in his elecdon to the assembly the following year. Deemott probably
imbibed Illuminist ideas while serving as secretary to Mfrabeau; and Bonneville ed.
dresseda _play commemorating the fall of the Bastille with a romantic. Masonic
format to Desmoulins: see BA, Rif 170, 43. 1-4; Rf 17044.
Dietrich translated works of Bonneville's Social Circle into German and had no

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540 Chapter 4
less active interest in the occult than his rival in revolutionary Strasbourg,
Schneider, who had been an active Illuminist. The basic work of Mathiez (Annales
favolutionnaires, VI, 1913, 102-3; VIII, 1916 437) can be supplemented by
P. LeuiIlot, "Bourgeoisie d'Aisace et franc.maconnerie aux XVIIIe et XIXe similes Rte
Bourgeoitie alsaciennei 243-76.
64. There has been no serious investigation of these figures since Mathiez.
Revolution et les etrangers, esp. 61, 67, 117-8, 140. Mathiez's suggestion that Reb-
mannprovided a channel for liluminist ideas is not supported by the work to which
he refers: N. von Wrasky, A. G. F. Rebmann. Leben und Werke eines Publizisten
%to Zeit der grossen franzosischen col tom, Heidelberg, 1907, but the many-
sided activities of this and other German activists in Paris have never been ade-
quately studied.
65. Dalin, Babef 435, also 15, for Babeurs letter to Charles Germain; Espinas,
24x, for his reply. Rose (Babeuf, 189) describes Germain with all the character'
istics of an occultist without suggesting such an identity.
66. Doran ingot, Pages choisies, 219-20.
67. The discussion in Dommanget, Marichal, 2g7-322, is largely devoted to
arguing against the thought that Marechal might have been spared arrest by
connections in high placesand never considers the possibility of Iliurninist in.
fluences or rules of secrecy. The suggestion that Marechal might even have collab-
orated with the police in the denunciation of the cone piracy (made by G. Pariset,
Babouvisme et maconnerie, Strasbourg. 19240 is effectively refuted by Baylot
(Vole, 96 ff.), whose identification of Marechalis membership in the occult lodge
La Celeste Amitii and of Mariamlis contempt for "ordinary maiionic lodges" would
be thoroughly compatible with an imitation if not a perpetuation of Illuminism.
68. Modena, "Numero," 868-72.
69. Appendke politica a tutte le gazzettea altri fogrietti di notritii o sia is
spezie-ria de Sondrio, IL sigo, z. Museum of the Risorgimento, Milan.
70 Ibid., Jo!.
71, Ibid.' 4.
72 Midis mi.
73 Ibid.
74. Ibid., I, 317139. 78-0.
75. Ibid., 79.
76. Ibid.. II, 2 45; I, 134 -5 .
77. Ibid.I, 135.
7S. According to Onrds, BuorialToti, 165. C. Francovich contends (Aibori socialisti
Risorgimento. contributo alio studio dent, societil segrete (1776-1835), Florence,
1962, 85) that thej journal was an imitation of the Masonic Cafe politique &Amster-
dam. The political hero of the young Buonarroti, Leopold of Tuscany, is praised in
the Appendix (I, 33 if.) for attempting to enact Rousseau's "social contract"
(patio sociale); but I can find no reference in the Appe-ndice to the supplement
entitled "The Century of Joseph U" allegedly written by an Italian thinker, idealiz.
ing the enlightened despot who "opened the path to great revolution," according to
Francovich 85.
79. Appendice, II, ifilo n.
80. Though Prati would have been too young to participate in the original
Buonarrotian conspiracies (suggested by Fra_ncovich, Alborip 87), the implication
of aire riecessarily guarded account of their relationship is that of a longstanding
link. Frail called him "my greatest friend . . . the greatest political character I ever
met in all my life . . the most amiable, talented, vigorous. and elevated mind
Italy has produced for some centuries . . a Prometheus-like energy bidding de-
fiance to the powers of the earth. . . In better times, and among less enervated
nations, Buonarroti would have been to the continent what Lycurgus and Solon
had been to Sparta and Athens." Penny Satirist, 1838, Apr 21, 1; Apr 28, 1; also
3839, Mar 16, 2. See also P. Pedrotti, Note Autobiogratiche del cospirotore trentino
Gioacchino Frets,Rovereto, 1926; and, for another example, M. Rigatti, U n ilium-
*nista trentino del secolo WM, C.A. Pilatik Florence, 1923.
For the role of foreign intermediaries in bringing Illuminist ideas into Italy, see
G. Beni, I democratici c riniziativa meridionale nel risoroimento, Milan, 1962,
esp. 146-7, 156 if.- and Aus den Tagebilchern Friedrich Minters. Wander- und
Lehriahre eines Anischen GetchTten, Copenhagen/Lelpzig, ig37; discus-led in
A. Faivre, Echartshausen et la thtlosaphie chrfetienne, ist6g, 83-4, 65a-4. Illuminist
ideas appear to have influenced pioneering revolutionary propaganda for a united
Germany in southern Germany during 1796 (see K. Obser, "Der Marquis von
Poterat und die revolutioniire Propaganda am Oherrhein tin Jahre 1796," Zeitschrift
fur die Geschichte des Oberrheins, VII, 1892, no. 3, 385-413; de hot, "Unite,"
25g); perhaps also the peasant uprising in the Tyrol in 'Soo (apparently suggested

Copyrighted material
Chapter 4 541
by A. Fischer in a manuscript confiscated by the Gestapo during World War II).
H. Koplenig, "Revendications agralzea dans l'insurrection tyrolienne de Eget,
itairisme paysan ou influence Buonarrotiste?" Babeuf et Les problernes, 205-14;
also Pedrotti, 27-8), and probably the more aristocratic north German "League of
Virtue" (Tugendbund) of 1808-9 (Pedrotti, 25 n. 1, 37 n. 69-741 n. 2; also the
French police report in the otherwise unreliable work of N. Webster, Secret Societies
and Subversive Movements, L, 1924, 265, and 258-65, and F. Brokgaux and It Efron,
eds., Entsiklopedichesity slovar', rte, 31-2).
8r. Definition of Knigge in 1782, cited in C. Francovich, "Gli Illuminati di Weis-
haupt e rides egualitarla in alcune societa segrete del Risorgirnento," Movimento
Operaio, z952, Jul-Aug, 562, also 559, 556.
82. Saitta, II, zo5; also discussion I, 314-a. New documents of a slightly later
period lead M. Vuilleurnier to assume Illuminist origins of the Sublime Perfect
Masters in his discussion of more general Masonic links: "Suonarroti et sea societes
secretes it Geneve," Artnalcs Historiques, 1970, Jul-Sep. 475-ek 494-7.
83. Citations from Pratt's account (Penny Satirist, 1938, Mar up) reproduced
with commentary by Saitta, "Una conferma irrefutabile: LI terzo grads Buonarro-
tiano," Critica Storica, VIII, zg6g, 7o9-10. There is no direct testimony beyond
Prati's general statements that this social-revoludonary egalitarianism of Buonerroti
predated his involvement in the Baheuf conspiracy. Dating of Buonarroti's frag-
mentary writings is notoriously uncertain; and the clearly Illuminist elements in
his formulations could predate or postdate the conspiracy.
84. Le Forestier, Illumines, 715; also valuable discussion in Francovich,lumi-
natio" 553-97-
85. A careful recent scholar (Spitzer, Old Hatreds, 9-16) finds police records to
be relatively reliable as the work of pedestrian officials lacking the time or talent to
create legends. Mathiez more than 6o years earlier wrote wisely that "If it is ridic-
ulous to explain the Revolution by an Illuminist plot, it is no less ridiculous to sup-
pose that the friends and ideas of the Illuminists played no role in it." (Review of
Le Forestier in Annales Revolutionnairet, VIII, 1916, 437). The gaps in Le Forestier
are illustrated by his failure even to discuss the Social Circle, ignorance of which
is indicated by his designation of "sic" after his sole mention of the term: Illumines,
86, ibid., 702 and ff.
87. In Ices
es lisuites, Bonneville finds the key dates all composed of digits that total
17: 287 (the alleged founding of the lodge by St. Alban), 9a6 (the history by
Athelstan). 1646 (founding of a lodge by Charles I), and 1692 (founding of a Jesuit
college by James II). See Harivel, a3. The last date, of course, totals
88. G. Poulet, Les Metamorphoses du cercle. 1961, xxviii-xxix n. 33.
89. See, for instance, in the section on the higher grades, illustrations in Linder,
Kunst, 84, rig, 123, 16x.
go. Abbe Laugher, Essai sur l'architecture, 1755, 2d ed., 26; cited in D. Kaufman,
"Three Revolutionary Architects: Boullee, Ledoux, and Lequeu," Transactions of the
American Philosophical Society, 1952, 44.
91. Poulet, 88.
2. Ibid., r4r. Poulet relates this image to Fichte's philosophy of opposition be-
tween "the 1 and the non-I" in which the world becomes, in effect, the place for
"the imposition of the I on the non.I" and man's drive for expansion of his ego
becomes "not simply psychological. It is ontological." In the resulting cosmology
of romanticism man is simultaneously "center by the active principle of his thought,
circleby its infinite extension." Ibid., 145, 1411 147.
93. Ibid., 185-6.
94. M. Tourneux, Repertoire general des sources manuscrites de l'hittoire de Paris
pendant la Revolution francaise, V, zE199, s; and Mirabeau monument model on
view in the Carnavalet Museum.
95. Projects respectively of Etienne-Louis BouHee, Claude-Nicolas Ledoux, and
JeanJacques Lequeu, illustrated and discussed respectively in Kaufman, 461'-21 523,
553- Other citations and titles drawn on here are on 471, 483, 521.
Pierre Patte (not discussed in Kaufman) produced the most extensive prerevo-
lutionary argumentation for the morality of circular shapes as essentially more
egalitarian and communal: Essai sur l'architecture thedtrale (1782), 40 R. See also
D. Rabreau, "Architecture et fates dans la Nouvelle Rome," in Les Fhes de la
revolution. Co'Hogue de Clermont.FetTand (juln r974). i977, esp. 364 ff.
96. Weishaupt, Einige. 8, also 7; Nachtrag, 136, also 158; and "Circulare an die
Logen," inibid. r3a ff.
97. Luchet, just, 54, 67, 9z; and the chapters "Circles's and "Proofs used to Con-
centrate an Illuminist member of a Circle."
98. K. Epstein, The Genesis of German Conservatism, Princeton, 1966, esp. un

Copyrighted material
542 Chapter 4

ff.; on the Zirkel der Verderb-nisse as distinct from the Illuminist Circul, see J. Popp,
Weltanschauung wad Haupt-werke des Freiherrn Adolph Knigge, Leipzig, 1930, 82,
99. Bonneville, Les jesuites, I, 27, illustrates the radical cooptation of Rosicru-
loci. Les jesuites, 1, 17. Benjamin Franklin had been lionized as "the Pythagoras
of the New world" by Marechal and others after serving as "Venerable" of the oc-
cult Masonic lodge of the Nine Sisters in prerevolutionary Paris with Bonneville,
Sieyes, Desmoulins, Cloots, Danton as well as Marechal. (Cited from Marechal,
Dictionnaire des athees anciens et modernes, x800, in A. Aldrich, Franklin and His
French Contemporaries, NY, 1957, 192 and, for earlier French references to Frank-
lin as Pythagoras: 225, 232.) The most remarkable attempt to use the lodge struc-
ture of occult Masonry directly for revolutionary purposes during the early years of
the revolution, "The True Light," also invoked the name of Pythagoras: "Masonry
in France despite all the brilliant mechanism of its grades is very far from the
morality of the School of Pythagoras." Circular letter of Mar 5, /792, urging demo-
cratization of the Grand Orient by "La Vraie Lumiere": Chevallier, I, 355.
lox. AlekseevPopav, 303.
102. "Les Ntimbres de Pythagore," La Poisie de Nicolas Bonneville, 1793, 199 ff.
103. "Cercle Social," Ibid., 1 43-6.
104. T. Paine, An Essay on the Origin of Free Masonry, L, x8x8, 5; see also 5-7,
14. It was originally published posthumously, NY, aro, and translated into French
by Bonneville in x8x3: Harivel, Bonney-We, Is.
The materials used and cited here from Saint-Martin are from his fantastic Le
Crocodile, Oil Ia guerre du biers et du mal, arrivee sous le rEgfle de Louis ICV, poente
fpiquo-magique en 102 chants (originally 1799), 1982, esp. 32, x88; the end of his
Traiti de la reintegration, in R. Amadou, Tresor rnartiniste, 1969, 48-50; and
N. Chaquin, "Le Citoyen Louis-Claude de Saint-Martin, theosophe revolutionnaire,"
Dix-Huitierne SiEde, VI, 1 974, 213, 223. Saint-Martin's key works of 1792 (Ecce
Homo and L'Hornme nouvel) were both published by the Social Circle. Chaquin
refutes the still widespread misidentification of Saint-Martin with counter-
revolutionary theocracy, developing a line of thought suggested by new information
assembled in M. Serecka, Louis-Claude de Saint-Martin. Le Philosophe inconnu.
L'Homme et oeuvre, Wrocraw, x968. See also the semantic analysis of an allegedly
"revolutionary ideology" by G. Gayot and M. Pecheux, "Recherches sur le discours
illuministe au XVIIle siecle," Annales, May-Aug, esp. 698-7o1. For bibliography,
see Amadou, Tresor, 231-37.
1c$5. Voyages de Pythagore suivis de ses lois politiques et morales, 1799, 61r.
1436. Voyages, V, 354.
107. References from the Russian edition of the Voyages in Kucherenko, 183
and ff.
I08. Ibid., 329, 332, 333.
19. Voyages, VI, 33.
xi. Marechal first sent Voyages to the same Hamburg publisher who had printed
Abbe Barruel's expos; and, though eventually published in Paris, it was simultane-
ously distributed in Basel, Breslau (Wroclaw), Metz, Strasbourg, and Viennaall in
or near the German-speaking world: Dommanget, Marechalp 349.
xi zi Yu. Oksman, 44 Tifagorovy zakony' i 'Pravda soedinennykh slavian,' " i N.
Druzhinin, ed., Ocherki po istarli chrizheniia dekabristov, 1954, 485-7, 490. Another
of Oksman's studies (Vosstanie chernigovskogo pehhotnogo polka, Leningrad, 1929,
xxxv-xxxvi, 2) discussed possible derivation from Marshal of the "Pythagorean
sect" in Russia and its subsequent development, as did his review in Katorga
Ssylka, 1928, no. 2,
112. On Novikov as pravda-/iubav and on the euphoria of Alexander's time, see
Billington, Icon, 242-59. On Novikov's protege, D. Dimitrevsky, who launched the
six-volume Russian serial translation (Moscow, 1804-10), see Druzhinin, Oeherki,
485 if See also G. Likhotin, Sirven Mareshal' i 1Zaveshchanie Ekateriny Lenin-
grad, 1974, who confesses (so) that the theme of Marechars influence in Russia
"still awaits its researcher."
z13. S. Landa, "U istokov 'ody k iunasti,' " Literatura slavianskikh narodov, I,
1956, 29-33; and discussion of the parallel transformation of Philomats at Vilnius
(to whom Mickiewicz belonged), g ff. Landa discusses Russian echoes in "Kon-
spiracje," 243-65.
x x4. Oksman, inDruhinin, OcherK 4751 502 ff. His argument for a continuous
tradition is strengthened by evidence and by his reluctance to suggest unsubstan-
tiated links.
115. G. Luciani, La Societe des slaves unis, 1823-1825, Bordeaux, 1963, 60, This

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

Chapter 4
the unimaginative hi. N echkina, obshche .543
work supplements
icow7. st" soed'
siavianorwuzbinin, Ocherki,(510 88i,9 a)il.sw
o InennYkh
T r 6- .. trlybys hevi son r5iotte1n5Q
ing tench
ky, "K istorii czelenoi 1anipy iP " in Dekab , tran 1
, s4atecl and publior. ,
modZalevs - For a detailed recent study, whi,hrL,aS tY i Oat went; --iieu by
. lso 41 -2
see 3
.6 ;all utopias wi"thout realizing t.....e h Pyth a.gore - mifferentiates i .i 1D27 , I
'The essources see the unpubi. ' ftorn oth
dissertation of D. Neuenschw
T. and ell ThemesA. in Russian er
ctora 1
do f the utopian worAs of M. M. Utopi an 15hed
,,,dv o Syracuse, 1974. See also Lotman' d Lilybyshev r , lction:
Odoevskij," Dekabrist ip ' i VI Bul garin
3 Sti"--V..'r fi'
diu. .. Nechkina., Dvizhenie I, 2.46.

- i 8, C ited ict , Nasiedip --J. 36,6 0.

T. sokolovskaia, "Masonskie kovry," more, vi, _
aszo9iiry developed at least two sets of geometric symboin Apr, 424, Russi
letters of the alphabet. See Sokolovskaia, "Masonskaia tainopi equivalents for th
- as S% PR e
9-40 0 . ussky t
T zuh.
rr, 1961 39 tiber das pythagoraische
20. Fr von Baader,
Eder die vier
welitgegenden, Tubingen, in_uence
1798, in Sdintliche Werke, Aalen,
was on the conservative
1 atur
idea of 9:?, , iiiiiI, 266-7 also
249 , Baader's main fl
of power in which "three kings f rom the East" (an y Alliance," a
triangle wit Prussian, and Catholic Austrian) were unified by the HolRussian, Ort hodox
Prates in post-Napoleonic _Europe. liaadees fiberY ,Spirit to pro.
vide the "point of sunrise"herbeigefiihrte acts du.rch die
franztis ische der Religion mit der Politiki
Bedilrfniss einer neuern wad inmgern
Verbindung was circulated to the three zno
1 814 and published in NUrnberg, 1815. See H. Schader, Die dritte Koalition arch ands die in
Heiiige Allianz, 1934, 65-7o; F. Bilehler, Die geistiffe Wurzein der 11 tTz9en Alhanz,
Fleiburg, 19 29, 53-6o, for these and other Berman erman occult influences.
12,1. Within Le Mans alone, one finds triangular seals of lodges containing the
star of the "triple social knot," the eye of surveillance, the "E" of Eleusis, and the
words "Age d'Or" illustrated in A. Bouton, Les Francs-masons maraceouet x 1a rho-
luonti fanca
r isei 1741-x 81 5, Le Mans, 1958, Zoo, 252, 275, 286.
S. utin discusses the revolutionary symbolism of the equilateral triangle as a
"luminous delta," each side of which represents past, present or future: Les
Societes secretes, 1970, 71.
122. Marechal, CoTrectif, 3X2.1 it Marechal also insisted on sanctifying child-
birth at republican marriages by singing to the music of La MarseilIaise; "Aux
armies, couple heureux, comblex votre destin!/ Neu moil ) neuf 1110iS ; / Et donnei
nous un fier Republicainr' Res era d'hymnes republicains et de chansons smerriEres
et patriatiques, np, nd, i9 OH),
123. "I have two directly under me into which I breathe my entire soul, and
manner I am able, in the
these two each have two others, and so forth. in this
simplest way, to set thousands of people into movement and flames.Originalschriften In this manner
the Order must be organized and operate politically." Weishaupt, ing his commen-
des illuminatenordens, Munich, 1787, II, 32. The chart accompany o references in Webster,
tart' is reproduced with misleading commentary and n religious symbol, seet
Secret Societies, 224. On the long history of the triangle as a Stuttgar ,
re LigiOsert Symbols,
G. Stuhlfatith, Das Dreieck. Die Geschichte eines '
1937. en eines Illuminaten," in For-
So suggested by R. Eckart, "Aus den Papier 1895, 208. Fascination
schltt zur Kultur-und Litteraturgeschichte Bayerns III,
:n triangles in occult Masonry led to such bizarre debates
as w_ multiple P interlocking Symbol (which included
11 ether the letter "G" inside the central triangle of one
six other triple triangles) stood for the Grand Architect of the Universe (God), the ea;
higheof r science of Geometry, the hermaphrodite god of the Gnostics, or the usurp
Lion by the General of the Jesuit Order (Bonneville's position). who, Ske
Masonry au XVIIIe siecle, 19 14 , 2 . - li
10. E. 125, Lesu-e2.ZIP La Frattc-Magonnerie artesienne iew them-
rhe thre eople. The
the original thre European
e ones at the beginning of the nineteenth cent_urY, to Algeria
selves used rs.
three"urnas vehicles for the education as well as the rnohilization of )?die g The
cell became basic to Vietnamese Communism; Battle of
and transp _ .
in th an the movie dissldent grouPs
or e 1950s it was'grap wally illustrate
h. to each a in
d 4recurred among _, ... ray,
sYstern of ,manthr cells unknown other "Dissidence in Moscow,' bu
in th e ir ee-
to spri 'SSI1 in the late 19605: P. Sorinani,
'1E1 18.9 in Radice , 76.
Saitta, II, 114-13 ctuarY
127. Sketcheu - - cl'
direconstruction of the interior of the san d ja Franc-Mac on-
128. S 4

alttat II 61 78--st Buchon, Hatotre

, '
e lice re-
- 1 29. Lel.. i 2 , 6 Fl.
*0 G Weill, using a po
' Ingo 119-20, supplemented by
'terse a Gene ve cle 1736 a zgoo Geneva, 19352 9 9-14--- ' .
544 Chapter 4

port of Mar, i812, identified Buonarroti, Villard, and Terray of Lyon as the original
"triangle": Revue Historique, LXXVI, xgox, May-Aug, adz.
130. On the still mysterious Conspiracian del triiingulo, see E. Astur, Riego,
Oviedo, 1933, 102. V. de is Fuente, Historia de las sociedades secretas antiguas y
rnodernas en Espana, Barcelona, 1933, 270-6. es p. 270 for illuminist influence; also
M. LaFuente and 3. Valera, Historic& general de Espana, Barcelona, :8139, XVIii,
203-4; and F. Suarez, La Crisis politica del antiguo regimen ell Espana (1800-r840),
Madrid, 195o, an ed., 6o-z.
z3z. This principle can be extrapolated from the statutes discovered in the
Merseberg archives in East Germany and reprinted in Smut der Rommunisten,
19701 i, 975-82. esp. articles 74a Sabo 23, and 33a, for the links between the ascend-
ing levels!Zelt/Lagerareislagerairennpunkt.
z32. Lantoine, Histoire, zao; 11. Gould, "Military Masonry," Ars Quatuor Corona-
toning, XIV, Igor, 45. An earlier, unrelated group of i'Phiiadelphians" had also
arisen from among German occultists: followers of Jacob Boehme in London. See
N. Thune, The Behmenists avid the Philadelphians, Uppsala, 1948.
133. The Rectified Scottish Rite was established in France at two conferences
(Lyon in x778 with the aid of a Lutheran clergyman, and Wiihelinebad in 1782
under the patronage of the Duke of Brunswick) with the mystic Jean-Baptiste
Willermoz as leader. See B. Guillemain, "La Franc-rnagonnerie comme utople; J. B.
Willermoz," in Le Discours taropique, 259-68; A. Jolly, Un Mystique Iyonnais et les
secrets de La ftanc-magonrierfe. 173o-1824, Macon, 1938.
The best general account of the rise of occultism within French Masonry prior
to the revolution is In Chevallier, Hittotre, I, 211-56. The decisive starting point
was the foundation in Paris of the Grand Orient in x773 and the loosening of
French dependence on the more casual, philanthropic Masonry which originated in
Ensiand and had been limited to three grades. The proliferation of higbier levels
began with the spread of the rival system of "Scottish" Masonry. The influx into
France of German occultism-a strikingly neglected subject in the Francocentric
historical literature-often took piece within the 33 levels of the Scottish Rite.
134. E. Faguet, cited in S. Triomphe, Joseph de Maistre. Etude stir la vie et sur
la doctrine dun inaterialiste mystique. Geneva, 1968, 494 n. 22. This biography
supersedes ail other studies of the future ultramontanist reactionary who began as
a partisan of Scottish Rite Masonry when it was imported from Germany into
France and wrote a history of Masonry for the Duke of Brunswick at the time of
the Wilhelmshad Con.giress: reprinted in E. Dermanghem, ed., La Franc-maconnerie.
Mintoire inedit au duc de Brunswick (1782), '925. For the more general diffusion
of mystical ideas in Lyon, see 3. Ruche, L'Ecoie mystique de Lyon. Z776-1847. 1935.
A favorite label among Lyonnais occultists was "friend of truth"; a more secular
group of occultists in Avignon used its Greek form, Phiialethec and these in turn
may have given birth to the Philadelphians of Narbonne. See the neglected study
of the head of the Philakthes, the Polish Count Grabianka, by J. Ujejski, KM!
nowego Irraelai Warsaw, ;924; and the general, European-wide treatment of the
group as a "mystical international," in C. Garrett, Respectable Folly. Millenarians
and the French Revolution in France and England, Baltimore, 1975.
x35. P. Schmidt, Court de Cribeiin a Paris (1783-1784), Geneva, moil, by no
means exhausts this subject. Court was a Parisian partisan of the German Reforma-
tion, which he considered the first break with tyranny since Nebuchadnezzar, and
was the first Frenchman to discuss the proto-romantic artistic ideas of Johann
Wincirelmann (Monde primitif analyse et ca pa avec le monde mode, 1775,
UI, xviii). Court's fascination with language preceded Herder's similar search for
the Ursprache of primitive man, which was also influenced by occultism: see Ft,
Unger, Herder und der Palingenesiegedanke, Frankfurt, 1922.
136 Court de Gebelin, Monde, M. 4so, 384-5. There are lengthy extensions of
the title for each of the nine volumes that appeared in 1773-84. The second edition
of 1787-9 was larger and the one generally studied during the revolution.
137. N. Hans, linesco of the Eighteenth Century. La Loge des Neufs Somas and
Its Venerable Master, Benjamin Franklin," Proceedings of the American Phil000ph.
icai Society, win, 1953, Oct 30, 515-6. Hans estimates a total membership of 400
for the entire period i776-92. The records of the organization were destroyed by the
Gestapo in World War n.
138. Monde, VIII, fir-xx.
139. Schmidt, Court, 153.
14o. D. Hill, "A Missing Chapter of Franco-American History," American nu-
merical Review, XXI, '9'6. Jul. 714. See also Affaires de l'Angleterre et de l'Arnerique.
1776-8, 15 v.
141. B. Maural, "Une Societe de pens& a Saint-Domingue. Le cercle des phila-

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Chapter 4 545
delphes de Cap-Francais." Franco-American Review, 1938. Winter, 143-67. M.
Arthaud, Discours prononce a routierture de ia premiere siance publique du cercle
des philadelphes, due au Cap-Francois le ri mai 1785, 1785, 2-3, o. YU, Franklin
collection. See also the biographical sketch of Moreau de Saint-MeiT in the intro-
duction to his Description . . de la partie frangaise de Mile Sault-Doming , 195Br
vi--xxxvi. Moreau and Arthaud were manied to French sisters from Loulaiana, I
have been unable to locate in any library in the United States, Western Europe, or
the West Indies a work referenced in L. Pingaud; A. Salim Le Cercle des phila-
delphes du Cap-Fran. ais, Saint-Domingue, 1784. Another direct channel from the
"Nine Sisters" and other occult orders to the Philadelphes was Bacon de la Cheyal-
erie. See Maurel, Saint.Dotningue et la revolution franca e, 1943. 27-32.
342- Maurel, .'with*'1 i56; Arthaud, x8-9, 43 ff. Possible Illuminist influence
may be detected in their desire to regulate all social conduct by the "general will of
the circle" and their use of a hive of swarming bees as a symbol. Maurel, 149. Cap-
Francais was also the center of Scottish Rite Masonry and provided Path not only
with militant organizers like Fournier l'Americain, but also with the original theorist
of revolutionary denunciation and purge, Francois Boissel, author of the Catechism
of the Human Race in 1789. Ioannisian, f i, 250-1.
143. Maurel, "Societe," 250-1.
144. Metimi, 167; aiso 163-4, and C. James, The Black Jacobins, NY, 1963, 2d
ed., 83
145. E. Philips, "Pe.nnsylvanie. rage d'or," American Historical Review, 1930.
Oct, 13, also 2; and Mathiez, Etrangers, a.
146 Ibid., 37; Stettiner Tugenzibund, 5; Landa. "Konspiracje," 250, and "Isto-
.kov," 26.
147 H. Bau "Anacharsis Clods avant la revolution," La Revolution Fran faise,
z901, Aug, 154.
148. Cleats, 1,42 Republique universeik ou adresse aux tvrannicides, 1793, 162-3.
z49. Marechal, Torribeaup 4-
15o. Mancha!, Voyages. V, 354. His bibliography begins (367) by stressing that
philosophie et monde are the two "happy expressions" that Pythagoras left behind
to humanity.
151. The term ia used in the proclamation dated 1820 by Isambert (Charbannerie,
9,4; text in Saitta. II, 238), though most authorities follow Saitta in dating the
formal designation of the central Buonarrotian organization as monde from about
1828. No one has advanced any theory in all the rich literature on these organiza-
tions about the derivation of the termlet alone discussed possible borrowings from
either Mukha, monde or Court's monde printilif.
152. Matte, Centstitutiorn, 15-7.
153. Text of his Reglement de la SociIte des PhiUdell:41es, Nov 25, 17g7, in
Pingaud, Jeunesse, 231-4, esp. articles 5. 13-5. 13-6, 22-3, 25. The five-pointed star
was also the symbol of the terroristic Italian "Red Brigades" of the z970s.
154. The United Irishmen, founded in 1791 to establish Links with the French
Revolution, combined Cathoilcs and Protestants under a secret, 5-man center, which
sought to work through eimilar subordinate committees. The classic biography of
their leader alleges a "close connection between Freemasonry and the United Irish-
men," arguing that "a large proportion of Masonic Lodges were practically revolu-
tionary committees." (F. MacDermot, Theobald Wolfe Tore, L, 1938, 89.) Frost in-
sists that there was "very little of the Masonic element at any thne in the United
Irishmen, but that their rtorganization of 1795 created a I'system closely resembling
that of the Illuminati" (Societies, I, 62, 6o). A former police official in Ireland
argues for far-reaching Illuminist impact (largely on the basis of the neglected
pamphlet of R. Clifford, The Application of Peters Memoirs of Jacobinient to the
Secret Societies of Ireland and Great Britain, L/Dubiin, 1798) in H. Pollard, The
Secret Societies of Ireland. Their Rise and Progress. L. 2922. See especially Appendix
A. "Illuminism and the United Irishmen," 357-63. None of these studies provides
After suppression of the United hishmen in 2797-6 and the act of Union with
England in T8oz, Irish revolutionaries gradually regrouped into the more narrowly
Catholic Ribbon Society, whose hierarchy of 1805 revealed a master and three close
followers, each of whom had 12 subordinate brothers (E. Lennhoff, oire des
sociites secretes au xixe et xxe s c s, 2934, 139-42). This "apostolic" model of the
u2-man unit tended to prevail in Catholic Ireland over the Pythagorean model. In-
deed, the United Irishmen also used units of 22 (T. Williams, ed., Secret Societies
in Ireland, NY/Dublin, 1973, 63).
Irish techniques appear to have influenced other rural, religious communities
like Sicily, lb&ria. and Latin America, where Irish soldiers sometimes settled (often

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546 Chapter 4
after serving with British-sponsored anti-Napoleonic armies). This subject has never
been adequately explored. See, however, F. Melgar, O'Donnell, Madrid, 4;46, 7.-ao;
S. ClissoId, Bernardo O'Higgins and the Independence of Chi, NY/Washington.
1969, .1.1-6, 63.
155. The Babeuvist "Black League" in Italy during x798-g relied on 5-man com-
mittees of "the most purified" in each major city but also had an executive com-
mittee of 4 and a superior committee of 8, which together comprised an apostolic
12: Godechot, "Unite," 278 ff.
156 See the geometric figure dominating both sides of the leaflet announcing the
conspiratorial organization in Poland under Gorikowski in 1796-7, particularly the
figure depicting a square of 25 connected small circles surrounding prime number
groupings of similar circles, as reprinted in Miller, "Vozzvanie," opposite 37o. See
discussion 369-75.
x57. B. Panoe, "Les Etudiants sous la restauration," Paris revolutionnaire,
1848, esp. 267-11
158. C. Johnson, Utopian Communism in France. Cabet and the Icarians, 1839-
IthacaIL. 1974, 74-5.
159, In the plan of P. Pester, leader of the mare extreme Southern Society and
a deep student of Masonic and Pythagorean lore: Vosstanie dek.abristov, V, 32.
r6o. Land and Liberty proposed a network controlled by a "5" that Included
Chernyshevsky. (See Ya. Linkov, Revoliuttionnaia boeba A. I. Gertsena i N. P.
Ogareva t tainoe obshchestvo "zetnlia i voha z86o-kh godov, 2964, 242i E. Vilen-
skaia, Revoliutsionnae podpol'e Rossii (6e XIX v.], 1965. 149; and A. Yarmolin-
sky, Road to Revolution, NY, 1.959. 125.)
The idea of Si was apparently taken from Russian Emigres in London, who had
in turn probably borrowed It from Mai F. Venturi, Roots of Revolution, NY,
rg6o, 267, and 76o-z n. 37-9). The only source for this derivation is A. Sleptiov,
the main channel for transmitting ideas between London and St. Petersburg (see
Sleptsov's memoirs in N. G. Chernyshevskii, issledorvaniia t materialy, Saratov, 1962,
esp. 266-8). Linkov (166w.7, 242) follows the usual Soviet practice of minimizing
foreign influences.
South Slav revolutionaries formed an anti-Turkish organization OrogiuJinn
with a cellular net centered on a 5-man "honorary" presidium (Garibaldi, Mazzini,
Cobden, Herten, and Cheznyshevsky), and a Russian revolutionary Ivan Bochkarev
forged a link by organizing Serbian students in St. Petersburg, then journeying to
Belgrade in 1867 to attend a meeting of Omladina (Venturi, 352-3). A later or-
ganization bearing the same name (the short-lived Czech Omiadina of the iii9os)
developed the metaphor of the hand. See A. Vesely, Orpiladina a pokrokove hnuti,
Prague, 19o2, 167-73; G. Simmel, "The Sociology of Secrecy and of Secret Sod-
eties," American Journal of Sociology, r906, Jan2 478-8
162. His visit to Odessa has never been studied beyond the brief discussion in
Pingaud, jeunesse, 122 ff. The substantial literature on Nodier (like the sole study
of Bonneville by Harivel) concentrates on narrowly literary matters such as his
invention of melodrama and his influence on Victor Hugo and the early romantics.
See J. Larat, La Tradition et rexoticisme dans roeuvre de Charks Nadler (1780-
z844). Etude sur ks origines du rarnantisme francais, z923; and A. Olivet, Charles
Nodier, Pilot of Romanticism, Syracuse, 1964. There are bibliographical studies by
Laxat 0923). E. Bender (Lafayette, Ind, 1960), and S. Bell (Chapel Hill. r97z ).
There is disappointingly little on his activity as a journalist in Ljubljana in R.
Msir, Charles Midler et 1980. M. Salomon, Charles Nattier et le graupe
romantique, rte, is still a stimulating study, as is M. Hamenachera, Charles N'o-dier.
Est our rimagtnation iitythique. 1972. See especially 1. 1esattraits du ale*1. 65-
163. Pingaud, jeu-nesse, 15-9.
164. Hamenachem. Nodier, 76 n. 8.
165. Text in Angles Rtvolutionnaires, IX, we, zz7.
i66. Cited in P. Ydinet, Souvenirs de la revolution et de rempire de Charles
Nodes`, 1966. Jul .1.3.-Es (me. of a broadcast, in BA, Fol. z.x478).
167. S810111011,16-8.
1138. Mathiez. 'Charles Nodier opiomane et lipileptique," Andes Revolution-
'wires, X, i978. 403-5; Biographic des suicides, x8o8; Pingaud. 49.
For his love of the "theater of phantoms" and suggestion that it enact the resur-
rcction of Mirabeau, see P. de la Vassiere, "Charles Nodier conapirateur," Le Core
rdspondant, 1896, Oct 25, 2.91-4, based on a letter to his sister, apparently from
r 802.
169. P. Shchegolev, "Filipp Buonarroti i ego kniga 7.agovor ravnykh," Lenin-
gradsity Universitet. Uchenye zapiski. serila ittoricheski)ih nark, LLI, x94o, 239-4o.
170. Bairn bad, like Nodier, first been inspired by participating in the least

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Chapter 4 547
of Federation in 179o. The only serious discussion of this prolific and neglected
figure is in A. Bouton, France-macons, 112, 267-74.
Vassiere. 295; Millet, 14; Viatte, Sources, II, ifir; and A. Lebois, "Lin Bre-
%Ube du compagnonnage: La Fee aux Miettes de Charles Nodier," Archives des
Lewes Modernes, z961, no. 40, ia6. Nodier hailed Bonneville variously as his -Co-
lumbus," "the most simple and exalted heart that I have known in all my life," and
the "Isaiah of masonry." Roberts, Mythology, 272 n. 6o; Oros, Faucher, 26; also
Salomon, _264-5; Hamenachem, zo.
172. Salomon, 6o-r.
173 Nadler described thegroup as ''romantics of the epoch, a species of literary
pariah with no banner, no chief, no journal"; Souvenirs et portraits de La revolu-
tion, 2841, 3d ed., 323-5. A plan for an organization of fires voyageurs was found
on Bazin when he was arrested: Baylot, Vim, 77 n. 9
174. V. Lombard de Langres, Histotre des societies secretes de l'arrnee et des con-
'Orations miiitaires qui oat eu pour objet la destruction du gouvernement de Bona-
parte, 1815, 25. This work, sometimes attributed to Nodier or Bazin, is linked
with Lombard by Bouton, Francs-macons, 267 n. a.
Modern conspiracy in some ways derives from fascination with the Genoese re-
publican conspiracy of Fiesco against Charles V. This anti-Hapsburg plot was partly
aided by the French in the sixteenth century, and subsequently Inspired both a
theoretical treatise by the a-year-old Cardinal de Retz (Conjuration de Fiesque,
1632) and the pioneering melodrama of the young Schiller (Die Veruchwarung des
Fiesco, 2782-3). The impulse to struggle 6 built into the very title of Bazires
Jacqueline d'Olzebourg. Melodrama en 3 actes, Crt'ne de pantomime, uses et com-
bats, 183; and he died in a duel defending his honor after a performance.
175. This possibility is suggested by the discussion in Tugan-Baranovsky, "Gen.
eral M ale, 104.
176. odi * Souvenirs, 3og; and the entire section "Mullet et Oudet," 303-39.
177. Cited in Pingaud, Jeuneser, 204.
178. Nodier praised Oudet for recapturing the lost "link with divinity" of human
speech. when "words were no longer imprisoned in the tip of a pen and drowned
in an inkweil." Souvenirs, 328, 331.
179. Apothioses de Pythagore. Imprecations de Pythagore. Crotona (Besancon),
18o8. See Salomon, 64-5 on his Dictionnaire Taus:mini des onomatopies franptises,
produced for libraries and lyciDes in Paris; and 68 for hi. Theorle des langues prim-
itives, which. was apparently either not completed or not published. Bad con*
currently published brochures periodically (Lettres francaLses and Lettres philoso-
phiques) which appear to have been more directly propaganda organs of the
Philadelphians: Bouton, 272, Elaylot, 134.
x80. Cited in Pingaud, 22.
Tugan-Baranovsky, "General," T82; also Lombard, Histoire, r7 ff.; Ping aud,
z60-82; Gould, 42.-8; Frost, I. 171.
182, D. Tugan-Baranovsky. "Vtoroi zagovor generals Male." Voprosy Istorii,
1974, no. 8, Jolt; also Frost, 1, 149 ff.; Lehning, "Buonarroti," xx9-22; and works
referenced in Salmi, I, 8i-2 n. 12, E. GuilIon, Les Comp militaires sous le
consulat et l'empire, 1894, still usefully supplements more recent works in matters
of detail: but Gunion like de is VaseieTre can mislead modern scholars with his
extreme contentions that Nodier in effect simply imagined the Philadelphians. 0.
Pontet, L'Accacia, igos, igo, went so far as to contend that even the existence of
Oudet was invented. For a careful account that incorporates recent discoveries and
assesses the Philadelphians influence without exaggerating their organization, see
Baylot, "Des Philadelphes de cc que Pon en imagine et de cc qui en precede." Vole,
183. Cited in L. Villefosse and 1 Bouissonouse. L'Opposition a NapoLeon. 196g.
3o7; also Tugan-Baranovsky, "Vtorol," rci6.
184. Salomon, 88.
x85. rig a, Societa, xxo. Saitta considers the two organizations identical, I, 81.
Tugan-Baranovsky surveys other literature on the two societies "V al," 1074).
The neglected Masonic study of F. Radice suggests that Buonirrotl may have been
a consultant to the Melpbes, who may in turn have had an independent prior ex-
istence: "Les Philadelphes et les Adelphes," An Quatuor Coronatorum, LV, 1944,
esp. 71 89-92.
186. Radice, 69-7x; Gould, 44-5; and J. Dautry. "Baburistskala traditsiia poste
'merit" Babefa i do revoliutsii 1830 g.," Frentsuzsky ezhegodnik. rye, zg6r,
187. Radice, 76-7; Frost. I, 165 ff.
ae. C. Nardi, La Vita e le opere di Francesco Saverio Sat11 (r759-4832), Genoa,
1925, zo5; also the section on his Masonic writings, z8.9-618, a.nd on PI melo-
drammir 105-20. Though the later term for melodrama was le a, Sa.lfi both

Auteursrechtelijk beschermd materiaal

548 Chapter 4
used the general French term and exemplified Nodier's type of emotional combat
drama which bore this designation was pioneered by Rousseau's Pygmalion of x762.
x89. 1 accept the date of iithx suggested by the transcriber of the Adelphian doc-
uments in the Public Record Office of London (Radice, 88), and 1812 as the time
of amalgamation with the Philadelphians (Radice, 79), despite the possibilities he
inconclusively raises of latex dating or both. The invaluable Adelphian documents
reproduced in Ara Qw2tuor Coronatorurn, IN, 2944. 89-117, arelike most material
in Masonic publicationsmysteriously overlooked and unused by almost all his-
torians of these movements. See also Saitta, U 61.
19o. Archives Nationales, F7 6684, 283. There are two sets of police copies of the
decrees and statutes of the Grand Firmament of the Sublime Perfect Masters. The
file has been only selectively used and was in disarray when consulted. I assembled
and used the most complete of the two sets.
zip. Archives Nationales, F7 668, a86. Undated "Extrait du rituel rouverture
de chaque Eglise."
192. Archives Nationales,. F7 6684, 284. Undated "Profession de foi du Synode
de 0, ou rasseroblement des Sublimes-Ellis"; and "Profession de foi de 0, cu
rassemblement des Sublimes Maitres Parfaits." See also D. Tugan-Baranovsky,
"Buonarroti i m 0th Andriana, oprosy Istorii, 1977, no. x, esp. x24.
193. Archives Nationales, F7 6684, 299. Undated "Livre des Statute des Sublimes
Maitre, Parfaits." In the undated parallel text "Livre des Statuts des Sublimes-Elus,"
"Les Illumines" in Germany are one of the five "already formed secret societies"
that revolutionaries at this second level are to make use of: 289.
194. Tugan-Baranovsky, "Buonarroti," 127.
195. Ibid., 129.
196. Archives Nationales, F7 6684, 295. Undated "Reglement des Eglises et des
z97. Characteristic of the "new mentality" created by German romantics in the
1790s in the important study of H. Brunschwig, Enlightenment and Romanticism
in Eighteenth Century Prussia, Chicago, 1974, zaz--2.
Two other works that also suggest a revival of belief in the miraculous in the
romantic era and relate this development to revolution are M. Abrams, Natural
Supernaturalism: Tradition and Revolution in Romantic Literature, NY, x97x
(arguing that faith in apocalypse by revelation was replaced by faith in apocalypse
by revolution), and R. Winegarten, Writers and Revolution: The Fatal Lure of Ac-
tion, NY, 1974 (criticizing the "romantic revolutionism" that replaced religion with
"fictitious absolutes"). The Polish poet Cyprian Norwid called revolutions "earthly
miracles": Dziela wszystkie, III, 390.
The word "miracle" recurs repeatedly in firsthand accounts of revolutionary
events. "All was miraculous in that meeting . . more beautiful than all the har-
mony in the opera," wrote one observer of the National Assembly just after the
outbreak of war in April 1792; the key military victory was "the miracle at Vainly";
Faucher, awaiting death In the Conciergerie, was said by his ceIhnate to radiate
le gout du mervelileux: Monglond, Prerornantisme, 11, 409-10, 131, 18.
z98. F. Wey, Vie de Charles Nodier de I'Academie francaise, 1844, 12: cited in
Fach, "Naturschilderung," 9.
199, Fragmens sur les institutions republicaines. ()mirage posthurne de Saint-
Just precede dune notice par Ch. Ntidier, 1831, (PU).
200. W. Wordsworth, The Prelude, XI, 140-4 (original ed. 1850).
201. Brunschwig, 183.
loa. Corinne, ou 1820, 1, ii7 (original ed. 18o7).
203 Bouton Francssmagons, 280.
204. On St. 'Helena, Napoleon not only paid tribute to Buonarroti but also read
Nodler's Jean Sbogar (18z8), about a Dalmatian bandit whom Nodier placed at the
head of his imaginary Freres du hien commun. Salomon, Bg; Hamenacbem, 42.
205. Pianzola, "Svizzera," 128.
208. ValVre, Eckhartshausen, 5441 also 443 fr.
207. Les Vera dotes de agore, 1813. Extracts in A. Tanner, ed., Onostiques
de la revolution. Fabre r946, 103-53. This remarkable figure was descended
from a fang'', of persecuted Huguenots and influenced by Court and German oc-
cultists. He wrote major pikes d'occasion for the Feast of Federation (Le Quatorze
Jules, a poetic drama, 1790), the victory at Toulon (Toulon soumis, an historic
opera, 1794), and the coronation of Napoleon as emperor (Oratorio, 1804). Tanner,
208. Fabre &Olivet, La Musique expliquie comme science et comme art at con,
Wilily dans see rapport,' analogiques avec Les mystires religieux, la mythologic
ancienne et Mistoire de la terre, 2E196, 1.

Auteursrechtelijk beschermd materiaal

Chapter 4 549
209 Ibid., 46-7.
210. Ibid., Br, 82.
21x. L. Angeloni, Sopra is vita, le opera ed it sapere di Guido &Mezzo, Paris,
2'2. 0. Spengler, The Decline of the West, NY, Ist39, I. 282; also x83 ff. for his
general distinction between "Faustian" and "Apollonian" man.
313. E. Bloch, Das Prinzip Hoffnung, as paraphrased in Fur ter. Lamagination,
z/z2; also, on Block's view of music as a collective. revolutionary art form,
214. Kuypers, Les Egalitaires,
215. On Kates Tooneel der Volksbeehaving, see Kuypers, " Les liens &amide de
Karl Marx en Belgique (1845-48)," Socialisme, LIM], 1963, 412, and works refer-
enced therein.
216. See Mer ilesultisrnue als perstinliches Ordensprinzip Weishaupts." in Grassi.
Aufbruch, 184-7.
217. Ibid., 238.
218. This theme from Knigge, Vber Jesuiten, Freymaurer and deutsche Rosen.
kreuzer, Leipzig, 1781, is magnified in F. Nicolai, Beschreibung sitter Heise dutch
Deutschland told die Schweiz irn }afire 1781, Berlin/Stettin, 1785. The high point
of paranoia appears to have been reached in Weishaupes Apologic der Illurninaten,
Frankfurt/Leipzig, 1786. For discussion of these and other works, see Grassi, 236-
2x9. E. von Gachhausen, EMMA,.tarn des Systems der Weltbiirgerrepublik, Leip-
zig, 1786; Grassi, 266-1.
22o. Modena, "Isiumero,"
2x. Onnis, Buonarroti, 208-9.
222. J. Druz, "Le legende du complot illuminism en Allemagne," Revue Historique,
06z, Oct-Dec, 316. The best general description of this epidemic of fear is
Roberts, Mythology, 118-45. The most learned contemporary attempt to trace a
"cosmo-political" conspiracy was by the Scottish chemist J. Robison, "The Mural-
nati,"inProofs of a Conspiracy Against all the Religions and Governments of Eu-
rope. L. 1798, 4th ed., zoo--271, and the notes added for this edition which sum-
marize the other expos literature.
The Abbe Barruel popularized the idea of a spreading international plot led by
Illuminists through three successive stages: "Condorcet refused to obey God, Brissot
refused to obey kings, and Babeuf refused to obey the Republic or any magistrates
or governing officers whatever." Memoires, cited in Palmer, Age, IL 252. J. Starck
and others subsequently corrected Barruel by distinguishing Illuminism more clearly
from Masonry.
Fear of Illuminism tended to vary in inverse proportion to proximity; and was
perhaps most extreme in distant America, where real Illuminists were absent and
revolutionary enthusiasm waning by the late 179os; see V. Stauffer. New England
and the Bavarian Illuminists. NY, 'gra, esp. 238, 291 IL; R. Bu el, Jr., Securing the
Revolution. Ideology in Minerica n Politics. r789--18x,s, Ithaca, 1972 167 if.; D.
Davis, ed., The Fear of Conspiracy, Ithaca, 1971, 35-65. For the subsequent absorp.
tion of this issue into American Federalist politics, A. Briceland, "The Philadelphia
Aurora, the New England Illuminati, and the Election of i8 ,'f The Pennsylvania
Magaztne of History and Biography, 1976. Jan, 3-36.
223. G. Barany, Stephen Szechenyi and the Awakening of Hungarian Naticrn-
arm, 1791-1841, Princeton, 1968, 20 ff., on Martinovics. The discussion by M.
KaPal ("German Illuminati in Hungam" in L. Miklos and F. Szenczi, eds., Studies
in Eighteenth Century Literature, Budapest, 1974, 325-46. esp. 333 if.) suggests that
Hungarian Illuminism was closer to Mason.ry and more directly an outgrowth of
the original German movement than elsewhere. A renegade Illuminist in the Haps-
burg capita! of Vienna, Leopold Hoffman, first identified revolution with Illuminism.
Grassi, 2.117-g.
224. The account of Benda, "Die ungarisehen Jakobiner," in W. Maxkov, ed.,
Maximilien Robespierre, 1730-1794. 1958, 441-72, is supplemented by E. Wanger.
mann, Front Joseph II to the Jacobin Trials, L, ig6g. who corrects the date of exe-
cution, 170 n. 6. See alio C. Kecskemeti, "Les Jacobins hongrois 0794-x795 V'
Annales Historiques, 1973, Apr-Jun, esp. 224-6. 232-3.
225. Devoirs du prince et du citoyen, ouvrage posthume de M. Ccrurt de Gebelin.
pour semis de suite d la declaration des droits de ,'ho me, 1789. Court is left out
altogether (and his associates and fellow admirers of Rousseau, Ctoots, and Mare-
chal overlooked) in G. McNeil, "The Cult of Rousseau and the French RevoJudos,"
Journal of the History of Ideas, 1945, Apr, rg7-212.
The immense subsequent literature on this subject and controversies about it us

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550 Chapter 4

soberly summarized in R. Barny, "Jean-Jacques Rousseau dans la revolution," Dix-

Huitieme Sicle, VI, 1974, 59-98, without, however, mentioning this line of in-
fluence leading to Marechal.
226. Abbe Charles Francois Le Gros, Analyse des ouvrages de 3. J. Rousseau de
Geneve et de M. Court de Gebelin, auteur de Monde Primitif, Geneva/Paris, 1786,
227. H. Gaubert, Conspirateurs au temps de Napoleon I, z962, discusses these
and subsequent conspiracies.
228. Report to the Convention on the Principles of Revolutionary Government In
Godechot, Pens*, 193.
229. S. Askenazy, gukasiaiski, Warsaw, 1929, I, 400; Berti, Rossiia, 42o-1, who
points out that Buonarroti was unique among Italian revolutionaries in not sharing
this illusion. P. Robiquet, who sometimes exaggerates Buonarroti's involvements,
suggests that Buonarroti himself may have collaborated with the Right at an early
point. See "Buonarroti, une emeute clericale a Bastia en juin 1791," La Rd-voiution
Francaise, LIV, rgo8, 502-4.
230. On A. Rozniecki, see Askenazy, Tsarstvo pol'shoe 1850-1830 gg, 1915, 73-7.
Walerian yukasiriski, the main martyr of the society, inspired subsequent genera-
tions of Polish and Russian political prisoners who saw or met him during his long
incarceration of more than 40 years.
231. Sariga, Societa, 80-92, also Y a 5 ff. for the influence of the Philadelphians.
Napoleon had organized his own Masonic-type organizations in the army to combat
the Scottish influence. See F. Rousseau, "Les Societies secretes en Espagne au XVIIIe
sicle et sous Joseph Bonaparte," Revue des Etudes Historiques, 1914, Mar-Apr, 184.
232. Lord Pelham to the Earl of Malrnesbury, from the latter's diary of Jun xo,
1803, in Diaries and Correspondence of James Harris, First Earl of Malmesbury,
1845, 2d ed., IX, 271. This passage is cited without reference in Frost, Societies, I,
151-2. Frost's two-volume history is a surprisingly sophisticated and unjustly ne-
glected treatment by a veteran journalist and eyewitness chronicler of the Chartist
movement, hampered only by inadequate documentation.
233. F. Rousseau, "Societes," 189. See also references in M. Kukiel, "Lelewel,
Mickiewicz and the Underground Movements of European Revolution (1816-33)7
Polish Review, 1960, summer, ez n. 5.
234. His remarkable career is traced by the great Basque novelist Pio Baroja,
Aviraneta o Ia vida de un conspirador, Madrid/Barcelona, 1931, see esp. 15, 29-32,
84; and (for his links with Merino) 41-50, 54. Aviraneta's Mexican years are dis-
cussed in Mis memorias intimas, 1825-1829, Mexico, x906. Of his many writings on
guerrilla warfare, see particularly Las guerrillas espaiiolas o las partidas de bri-
gantes de la guerra de la independencia, Madrid, 187o.
More generally on the confusion of allegiances, see F. Rousseau, "Les Societes
secretes et la revolution espagnole en 1820," Revue des Etudes Historiques, 1916,
Jan-Feb, 1-33.
235. Eloge de Victor-Amedee III, Chambery, r775, cited in Triomphe, Maistre, g8.
236. De Maistre, Oeuvres complies, Lyon, 1886, XIII, 204.
237. Triomphe, 498.
238. R. de Felice, Note e Ricerche rush "illuminati" e iI misticismo rivoluzionaria
(1789-1800), 1960,59.
239. In Lyon before the revolution, in Lausanne, and St. Petersburg as an emigre.
See "Joseph de Maistre et 1'Allemagne," in Triomphe, 498-576,
240. De Maistre, Quatres Chapitres inedits sur la Russie, 1859, 27.
241. Correctif a /a gloire de Bonaparte ou lettre a ce general, Venice, 1798, 15,
also 22-3. It is signed "P. S. M. 111. S. D." (l'hontme sans Dieu).
242. Ibid., 8-9, 28.
243. Ibid., 29. Marechal also shared the general fascination of revolutionaries
with the Jesuits, and in his major literary work of the /890s adopted the slogan of
the order, simply substituting "virtue" for "God." Ad majoram gloriam virtutus,
epigraph to Le Lucrece francais; fragmens d'un poeme, year VI (BR).
244. Correctif, 25-6.
245. Histoire de It Ruse. rtduite aux Betels faits importans, LIParis, 1802, 323
n. i. italicized and identified as the words "of a famous personage." The second
edition in 1807 identified the work as "par l'auteur du Voyage de Pythagore."
246. From the section Les bons et derniers avis de Catherine II d Paul Ier trouves
parmi les papiers de l'imperatrice de Russie, apres sa mart, in Histoire, 362-3.
The analysis of Likhotin shows that the testament was accepted as basically au-
thentic by approving conservative scholars in the nineteenth century. A partially
fictionalized account of early radical Masons exiled to Smolensk under Catherine
portrays them as grateful for the document because it stripped away illusions of

Auteursrechtelijk beschermd materiaal

Chapter 4 551
intellectuals about those exercising power. N. Ryknkova, Na staroi smolenskoi
doroge, Smolensk, z962, 12-2; Likhotin, 66 n. 21.
247. 'IWO&Cp 363.
248. Ibid.' 364.
249. Ibid., 365.
25o. Ibid.. 366p 373 374.
25z. Ibid., 377.
252 Ibid., 383, 375.
253. Ibkl., 383.
254. Ibid., 38z.
255. L'Esprit et le voeu des tranfais and Du reteur a la religion. discussed In
A. Ducoin, Paul Did r. flistoire de la conspiration de /826, 1844, 9-13. The former
work (whose authorship was not known until his trial) says: al'he revolution is a
wheel which the genius of evil turns at his pleasure. We are all chained to it, and
he whose wide Is flattered by Arriving at the summit, will soon be cast down by a
slight push." flucoin, zo--2 n. 2.
256. Ibid., g6.
257 Ibid.I 164.

The student of police intrigue, L. Grasilier, suggested (Retif de la Bretonne

inconnu, 1927) that Restif served as a police informer to successive governments
of opposite persuasions-a hypothesis rejected by F. Funck-Brentano (Mir de la
Breionne, 1928, 312). Mongiond's summary of the controversy (Preroyrtantltrne,
II, 324 n. 2) concludes that Restif was attached to the "black cabinet" of the
French police in April, 1798, as a translator of Spanish.
258. Faivre, Eckhartshausen, 75. also 72-84, 619-38, supplementing other ma-
terial in Billington, Icon, 279 ff.
239. Brengues, "Apport," in Les Fates, 589; H. Buisson, Fouchi, &Lc irOt-ront.e,
Brine, x968.
26o. Text in. De Maistre, Oeuvres completes., XIV, 371-2.

Book Two
x. 3. Brengues, La Franc-maconnerie du bois, 1973. stresses the importance of
this transformation from dead stone to living wood, which was even then referred
to as heralding a "peen revolution" (292). A neglected example in another area
is the Italian operatic composer during the revolutionary era in Paris, Bernardo
Porta, who favored woodwind instru.ments for romantic, ideological reasons-believ-
ing especially that instruments made from the wood of medicinal trees would cure
people by their music. T. Fleischman, Napoleon et la rnusique, Brussels/Paris. 1965.
2. On the early history of this idea, see W. Veit, Studien zur each hie des
Topos der Goldenen It von der Antike ?xis zum 18. Jahrhunde-rt, Cologne, r062.
For the romantic transformation of the idea by s prototypical poet at the end of
the eighteenth century, see H.-J. moil, Die Idee goldereer Zeitatiers ins Werk der
No-valls Heidelberg, x965.
For an important Marxist analysis of how retrospection of a golden age became
"genuinely revolutionary," particularly through Rousseau and as the imagined age
becomes ostensibly more remote in time, seeK. Kelles-Krauz, pro revbrane, War-
saw, 1962, 1, 2o2-3, also r88-225; and his "La Loi de la retrospection revolution.
naire," Manatee de Sociologic, II, 1895, 315-38.
Li sumo de tree siglos," discussed in L. Villoroi El Proceso ideologic de la
, "n
revolucidn de independencia, Mexico, 1967,
4. S. Collier, Ideas and Politics of Chilean Independence, 1808-2833, Cambridge.
2967, 212 ff. A play of 2829 written about the leader Bernardo O'Higgins, The
Triumph of the Natural, portrays the last descendant of the old Araucan. Indians
boarding a frigate and prophesying that the perfection of nature will be recovered
by sailing forward under 011iggins's command (215 n. 2). Lautaro, the leader of
the Araucanian opposition, lent his name to the original Masonic lodge (founded by
Miranda in London in 1796) which was expanded into a chain of lodges in Chile,
Argentina, and Peru involving O'Higgins and others in the preparation of national
revolutions. See the Masonic study by A. Zuftiga, La logic "Lautaro" vlaindepen-
demist de America. Buenos Aires, 1922, 33.-43; and the bibliographical discussion
and comparison with the Carbonari by J. Ey:Aguirre, La logia Lautarina y citrus
estudios sabre la independencia, Buenos Aires Santiago, um, 1-14.
5. On these "fires chasseurs," J. Bernard, Les Rouges. Liberolieme, nationalisme

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552 Chapter 5
et anticliricalisme au milieu du XIXe Quebec, 197z, ao; and, on the broader
movement, O. Tiffany, The Canadian Rebellion of 1E137-8, Buffalo, 1905 (repr.
Toronto, 1972), r ff.
6. See the remarkable testament by the chef &atelier from Lyon who led this
movement, Joseph Benoit, Confessions drun pro faire, 1968, sg; also M. Buffenoir,
"Le Communisme a Lyon de 1834 a r848," Revue difistoiTe de Lyon, I, xgog,
7. Silbernagl, "Die geheimen poliiischen Verbindurigen der Deutschen in der
ersten Hilfte des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts," Historisches Jahrbuch, XIV, z893,
esp. 8o3-6r An alternate translation for the successive names of the central head-
quarters (Nationalhatte and Brennpunkt) as "national shelter" and "focal point"
loses the naturalistic overtones of the German.
8. On la soc# t ducligne in the Vaud, see E. Barnikol, ed., Geschichte dee re-
and atheistischen Fruksozialtsmus, Kiel, 1932,
9. W. Weitling's system of Blatt, no , Elute, Kern is set forth in his Des
Evangeliurn des Armen Sunders, Bern, 2845, chapter x: "Die Organization der
'0. The role of John Minter Morgan's The Revolt of the Bees (serialized in Co.
operative Magazine, 2826) in popularizing Owen is dismissed in W. Arrnytage,
Heavens Below. Utopian Experiments in England 156o-r,n6o, L, 1961, 13i. The
first use of the term "Coixtraunionist" as a social rather than religious term was in
Co-operative Magazine 1827, Nov, 5og (Bettor, "Evolution,' 278), and in the later
183os the radical Owienites called themselves "Communionists" and established
The Working Bee as their weekly Journal.
Already in 184o, the first historian of socialism, L. Reyhaud, noted that the im-
pulse behind the utopian experiments of Owen and Fourier were ma return to nature
rather than a call to the rements of civilization" (Etude, 25). Fourier went even
farther In the direction of pastoral fantasy with his famous "phalanstery," his con-
trait between false and ugly vs. "natural and attractive" forms of association, and
his cosmic vision of natural harmony and erotic links even between astral bodies.

Chapter 5
x. See citation from the text of " Mtmoire sur lee societies secretes et les con-
spirations sous la restauration par Simon Duplay," RelfalC Internationak det So-
cietes Secr&tes, 29x3. max 5, 547-so, also the biographical preface by L. Grainier,
esp. 513-5, 5z8, and added text 526-47. See also Spitzer, Old Hatreds, zgo-3; Bay-
iot, "L'Affaire Misraim," Vole, 223-3z.
. H. Kissinger, A World Restored; Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of
peace, 1812-22, Boston, 1957.
3. Tinlat, "La Charbonnerie," Paris revolutionnaire, 22o-z.
4. Cited In Lands, Dukh, 174.
5. Cited in Baylot, Vole, 268.
For the alleged confusion by ordinary Spaniards of constituciOn with constipacian,
see F. Radice, "An Introduction to the History of the Cuhonari," Art Quatuor
Coronatorum, LIII, 1942, zo5. This history (serialized LI, 37-90; IA 63-163; 1111.
48-140; LV, 35-66) is a major neglected work in the field, rich in material if un-
even in interpretation an.d written from a Masonic perspective.
Conflicting testimony about the widely believed confusion of Konititutsiia in
Russia with the name of Grand Duke Constantine's wife is summarized in Nech-
king, Dvizhenie, 323-4; and J. Michele t, Lege-ndes diinacratiques du nard, 2968,
164 u. 147. Nechkina Insists that this is only a later anecdote read back into the
"government version" of the event.
6. This estimate by General Pepe is the lowest of several gathered by Radice,
Ars, LIII, 92. For other contemporary estimates 2-3 times iarger, see Linda, "Kon-
spiracje," 256.
7. Andryane Spairs, Ili, z73.

8. Buonarroti himself frequently visited in the region from Geneva (and from
Grenoble, where be resided intermittently 1812-15) and restored his revolutionary
"stamina" by "metaphysical revery" during long. walks in the countryside which
enabled him to read the "hieroglyph" contained in the mysterious language of uni-
versal nature." Andryane, II, 257; Prati, "Autobiography," The Penny Satirist, 1837,
Jun 17 3; Aug 26.
Buonerroti later read and may have been influenced by a lost brochure of 1831
by 1.B. (du Jura)," The Age of Gold unveiled, or a plan of civil, political and
refigious organization (Saitta, I, 268 n. z22), and he subsequently imparted this

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Chapter 5 553
vision to his Belgian followers 11.6 evidenced in the play The Earthly Paradise J.
Kats, Het Aerdsch parade of den Zegeprael der Broederliefde. Antwerp, 1836, BM,
discussed in Kuypers, Egalitaires, 8o-r ) down to the remarkable 736-page plan for
the egalitarian reorganization of Europe by the Flemish brewer, Napoleon de Keyser,
Het riatue-r-Regi, Brussels, 1854, in Kuypers. 131.
9. This dream of Versilov (A Raw Youth, 1874) amplifies the first statement of
this idea in a suppressed chapter of Dostoevsky's preceding novel (the "confession"
of Stavrogin from The Possessed, 1870-72 ).
20. The basic studies of the Jura group are by C. Godard, Les Bons Cousins char.
bonniersi Besancon, 1896; and Le Cottichisme des Bons Cousins charbonniers, Be-
sancon, 1903; the most plausible derivation of the Neapolitan from the Besancon
"good cousins" is by A. Mathiez "L'Origine franc-corntoise de Ia charbonnerie
itallenne," Annales Historiques, V. rgai3, Nov-Dec, 551.-61. The supposition of a
link is convincingly supported by Spitzer (though selectively skeptical of some of
the evidence advanced, Old Hatreds, 232 n. 6o); by F.-A. Isambert, De la Charlion-
nerie au Saint.Sintonisme. Etude sur la *unease de Bucher, i966, 99 n. 3; and in-
directly by the terminological borrowinp cited in Radice, Ars, LI, 194o, 6o.
z z. J.Godechot, etc. The Napoleonic Era in Europe, NY, z971, 155; Brengues,
Franc-naaconnerie du bois, 19o-r. Important supplementary details on Briot (who
is, however, incorrectly called Ilierre-loaeph) in Baylot, Vote, 167-75, and 230-I,
where his later involvement in the Misraim movement in France is documented.
12. See Hobsbawm, Bandits, chapter III.
23. G. Led, Carbone-ria e massoneria net risorgirnento italiano, Bologna, 1915,
69 ff. See also ,I, Rath, "The Carbonari: Their Origins, Initiation Rites, and Aims,"
American Historical Review, 1964, Jan. 353-7o; also for the importance of South
Italian leadership, Berti, Democratici, 148 if; and for early Hapsburg apprehensions
(and fantasies such as suiggestions of linkage to Illuminism), Lennhoff, 17-9.
14. Lennhoff, 254; Radice' Ail, LIV. 19431 143-4.
15. See the anonymous Memoirs of the Secret Societies of the South of Italy,
particularly the Carbortari, L iklaz (a work rich in documentary material and ex-
tracts), es p. 4-8 (BO).
ie. From papers of the conspirators of Macerata, '827, printed in the minutes
of the trial in Rome, !Oa, iin Mentotrs, 1.
17. Ibid., 26-1.
ra. Ibid., 20, also 27-30.
19 M. Saint-Edme. Constitution et organisation des carbonari, r Bar,90-1. This
work of June i B21 contains the basic statutes, which correspond in res t to the
first grade with another set of documents in O. Du to, Massoneria, car ; ed
altre sociertd segretz. Turin, 1905. The validity of the Saint-Edme documents has
generally been upheld by recent scholars such as Isarnbert, who, however, suggests
(Charbonnerie, n. 1) that the documents are probably of later provenance than
the laci date suggested by Saint-Lime, whose correct name was Edme Theodore
20. Memoirs, 29 no. 9.
21. Ibid., 86. describes members as "faggots for our furnaces."
22. Saint-Edme, 94-5,
23. Ibid., 94-6.
24. "Regulation of the vendita," in Saint-Edme, 47.
25. Lennhoff,
26. Memoirs, 82.
27. In North Italy, much of the preparation for revolution had been done by the
Masonic lodges which bad been politicized by the influx of young pro-French officers
prior to their forced dissolution in 2814 (R. &Visa, 11 prim Grande Oriente
Pavia. t9i7). This process occurred only after 11114 in Spain, but developed very
rapidly (de la Fuente, Sociedades, I, 2og-313). It also affected Portugal, but largely
by way of Brazil, where the brief republican uprising of 1817 had a partly Masonic
provenance (V. Cbacon, Histeria don Ideias socialistas no Brasil, Rio de Janeiro,
1965, I3-6). For greater detail on the genesis of the rich secret society tradition in
Brazil, see Buarque de Hollanda, Histerria, II (0 Brasil Mandrquico, x ), 194-216.
28. G. Spini, Mito e ?mild della Sparta nelle italiane del :82G-21.
1950. There was also borrowing from the constitution that the English bad helped
introduce into Sicily in 1012.
29. G. Arsh, Eteristslioe dvigthenie v Rossi, T970, esp. 167 if. For discussion of
the Greek movement in its European context and interaction with other Balkan
movements, see D. Djordjevic. Revolutions nationales des peuples balhaniques 7804,-
1974, Belgrade, 2965,3z-56.
3o. A. Dascalaids, Rhigas Velestinlis, La Revolution francalse et les preludes de
l'indeperidance heliOnique, 2937, go, 78, 7x; also 83-94 for the ill:0pda of the song,

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554 Chapter 5
61-82 for the clear separation of Rhigas's embryonic organization from the later
Hetairia. The national consciousness of the Illyrian movement also received its
earliest stimulation from revolutionary songs written by the Slovenian and Croatian
affiliates of Martinovices Hungarian revolutionaries. See V. Bogdanov, "Hrvatska
revoIticionarna pjesma iz godine i794i uZeiee hrvata i srba u zavjeri Martino-
videvih jakobinaca," Starine, LVI, 1956; I. Leshchilovskaia, 11!Him, 1968, 46-7.
31. N. Botzaris, Visions balitaniques dans la preparation de la rivolution grecque
(1789-18211 Geneva, 1962; M. Lascaris, ale des grecs dans Vinsurrection serbe
sous Karageorges. 1933. 2-21; S. Samoikiv, "Narodno.osvoboditernoe vosstanie 1821
g, v Valakhii" Voprory istoiii, 1935, no. xo, 94-105, and for the interest of the
Southern Section of the Russian Decembrist movement in the Greek revolt of 1821,
see I. Iovva, Tuzhnye dekabristy1 greeheskoe natsianalino-osvoboditehwe dvizhertie,
Kishinev, 1963.
32. This remarkable literary infatuation, unequaled perhaps until the Spanish
Civil War evoked a similar response in the i93os, is discussed in W. St, Clair, That
Greece Might Still Be Free: The PhilltsMlles in the War of Independence, NY, 1972.
33. In z8zo, Spaniards began using the term partial. Libre to designate those
favoring a free press and constitutional reforms, substituting the term partido Lib-
eral with the same meaning in 1813. M. Cruz Seaane, El primer le-Tiguaje constitu-
cional espairiol, Madrid, 1968, 158.
34. A ilpolitical-literary war between liberals and servile," was announced in an
article of that title in El Semanario patriotic, r x r, Aug 29, discussed in Seoane,
158-9. The contrast was heightened by hyphenating the term "servile" to accentuate
its component parts ser-vii, "to be vile" (157). Neutrality was not possible in the
polarized moral climate: "No seas neutral/ 0 larva o liberal" ON).
Far another discussion of the sudden politicization of a term with multiple earlier
Spanisb uses, see 3. Mancini, "Espana y las rakes semanticas del liberalismo,"
Cuarlernos 1955, Mar-Apr, esp. 57-6.
35. This is the earliest usage suggested in the most thorough discussion of the
migration of the term from Spain (E lialevy, A History of the English People 1E45-
183o, NT, 2923, 81 u. z). The usages cited therein are not included in the Oxford
English Dictionani, z933, VI, 237-8, which lists a venerable tradition of nonpolitical
meanings: liberal ads (as distinct from mechanical techniques), freedom from
restraint inspefth or action, and freedom from philosophical prejudice. The only
instance cited therein of a modern political usage prior to z8z2 is in 18oz by Helen
Maria Williams, who uses the term only very generally in the sense of a moderate
foe of despotism. (Sketches of the State of Manners and Opinions in the French
Republic, L, z8oz, 1, zz3. See also 63.)
36. Adresse d VEmpereur par Joseph Reg de Grenoble, president du tribunal civil
de Humility, 2d ed., :8'5, Apr 4, 7-8 (BM).
37. ibid., a.
384 Unreferenced citation in P. Thureau-Dangin, Le p' ti Liberal sous la restaura.
Lion, 1876, 9 n. z. The slightly later usages that began with the negative usage of
1817 are documented in G. de Bertier de Sauvipiy, "Liberalism, Nationalism, So.
dahlia': The Birth of Three Words," Review of Politics, 197o, Apr, 153-4. See also
E. fiarpaz, L'Ecole libtrale sous la restauratio-n, Le "Mercure" et la "Minerve"
1817-1820, Geneva, 1988.
39. Tr at in Paris rivolutionnaire, 227. See also F. de Corcelle, Documents pour
servir d rhistoire des conspirations, des waif et des seam 1831, and I. Tchernoff,
Le parti Tepubilcain SOILS la monarchic de *Mak ispoz, 34 ff.
40. P. Onnis R068, "Propaganda e Rapporti d i Societa Segrete intorno al 1817
(Rey, Blanc. Buonarroti)," Rassegna Storica del Ritargimento, LI, 1964 Oct-Dec,
41. Mao 483#
42. These details in Spitzer. Old Hatreds. esp. 212-5, apparently relying on the
account by Rey in La Patriote des Apes, 1841, Oct r.
43. On Rey and Union, Isambert, 82, and materials referenced, 82 n. 4; and
Lehning, 125. On what is known of Buonarroti in Grenoble, Pianzola, 127-8. The
term "union" could have been derived either from the "Union of Hearts" Lodge in
Geneva (Pia la, 124 note 7) or from the 'Perfect Union" Lodge of Grenoble
itself, on which see F. Vermale, "Joseph de Maistre, Franc-Macon," Annales Revolu-
tionnaires, 11, 1909, esp. 367-8. The society 'cLes amis de L'Union Parfaite" formed
in Leghorn in 1796 also seems to have adopted Masonic forms for revolutionary
ends under the influence of Italian Illuminists. See Francovich, Albori. 89-go. Rey
was a frequent visitor to Germany (G. Weill, "Les Mimoires de Joseph Rey," Revue
Hirtorique, 1928, Jan-Apr, esp. 293-6, 3o2-3), and was almost certainly imitating
the Tugendirund (Onnis, "Propaganda:. 482).
44. The origins of the group are described vividly In 3. Fiotard, "line nult dietu-

Auteursrechtelijk beschermd materiaal

Chapter g 555
diant sous la Restauration (du i9 au 20 aout z820)," Paris rivolutionnatre, 197-
21s, The overall atmosphere and organization of the student generation are discussed
in Isambert, 45-84, who dates (7o) the formal existence of this lodge from Jun.
45. Paris rivolulionnaire, esp. 267-8. For details on the 5-man sub units, see
the hostile, anonymous study The Carbouari; or, the Spanish War assigned to its
Real Cause, 1823, 8 (BO). Each department, however, was to have a supervisory
committee of g members. while "the committees of surveillance" that were re-
sponsible for security were to be 3-man groups reporting to censors elected for three
months (ibid., 8,18-20).
46. "Des conspirations et des coups d" tat, L'Aristarque francais. TB2o, Mar
14. cited by Isambert. 81, who labels it "one of the most explicit declarations of war
on the regime of the Bourbons."
47. Fully itemized and described in Spitzer, Old Hatreds, 77-14I, 189-2og.
48. See the terminal section on magnetism in I. Witt, Les sociites secrites de
France et &Italie, v330, 140 ff; also the first chapter on magnetism in A. Matte,
Victor Hugo et les illumines, Montreal, 1942,13-32; and more generally his Sources
4g. Prati, "Autobiography," Penny Satirist, 1838, Jan 21, Feb 3. Mesmer coun-
seled against revolution as most spiritualists also did. For the earlier revolutionary
interest in Mes.mer, see Darnton, Mesmerism.
so. Saitta, 3, xzs, 17o; also Viatte, Hugo, 33-53, for the general revival of in-
terest in Swedenborg after 1830.
51. Tchernolf, 39.
52. His biography was written by the leading historian and popularizer of spir-
itualism, Frank Podmore: Robert Owen, A Biography, L., '906, ay.
53, Andryane, Souvenirs, 134, who also likens Buonarroti's words to "the oracles
of the sybils."
54- Argued by Isamberti 95-6-
55. Jean-Louis Fazy was close to both Buonarroti and the Italian movement
(Vuilleumier, "Buonarroti," 485-8). His more famous brother James directed the
activities of the French Carbonari in the regions near Geneva, See H. Fazy, James
Fazy, Geneva, retB7, 16-23; also A. Calinette, "Les Carbonari en France sous la
restauration," Revue de fa Hgvolutiorn de 1841, IX, 1912-13, 412-4, for the infiltra-
tion of the Carbon ari into France independent of Buonarrotian intermediaries.
56. Be la Gerontocratie ou abas de la sagesse des vieillards dans le gouverrtement
de la France, 1828. For discussion of this subject, which concludes that one should
not "ask of the notion of age that which the notion of class is alone capable of
providing," see L. Maxoyer, "Categories d' age et grow pea sociaux: Les jaunts gentra-
dons franfaises de 1830," Annales, 1938, Sep, 385-423.
57. See confirmation from a lowlevel participant in such an initiation in Savoy
in rgir, and in meetings at the home of the former convertionnel and Masonic
leader, Francois Cent; in M. Vuilleumaer, "Deux documents inedlts sur le saint-
simonisme, l'infiuence de Larrsennais et Buonarroti en Savoie (182s--1831)," Cahiers
d'Histoire, VII, 1963, no. 2, esp. 220-2. For meetings In Lyon during this period,
see Andryane, Souvenirs, II, 153-6.
58, 'An Autobiography," Penny Satirist, 1838, Mar 3, z.
sg. See the Breve esposizione storica della Riforma avvenuta trecent' auni
nella Svizzera e nei Grigicritis Scibitia tedesco da C.C. deg ii relit
volgarizzato dal di lid am o D.G. del Prati membro della society Chun,
xfIrg. This and other versions are in BM as are his later works in favor of Pestaloz-
zian education. See particularly On the Principles and Practice of Education, L,
A2g. rein was professor of the cantonal school of Char, which also later provided
employment for Carl Fallen and asylum for other migr radicals.
6o. Radice, "Philadelphes," 83, for an important illustration in 1820.
6r. Such fears were greatest in Russia, where its influence was greatest. See A.
Pypin. Relioioznvia dvizheniia pri Aleksandre I, Petrograd, ma: also see J. Clarke,
"The Russian Bible Society and the Bulgarians," Harvard Slavic Studies, Ili, 1957,
67-103. for its interaction with political events in the Balkans.
62. Pratt, Penny Satirist, 1838, Mar so.
63. Ibid., Mar 3. May 4. Spit r, Old Hatreds, 26g n. 175 and referenced letters
from Prati and FoIlen to Joseph Rey In apparently Aesopian language, 268 n. 174.
64. Feuer, Conflict, 59.
65. Ibid., 58.
66. Their draft constitution, Gruttelzfige NT eine kfinftige deutsche Reichsverfas.
sung, is discussed in W. Schroder. "Politische Ansichten and Aktionen der flint
hedingten" in der Burschenschaft." Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Friedziels
Schiller Univereitat Jena, XV, 1966, no. 21 228-g.

Auteursrechtelijk beschermd materiaal

556 Chapter 5
67. Mid., 2a7.
68. Ibid., 6i. See also on the "blacks" and other elements not discussed in Feuer.
G. Spindler, Karl Pollen: a biographical study. Chicago, igx6, x7-23. For the impact
of French revolutionary ideas, ibid., 29-47, esp. 31-2; also R. Pregizer, "Die poi-
itischen Ideen deg Karl Pollen," in Beitrage zur Parteigeschichte, Tubingen, IV,
1912, 22
69. Penny Satirist, 1838, Jan 201 2.
70. Ibid.
71. Adolf Karl Christian von Sprewitz, a young theologian from Rostock whose
remarkable career is chronicled in the neglected study of Siibernagl, "Verbin-
dungen," 788 ff. Connections with Italy through Switzerland are discussed in de-
tail with better documentation by M. Barazzoni, "Le societi segrete germaniche ed
loro rapporti con i cospiratori lombardi del z821," Rassegna Storica del Risorgi-
mento, XIX, 1932, 89-138.
72. The concise discussion by Lehning, 125-6, based largely on the autobiography
of Pratt, does not make this connection. Prate refers to the organizations as Main-
nerband and Ingendband (Penny Satirist, 1838, Feb Do). For details on the Jung-
lingsbund (a term that has a different, earlier usage) see H. Haupt, Karl Follen told
di.e giessener Schwarzra, Giessen, 1907. The central role in the League of Youth was
played by the third of nuonarrotlis triumvirs, Wilhelm Snell, who bad planned
since 1814 to unite German revolutionaries in a single league with three levels of
membership. See Silbernagl, 776, 787 ff.
73. See The Carbonari; or The Spanish Warp 4: "The Hydra . . reared its head
in Naples and Piedmont . . took refuge in Spain , . once more raised its blood-
stained crest."
74. N. Bunch, Ocherki pc ittorii russkoi literatund prosveshche-niia a nachala
XIX veka, St. Petersburg, 1905, II, 271. Perhaps there was some kind of subtle re-
venge on Pythagoras and the Greeks for inspiring so many romantic revolutionaries
in the fact that modern, non-Euclidian geometry was discovered by Magnitsky's
friend and protg at Kazan, Nicholas Lobachevsky.
75. The Carbanari; or, The Spanish War, zo. The author identified junior officers
and nonvocational students as the principal fomentors of revolution.
76. S. Turgenev, letter of Nov 1, 1820, cited in Lands", Duk.h, 229. For the equally
eloquent testimony of N. Turgenev, see Yu. Oksman, Dekabristy. Otryvki iz isto-
chnikov, :823-5, 1926, 76-82, a.
77. Landa (Dukh, 48-58) discusses the influence on their group of H. Schmalz,
Vber politische Vereine, 1815, as well as other more temperate critiques of the
Tugendbund, including that of the famed historian B. Niebuhr, who apparently
originated the expression 'state within a state" (51).
78. Materialy po istorii vosstaniia dekabristov, /927, IV, 134-8, 159, 176; X, 283.
I. Gorbachevsky, Zapiski, pienta, 1963, 313 11. 17.
79. Lotman, "Dekabrist," Natiedie, 55, 61-2, 65-6, 70-1, and esp. 43-7 for the
cult of Schiller.
80. Pestel's sketch for the future organization of society was drawn up between
182o and 1825 and published posthumously as "The Russian Law" (Russkaia
Pravdaalso carrying the meaning of "Truth"). For the text, P. Shchegolov,
Russkaia Pravda Pl, Pestelia, St. Petersburg, 1906; for discussion, I. Lubin, Zur
Charaliteristik and zur Quellenanalyse von Pestel's Russhaia Pravda, Hamburg,
193o; and J. Schwarz-Sochor, "P.1. Pestel, The Beginnings of Jacobin Thought in
Russia," International Review of Social History, III, part I, 1958, 71-96.
81. N. Druzhinin, "Masonskie znaki Pestelia," in Muzei revoliutsii SSSR,
Moroi sbornik states, 1929, 12-49; also V. Semevsky, "Dekabristy Ma'am'," Mintiv-
Ale Cody, 1908, Feb, 1-5o, Mar, 127-70.
82. M. DovnarZapolsky, Tainoe Obahckestvo dekabristov, z906, 3os.
83. For links with Poland and Lithuania, P. Olishansky, Dekabrist i porskoe
nattionarno-orvoboditernoe dvizhenisp, 1959; with the Baltic provinces, Yu. Lotman.
Uusi mater jala dekabristide voitlusest balti aadli vastu, Tartu, 1955.
84. Two particularly influential memoranda prepared for the Russian court were
Alexander Sturdza, Memoire sir l'Otat actuei de l'Allemagne, 1818, mainly on edu-
cation; and Count Benckendorrs on secret societies, reprinted in M. Kovalevsky,
Khrestormatie po russkoi istorii, 1923.
The Orenburg society spoke of enlisting the Bashkirs to help Liberate Tatars in
Central Asia, and then (if successful) to press on to establish a republicinin India.
V. Petrov, "Tainoe obshshestvo otkrytoe v Astrakhani V 1822 godu," Taitive
obshchestva v nachale xix stoletiia, 1926, ig; also 9-3z.
The Petzozavodsk society illustrates the harmlessness of many of these ostensibly
political organizations. It sought only to encourage the study of foreign things in
that northern provincial center; and the assumed name chosen by its leader was 6

Auteursrechtelijk beschermd materiaal

Chapter 5 557
Matvei Fadeevich Don Kichot Lamanch sky, a clear allusion to the eminent)y non-
revolutionary hero of Cervantes novel. See "Frantsuzsky parlament v Petrozavod-
ske," Xatorga iSsyMa, XIII, 1924. 132-4.
85 Chto pochta, to revolititsifit, N. Turgenev, cited in N. Nechkina, "Dekabristy
vo vsemirno-istoricheskom protsesse," Vorprosy f ttorii, 1975, no. 12. 13. This is a
belated, but welcome effort by the long-time Soviet student of the movement to re-
late it to other contemporaneous revolutions. She includes vistas not discussed, here
(contemporary events in Scandinavia, the accounts of a Russian sailor back from
Brazil), but never really considers Russian dependence on anything Western.
86. From the trial of 17estel in Vosstaniia, 1V. zI2, Pestel believed the revo-
lution would spread even to "those two opposites England and Turkey" (ibid., 105).
He had earlier advocated war against Turkey for Greece in 18az partly to hasten
social change in Russia: Schwarz. 93-4.
B7. Gorbachevsky, 26; Nechkina, so-z, x6, and Dvizhenia, I. 305-
Deka brill CY p.

6; and A. Mazour, The First Russian Revolution, 1823, Berkeley, 1937. 97 (though
his reference to Vosstaniia, V. 31, is inaccurate). See also Mazour, 97 rt. 35; Billing-
ton, Icon, 65a-3 n. 67, 68; and the account of theSpanish legion that defected
from Napoleon's army in Russia in Ara and its cordial links with the Russians in
E. Marliaril,, Espagne et ses revolutions, 1833, 90-2.
Spanish influence was also important on the Russian poet Denis Davydov, who
was the first to develop a theory of **partisan" warfare, and to popularize the term
"people's war" (E. Tarle, Sochineniia, 1959, VII, 686). Five days before the battle
of Borodino. Davydov took 50 hussars and 80 cossacks out of regular units to harass
Napoleon with unconventional warfare and to recruit peasants by using a blend of
Asian and European methods and choosing leaders from those proven in battle "and
not from clerks in central offices" (Opyt teorii partizarzslicigo deistviia, 1819, 76-7,
also 42). He stopped speaking French and wearing aristocratic clothes, arguing
that "in a people's war one should not only speak the language of the masses
(iazykom cherni), but also adopt their customs and dress" (Dnernik par-tizanskikh
deistvti 1812 Bodo in Voennye zapiski, 1940, 208. This work, begun in 182! too
late to influence his Deeernbrist friends, was finished in 1838 and first published
in full only in 186o: ibid., 437-8.)
Perhaps the most brilliant practitioner of guerrilla warfare against Napoleon was
the northern Haitian leader Sans Saudi, who was feared even by the native leader
Jean Christophe, who assassinated him early in 0303 (H. Trouillot, "Le V odou dans
la guerre de l'independence," Rvista de Historic de America, t972, Jul-Dec, 87-
90). Late in 1813, Napoleon himself drew up plans for a national resistance move-
ment to the expected invasion of France for corps de partisans fighting with farm -
implements a total war with point de regles and the promise of patentes de partisan
granting extensive rights to local leaders (Vermale, Conspirateur, 84-5.) But au
these precedents were virtually unknown. The major influence from the period was
the conservative Prussian general Karl von Clausewitz, whose section on the "arm.
lug of the people** for a "people's war" provided a systematic treatise on defensive
guerrilla warfare: Vom Krieg, Bonn, 1952, 697-704, and 618 for the use of the
term "partisan." His influence came much later, however, largely on Lenin; and
the dominant influences for most of the nineteenth century were Italian and Polish
writers to be discussed later.
as. Nechkina, after decrying the lack of study of this founding group and estab-
lishing its purely Masonic forms, lamentably falls to consider possible foreign in-
fluences on "the first Russian revolutionary organization"; Dvizhenie, I, 242.-7.
89. Druzhinin, Ocherki, 477-8, traces the idealization of Pythagoras to Jean.
Jacques BarthAlemy's "Entretien sur 'Institut de Pythagore." in his iong-avvaited
and much reprinted four-volume Voyage de jeune Anacharsis errCrece. first pub-
lished in 178g.
go. Demonstrated by A. Pypin in the notes to Obshchestvennoe dvizhenie v
Rost; pri Ateksanclre I, St. Petersburg, 19oo, 547-76) and not effectively under#
mined by Nechkina (Dvizhenie, 1, s85 Okamari, Dek.abristy, 78, 82, sees the
*s of the Tugendbund; Semevsky, ldei, 3z1-3. the Neapolitan Carbonari.
fie own principal associate, Hugues Blanc, also went to Russia in 1817, See On-
Ws, 'Propaganda," 498. For detail, see M. Wischnitzer. Die Universitdt fittingen
send die Enturicklung der Ill sal Ideen in Russland in ersten Viertel des sp. Jahr-
hunderts, 1965,139-79; and S. Lauda, " nekotorykh osobennostiakh formirovanaa

revoliutsionnoi ideologll v rood' 0116--t8ai gg.," in M. Kalushirs, ed., Pushkini ego

uremia, Leningrad, 2962, 86--28.
Like the French arbors aril, the Russian organization worked through a Masonic
lodge of frierids of truth, used a root council to control regional branches, which
had the characteristic French membership of 10-10. GI Perreux, Au Temps des
societis secretes, 1931. 65, points out that this number was used "to reepect and at

Copyrighted material
558 Chapter 6
the same time get around article 291 of the penal code?' Compare Nechkina,
zhenie, 1, 207.
91. On the bliustiter, see Nechkina, Dvizhenie, 1, 205; on the gradi di osaer-
vazione, Saitta, I, 104-5. (Note also the Buonarrotian use of the mysterious letters
VV, AA, which Saitta reads, 104 IL 68, as Veri Buonarroti in turn may
have derived the idea of an observer from Bonneville's Social Circle, which men-
tions the position OBSERVATEUR du Cercle Social already in the first issue of La
Bouche de Fer, 1, 1790, 229. The pseudonym "Observer" is still used for high-level
ideological pronouncements in leading Communist journals.
92. Andryane, cited in Semevsky, 376-7.
93. Letter from Rome of Oct 27,1819, in Saint-Edme, 211.
94. See the anonymous letter from Rome of Jul 12, 18z9, in Saint-Edme, 202;
also Semevsky, Idei, 365-7. For rich itemization of contacts throughout x8x5-2o,
See Me Koval'skaia, Dvizhenie karbonarlev v Miff 1808-1827, 1971,175-202.
95. Lennhoff, 44-5. He underscores Metternich's fear that Russian diplomats in
Italy might use the Carbonaki against the Hapsburgs. For the impact of the Car-
bonari on literary figures of the era, see 74 if., and Landa, "Konspiracje," 256, who
stresses Greek as well as Italian examples.
96. The anonymous article, "Sekta pifagoreitsev," Vestnik Evropy, 1819, May,
no. 9,36. Oksman attributes these articles to I.I. Davydov: Druzhinin, Ocherki, 505.
97. Ibid., 38. The article is, in effect, continued with a second piece, "Dukh sekty
sokratovoi," in the same journal, 1819, May, no. xo, 110-20.
98. VOIllitatilia, IV, 141-2. This remains plausible despite Pesters denial, 157-
Earlier in the interrogation Pestel acknowledged links with Germany and Hungary
as well as Italy, 107. Also Oksman, 212.
99. Semevsky, Idei, 364-7,374-5. Semevsky, who pays more attention than later
scholars to foreign influence, insisted (377) that "the relations of Russian revolu-
tionaries to secret societies of Western Europe still require many investigations."
Ioo. Cited in M. Domrnanget, Les idees politiques et soctales d'Auguste Bianqui,
1 957, 341.
xoi. A. Herzen, "Nik i Vorob'evy Gory," Polnoe sobranie sochinenli s pisem', St.
Petersburg, 1919, XII, 74. The two subsequently returned alone "once or twice a
year" to this "place of pilgrimage?'
102. Venturi, Roots, chapter 1, esp. 1-2; also M. Mani', Alexander Herzen and
the Birth of Russian Socialism, 1812-1855, Cambridge, Mass., 1961, esp. the last
sentence of section a, 425.
103. S. Utechin, "Who Taught Lenin?" Twentieth Century, 1960, Jul, 8-x6;
P. Scheibert, Von Bakunin zu Lenin: Geschichte der russischen revolutionfiren
hielogien, 1840-1895, Leiden, x956,222-31.
104. All these groupsand many othersare listed in Radice, "History."
105. M. Emerit, "tine society secrete: Les bons cousins de la foret &Oran," in
La Revolution de 1848 en Aigerie, 1949, esp. 76-86.
zo6. The Albanian-born Ibrahim Temo, who founded in 1889 the "secret patriotic
society" in Istanbul which led to the Young Turk movement, had been deeply in-
fluenced on visits to Brindisi and Naples by the role that the Carbonari had played
in Italian history. See E. Rarnsaur, The Young Turks. Prelude to the Revolution of
1908, Princeton, 1957, 15-6. See also C. Buxton, Turkey in Revolution, L, 1909,
44-8, for their Carbonari-like initiation rites.

Chapter 6
1. P. Vilar, "Patrie et nation dans le vocabulaire de la guerre d'independance
espagnole," Annales Historiques, 1971, Oct-Dec, 529; and more fully in Seoane,
"El nuevo cancepto de nacion," in El primer lenguaje, 63-81.
The Poles consistently preferred the word "nation" to "patrie," but generally pre-
ferred not to use the word "revolution." See J. Borejsza, "Portrait du revolutionnaire
polonais," Ac to Poloniae Historia, XXX, 1974, 135, 125-7.
2. Journal d'un poete, 1935, I, Icor, cited in Leroy, Histoire, 382-3.
3. Barthelemy and Wry, whose L'Emeute universelle and Nemesis (from which
these extracts are made) are discussed and cited in F. Rude, L'Insurrection iyon-
naise de novembre z83i. Le mouvement ouvrier a Lyon de 1827-1832, 1969, 677-9.
4. Cited and dated Jul, 1933, by S. Barr, Mazzini: Portrait of an Exile, NY, 1935,
5. This phrase la grande revoke finale du proletariat anticipates the opening line
of the Internationale written in 1871, and is cited from the anonymous Apercu sur
la question du proletariat, which appeared in the preface to the novel La revoke de

Auteursrechtelijk bescherrnd materiaal

CU la iiile du proletariat
Lyon en 834
6) tha t the ct or oLn.Sa, s rn
a dg PP 9 18", byrtud
imigehetobrecethth e' Ins
S urrection
' 719 who
leoests (71.....,ui viewed educati
6, Biai4 r,, agent." A. Spitzer, The Revolutio govern:111 14,t-Sirtwnian llon s- sug-
Le w11d1P and ."th
l o na" Y narY Theori es of ,,..,elinIL
,, Only
real rel-ror, 1957, 534. Spitzer stresses this neglected Lou is .n.u9uste
one ern of the f
llgutit;nist, esPd 47--"e
Tucker, ' d., The Marx-Engels Readei.51:T
n teasP'onflict see Garrone, Buonarroti, 34 2 . also
7. Text
. '-irl F Europa," Annali, V, 1962, 11-1 11. 'D37511%. pr
i ll. Giovin.,
euta, - az_
ziro e l , - s L, 1956, esP. 59, 80. 47; and E. Hales Mazzin
Tr e:itn he-
Secretwall, SoacteitLia itBe " na rroti" 272-3.
Man and Other tthceerr Essays,
t ainly el;s,
' The Duties
1' tot a i ri uom f er s ( al n i ItIrarr721
x. The
,,duded 2oo Poles and 150 Germans and9 ,wairsrs: 80ern307, Mazzini claimed)
t5yhle4so7m got as far
}o of Savoy. See Hales, Mazzini, 1 x8- - B M011 al zini, 64. as the
r 1
12r. Circular of Ap 9, 1834,cited in Della IDeruta, 1 0,
73. These figures (in H. Keller, Das "run 4 9e Europa:9
) were probably not the peak. Schieder (Arzfan z83.4-r836, ZurichiLeipzi
1938, 53 Germ any increased from 172 members in mid 1835 tge, 120) indicates that
young o 268 by early 186 g$
C Hibbert, Garibaldi and His Enemies, Boston/Toronto, 196
4. .
1, m. Maretzek, Revelations of an Opera Manager in 39th.Centu 5] esp. 21-2- '
19 68E1 IL . America', NY
16. Duveyrier, whose co-defendants were Roge of the Opha Comique, U b +
and Cayol : Religion Saint-Simonienne. Proces en la cour d'assises de la Seinrealien,
.27 et 28 aolit 1832, 1832, 183-4 (Einaudi Foundation, Turin). The Saint-Sirnonian:
whom we shall discuss subsequently, dreamed of including an opera house along
side a palace of industry in their temples of humanity, and madeflorid -
experiments on their mission to the East that followed this trial. See P. Gradenwitz,
Filicien David (1810-187o) and French Romantic Orientalism," The Musical
Quarteriy, 17 9 -, c ct,
O 471-506.
17. Vincard aine, Memoires episcaiques d'un vieux chansonnier saint-sifflonien,
1878, 77, 115-6.
r8. National revolutionaries, of ccurse, often derived their practices from uni-
versalistic socialists. Garibaldi, for instance, may well have taken his tradition of
singing in circles on shipboard (Ilibbert, 29-3o) from prior experience with this
Saint.Simonian practice Vin and, 8o n.) during his earlier voyage to the Near
East with them.
19. G. Mazzini, "Philosophy of Music" (1833) in Selected WTitings (ed. N.
Gangulee), L, 1945, 250-1. His namesake, Andrea Mazzini, gave a characteristically
Italian twist to Left liegelianism in his "Philosophy of History of Music," in Apr
1 840, proclaiming that singing was the language of liberation reconciling "the in.
finite to the fini te."Santa, ' - Sznistra, 21.
20. 1). Fernandez suggests '
that opera was a way of organizing p 4
eEPecially for Italif ans in a way that was more comprehensiverimordial and less narrowlyreality
idvr,,_ and , ,personaI tern the theaterthe latter expressing nioi,. the opera, cai
te 'F'raP , revelateur de 1a societe italienne," Annales du Centre Unzversitaire
rraneen, XXIV, 1 1
Recent writers of _ op dealt mainly with the self-consci_ 2.
PrOdUCtiOnS 97 opera
t 14-5. and revolution have )
11 1973, Jan 6, 5
with BrechtiWWeimar Germany: A. Porter (The New YoTrari.
lutiona till; W. Panofsky (Protest in der Open, Mumch, 196 6 ) with the revo-
IT restaging of classical operas, including the pre-revolutionary works of
Lie!: 37,a
1 . P. Lan di
43-4 83 and discussion, 68-73. , ii. in H. paglia.ro , ed P P
' '
Irrauonal. IL French Opera and the Spirit of the Revolution,_
In is m- in the Eighteenth Centum, Cievelancl/L, 1972p I 08 , . and theories
about the SUmelerit con1Positicins
attention has been paid to the operatic and Beau-
rriarchais. rn ,,_usical stage of such proto-revolutionary figures Rousseau
and helped incite
the oricri...._trle latter's plays both inspired later operas byd 01T, I bad been king, a others
Mari au'er French Revolution. Napoleon later narked It of Figaro is already
lie would have been locked up . . The Marriage
the reviAuta+ s rchais, .. ...pi,
Jr i 220.
On ck i11 in action." Cited in F. Grendel, Beauma 0- the alleged revo-
lutio,, 4.4e other h and, J_ 1., en a id
z.,,... influence on 140-
411.6"arY mes Sages in too much attention may have cre
tart Mozart. 11. Koch's argument for Illurni.T; ic Flute; Masonic
The ma reasons even
Pera iv .Pera is Viewed skeptically by ii ical
for passaw b ''' .1 'LI z971 he purely , as musthe 'cosicng acc1141'
62-5; and C. Rosen points out t
Partme nt%," that sometimes excited revolutionaries lawn ?,. Ny, 19v, 94-%
Sta. . ,0 Do ,..
n -4 ziovannis "Viva la liberta. The Classical atyfiv,
, PP)Chailley, .....,_zart operaS and
the corn the late Tau _f
opfinski, however, suggests a deeper link between _, _ role nfusins 0 a dyang
trig Qf levolUta Lion arguing that Mozart depicts th e
560 Chapter 6
order ("this vertigo without future or past . , in which social ranks are lost, and
bitterness, pleasure, transvestite illusion, blame and pardon are all confused"). He
finds the voluptuous passions of Don Giovanni (for whom "the only religion is lib-
erty" and limits exist only to be transgressed") prophetic of the early, aristocratic
phase of the revolution in which the erotic energy of "the heroic and scandalous
figure of Mirabeau" universalized libertarian goals. The Magic Flute vindicates the
ideal of revolutionary reconciliation and the "solar myth of the revolution" with
its final proclamation that "the rays of the sun have dispelled the night." See his
"Mozart Nocturne" in "Symboles," 51-5.
22. Marechal's program for public instruction in the revolution (Almanach des
republicains, 1793, 1-5) began with a long section on Tell, who was credited with
inventing the revolutionary red cap. The earliest American opera of which the
music has survived was written in 1796 on Tell. See discussion of Benjamin Carr's
The Archers, or Mountaineers of Switzerland and other operas on Tell in H. Wein-
stock, Rossini, NY, 1968, 446-1.
23. "Aux yeux de la nature,/ Abjurer l'imposture." La Fite de la raison. Opera
en un acte, 1794, 20. Denis le Tyran. Opera en un acte, 1794, The text dates the
first performance on Aug 23, 1794 (after the fall of Robespierre). Copies in IA.
In La Fite, the priest promises to go to Rome and preach his new faith to "a sans-
culotte pope." But the mayorwith the austere caution of those supervising revo-
lutionary reeducationwarns that the priest must first prove himself worthy "par
une conduite civique." Ibid., 22.
24. Knowledge of this work Is derived solely from the review of a performance
printed in Gazette Nationale au le Moniteur Universel, Oct 22, 1793. The reprint
(1847, XVIII, 171, brought to my attention by A. Soboul) identified the author only
as "citoyen SaintJust," the composer as "Mengozzi."
as. Lang, in.
26. Z. Lissa, "Muzyka jako czynnik integracji narodowej," Kwartalnik His-
c LXXVI, 1969, no. 2, 367-73.
27. This text, recently rediscovered in separate parts (the text in Warsaw, the
music in Cracow), has been restored by the director of the Warsaw Chamber Opera,
S. Sutkowski, to whom I am indebted for this account.
28. H. Opiefiski, "Les premiers operas polonais considers dans leurs rapports
avec la musique de Chopin," Revue de Musicologie, 1 929, May, 92-8.
The Kurpinski opera (Krahowiacy i Corale) is sometimes called the New Cra-
covians to distinguish it from the earlier opera. Most reference works mysteriously
persist in dating the arrival of a Polish national school of opera only from Halka of
1848. The mazurka was used as the symbol of Western arrogance in Russian na-
tional operas beginning with Glinka's A Life for the Tsar (Ivan Susanin) of 1836.
29. R. Schumann, Cesammelte Schriften fiber Musik and Musiker, Leipzig, 2954,
I, 279.
30. Cited in A. Laster, "Musique et peuple dans les annees 1830," Romantisme,
1975, no. 9, 77; E. Haraszti, "Berlioz, Liszt and the Ralcoczi March," Musical Quar-
terly, 1940, Apr, 212.
31. Ibid., 218-8 (also 214 for other proto-revolutionary marches of this period);
and S. Katonova, Muzyka rozhdennaia revoliutsiei, Leningrad, 1968, 16-25, for
Berlioz's musical infatuations with various revolutions.
32. Review of Hoffmann's Undine, cited in Weber, Si Cliche Schriften, Berlin/
Leipzig, zgo8, ra9.
33. J. Deathridge, Wagner's "Rienzi," Oxford, 1977, 25-8, brings out the influence
on Wagner of the Saint-Simonian Heinrich Laube and the idea of art as propaganda
for a new "organic" era.
34. "Engels: Volkewut mit Liebe," Der Spiegel, 1974, Jul x,
35. Gaubert, Conspirateurs, 47, 57; Fleischman, Napoleon, 105-15.
36. E. Giglio-Tos, Albori de Libertd. CIi studenti di Torino nel 1821, Turin/
Genoa/Milan, 1906, 27 ff.
37. Paul Brousse (then an anarchist, later a moderate "possibilist" leader of
French socialism) on trial following the two attempts on the life of the German
emperor in 1878, cited in J. Jon, The Second Internatiortal, 1889-1914, NY, 2966,
rs n. 2. On Dostoevsky and the Palm-Durov circle, Russitaia Starina, XXX, 1881,
38. Laster, 79-8o; and W. Crosten, French Grand Opera. An art and a business,
NY, 1948, 39; the tenor Adolphe Nourrit viewed Rossini as "a casualty of 1830"
when the latter drew back from activism and ceased writing operas (Crosten, 115).
Rossini did, however, improvise a funeral composition (that has not survived) for
the Carbonari leader, Silvio PeUico, on the latter's death in 1854; Weinstock, Ros-
sini, 251, 464.
3g. G. Franceschetti, La fortuna di Hugo nel melodramma italiani dell'ottocento,

Auteursrechtelijk beschermd materiaal

Chapter 6 561

Milan, 1961, 191, shows that Verdi's adaptation of Hernani was but one of many,
and discusses other, forgotten composers' adaptations with provocative tides such
as II Bandito and 11 Proscritto.
40. Report of the director of police in Brussels to the minister of justice in the
Hague. in C. Buffon, Mimoires et documents ineclits sur revolution beige, Brus-
sels, 1912, 564-76. More generally, see Crosten, 112; and for the special excitement
generated by the duet "Amour sacre de la Patric," see T. Juste, La Revolution beige
de 1830 d'apres des documents in edits, Brussels, /872, II, 11-2.
41. F. van Kalken, Commotions populaires en Belgique (1834-1902), Brussels,
1936, 16-7, 23, 40-I.
42. See example in J. Legge, Rhyme and Revolution in Germany, L, 1918, 103.
43. T. Ybarra, Verdi: Miracle Man of Opera, NY , 1955, 61; modified by F. Walker,
The Man Verdi, NY, 1962, 150-21 This opera produced a second wave of excite-
ment when first presented at Paris in x847 under the new title Jerusalem.
44. The impact of this opera is particularly stressed in R. Bosworth, "Verdi and
the Risorgimento," Italian Quarterly, 1971, Spring, 3-16.
45. F. Toye, Giuseppe Verdi: his life and works, NY, 1931p 112. For the directly
inspirational role of the chorus "Guerra, Guerra" from Norma earlier the same
year in Milan, see P. Olivier, "Les Grandes Heures de La Scala," Diapason, 1978,
Jul, 51; and, for the interaction between Juarez's revolutionary victory in battle
against the Hapsburgs in Mexico the following year and a performance of the
Huguenots, see R. Roeder, Juarez and His Mexico, NY, 1947, I, 264-
46. Isaiah Berlin argues for an essentially apolitical Verdi throughout in two
articles entitled "The Naivete of Verdi," Hudson Review, 1968, spring, 138-47;
and The New Republic, 1979, Oct 6, 30-4.
47. L. Angeloni, In lode china maravigliosa non mend italica ca Late the tragica
ed anche comica attrice (Giuditta Pasta), canzone, etc., 1, 1833; and Alfa valente
ed animosa gioventu d'Italia esortazioni patrie, cosi di prosa come di verso, L, 1837.
48. Het Aerdsch Paradys, 49. For an example among the Germans, see the text
for an opera by the Young Hegelian Arnold Ruge that was inspired by a visit to the
statue of Spartacus placed in the Tuileries after the July Revolution: SpaTtacus,
per in drei Acten in Siimaiche Werke, Mannheim, 1848, V, 235-84. He explains
his intention as the fortification of a radical message with "the magic of music,"
49. J. Kuypers, "Les liens d'amitie de Karl Marx en Belgique (1845-48),"
is e, EMIT, 1963, 412.
so. Yu. Steklov, Alehsanclrovich Bakunin. Ego zhizn' i deiatenost, 1926,
1, x25.
st. R. Wagner, My Life, NY, 1911, II, 486 and if. E. Istel, Revolution und Oper,
Regensburg, 1919, stressed the influence of Bakunin on Wagner and contrasts
Wagner's and Mozart's festival centers as representative of revolutionary and pre-
revolutionary art respectively. See "Bayreuth oder Salzburg?" 62,
52. Gottfried Keller (describing the revolutionary poet Georg Herwegh, who col-
laborated with Liszt in writing revolutionary songs), cited in Legge, Rhyme, 203.
For the relation of violence to music, see 203-19; also the collection of K. Kuhnke,
"Die alter! bosen Lieder," Lieder und Gedichte der Revolution von 1848, Ahrenshurg/
Paris, 2970.
53. Account by Etienne Arago in Paris revoiutionnaire, 408 and n. x.
54. Katonova, Muzyka, 17; J. Halevy, Derniers souvenirs et portraits, 1863, 156-7.
55. Katonova, 17,
6. Cited in J. Lucas-Dubreton, Beranger, 143; also 107-84 The discussion ros,-52
suggests that Beranger may have been the most important single "ideologist" of
the pre-1830 period. J. Puech shows how deeply he had made his mark already dur-
ing the previous revolutionary period, "Les Chansons de Beranger poursuivies ert
1821," La Revolution de 1848, Jun-Jul-Aug, 313-27.
7. Life of Lafayette including an account of the memorable revolution of the
three days of r83o, Boston, 1835, 24o-6; also M. Leroy, Histoire des ides sociales
en France. De Babeuf a Tocqueville, 1962, 382; and the rich general discussion
58. The young author moved, typically, from membership in an idealistic student
society called "universality" (Allgemeinheit) through an unhappy visit to Paris to
his nationalist composition. See V. Fleury, "L'Auteur du 'Deutschland, Deutschland
iiber alles, " La Revolution de 1848, I936-37, Dec-Jan-Feb, 193-201. The crisis
also produced a "Marseillaise of Peace" to oppose the flood of nationalism. See Jules
Gay, Le Socialisme rationnet et le socialisme authoritaire, Geneva, i869, 129-30 it.
5g. For the transposition and slowing down of the old Anglo-Irish drinking song
"Anachreon in Heaven" and its linkage with the Francis Scott Key poem written
during the defense of Fort McHenry in 1812 into the song which formally became

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

562 Chapter
the American national anthem only in 1931, see V. Weybright, Spangled Banner,
The Story of Francis Scott Key, NY, X935.119-68.
The circle of 13 stars on a field of blue officially adopted for the flag of the
United States on Jun i j, 1777, was probably derived from Masonic symbolism (the
official proclamation of "a new constellation" in the firmament), though this is not
suggested in the classic study of G. Preble, History of the Flag of the United States
of America, Boston, 1880, 2d rev. ed., esp. 259
In the early nineteenth century, Germans and Poles like Americans used revised
versions of the English national anthem: the Germans substituting .` People to
Arms!" (Volk in Gewehrt) and the Americans "Let freedom ring!" for "God save
the King l" Pregizer, Parteigeschichte, IV, 6, also 86-9o; and ii,skenazy, gukasitiski i
Conservatives felt obliged to defend themselves with national anthems of their
ownthe Hapsburgs converting another Haydn melody, the Romanovs adopting a
hymn previously used in the mess halls of the Prussian army. See V. Tapie The
Rise and Fall of the Hapsburg Monarchy, NY, 1971, 246; and "K to kompozitor
nashego nyneshniago narodnago gimna," Rusakaia trtuzykaLanaia gar-eta, 1903, no.
52p 1313-4. For the penetration of La Marseillaise even to Siberia as a counter-
anthem of protest, material should be found in E, Kuklina, "Marsereza" v
Novosibirsk, 1975p a work announced in Sovetsitie Knigi, 1975, nu. I, chasr z s4
but unavailable in any leading libraries.
Bo. From "Vive la Iiherte," which like most of Pottier's early songs is based an
an air of Beranger. Text in Eugene Pottier, Oeuvres coinpates, 1966. 33; see siso
his "Les troll' couleurs," 36. The editor of Pottier's works, P. Brochon, has written
a number of works about the rise and social importance of the protest song. See
particularly Chanson sociale de Beranger d Brassens, 7961; also V. Skerlitch, 120pinth
ion publique en France d'apres la poisie politique et iodate de x193o a 1848, Lau.
sanne, 1901.
These materials can be supplemented by articles by Puech In La Revolution de
1848) on songs of the Saint-Simonians (XXX, x933, Mar-Apr-May, 21-9), about
Poland (=XVI, 1939, Mar-Apr-441'y, 19-35), and on the revolution of 1848 itself
(VIII, 1936, Jun-Jul-Aug, 82-g7). Music and multi.lingual texts (in French,
German, Polish, and English) of the Soviet version, of some of these songs were
provided in Proletarshie sn is SSSR, 1933.
6i. An eyewitness broadsheet describes the sacking of the office of Libry Bagnano
and fashioning of the new fiag, noting that "as in Paris the sanguary (sic) struggle
was not disgraced by pillage." See Revolution in the Netherlands, Insurrection at
Brussels np, rid (L. 1830, Aug 27). Copy in rare books collection, LC.
6. Ibid.
63. E. ide, II tricolore italiano (1796-1870), Milan, 1931. exhaustively studies
the derivation of the Italian from the French tricolor via Lombardy in the 179os.
See also the account of the introduction of green-white-red tricolor scarves in North
Italy in the 179cis in Prati, Penny Satirist. 1837, Jul 8.
64. The German and Hungarian were the only non-vertical tricolors. Both be-
came prominent only during the revolutions of 1848. The Hungarian colors were
a conscious reversion to those of Maria Theresa; the German colors, a rejection of
the vertical blue-red-green adapted by the Burschenschaften. (See P. Wentzcke,
Quellen und Darstellungen zur Geschichte der Burschenschatt mid der deutschen
Einheitsbewegung, Heidelberg, 1939. XVI, 217-23 (and 19g-259 for the addiction
of German student organizations to colors), The Italian colors represented a rejec.
lion of the red, white, and black of the Carl:lunar'.
65. V. Valentin, Das harnbacher Nationatfest, 1932, 32-7.
66. "Die vielen Pathan sind Deutschland' Not,/ . . Nur eine Farb' und ein
Vaterlandl" ibid., 37.
67. "Notre drapeau n'a plus as du del de France,/ Des minarets dTgypte it
Taut gull se balance." Les Chants du travailleur, Recuril de chansons et posies
sociales avec 37 airs notes en musique publii par Vinpard alb, 1869, 171.
66, ". deroulons it la brisei L'oriflamme des trava eurs, t . qui marchent
en avant vers la terre promise!" ibid. "+ deployez votre immense drapeaud .
Quilt l'univers it serve de flambeau," Ibid., 67. Other examples of the flag metaphor
are ibid., 1-2, 99.
69. M. Dommangeto Histoire du drapeau rouge des originet a la guerre de 1939t
2967o 451 48-9. s a Brigga has indicated to me that a black flag appeared at the
time of the Peterloo massacre in 18i9. The black flag appeared in Lyon about a
month after Reims (47).
70. Carefully established ibid., sr.
71. Ibid.,. 55,

Copyrighted material
Chapter 6 563
72. Tchernoff, 27x. Others imply that this was already characteristic of the dem-
onstrations of 1831. See Leroy, Histoire, 399.
73. A. Bardoux, Les derrieres Armies de Lafayette, 1792-1834, 1893, 422-3.
Seen generally by moderates as a reminder of the Terror, the flag was blamed even
by those who used it for the failure of their uprising: ocean et, 55-6, 59-60.
74. Dommanget, 58.
75. Ibid., so, 69 ff. Dommanget suggests that the use of the red flag was by no
means as widespread in Paris in 1848 as subsequent revolutionary historiography
usually contends. Among other studies, F. Wendel, Die rote Fahne, Hamburg, 1927,
adds details on international usage but without documentation, and J. Slayton, The
Old Red Flag, Pittsburgh, n.d., 12-3 (PU) traces modern usage to Pulaski's legions
during the American Revolution and includes ingenious, fanciful derivations from
classical antiquity. A. Sehoyen, "From Green Flag to Red" (The Chartist Challenge,
L, 1958, 171-98) shows that the red flag made partial incursion into the vacuum
left during 1848 by the discrediting of the green banner of the Chartists.
An unpublished essay of E. Gombrich (kindly lent me by the author) traces an
anticipation of the red-for-tricolor substitution in the replacement of the bonnet
rouge (the Phrygian cap) for the cocarde tricolor during the original French Revo.
lution. The red cap had social rather than political overtones, since it was taken
from a Swiss regiment that had rebelled against aristocratic officers in Aug 1790,
been subsequently sentenced as galley slaves, then lionized in Paris as popular
heroes after amnesty in Nov 1791: The Dream of Reason. Propaganda Symbolism
in the French Revolution, 13-6. The publication by the Bavarian government of
alleged Illuminist documents during the revolution attributed the red cap to the
Illuminists: Die neusten Arbeiten des Spartacus uncl Philo in dem Illuminaten-
Orden, Munich, 1794, 71.
76. Goodwyn Baxmby, the original English popularizer of the word communist,
"Letters from Paris," no. 1, Howitt's Journal, III, 2848, Mar25, 207.
77. Ibid., no. 7, 1848, May 6, 301 Barrnby contrasts this "heavenly iris that
blooms as a sign of hope" with the American flag, which "may have its stars for its
states, but it also has its stripes for its slaves,"
78. Ibid. Garibaldi already excluded the cross of Savoy from the tricolored banner
of his Italian legion in Brazil in 1836: Parris, Lion of Caprera, 47. The colors were
often thought to symbolize the moral virtues of each peoplethe green, white, and
red of the Italian banner allegedly representing faith, hope, and charity.
79. Lettre . Condarcet, 31.
80. Hyrnne des combats, 5 ff.
81. Conclusion of Moots, La Republique universelle, 20. Capitalization in the
82. Michelet, The Peopie, L, 1846, 26,
83. Ibid., 16x.
84. Ibid., 137.
85. The remark, at a meeting of Jan 6, 1834, precipitated "movement and agita-
tion" in the chamber. M. Voyer D'Argenson, Discours et opinions, 1846, II, 414.
86. G. Salvemini, Mazzini, L, 1956, 35 n. x; Hales, Mazzini, 139-42, 205-6.
87. Libre du peuple, 185, cited Leroy, 445-
88. The former two are hymns by Adolphe Louis Constant, a former priest and
later founder of modern French occultism under the name Eliphas Levi (See P.
Chacornac, Eliphas Levi. Renovateur de l'accultisme en France, 1926v 1x2); the
Evangile du people of 1840 was by Alphonse Esquiros, who was imprisoned for
identifying Christ as a "liberator and revolutionary," but went on to equate dernoc-
racy with the Kingdom of God in his Histoire des Tnontagnards, 1847 2V. See A.
Zevas, "L'Agitation communiste de 184o A 1848," La Revolution de 1848, 1926,
Dec, 1036-9,
89. Song of Vingard, cited in Leroy, 408.
90. P. Viallaneix, La Vale royaie. Essai sur l'We de peuple dans l'oeuvre de
Michele, 1959, 292-306. See also 241-8 on the impact of 1830, and 439-71 on the
philosophy of nature with which his idea of the people was undergirded.
x. ViaHandles paraphrase of Michele's ideal in Vole, 538. Compare (Salvemini,
Mazzini, 5x ) Mazzini's idea of nations as "the individuals of humanity."
92. Cited in G. Monod, La Vie et la pens& de Jules Michekt, 1923, II, 231.
93. See M. K1 dl, Mickiewicz i Lamennais; studyum porthunawcze, Warsaw, 1909;
and "Two champions of a New Christianity: Lamennais and Mickiewicz," Compara-
tive Literature, 1952, summer, 239-67; J. Bourilly, "Mickiewicz and France," in W.
Lednicki, ed., Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1956,
243-76; and L. Mieldewiez, "Michelet et Adam Mickiewics," Revue des Deux
Mondes, XX, 1924, 168-87. E. Kxakowski, Adam Mickiewicz, philosophe mystique.

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

C hapter 6
le messianisme euroreen apres la revolution di,.
0 te s secretes
dor)etand does not cover as much as its title proxies, n. s - 183o
b . 193
Les roc ta
lacks doctillICTI ts of iviickievvices prophecya theme more fully :1 11 t i t
o as Prophecy, Scholarship and Martini-
c ates the "cult rziterature D :1134141-
tst 'eue1 in
Weintraub, . . LeCttiTeSi G ravenhage, 1959. For the lect ures them ct in
W. parzStan France (1- 840-41!) izt
--...., i...49, Svc to selves., se
Mickiewic es iopwrofesse an College de the jourri
Les Slaves. Cours Cracow, x935. The official newspaper of th e preser e
see Try buria Lua e'verts back to the Babeuvist title, Trybuna Luclu, nt-day polisai r!
Communist party r vey of the often underapprediated impact of the polio,
overall sur g enerally, see H. JabYoriski, MiedzYnarodotup " revoill
n ondowyzwolericzych VIII i XIX w. 1966, _ znaczenie
tionarl traditio
pc,iskich walkuT nadr: Histoire, 89-90.
' -1 I ivlickiewicz,"
De la "Lelewe
94. Kukiel, ,
74-6, and references.
95. ra..pports pa1ono-israelites et l'insurrection d TR
96. RaPhael' "Ijoes 26, Apr-Dee, 788-1'93. e "
Revolution- de 184v, 19 - et l panslavisme revolutionnaire, 19 o 21.-,.
B 1-leprier, Bakounine ,, e 5 2 - .41'141 atil
p. B. messianisme polonais, 215-35.
es n
t A. ehning) "Th 1 te3r872tiooIn.alBoArsesioscziaat4oziv.
98. English police statispcs i octal History,
r 859 )," Internationai47:
estimates that Pc'oles resettled in Western Europe during the (i
136 )
emigration" after 183 1. The literature linking ki
Buo i
Polish revolutionaries i iryI
narroti #tha . n I. IA
it11 theI:rael- :
vived Carbonari and other groups closer to v
with convincing skepticism by W. Zajews , d Pr d nski)L'
@. zY ao Avazzini
elewel i initis review
, ecl
o narbo.
narskim podziemiu," Kwarealnik Historyczny, LXXI, 1964, no. 4, 977-85.
99. The "national revolution" in Poland was said to be that ofiversaiTest:ia the Lith .ienusi.
and Russians as well. See the brochure (including Lelewers speech, 22-3), Le
Polonais ks Iithuaniens et les russiens celebrent les premier1s8
r4 volution natio-nate du 29 novembre et du 2.5 mars 1831, 1832. There was als o a
Lithuanian and White Russian national society founded on Dec io, 1831, in Paris,
just five days before Lelewers Polish national Committee. See A. Barszczewslia,
ociete lituanienne et des territoires bielorusses et Tuthenes a- Parts i831-11336,."
Acta Baltico-Slavica, VI, 1969, 75-xo2.
Too. The People, 87.
lox. The thesis that the_idea of the socialist potential of the peasant commune
was borrowed by Bakunin and Herzen from Letewel (B. Nikolaevsky, "Za vashu i
nashu volnosrstranitsi iz istorii russko-polskilik otnoshenii," Novy zhuraal, 1944,
no. 7, 252-76) is viewed .skeptically by Mona (Herzen, 473) and by A. Walicki (in
a joint seminar meeting with Nikolaevsky at Harvard University in 1959), Glorifi-
cation of ancient Slavonic communalism was widespread in the Polish emigration,
and could have come from many figures other than Lelewel, See, for instance, P.
Brock on the leading figure of the LIM Pot i, "Zeno Swittosrawski, a Polish fore-
runner of the Russian Narodniki," American Slavic and East European Review,
XIII} 1954, no. 4, 566-87; and 1 moref u ll y,
If Revolutio
is nary P opuVis in Poland,
Toronto, r97 which contends that Poland in effect produced a full-fledged agrarian
populist mov7, tement between its revolutions of 1830 and 1863, anticipating most of
the main features of the better-known Russian movement that followed.
atIon of the "conservative utopia" involved in Slavophile Idealization
of the peasant 'si commune into the revolutionau utopianism of the populists, sF p,
A- Walicki, hayieophilism and Populism: Alexander Herzen 'Russian Socialismi..
in The Slav
Theontroversy. History of a Conservative Utopia in N:reotecetan:
Century Russia?:
Z 02 ' M. Serejski,ought, kmc',-
Oxford, 1975, 58o-6oi.
tm Lelewel 1786-1861. Sa vie et son oeuvre,
Warsaw/Cracow 196 5
103. The Pe l
inancly iri 131 _.7.op e3 132 IP -6+,aid the section, "Association of the Fishermen of Nor'
104. 11, Weisser I44T%
Polish Rev . 1 a he British Working Class and the Cracow uprising of 1846P"
lewi 1968 3 Winter 2 I R esP. 9-To.
105, whereas s lia kunal 4 and
} -'---' Hapsburg
Empire had been
1848, Russian representatives and pro-Russian dec a _,:,..ri of pan-
siavism from a radical Congress of 1867. For this transforma:,1,,etrovihr
The Emergence o f R___, cau se into reactionary Russian doctrine, see NI. i
For nenie Russian Pansiavism z865-187o, NY, 1956.
Russia sE., cted
, conspi rato4.0 . huania and Whi" 84 g,
arsaw cle 1. Fainhauz iii.l
ae haTivities of this period in Lit . __si 1846-4
For th onspiracyjny na Lithe i Bialotlf t n 66,8
The revori -e Balkans -m the 1840s, see Djordjev.ite: Revolu to.s s!hacl co D5:
, --
utiona . ,..,
rY idea of a Slavic peasant uprising against landowpnviL . , ploy
servative 0 - .
of the 18405 near Lublin by a Catholic pries"
Chapter 6 565
gciegienny, using a forged appeal of Pope Gregory XVI to organize a clandestine
movement to baniah landowners and unite with the oppressed Russian peasantry.
See I. Narsky, "Razvitie revolititsionno-dernokraticheskoi filosofskoi mysii v Porshe
30-40-kh godov XIX veka," Moskovsky tertiversitet, uchenye zapiski (fil. fak.), 289,
1954, 87 r, This technique was repeated in the Ukraine thirty years later In the
forged appeal of the tsar for insurrection against the upper classes. See Venturi,
io6. Large tegrents from the text (from La Riforme) are in Venturi, Roots,
47-9. Venturi (48) considers this "the first time . . . that the forces and problems
of what was later to become Russian populism had been singled out and publicly
107. Cited in Venturi, Roots, 56. See also Carr, Bakunin, 163-89, for discussion
of the Appeal. The text with other important materials on Bakunin's acdvities dur
ing this period is in 3. Pfitzner, Bakuninstudien, Prague, 1932, 78-zo13.
The identification of Slays with peace and democracy goes back to Herder, and
was forcefully developed in the r8aos by the Slovak romantic poet Jan Kollar. See
H. Kohn, Pan-Slavism, Notre Dame, :953, x6; T. Masaryk, Meaning of Czech His-
tory, Chapel Hilt 2974, 55-6.
Although there was no indigenous version of the revolutions of 1848 within the
Russian Empire, the Ukrainian Society of Cyril and Methodius contrasted Slavdom
with Muscovitism, just as the revolutionary "Catechism of the Russian People" in
Paris contrasted a "People's" with a 'Tsarist" Russia. See the key document Zalton
bozhii} reprinted in Pb Zaionchkovsky, Kirillo-mefodievshoe obshchestwo, 1959, 156-
Go; and I. Golovin's "Katekhizis russkogo naroda," in "13ervaia revoliutsionnaia
broshiure russkol ernigratsii." Zveniia, 1932, 1. 195-217.
zo8. Vialianeix, Vole, 471-9, juxtaposes the ultimately nonrevolutionary, Chris-
tian understanding of "the people" of Larriennais with the more revolutionary out-
look of the mature Michelet.
zog. Text of the letter of Sep, 185x, subsequently entitled "The Russian People
and Socialism," is in Herren, From the other shore and the Russian people and
socialism (intr. I. Berlin), L, 1956, 165-208; discussion in Malia, Hamen, 395-409.
rio. Phrase used by Michele in Lege-ndet, 239. For his writings on Romania in
the 1850s, see log-59.
in. C. lea, The Romanians' Struggle for Unification-1834-1849. Bucharest,
z970, 130 ff.
Ibid., 117 if. See also I. Breazu, Michelet si romdnii, CIu), 1935; and the
unpublished Harvard doctoral dissertation of J. Campbell, "French Influence and
the Rise of Rumanian Nationalism. The Generation of zE148" no40.
zu. Details from the volume commemorating the hundredth anniversary of his
death in 1851; Nicolae Balcescu. A Fighter far Freedom, Bucharest, 1g53, which
indicates (67-8) that the coded statutes of the Brotherhood have not beenpreserved.
114. Bode*, no. For the influence of Mickiewicz on Bilcescu, see A. Zub, "Lea
Rapports roumano-polonais I la vein de la revolution de 1848," Revue Rounsaine
d'Histoirei, 1 975, 110.4, 623-4-
115. A. Otetea, ed., The History of the Romanian People, Bucharest, 1970, 35g,
372. As elsewhere in the romantic era, theatrical performances played an important
role in arousing national revolutionaries. Just as the Greeks in Bucharest had been
aroused to action in 18z9 by a performance of Voltaire's Brutus, so Bilcescu was
Inspired by the youthful demonstration triggered by a performance of Shakespeare's
Julius Caesar in Bucharest in January 1848. The flash point came when Brutus
cried out "Death to tyrantsl" See the only partly fictitious account of C. Petrescu
Un OM burr oarnetai, Bucharest, I956.
ii6. For the development of this idea among the populists, see "The first myth:
belief in 'the people,'" in 3. Killington, Mikhailovsky and Russian Populism. Ox
ford, 1956, 86-.98.
lx7. L. Ravenna, II Ciornalismo inazziniana, Florence, 1967, 72 n. 2, 282.
118. Saivengni, Mazzint, 35-8.
119, See M,azzini's response to the invitation of the international committee at
the head of the "Rapport annuel du comite international Mute's les nationalites"
of Mar, 1856, reprinted in Lehning, "Association," 251.
120. As characterized by Flerzen in his letter to Turgenev of Jul 20, 1862, in My
Past and Thoughts, L, 1927, VI, 20. On his links with Mazzini, see W. Giusti, "Al
Herren e I suoi rapporti con Mazzini e in L'Europa Orientate, 1935. Gies ti's
Mazzini e gli amyl. Milani 194o, makes clear the continuing importance of the
Polish national cause to MiltOnl, but also reveals (237-55) a growing interest in
Russia after I848. The romantic hero of the 1848-9 events in Italy, Giuseppe Gari-
baldi, also had strong feelings towards the Poles. See A. Lewak, Corrisparedenza
polacca de G. Garibaldi, Cracow, 1932.

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566 Chapter 6
121. For qualification of this trend see M. Tournier, "Le Mat iPeuple en 384.11:
designation social ou instrument politique?" Rainantirme, 1975, no. 9, 6-20, an
anticipation of his forthcoming book Vocabulaire ouvrier en 1648, Essai de Lexi-
Z22. Tactical borrowing from native Americans may have combined with ideo-
logical mobilization to give the militia in the American Revolution some of the
qualities of a modern "people's liberation" army: J. Shy, "The Military Conflict as
a Revolutionary War," in S. Kurtz and J. Hutson, eds., Essays on the American
Revolution, Chapel Hill, 2973; also F. Pogue, The Revolutionary Transformation of
the Art of War, Washington, D.C., 1974.
The most remarkable colonial American anticipation of irregular revolutionary
warfare is, however, the neglected figure of James Smith of Kentucky, who was
captured and adopted by Indians at age i8 in 1755 and applied their methods to
frontier fighting after escaping in z759. His militia in western Pennsylvania, the
Blackboys, wore loin clothes, leggings, and painted faces; and in 1767 he raided
Fort Bedford, which became "the first British fort in America that was taken by
what they caned American rebels." An acct of the remarkable occurrences in
the We and travels of Col. James Smith, appendix and notes by W. Darlington, Cin-
cinnati, 19o7, I23
Smith tried unsuccessfully to gain United States government support for irregular
warfare in 1777 and again in '799. He wished to avoid the British mistake of trying
to wage conventional warfare in the New World, urging his fellow Americans to
emulate the native Americans' closeness to nature, emphasis on proven merit, and
ability to tie up superior numbers through camouflage, ambush, and surprise. His
original Remarkable Occurrences (Lexington, Kentucky, r799) was expanded and
revised shortly before his death as A treatise on the mode and manner of Indian
War. Their tactics, disciplbte and encampments, the various methods they practice
in order to obtain the advantage, by ambush, surprise, surrounding, etc., Paris,
Kentucky,, laza.
123. The work that came closest to suggesting distinctive new forms of warfare
for a revolutionary regime was the almost unnoticed brochure written by BCITMC-
villa's friend, the Scottish soldier of fortune John Oswald, He drew on previous
experience with the British army in India and America for his toctioue du peupie
ou nouveau principe pour ks dvolutians rnilitaires, par lequel le peupte peut facile-
ment apprendre 4 cambattre par lui-mime et pour lui-mere, sans Le suers dan-
gereux des troupes reglies (BN), dated late 2792 or early 1793 by loannitian. MEC
The basic revolutionary drive toward radio al simplification is evident in Oswald's
announced determination "to discover a principle of movement that is simpler easy
and natural," but which is only sketched in the r2page pamphlet.
224. A. Gieysztor etc., History of Poland, Warsaw, i988,407.
125. Koiciuszko au peuple francais, Paris, n.d., 35. The copies in Le and BM are
catalogued with the dates I79 and 1796 respectively. The text makes It appear to
be an appeal addressed after the uprising of 1794;.
1 Czy Pow wybie sir mogg na niepod,regloi61, first published anonymously
in Paris (fictitious place designation of Perekop na Donu), x800, reissued with
intz, by E. Halicz, Warsaw, 2967, and attributed to Koiciuszko's secretary, Thief
Pawlowski. M. Kukiel attributes the work to ICoiciuszko himself: "Les origines
ds la strategie et de la tactique des insurrections polonaises au XVIlle et au XIXe
slide," Revue internatianale d'histoire mllitaire, 2952, no. 12,326-45.
The work, inspired and probably dictated by Koiciuszko, bad a seminal if delayed
impact on the Polish revolutionary tradition. See Kukiel, Aspects of the
Polish Insurrection of 1863-64"; Antemurale 1963, viLvni, 363-96; and articles
in W. Biegaiiski, etc., eds., Histoire robs ire de la Pologne, Warsaw ig70, 114-92.
za7. Cry Macy, 69, cited in Histoire militaire, 132.
sae. On the Polish tradition of the arriLiTe-ban dating at least from the resistance
to the Swedish invasion of 1655, see S. Kowecki, Fiospolite ruszenie w insureltcji
1794, 1963, and Hiseoire maitaire, 133 ff. E. Halicz, Partisan Warfare in Nineteenth
Century Poland. The Development of a Concept, Odense, 19751 attaches seminal im-
portance to this tract of Koiciuszko for Europe more broadly as well as for the
Polish tradition.
r29. See Histaire militaire, 232,26o. This is, of course, the literal meaning of the
Spanish guerrilla.
130. Ibid., 124-7; aho his manual Manoeuvres of horse artillery adapted to the
service of the United States, DIY, 1812; and E. Brink, "ICoiciuszkoForefather of
American Artillery," Field Artillery Journal, XXII,. 2932, May-Jun, 303-13,
23i. Cited in E. Alexander, "Jefferson and Kokiuszko," Pennsylvania Magazine

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Chapter 6 567
of History and Biography, 1968, Jan, 99. Koiciuszko's extraordinary will commis-
sioned Jefferson to use his entire legacy to purchase either freedom or education
for Negroes: ibid., 92-3.
132. This organization represented for M. Kukiel the first clear adaptation of
Carbonari forms into eastern Europe: "Lelewd, Mickiewicz and the Underground
Movements of European Revolution (1816-33)," Polish Review, x96o, summer, 63.
133. Radice (Ars, LIV, 162) dates the founding from 1821; C. Francovich (Idee
sociali e organizzazione operaia neila prima meta. idelLITIoo, 1r5-1847, Milan, 1959,
49) inclines towards 1823. Garrone, 335-6 n. 2, discusses the Greek name and origin
of the society, inclining toward a later date of beginnings. The leaders ritually
adopted the names of ancient Romanparticularly militaryheroes. See A. Ghisal-
berti, Cospirazioni del risorgimento, Palermo, 1938, 39, also 3I-58.
i34. N. Naldoni, "Sulla setts degli Apofasimeni," Atti del XXVII congress per
la storia del risorgimento, Milan, 1948, 467; and 465-72.
135. Ibid., 467.
136. Ibid. Many Italians (including Bianco) fought at same time with the French
in Algeria. See E. Michel, Esuli italiatai in Algeria (z8z5-i861), Bologna, 1935.
137. Prati, Penny Satirist, 1838, Mar 31.
138. Ibid., Mar 17,2.
139. Della forza nelle cose politiche ragionamenti quattro di Luigi Angeloni
Frusinate dedicati aliiltalica nazione, L, 1826, Part II, r5r if., also 166. Angeloni
denounces the powers of Europe for reneging on their promise to free and unite
Italy (203-4 ), and finds General Malet, who "served both France and Italy," the
only admirable leader of the era (206.-7, also 21r).
140- Ibid., the third "ragionamente," i ff.
141. Ibid., 61-88. Angeloni describes himself as "one of the first promoters
(promovitore) in France of that true American form of liberty (quella vera liberta
americana)," 207. Earlier in his first political work of 1814, he had seen both the
USA and the Swiss federations as models for Italian unification. Sopra l'ordina*
mento the aver dovrebbono i governi d'italia, ragionarnento di Luigi Angeloni,
Frusinate, Paris, 1814, 12-3. See also his Dellitalia uscente it settembre del 18x8,
ragionamenti IV di Luigi Angeloni, frusinate, dedicati all'italica nazione, Paris,
18/8, 2V. There is no adequate study of Angeloni, who ended up in a London poor-
house in 1842, and died the following year. (See L. Fasso, Let re di esuli, Lucca,
1915, 126-7.) The best work is still G. Romano-Catania, Luigi Angeloni e Federico
Confalonieri, Milan, 1898.
142. M. Ilattistinl, Esuli italiatzi in Belgio (1815-1861), Florence, 1968, 205.
x43. Della Guerra nazionaie ,d}insurrezione per bande, applicata all'Itatia. Tratato
dedicato ai buoni Italiani du tin antic del paese, Italy, 1830, 21F (two copies of
this rare work, apparently published in Malta, are in the Brera, Milan).
144. L. Carpi, II Risorgirnento italiano, 1887, III, 176; Battistini
376-8; and Della Peruta's bibliographically rich short biography in Dizionario
biograftco degli Italiani, 1968; X, 226-9. There is no adequate modern studyand
no full-length biography at allof this remarkable figure. For the relationship of
his book to the rich history of Italian insurrection, see P. Pieri, "Carlo Bianco conte
di Saint Jorioz ed ii suo trattata sulla guerra partigiana," Bollettino Storico-Bib-
liografico Sub-Alpino, LV, 1957,373-424; LVI, 1958, 77-104; bibliography 375-6.
145. V. Parmentola, "Carlo Bianco, Giuseppe Mazzini e la teoria dell'insur-
rezione," Bollettino D0171US Mazziniana, V, 1959, no. 21 5-40; also Garrone, 333-42,
on the interconnections amidst the excitement of 1830-I between Buonarroti and
Mazzini. Though the collaboration between national and social revolutionaries did
not long survive the disaster in Savoy, Bianco's influence on Mazzini enabled him
to exercise an enduring. if largely unacknowledged impact on the revolutionary
tradition. See Pieri, 95-104. Allusions are made to a revision of this work Manuale
pratico del rivoluzionario italiano desunto del trattato sulla guerra d'insurrezione
per bande, which was apparently an incompleted manuscript drawn up in connec-
tion with preparations for the second Savoy expedition of 1833, though Pieri refers
to it as if it were published "(Italia, 1833), P 374-5.
146. Della Guerra, I, xii, lxx, 51.
147. Ibid., 170 if.
148. Ibid., 198 ff.; see also Pied, 79, and 290-21 for the higher titles and complex
staffing under figures like the "great Celiarca" and the "Topographer-General."
149. Pieri 77.
150. Della Guerra, I, 25 ff.
xv. Ibid., 19, also 18 ff. and Pieri, 382.
152. For Bianco on weapons and clothes, see Della Guerra, 1 176 ff.
153. Della Guerra, 1, 301.

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

568 Chapter 6
254. For the nature and impact of the Italian insurrectionist tradition prior to
x848, see Francovich, HL azione rivoluzionaria," in idee; also S. Mastellone, Mazzhal
e la eViovine Italur Plea, z96o. Mazzini's own basic theory was contained in his
Della guerra dInsurrezione con mien aintalia, Marseilles, 1833.
155. According to the introduction of F. di Tondo to the new edition of Pisacane,
Guerra combattuta in Italia negli antra r848-0349, Turin, nd., 3. The work, origi-
nally completed in Lugano on Oct 25, 1850, was first published there in 2852.
x56. Ibid., loo-z, 187.
157. Ibid., zoo.
z58. Ibid., :95, 202.
159. Ibid., rai-.3, 206.
x6o. L. CaMSC, La Spedizione de Sakti, Bari, 1969, 12-5.
161. Ktidlciussko wrote in his postmortem of 2800 (Czy Polacy, 9o, cited in His-
toire mill # # 132) that "there was no arm capable of resisting the scythe and no
army in Europe that one could not have defeated with scythes." On the myth of the
scythe see Haifez} 44-5r 175, 183.
162. is tore inilitaire, 276-7, for many examples and references. The Polish
fascination with light, portable weapons may also have owed something to the two
pistols (engraved E pluribus unum) that Kosciuszko had received as a farewell gift
from George Washington (ibid.125).
Teel suggests a possible influence of Koiciuszko on Bianco ("Military Aspects,"
368-9), though his speculation seems questionable in view of his misidentification
of Bianco elsewhere ("Problemes des guerres d'insurrection au XIX siecle," Ante
mural., x955, 8o). Bianco's work is wrongly attributed to Mazzini in Iiistoire
ntilitafre, 181. Halicz shows Bianco to have been influenced by Koiciuszko (ax ),
and to have influenced key Pole* (77-9) as well as Mazzint (451 92-3).
163. Wojciech Chrzanowski, 0 wojnie partyzanchiej, and ed., Paris, 1835. He
stressed the importance of sudden attack and ambushes (78-g) and escalated (77)
the preferred hand firearm from the pistol to the "short carbine." Even an extreme
monarchist, Ludwik Bystrzonowski, contributed to the discussion of partisan up-
risings. See Histoire z73-4 and n.
164. P. Brock, 'The Political Program of the Polish Democratic Society," Polish
Review, x969, summer, r; Kukliel, "Military Aspects?' 370-2.
165. Written by a friend of Mandell, Karol to an, Partyzantka; cryli, Wojna
dla ludow powstajec-ych najwiliellvsza, Paris, 1844. See alto H. Kamieniki (pseu
donym Filaret Prawdowski), 0 prawdach iywatnych narodu polskiego, Brussels,
184.4. Lelewel insisted in the Name year that "national insurrection" was "the surest
means of arriving at national Independence." is ire de Pologne Tacontee par tin
ands d sea nevet&r, Paris/Lille, 1844, 1p 328.
166. The remarkable treatise, Notes no- les fusies facendlaires, was prepared for
the liberal commander-in-chief of Poland (and hero of the Decernbrists), Grand
Duke Constantine. It was lithographed in Ohm, and published in German in
Wehnar, Aso. Bern also later published a treatise on the it `y use of "steam
=chines." See L Komuda, "Constructor and Hero," Poland, 1973, Dec, 31-2.
187. Kateckirm demokratvcrny, Paris, 111451 4g; cited Haliez, 168. His section,
'Henzyk Kamietiskils 'People's War,' " for extended treatment (I56--89).
r68. Wofna llama przez X. Y. Z,, Bendlikon, 2866; cited in Halicz, x59. This
pioneering treatise with Its concept of total self-reliance and mass mobilization for
insurrection was translated into French for use in the underground resistance to
Nazi occupation as inturrectiott est un Art, tr. j. Tepiebt, 19.43. See Walicki, 'Prob-
lem of Revolution," 36. Kamietiski believed in ideological as well u military mobili-
zation, and just before he completed his People's War in 1863, be founded and
edited a non-periodical journal in Geneva with another name that was to be taken
over later by the Russians: Prawda (Truth).
reg. Cited in Ralicz, r.
170 Instrultria powstaticza, Paris, 1862, discussed Kukiel, "Military aspects,"
r7r. Cabot, Rtvolution de 1830 et situation prise-Me, x832, 176.
17a. Gaubert, Conspirateurs, esp. 47, 57; N. Forssell, Fouche the man Napoleon
feared, NY, 19707 122 ff. The first Jacobin lo t was immediately followed by the
first (and more destructive) royalist one, expding the first "infernal machine.
173. R. Burnand, L'Attentat de Fieschi, 1930.
174. The English translation by Bronterre O'Brien, History of Babeurs Conspiracy
for Equality, I 2836, was subsequently widely reprinted and excerpted. It allegedly
sold about 50,000 copies in a short space of time B. Barre, Moires, 1844. IV,
92). The suggestion of Dommanget, Pages, 12-3 repeated by Saltta, that there was
a first English edition in 1828 is refuted by Garrone, Buonarroti, 413 n. z. The best

Copyrighted material
Chapter 6 569
edition of the original French work (whose full title is Conspiration pour t' alit
dite deBabeuf, suivie du proces auquel elle donna lieu, et des piEces justiftcatives,
etc., etc., par Ph. Buonarroti) is edited with a preface by G. Lefebvre, 1957,2v.
175. Buonarroti's memorandum commemorating Bastille Day, /828, written just
before publication of his Conspiracy. Saitta, II, 92. This metaphor, later invoked by
Lenin, was used by Nodier in 1815 (llistoire, 28) and by Jean Witt, another his-
torian of secret societies in 1830 (Societe's, 6 n. 1).
/76. Saitta, II, i36-9. Buonarroti did not include Russia in his list of failed revo-
lutions, perhaps because the Decembrists had developed a variety of ideas on this
subject (See M. Murav'ev, "Ideia vremennogo pravitel'stva u dekabristov f ikh
kandidaty," in Tainye obslichestva, 68-87). The main group called for a three-
month rule by provisional power during which full authority would be transferred
to a new national assembly (84); but some Decembrists envisaged the provisional
government affecting radical social reforms (70).
There is no certainty that Buonarroti had any contact with Decembrists until the
mid-183os through the brothers N. and A. Turgenev in Paris (see the latter's
"Parizh," Sovremennift, 1836, no. 1, 275), though Semevsky suggests the possibility
of more extensive contacts (Idei, 536).
177. Mazauric, Babeuf, 173-4. The author reveals the sensitivity common to
Leninists who live in Western democracies about the reluctance of "provisional"
revolutionary governments ever to "wither away." He rebukes the editor of Babeuf's
work, Lefebvre, for "not making enough of a distinction between the organization
of the provisional political and social dictatorship . . and the period beyond for
which one foresees, as Buonarroti tells us, the progressive participation of all citi-
zens in the direction of the Communist state," 173 n. r.
178. Sabina, II 139.
179. Saitta, I, x2.5. A good overall discussion of the origin of this idea is in Gar-
rone, "La dittatura rivoluzionaria," in Buonarroti, 310-22.
180. Saitta, II, /38.
.r8z. Conspiration, 1, 114-5.
182. Cited in Garrone, 338. Buonarroti called for "the wisdom to invest a man
of the temper of Robespierre with a dictatorship." Conspiration, 1, /14 n. x.
For Bianco's writings on the need for a strong provisional government to rule
Italy between the disappearance of Hapsburg power and "perfect liberation," see
Pleri, 77; and Bianco, Della Guerra, I, 256-7, other phrases I, 198 ff., and the sec-
tion Del go-verno provisionale fino alla perfetta liberazione &Italia, II, 207-44. He
argued that the tragic experience of Spain argued against either dissipating author-
ity in assemblies or prematurely receiving foreign ambassadors. Hence the need for
a Con(!other Supremo even within the provisional government: ibid., II, 229-31,
2 39
Saitta hypothesizes that Buonarroti's Yeti Italiani were in fact identical with
Bianco's Apofasimeni (Buonarroti, I, 203, supported by E. Ragionieri, Belfagor, VI,
no. I, 1951, Jan, ri2-3). Bianco includes the Adelfi, Fiiadelft and the Buonarrotian
Sublime Perfect Masters in his list of specially revered predecessors: Della Guerra,
I, 55.
183. Conspiration, 1,23.
184. Ibid., 30, 38-9, The party of egoism "sighed after the riches, the superflu-
ities and the fame of Athens," while the party of equality "wanted the frugality,
the simplicity and the modesty of beautiful days in Sparta" (25). Repeated warn-
ings against "false friends of equality" imply a need for purification among the
elect if the "perfect unanimity" (10o) of Babeurs model conspiracy is to be re-
185. For a good characterization of this trio, see Eisenstein. 104-16. Her book is
somewhat sparse on their relation with Buonarroti's Belgian friends and activities,
and should be supplemented by the subsequent works of Kuypers and Garrone.
186. The centrality of Buonarroti's influence is stressed in Garrone, "Buonarroti
en Belgique et la propagande egalitaire," Babeuf et les problemes, 2r8; key letters
of Teste to Rogier inGarrone, Buonarroti, 463; Kuypers, Emaiitaires, 33; Kuypers
supersedes Saitta and Garrone by identifying (32) Bayet as the mysterious "good
Henry" working for Buonarroti. Lehning reserves judgment in "Buonarroti et la
revolution beige de 1830. Un article inconnu," Annales Historiques, r9 o, Oct-Dec,
531 11. 9.
187. In the rare article that Buonarroti published anonymously in Paris on Nov
3. This is reprinted in ibid., with an introduction by Lehning (53o-6) that stresses
more than the text seems to merit the subdued nature of the message.
188. Letter of Buonarroti to Teste of Oct 26, in Saitta, II, 115.
189. Cited from L'Emancipation, Nov 2 , the journal founded by Bayet in Brussels,

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

570 Chapter 6
In Gene, Babeuf, 219 (who added italics without so indicating); original in Kuy-
persi 29J
19. Garrone, Babe-uf, 218.
IN. Itemized in Kuypers, 35-66.
rg2. Garrone Baf 224-5; C. Andler, Le Manifette Co-rnmuniste de Karl
Marx et F. Engels. Introduction hiatorique et comnientatre, nd, 35
193. De la Revolutiond fairy d'apriks l'experience des rOvoIutions avorties also
translated into Italian), cited in Saitta, 1 247. He opposed summoning assemblies
of any sort, which are of use only "for putting brakes on the chariot of revolution,
for deadening the lan of the people" (148).
jet de constitution ripublicaine et declaration des principes fondatnen-
taux de la sociM 1833. in Saitta, I, 151. See also the letter of De Potter to Teste
of Mar zo, r832, in Saitta, II, 155-7. Young Etienne Cabet also called in Sep, 1832,
for a gouvernement provisoire to enforce security after a revolution and conduct
elections after "a delay sufficient . so that electors could acquire a fully enlight-
ened opinion on the qualities that it is important to search for in deputies." Revo-
lution de 1830, 93-4. But Cabot, unae the Buonarrotiaxis, tolerated constitutional
monarchy, 97-8.
195. From the statutes of the FantigiiainGarrone, Buonarroti, 351 n. 2.
196. Kuypers, 35 and ff. for detailed study of its operations in Belgium; Garrone,
BuonatToti, 349 ff. for the complex links between this and other organizations.
197. Kuypers, 44.
198. G. Isambert. "Les Anagrammes de Buonarroti," Ildvolution FTancaise,
1899, 455-62.
rte. M. Rousseau, "Fppo Buonarroti et les artistes francs sous la monarchic
de juillet," Revue des Etudis Italiennes, 1938, Apr-Sep, 032-3.
200 Ibid., 163-6; see also Egbert, Radicalism and the Arts, 191-4.
201. Reproduced in Rousseau, "Buonarroti," opposite 160. See also opposite 163
for the bronze medallion of Buonanrotils profile made by the sculptor (and future
mayor of the second arrondissement of revolutionary Paris) David D'Angers,
2oz. From Esperance, 1834, cited in Rousseau, "Buonarroti," 165.
203. Cited in R. Bow, 'Filippo Buonarroti nei ricordi di un democratic fran-
case," en to Operaio, 1955, Nov-Dec, 889 This valuable article (not used by
Saitta or Garrone) includes extended excerpts along with full discussion of
Delorme's Memoi-ms &run proletaii.e, begun in 1846, apparently largely completed
before 1848, but never published in full. See' also go7 for later Buonarrotian links
with Bonapartist agents.
21)4. Bouts, 895.
205 Ibid., 896.
ace. Ibid. 897-8.
207 Ibid. 901.
208. Ibid. 896.
209. Ibid. 91z.
21o. Cited from the basic documents (H. Tenikinovra, ed., Lud Polshi: Wybor
doituntrentOw. Warsaw, 1957, 227) in P. Brock, .The Socialists of the Polish 'Great
Emigration,'" A. Briggs and J. Saville, eds. Essays in Labour History, L, z96o, 146.
This article (140-73) contains invaluable documentation to materials in English
as well as Polish on revolutionary Western influences on the Polish emigration.
Supplementary material is in L. Zieliiiski, Entigracia polska w Anglii Aztach
al31-I848, Gdoisk, i964.
an. Cited in Brock, 11lbsi Socialists," 148. See also his "The Political Program of
the Polish Democratic Society," The Polish Review, rg6g, summer, 8; and Populinn,
212. The basic study of S. Kieniewicz, Konspiracie galicyjskie. toso, is conve-
niently summarized with supplementary bibliography in the same author's article In
Poiski Skurnik Biograficzny, 1968, mrli/3. 477-9. from which this account is de-
rived. The name of the journal, Midnight (Pornoc), can also be translated as North.
2z3. Marquis de Custine, Russia, L, 1854 (first published Paris. 1839).
214. M. Dommanget, Auguste Blanqui des arigines d la revolution de x848. Parisi
The Hague, 1969 1x -2, 37-8.
215. Ibid., 32-3.
2'6. Ibid., 43,
217. Ibid., 63.
203. Ibid. The unpublished memoir of his nephew Lacambre (ibid., 6z)
juxtaposes Blanqui to "the opportunists."
219.Tchernoff, Le parti, 237 and ff.
220 Mid., 27o-1, first published in Precis des (panzer 1832, 77-86.

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Chapter 6 57 1
221. Dommanget, Blanqui des crigines, 138. The passage was apparently written
early in 1834 ( 12g-3o). Blanqui's "L'intelligence, ce sont des hommes de devoue-
ment . ." thus defines "intelligence" as people devoted to both thought and revo-
lution. The German pejorative usage of Intellioenz-Intelligenzen during the Revolu-
tion of 1848-4.9 is closer in sound to the Russian intelligent-intel/igentsia (R. Pipes,
" Intelligentsia' from the German "Intelligenzi? A Note," Slavic Review, xg7t, Sep.
6i6--7), but Blanquf's affirmative usage is closer in meaning to the revcautionary
Russian usage of the 186os.
223. Tchentoff, 289-1)2, and Eisenstein, zaz if., gather the arguments for believ-
ing that Buonarroti tried to work through this organization. See his "Elegy to Equai-
itr specifically addressed to the society in Saitta, IL 157-60.
223. Tchernoff generally seems to underrate Buonarroti and overrate Saint-Simon
as influences. Dommanget (Blanqui. Des Origines, 151-4) provides the fullest dis-
cussion of Buonarroti's elusive, but unmistakable impact on the Bianquists, but does
not include the derivation of the "family" idea. S. Bernstein (Auguste Blanqui and
the Art of Insurrection, L, 1972, 45-6) is more tentative than Dommanget on
Buonarrotian influence.
224. These figures, but not these connections and derivations, are made by Tcher-
noff (374, 380 and if., also 89-90)-
225. Text of the questions and answers in Dommanget, Blanqui. Des Origines,
149; see also discussion 147 if.
226. The latter two each exemplified an element that was to characterize social
revolutionary movements in the twentieth century: the racial outcast and the alien-
ated intellectual. Barbie' was a flamboyant creole from Guadalupe who turned his
military training in France into the service of revolutionary insurrection. Martin
Bernard had been successively infatuated with the Greek Revolution, Saint-Simon-
lanism, and Fourierism before becoming a typographer in the direct service of
Blanqui's organization.
227. Bernstein, 81-3.
228. Lennhoff, itisz ff. These structural and organizational aspects are neglected
in the recent study by J. Lee, "The Ribbonmen," in T. Williams, ed., Secret Societies
in Ireland, Dublin, 1973, 26-35.
229. See M. Martyn, Ribbonirrn in freiand: An authentic report of the trial of
Richard Jones, Dublin, 1840, 50 if RI.
23o, Ibid., x6.
23z. Ibid., 15-9.
232. Ibid., 1340.
233. Lennhofff, 146-7.
234. Characterization by the outstanding contemporary source, Karl Ewerbeck,
head of the Paris section of the League of the Just and principal German popularizer
of Cabet: L'Ailernagne et lea aliemands, 1851, 589.
235. J. Puech, La vie et roestvre de Flora Tristan. 1'8133-1844 (l'union ouvriite),
1943, 423.
236. See their journal, Proscrit: Journal de la republique universelle, and dis-
cussion in A. Zevaes, 'Les proscrits franrais en 1848 et en 1851 Londrea," La
Revolution de :848, 1924, Jan-Feb, 358 ff.
237. From the invaluable account based on her speeches at a meeting in the
summer of /843 in A. Ruge, Zwei Jahre in Paris, Leipzig, 1846, 94-5.
238, W. Schieder, Anfiinge der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung (Die Auslandsvereine
int Jahrzehnt mach der Itairevolution von 11930), Stuttgart, 1963, esp. 22-4.
239. Andler, Manifeste, 8 if. Also C. Wittke, The Utopian Communist, A Biog-
raphy of Wilhelm Weitling, Baton Rouge, 1950, 2/. on the late or thitten, Kreislager
and Brennpunkt. The statutes of the Cedchieten are in L. Ilse, Geschkhte der poll-
tischen Unterruchungen welche in den Jahren 18/9 iris 1837 trnd 1833 Mt 1842
gefiihrt sind, Frankfurt/Main, 186o, 57i-9.
240. Glaubensbekenntnis eines Gedchteten, Paris, 1834. This rare, 12-page pamph-
let is reprinted by W. Kowalski, Vorgeschichte uncl Entstehung des Bundes der
Gerechten, 1962, 183 ff. For international links and influences, see Garrone, Buonar-
roti, 427-30; Mikhailov, Istorlia, 37-4o; and (for the role of a Mason from Heidel-
berg who apparently knew Buonarroti) W. Roppen, Jacob Venedey, Frankfurt/
Main, 1922.
241. Steklov, Bahunin, I, 144. This pre-Marxist idea of revolution-as-prison-revolt
derived from Welding and was to new briefly in the poet-Marxist z96os radical
vision of a "revolution in the streets" to be led by an outlawed Ltnnpenproletariat,
the vision of an Eldridge Cleaver and a Frantz Fanon. See E. Cleaver, "On the
Ideology of the Black Panther Party," The Black Panther, Jun 6, 1970, 15; deriva-
tion from Fanon ''s Wretched of the Earth discussed ibid., 12-4; development in

Copyrighted material
572 Chapter 6

B. Franklin, 'The Lampenproletariat and the Revolutionary Youth Movement,"

Monthly Re-view, xvo, Jan, esp. 19-20.
242. See H. Schmidt, "Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Bundes der Geichteten,"
Die Neue Zeit, XV1, i 8,1, iso ff.; and on the Natiorsaluserkstatte, Schieder, 196 ff.
243 Andler 12 if.. Schieder, 223-4.
244. For all his social radicalism, Schuster may have collaborated with any or
all of three different governments. See Mikhailov, Istoriia, 37-4o.
245. Silbernagl, "Verbindungen," 8o8-0.
246. Ibid., Eliz ff.
247. See particuiarly Articles i i and 25 of the Statutes of the League (more
often then called "League of Justice, Gerechtigkeit," than "of the Just, Gerechten"
as history jlas labeled it), from the text in H. Forder et al., ed., Bund der Horn-
munisten, 1970, I, 92-78, and comment 993-5.
248. Cited in Andler, 22.
249 Johann Hoeckerig, Souvenirs dun revolutionnaitv allemand, 1942 (pub-
lished in Paris with an intr. +by 1. Bossu under the false date of rg37, BN).
250. See "Rd*loser Radicalismus: der Einfluss Felicite de Lam/burials," in
Schieder, 227-39. There were no less than three different German translations of
Paroles chin eroyant in 1834, the very year of its appearance. For the estimate of
Germans in Paris sec E. Schraepler, "Der Bund der Gerechten; Seine Tiitigkeit In
London 1840-i847," Archly fiir Sozialgeschichte, II, 1962, 5.
25x. Bund der Kommunisten, I, 63. The manuscript of his proposal of 1838 to
establish a "Community of Goods" (Giitergemeinschaft) Is discussed in Schieder,
242 1., and published for the first time, 319-27, also in Bund, I, 98---icq. Schapper
ended his speeches with "amen" (Schieder, 244). For more details see the unpub-
lished doctoral dissertation by A. Fe g, "Karl Schapper und die Anfinge der
Arheiterbewegung zur Revolution von 1848: Ein &.itrag zur Geschichte des
Handwerkerkommunismus," Rostock, z922.
252. Blind, I, ggi and ff. on the Ceistesnristokrnten.
253 W. Seidel-Hapner, Wilhelm Weftling, zger, 203n. 5.
254. Die Menschheit ale ist wad uric ode sein spike, first edition published
anonymously, Paris, 1838, ad Bern, 1840; text reproduced in edition by E, Fuchs,
Piolunich, 1895, discussed Andler, 24-D. Hungarian and Norwegian translations both
appeared in z84o.
255. On the Deutsche Bildungsverein fur Arbeite", which continued to exist
(though in transmuted form) until z9x4, see Lefining, "Associationm 194
256. E. Kander, Marks i Engersorganizatory soiuza kommunistov, 1952, ro -
2 William Benbow, Grand National Holiday and Congress of the Productive
Classes, L, 1832.
58. J. Kuypers, Jacob Kota Agitator, Brussels, 1930, 26-8; text in The Consti-
tutional, Nov za, 1836; discussion and references in Lehning, "Association." 189-91 .
259. Poor Mans Guardian, I833, Oct 19, 333-4, in Thompson, The Making of
the English WaTking Class, 8o3, who attributes this passage to O'Brien. See also
A. Plummer, "The Place of Bronterre O'Brien in the working class movement," The
Economic History Review, 1929, Jan.
26o. The substantial Irish role in Chartism provided not only an impetus towards
extremism via O'Brien, but also a tendency <through Fergus O'Connor) to idealize
the agrarian way of life and see in the worker an ex-peasant. See R. O'Higgins,
44The Irish Influence in the Chartist Movement," Past and Present, 1965. Nov, 83-96.
261. B. Quarles, Frederick Douglass, NY, 1969, 81; IC of Deutsche Presse
fin Ia. JahThundert, 1966, Il, thei
262. Braunthal, History, 51.
263. Account in the section "Communist Intelligence" of Goodvryn Barrnbys
Communist Chronicle, I, no. 12, 133.
264. Md. The speaker was Barmby, who misspelled Babeuf in the text.
265. "Arrival of Welding In England," Communist Chronicle, i, no. 12, 132-3.
286. Cited Schraepler, "Der Bond," 2o.
267. According to Schapper in a letter to Marx of Jun 6, 1846, in Handel', 112,
the earlier membership figure is given without attribution In Kander, i o chraep-
ler ("Der Bund," 8), puts the number in 1847 at more than x,000.
268. Schraepler, "Der Bund," 20, 24.
269. August Becker, Was waling die Kommunisten? Eine Ride, im Auszug vor-
getragen, vor flirter am 4ten August r844, ins Lokal des 8.g. Kommunisten-Vereins
zu Lausanne, von Mitgliedern verschiedener Arbeiter-Vereirse abgehaItenen Vet.-
savirmlung, Lausanne, 1844, 42-4, as cited in Bravo, "11 comunismo," Annals, VI,
545; and discussion
270. K. Obermann, "Germano-Americains et presie ouiniere 1845-1854," in J.
Godechot, ed., La presse ouvrare r8J9-1850, 1966, 70 it; and, for MOM detail,

Copyrighted material
Chapter 7 573
H. &Miter, "Die Anflinge der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung in New York and ihre
Fes," in New Yorker Volkszeitung, Feb il l 1903.
271. Citation from the first issue of Jan 5,1848, in chi ter, 81
272. Text in Demokratischet Taschenbuch filr 1848. Leipzig, 1847, cited in Ober-
mann, 72.

Chapter 7
Cited by T. Horton in Gazette of the American Friends of Lafayette, No. r5,
1952, April 4.
2. Cited in ibid., 3.
3. Cited in Bardoux, Les derniEres Amities, 367. This remains the only major
synthetic work on Lafayette's last years.
4 ibid., 350.
5. Ibid.' 424-5.
6. Jun z3,1833, in ibid., 419.
7. Bardoux is not convincing with his sweeping generalization that the con
spiracles of the era "began and ended with him" (284); but there is no other major
study of the problem. The perceptive political memoir of Remusat points to the
difficulty of investigating a figure who early in life "acquired the habit of keeping
secret not his opinions but his plans" and avoided lies but not silence.' Memoires
de ma vie, 1959, II, 2.46-7.
8. Remusat, 57. In Remusat's analysis, "the American revolution spoiled Lafay-
ette . . . the creation of the fabulous government that came out of it, gave him il-
lusions. He believed in the easiness of revolutions, and that he was born to make
and lead them" (245). Then, when he found French youth agitating for revolution,
"their enthusiasm recalled to him that of his own youthful years. Here again was
his sacred battalion. . . He believed that be owed them something, and saw them
impatient to get on with it. He assigned to himself the duty of personally leading
them-unable to endure the thought that anyone should risk more than he for
Ithenr (57).
9. Ibid.. 57.a.
10. Bardoux, 422-3.
Vie politique de . Lafayette, published under the pseudonym of Gigault,
1833, 33 (Franklin collection, YU). He was ridiculed for avoiding revolutionary
involvement by retreating to his estate at La Grange, then waking up "like a wood-
chuck after the winter" and expecting to be taken seriously,
la. Ibid., z.
13. Cited in Harivel, 63.
14. Vie politique, 44.
xs. Mid., 461 England was denounced as insidiously cooptive ('the fortune of
the aristocracy was fashioned out of insurrection") and maddeningly insular ("rev-
olutions have been confined to its island without any continental result") 4.2.
16. Ibid., 34.
17. Even a neutral appraisal of Lafayette soon came to be regarded as "proor
of revolutionary insincerity or timidity. See Theodore Dezarny's denunciation of his
onetime patron. Cabet, for overlooking Buonarrotrs expos and thus failing to de-
nounce Lafayette with sufficientvisor, Caionntiea et politique de M. Cabet. Refuta.
tiorn par des faits et par sa biographie 1842, 31-3.
I Et. Remusat, IL 254.
19. Letter to Belgiosco of Aug as, 1832, in A. Malvezzi, "li generale La Fayette
e la rivoluzione italiana del 1831," PAN, 1934. Jul 1, 366.
20. Letter of May 6, 1831, to Casimir Wirier. commiserating with the Italians
and acknowledging the "special obligations" of the French, ibid., 363-4. Lafayette
was judged harshly by Pepe, however, as "one of those aristocrats who, by linking
himself to ideas without understanding anything about them. renders a situation
tragic that was not so." Falcioneali, Socitfties, 252; also 124, for Lafayette's promise
of mid to him.
Bardoux, 4o6 if; and the centennial work published in Paris: La Fayette et
Pologne 1830-1834, 1934.
Cited from a letter of Aug 31,1836, in Me-moires de Foxy, 24o.
23. Letter to Belgiosco of Aug az, 1832, in Malverzi, 366,
24. Cited by H. Voorhis, "Lafayette! Citizen and Freemason of Two Countries,"
The American Lodge of Research, Transactions (Free and Accepted Masons), 1936,
up no. 3", 337.
25. The standard iife by his son, Henri Fazy, James Sa vie et soli oeuvre,

Copyrighted material
1887, i.._2, 4.5, should be supplemented by F. Rujeahz, ii trorm
eva/Basel , itA rilt gd'einnedvioeizeLsi, 6_1939,
Ge n Les Fazy c F
I ItjaZ7,1:1,1411 .1e
genevoise! . a . i
diktat et tribun, Bulletin...B n . trrrooktig a u z t Geneve," 486.-7; Henri Fh:szity,, 3s--
2.6. -vuilleurniers F. and 1. Efron, Entsiktopedic 1016. See aitc:i
he good discussion 1.n James Fazy, Geneva, 1947. P 41;AV%,

Les MO-moires de sidoefrOpeopcuo auvxoutar9peontidSt

2t35,6, and de Franc a/,lecgoonu :ruienes::::
27. De la BanUe l
m ar
ms eoZt: rI e
i sii
l e
t y, :::
the utopian
therciales: 1- 819; h P ulay 1.04 mart de 'dewier, Geneva, 1826.
neva, x822; and t-
28 TtiOTISour conversations phitosophiques et
also the section "Observations sur la revolution francaise.ti LJal,
LiHantnte atIX PC)

x40, 211-3; see 1j 'l 91

LC. Ruchon, "Famine," io--i.

29. James Fazy, 17; see also IVmoites de Jerlit es pazy 8
Cited by H. Fazy, in Journal a de Geneve, 1831, Sep, cited and
30. Anonymous article -..ussed by
1 -1
Switzerland: The American Origins of th o'kt
Rappard, "Pennsylvania and penn-SYLVania+ Bicentennial
University of Conference 1-ket Fiss
Constitution," in
phi a, 194 1 , 1 05. see also Ruchon, Franc-Maconnerie a Geneve, nr , 117...20,
32. Vuilleuinier, 488; ane and other associates of Euonarroti.---, rniladel.
for the Fazys' links with Andry
33 . Mitnoires de Fazy, 240 ff.
he Hapsburg police agent C. von Engelshaufen, Mar 181 1 8
34. Repor t oft 4,
" in
Barnikol, Geschichtes 4.
35- Account of G. Kuhlmann based on information from A. Beckerl re ayed
through Engelshaufen: Barnikol, 20; see also discussion 19-23.
6 This account is based on W. Rappard, L'Avenement de Ira democratic mod.
erne Geneve 0814-1847)1 Geneva, I942t 253-63t 302-3; also Ruchon, "Famille,"
37. Ruchon, "Famine," 16-7, 20 ff.
38. Ibid,, 18-g; also the highly critical biographical study by Th. de Saussure,
James Fazy, Seitz Leber and Treiben, Viricla, 1865.
39. Ruction, 24.
40. Girontocratie, 5-6. industrietie Four le developpetnent des rich+
41. Fazy, Principes &organisation
es es en France. Explication des maiaises des clams productives et des moyes d ly
porter Temecle, 1.83o, tide of section 271-82.
42. Gerontocratie, 6-7.
'43. Ibid., 22.
44. Ibid., 5.
45. Ibid., 9.
46. Ibid., 22.
47. Herten, My Past, T4.&1 T 723,
48. Ibid.
49. lelremaires, 246.
50. lierzen, My Past, II, 72.6.
sx. Ibid.
52. Cited in Rappard. Avenentent, 366-7 .
53. Ibid., 329-.30.
54. Ibid.,. 329,
55i Fazy, inLe Rep resentant du Peuple, 1842, Mar 2. cited in Saitta, Sinistrfi'
56. "Les Communistes allemande en Suisse," Le Federal. journal Genet'OiSY A I842P 1., is
Mar 293 reproduced ''
represented as, andins Saitta, 4o2. The author is not identified, but the aroc
seems to be, a continuation of Fazy's argument.
57. Ibid., 402.
58. 'hid, 403. Au Augus t Becker, the leading German communist In the power d
SWi tZeriand

after Welding's
arrest in i843, counter-attacked against FazYis faitb,int inaires 1
of "Political economy . i . to
cure sufficiently the ills of society." Les a" r hortmeg
ans la Suisse rotnande. Petit dmentoire address a 2, cited
d' tat et aux hon
in saitta, 301. netes ' gees de !a Suisse et de l'Aiirmagne, Lausanne, j8451
After the revolutions of 1848, as he became preoccupied with Writing Cjiaollnii;:
Marx ttook a more . Internal ono.
see debuts et son positive view of Fazy. See A. Babel, "La Premiere
wrrtiques et aociate activite a Geneve de186 4 a 1870," in Melanges dietudes cL'
59. Campanella gin
S offerts 4 Milian% . E. Rappard, Geneva, 1944t 244-5 , 25I P
60. Henri p ' '"gresslii 464 n. ff esP. 476.
61. rbid ) 94,azY' 315. wa'
on the Declaratio De 1
des droits individueis; and 313 ff- o
Chapter 8 575
pence collective des sociitts. Yet Fazy, in power in 1849, had to rein in the civil
liberties of exiles in his realm in order to prevent external repressionmuch to the
horror of lierzen, My Past, II, 727-34.
62. Onu, "Setsiologicheskala," 20-55, distinguishes this local revolution with
universal aims from more widespread waves of revolution which have, however,
more parochial objectives (as in 1848).
63. On the central role of Switzerland as a place of asylum and incubation for
revolutionary movements, see G, Ferretti, Esuli del Risorgimento in Svizzera, Bo-
logna, 1948, and A. Senn, The Russian Revolution in Switzerland z9z4-i9i7, Wis-
consin, 197z.
England played a multiform role: as a financier of revolution against Napoleon
J. Him, Englische subsidien fair Tirol und die Emigranten von z8o9, In
1912); as a base for later Italian revolutionaries (t. Morelli, Mazzini in inghilterra,
Florence, 19)8; M. Wicks, The Italian Exiles in London, Manchester, 1937); and
as a haven in the late nineteenth century for a wide variety of displaced revolu.
tionarles J. Hulse, Revolutionists in London. A Study of Five Unorthodox Socialists,
Oxford, 1970).
64. 'Ile 'Geneva idea' is the idea of virtue without Christ, my boy, the modern
idea, or more correctly, the idea of all modern civilization?' Dostoevsky, A Raw
Youth, L, 195o, 208.
65. Title page of J. Eatvos, Ober die Gleichberechtigung der Nationalitaten in
Oesterreich, Vienna, z 85 z
66. H. Butterfield, The Whig Interpretation of History, L. 1031-
67. K. Jurgen n, Larnennais und die CestaItung des beigischen Stastes. Der
liberate Katholizirmus in der Verfastungsbetvegung des ig Jahrhunderts, Wies-
baden, 1963. Lamennais tended to be influential in countries where revolution was
frustrated: in Germany of the x83os, as already discussed, and in Russia of the
i8404; see F1 Nikitina, "Petrashevtsy I Lamenne," in Dostoevsky. Material!" i lisle-
dovaniia, III, 1978, 258-8, the first report on a long forthcoming study.
68. Essai sun liindiffirence enat re de religion, 0, 1817-23.
439. The thesis of H. Coramanger, The Empire of Reason. How Europe Imagined
and America Realized the Enlightenment, NY, 2977, essentially echoed by P. Gay,
"America the Paradoxical," The George Mason Lectures. Williamsburg, z976.

Chapter 8
1. On the basic, recurring problem of satisfying a rapidly increasing educated
population with expectations that run far ahead of vocational opportunities, see
L. O'Bciyle. "The Problem of an Excess of Educated Men In Western Europe 'Boo-
185o," journal of Modern History, no% Dec, 471-95. Some stimulating hypotheses
about changing modes of discourse are mixed with turgid sociological prose in A.
Gouldner, "Prologue to a Theory of Revolutionary Intellectuals," relos, 1975-6,
winter, 3-36. Mares own complex views are described in S. Avineri, "Marc and
the Intellectuals," Journal of the History of Ideas, 1967, Apr-Jun, 269-78. A. Cella
provides the beginnings of a general sociological theory (though relatively little
about the beginnings of the phenomenon in Poland itself) in 'The Life and Death
of the Old Polish Intelligentsia," Slavic Review, 197x, Mar, z-27.
2. Definitions respectively of Webster's Third International Dictionary, repeated
and discussed in E. Shits and H. Johnson, In Encyclopedia of the Social
Sciences, VII, 66-85; and of W. Mullins, "On the Concept of Ideology in Political
Science," American Political Science Review, 1972. Jun, 498-510. E. Lenberg sug-
gests that ideologies are needed for survival in the modern world.. ideologie und
Gesellschaft, Stuttgart, 1972. H. Schelsky sees the intellectuals committed to ideol-
ogy as the priests of a new secular religion: Die Arbeit tun die anderen: Klassen
hampf and Priesterherrschaft der intellektuelien, Ogaden, ssr75.
3, See J. Daum, "Sur nn imprirak retrouve du Comte de Saint-Simon," Annales
Historiques, 1948, Oct--Dec, 289-321.
4. Republished in Saint-Simon, Selected Writings (ed. F. Markham), NY. x952,
i-zi. Of the many studies of Saint-Simon, special use is made here of F. Manuel,
The New World of Henri Saint-Simon, Cambridge, Mass., 1956.
5. The name of his organization in Le Mans cercle constitutionnel ambulant tug-
gests the Bonneville link. See J. Dautry, "Babuvistskala traditaila posle smerti
Babefa I do revoliutsii 183o g.7 Franttuukt ezhegodnih z96o, z96r, 156-7, 165i
6 No copies have apparently survived of Basin's confiscated Esquisse dim: nou-
veau plan &organisation sociate par tarn philanthrope. See J. Dautry, uSaint-Simon
et les anciens babouvistes de zSo4 I '89," in Babeuf , deuxieme centenaire, 164,

Copyrighted material
576 Chapter 8
Dautry doubts Mathiez's earlier hypothesis that Saint-Simon might have been in-
fluenced directly by Babeuf when both were in Picardy during 379o-3.
7. Saint.Simon's own Esquisse dun nouveau plan &organisation sociale par un
philanthrope was written anonymously and remained unpublished until 1925. Dis-
cussion by Dautry is in Saint-Simon. Textes ckaisis, 195i, 10.
8. Cited from Lettres philosophiques in Dautry, "Saint-Simon et babouvistes,"
165. His praise of Marechai is in Legere', 1o9--18 (BN). His Marechal-like view of
philosophy as the "point" of "the perfection of the human species" towards which
all science converges is developed in Legtms, 203.
gh Cited in ibid., 166.
so. Interpretation suggested by riDautty (ibid., 169) and Tugan-Baranovsky.
"Male." 179. Additional indication of Bern's importance in the Philadelphians is
in Vern:kale, Didier, 96-7.
zz. Cited in "Saint-Simon et babouvistes." 170.
12. Ibid., 172 if.
x3. Saint-Simon did send Bazin a copy of his brochure of 1814, On the Reorgani-
zation of European Society; but Ba2in dig/Liked it C'Saint-Simon et babouvistes,"
175). He returned to Le Mans after the fail of Napoleon. adopted a position that
was more nationalistic than revolutian.ary, and was denied a Catholic burial in 1820
not because of his revolutionary past, but because he had died m a duel. See Dautry.
172-g, esp. n. 140.
A neglected early sketch of Bazin refers to "Bazinistes" as possessing a special
kind of sang froid among revolutionaries: "une espece de haine Alega.nte et fron-
deuse, presqu'aussi aristocratique que la clime laquelle elle siadressait." Biog-
raphic unfverselk ancienne et moderne, 11343. III, 353.
14. See E. Kennedy, A Philosophe in the Age of Revolution: Dritutt de Tracy
and the Origins of "Ideology," Philadelphia, 1978, 46-8. This is a f uil discussion
with exhaustive references on usages of the term 'ideology." See also his " 'Ideology'
from Destutt de Tracy to Marx," Journal of the History of Ideas, 1979, Jul-Sep,
15. Elements i8ox, I, 1. See G. Lichtheini, The Concept of ideology
and Other Essays, Mr, 1967, 3-46.
16. Cabanis, "Rapport duphysique et du moral de l'hamme," i23, cited in G.
Boas, French Milosophes of the Romantic Period, Baltimore, 1925, 69.
17. The transfer of physiological into sociological ca cries is discussed in the
works of G. Gtch urvi on Saint-Simon, most succinctly in h B introduction to Comte
Henri de Saint-Simon. La physiologic iodate, 1965.
re. Considerations sur lei mesuret a prendre pour terrniner 1.82 Thole , 1820,
39. The classic treatment of the group is F. Picavet, Los id elms, rega, though
his concept of who were in fact idiologues is somewhat over-inclusive. See C. Van
Duzer. Contributions of the Ideologues to French Revolutionary Thought, BaItimore,
1935. A comprehensive new account of the movement from prerevolutionary origins
to its dissolution under Napoleon is S. Moravia, 11 Tramonio deli' illuminisnto filo-
solia e politica mita societa francese 077o-281o), Bari. rg68.
20. The title was Projet &element diideologie 4 Cusage des decant centres de la
republique francaise. On the "revolutionary academy," see Kennedy, 78-9.
21. Napoleon was not their only critic. Moralistic philosophers like Mercies (who
were also vying for Napoleon's favor) called them idiologues, idiots (Mormile,
Neologie, rte; Mercier, L'Att [ed. Trousson], 26). Napoleon's arch-critic among the
intellectuals, Mme. de Stan, in turn called him an idioplsobe (T. Jung, Lucien
Bonaparte et sea memoires, 188a, II, 233 cited in Pinto. de Stan, Ten Years of

Exile, NY, 1973, 19).

22. His writings. on this project are discussed and itemized in 3. Welch, Bib-
liographk du saint-elmonione, 1967. 31. See also Gurvitch, ed., Saint-Simon. v';
and H. Couhiez, Sri 1projet d'ency0' de Saint-Shnon," Revue Internationale
de Philosophic, XIV, no. 53-4) 196071;rdi 93.
23. Memoire cur La science de Ilhomme, produced in several variants in 1813,
though unpublished until 1858. Some sections translated in Markham, 21-7.
24. An isolated, parallel example of bizarre proposals from within France for a
social revolutionary transformation of Napoleon's domain can be found in the works
of two natives of Lorraine who met in Russia and moved to Paris, Plerre.Ignace
Jaunez-Sponville and Nicolat Bugnet: Catichirme social ou exposition fontilare
des principes posds par feu (illofi) and La Ph Sophie du ituvarebohni, av (i8o9).
The latter depicts the shipwrecked "icanarfs" (franfais) living on an island under
a despotic uPonilano" (Napoleon). and describes its transformation into "true
happiness" (vrai bonhettr being the anagram for Ruvarekkohni) of a Christian
communist community of goods" that breaks down ail vestiges of selfish acquisi-
tiveness, including the family. See Ioannisian, "Iz utopicheskogo kommunbzna vo

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Chapter 8 577
Frantsii v nachale xix stoletiia," Novak: Noveishaia Isiorlia, 1961, no. 3, 58-69;
and E. Pariset, "L'Utopie de deux lorrains sous Napoleon I," in Etudes, 241-6o.
25. In ',Industrie (11z6-7) and L'Grganisateur (28i9), his Du Systionte i us
trlel (182o-2) and his summary Catechisms des industriels 0823-4), See Walch,
a6 Le nouveau christianisme, 1832, szei
27. The importance of this work is stressed In F. Manuel, The Eighteenth Century
Confronts the Cods, Cambridge, Mass., 1959.
28. According to one of their leaders, F. de Corcelle, Documents, 8; cited in
Isambert, De la Charbonnerie, 118.
29. Corcelle, Documents, 68.
30. See R. Fakkar, Sociologie, socialist et internatiotuaisme premarxistet. Can-
tribution lltude de 'Influence Internationale de Saint-Simon et de ses disciples,
Neuchitel, 1968.
31. From his Reorganization of the European Community (zet4). in Markham,
32. Saint-Simon to the future Decembrist Lunin, cited in H. Auger, "It zapisok
Ippolita Ozhe," Russky Arhhiv, 1877, kali& 65.

33. Framtidens religrion, uppenbarad av Saint-Simon, Stockhobn, 1831; Saint-

Simons religionslAre, Stockholm, 1833. Discussion and full bibliography by P. Cor-
nell in Svenskt biografurkt lexicon, XVII, 1969, 685-8.
34. The work of J. de Puyialon (1,Pinfluence des Saint-Simoniens sur la realism.
Lion de Methyl., de Suez et des chelnins de ler, 1926) by no means exhausu the
35. The link between the two men is discussed in H. Gouhier, La jtintillie CI PAU4
guste Comte et la formation du positivisme, 1963, 3v., which has added a rich
blbliograpki.y on Saint-Simonianisin in this second edition.
A new Soviet study discusses Saint-Simon.' influence on Comte (2.7o-3o2) and
on other bourgeois" thinkers more fully than his impact on revolutionaries: G.

Kucherenko, Sen-Sirnonizta v obshchestvennoi myth xix v., 1975.

36. Fakk.ar, 95.
37. These appeals of Comte to accept his SystEme de politique positive discussed
and referenced in Billington, "The Intelligentsia and the Religion of Humanity,"
American His Review, xg6o, Jul, 8o7-8,
38. Itemized In G. Deville, "Origine des mots Isocialignie et l
iocialiste et de cer-
tain, sums," La Revolution Francoise, 'gap Jan-Jul, 395-9.
39. L. Re baud, "Socialistes modernes. 1. Les Saint-Simoniens," Revue des Deux
Mottles. 1836, Jul 15, 341.
40. See J.-P. Callot. Histofire de recole polytechnique, 1959, 65. 213-6; and for
the integration of the school into the Napoleonic ethos, particularly after moving
to Its new location in z8o5, see 33-54.
41. Phrases cited from the Exporition in Isambert, De la charbonnerie, 182-3.
There is an English translation by G. Iggers; The Doctrine of Saint-Simon; an ex*
position; first year, z828--z829, Boston, 1958. The proto.communist term "commu-
nity of goods" was introduced and defended by Prati in the treatise: Fontana, chief,
Prati, preacher, Saint-Simonianism in London. On the Pretended Community of
Gooch or the Organization of Industry, on the Pretended Community of Women or
Matrimony and Divorce, L, 1834, 2t1 ed.. esp. 7 (GL),
42. R. Parkhurst, The Saint-Simonians MW and Carlyle, I., 1958.
43. These triadic emphases are stressed in the unpublished thesis of P. Mickey,
"Le Livre Nouveau: The Vision of Monastic Saint.Simonism," Princeton, ist7x, esp.
82-03. The thesis appends the first full reproduction of the unpublished Liure
Nouveau from the manuscript In BA.
44. MannheiM, Ideology and Utopia, NT, 1936 (sections II-IV being the transla
tion of the German
original. Bonn, nag); esp. 'The Sociological Problem of the
'intellfgentsi " 1 53
45. Fakkari 204-5.
46. Fakkar, 159-60, 195.
47 , La Ripublique d'Andorre, 1848; Faker, r8r n. 105.
48. Ibid., 235--6 n. 36.
4g. Cited from Jugement de la doctrine de Saint-Simon sur les derniers inptne-
molts. In Fakkar, 43 43.
o. Salven2ini flatly declares that "four-fifths of Mini's ideas were Saint-
Simonian in on Mazzini, zez.
5r. "El movimiento sansimoniano argentin seals el punto dedivergencia defin-
itive entre la involucion del espiritu hispano-colonial y el nacimiento de una men.
talidaci argentine." 3. Ingenieros, "La filosofia social de Echeverria F la leyenda de
la 'AsoclaciOn de Mayo,' " Revista de Filosoffa, igt13, Mar, 236. Their leader Estebail

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578 Chapter 8
Echeverria had been in France 1826-3o; and the journal planned by his circle in
1838 was to be a "periodic puratnente literario y socialists nada politico," with
Inteligencia and several other such words emblazoned on the masthead, 240. See
also Ingenieros, "Los Saintsimonianos Argentinos," Revista de Fuosofia, 1915. Sep,
52. On the Zmartwychwataricy, neglected in all non.Polish histories, see Calker,
jarishi, and the official history of the order: Historia zgromadzenia nnartuychw-
stania paiiskiego, Cracow, 1892-6, 4v. At the same time, the revolutionary migr
Polish Democratic Society officially defined its program in Saint-Simonian terms as
working toward the "organic epoch" of social reconstruction. See Brock, "Program'
53. J. S. Mill, Correspondance inidite avec Gustave d'Eichtal, 1898, 147.
54. A. Abdel-Malek, Ideologie et renaissance nationale. L'Egvpte rnoderne, 1969,
197, lists the only wither ones as Paris (1794), Berlin (1799), St. Petersburg (aloe),
Prague (186), and Glasgow (1823). In the Near East as In Latin America, Saint-
Sin3onian ideas tended to blend into Comtean posivitism and to strengthen statism
rather than socialism (189--98).
55. Fakkar, x88-9x.
56. Systime de la Micliterranife in The Globe, Feb 5, 1832, and, separately, 1832;
discussed in Fakkar, x98 ff.
57. Cited in Fakkar, 199.
58. Cited In Charlety, 224.
59. Cited in Fakkar, 223.
6o. Chevalier, SystEnte, in Fakkar, 199.
6i. See the last verse of Felix May rd's song of departure A L'ouest: ".
Comme un riche divan de pourpre triomphaie,/ Sera dans l'avenir, la couche nup-
dale,/ Oil deux mondes vier dront s'epouser dans la paix." Vincard aine, Chants,
62. Letter to Emile BarrauIt, head of the expedition, as printed in M. Emerit,
Les Saint-Simoniens en Alger, 1941, 53. The letter also promises that this is only
the first canal to the East. "Plus Lard nous percerons aussi l'autre a Panama."
Emerit's study includes much new documentary material of wider interest than its
title might suggest.
63. Discussion in Mickey, 125-43.
64. Puyjalon, Influence, 65.
65. For the sharing of this thought in Paris at the time, see references in J. Callot
(pseud. Alem), Enfantin, Montreuil, 1963, rx2 32. 1.
66. Livre Nouveau, second seance, text in Mickey, second pagination, so.
6.7. Puyjalon, 63.
68. Published in i86x, when Enfantln was 65, 3 years before his death. Other
late Saint-Simonian efforts to provide new religious statements are d'Eichtal, Les
Evangiles (1863), and Barrault, Le Christ (1865).
6g. Inherited from Freemasonry and from the neglected works of the mystic of
Lyon, the politically reactionary Ballanche (La Palingenesie sociale). See references
and discussions in Mickey, 131-45
70. Urbain, Notice autobtographique, i883, unpublished Ins. 13737, BA, G.
This invaluable, unused testimony substantially supplements the only extant effort
to provide a comprehensive account of Urbain's life by Emerit, Saint-Simoniens,
esp. 67-83.
71. Urbain, Notice, 3-4 for discussion of "ma trine origine."
72. Ibid., 7-8; Emerit, Saint-Simoniens, 41-6; and Emerit, ed., Revolutian
en Algerie, 88.
73. Fakkar, 207 n. 33.
74. Emerit, Saint-Simoniens, 70; Notice, 9-1o; also Urbain's anonymously pub-
lished 'line Conversion a l'Islarnisme," Revue de Paris, x852, Jul.
75. See larrault's report to Urbain on Malabar in a letter of z83,3s Fonda En-
fantins, 7619, z7, BA.
76. Emerit, Saint-Sitnonienss 73; Fakkar, 231-4.
77. Emerit, Saint-Simoniens, 74: "I am thirsty for your shade." Enfantin's thirst
was equally intense, confessing to Urbain in a letter of Mar xi. 1835, that he
misses "thy brown face," is fascinated by "black flesh," and regrets that "God has
not yet given me communion with that flesh." Fonds Enfantins, 7619, z23-4, BA.
78. Booth, Saint-Simon, 215.
79. Fakkar, 2o7 n. 33; Emerit, Saint-Simoniens, 75.
80. Notice, zo. He also seemed something of a blend of the two literary charac-
ters that Enfantln considered symbols of East and West. respectively: Othello, rep.
resenting absolutism and "constancy," and Don Juan, representing "ardent mo-
bility" and anarchy. Fakkar, 198-9.

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Chapter 8 579
81. Lettres sur la race noire et /a race blanche, 1839, 13 n. a, YU. Beyond the
basic coupling of East with West, Eichtal fantasized natural intercourse between
North and South America, Europe and Africa, Asia and Oceania-each linkage
lubricated by a seminal sea: the Gulf of Mexico, the Mediterranean, and the South
China Sea, respectively (61). Eichtal seems to hint even more than Enfantin at an
element of homosexual attraction for Urbain: "When will you say to us, Ismayl,
your name of black and of fetishist? When will we raise up together a chapel to
the pine cones that we gathered together in the forest of Fontainebleau?" (30).
82. Ibid., 13, 20. Urbain anticipated and strikingly resembled the pan-Negro ide-
ologist Edward Blyden (1832-1912), who also moved from the West Indies to
Africa, learned Arabic, and became interested in Islam, and saw parallels between
Jews and blacks, See H. Lynch, Edward Wilmot Blyden, Oxford, 1967.
83. Lettres, 26.
84. Ibid., z6. Eichtal waxed rhapsodic over the spectacle of black dancers at the
Paris opera: "From the depths of my study, I transport myself with delight into the
midst of black tribes. . . I see them swaying on their haunches for hours on end'
(29). Urbain points out in reply that African Muslims dance in the open air, not
closed opera houses, both to pray and to celebrate (43-4, 48, in the only letter
from Urbain in the volume).
85. Ibid., 52 ff.
86. Ibid., 58-9, 7.
87. G. d'Eichtal, De l'etat actuel et de l'avenir de l'islamisme dans rAfrique cen-
trale, 1841. He had been the original apostle of Saint-Sirnonianisra to the English.
See Fakkar, 149 ff.; also B. Ratcliffe, "Saint-Simonism and Messianism: The Case
of Gustave d'Eichtal," French Historical Studies, 1976, spring, 484-502, which,
however, makes no mention of Urbain.
88. L'Algerie: courrier d'Afrique, d'Orient et de la Mediterranee.
89. Not-ice, 27.
90. Emerit, Revolution . . en Algerie, 76-7; and more generally, 76-86 on this
Carbonari-type group. One defendant anticipated Dostoevsky by calling another de-
fendant Christ and his prosecutor the Inquisitor (81-2).
91. Ibid., 83.
92. L'AlOrie pour les algiriens, dated in Notice, 31. Not included in Fakkar is
his Correspondance du docteur A. Vital avec I. Urbain 01845-'874), with introduc-
tion and notes by A. Nouschi, Collection de documents inedits et d'etudes sur l'his-
toire de l'Algerie, second series, V, 1959.
93. Letter of Napoleon III to Pelissier, cited in Emerit, Saint-Simoniens, 270, in.
cluding parallel text, showing Napoleon's borrowing from Urbain's IndigEnes et
immigrants, 1862. For details of the ultimately unsuccessful struggle of Urbain
(together with Baron David, son of the revolutionary painter, and another former
Saint-Simonian, Frederic Lacroix, a senator and sometime head of the Arab Bureau
in Paris) to win over Napoleon III for a special Royaume Araby inside Algeria, see
Emerit, 233-87; also 1848 en Algol*" 88 ff.
94. See the anonymous pamphlet of Lacroix commissioned by Napoleon III:
L'Algerie et la lettre de l'empereur, 1863.
95. R. Labry, Alexandre Ivanotri6 Herzen 1812-z870, 1928, 236.
96. Fakkar, 38 n. 20.
97. A. Cieszkowski, Prolegomena zur Historiosophie, 1838; letter of Herzen to
A. Vitberg, cited in A. Volodin, Gegel' I russkaia sotsialisticheskaia naysl. XIX veka,
1973, 139.
98. Cited in Labry, 237.
99. Fakkar, 101-3.
zoo. Ibid., 1z3, paraphrasing extended discussion by Gurvitch.
iv'. S. D'Irsay, Histoire des universites francaises et etrangEres, 1935, II, 184-
102. An aphorism from his Jena period in Dokumente zu Hegels Entwichlung,
Stuttgart, 1936, 360.
103. J. Ritter, Hegel et la revolution francaise, 1970, 19. Equally emphatic on
this theme is A. Prior, Revolution and Philosophy. The Significance of the French
Revolution for Hegel and Marx, Cape Town, 1972, who tends to suggest that the
revolution was more directly and deeply inspirational for Hegel even than for Marx.
104. G. Lukacs, Der junge Hegel, Zurich/Vienna, 1948, 20-6, 716-8.
105. L. Althuser, Lenin and Philosophy and other essays, L, 1971, 1(736 ff., esp.
la-9. More important than this link established by Althuser on the basis of Lenin's
reading Hegel in 1914-5 might be Hegel's influence on one of his Russian transla-
tors, Lenin's older brother Alexander Ulyanov.
106. Letter of Oct 13, ao6, in the valuable introduction of Z. Pelczynskl to
Hegel's Political Writings, Oxford, 1g64, 7.

Auteursrechtelijk bescherrnd materiaal

580 Chapter 8
raj. Set the penetrating essay on Hegel as the model modern intellect by K.
Barth, Protestant Thought from Rousseau to Ritschl, L, x9 5E4 268-305. Among the
many philosophical discussions of Hegel, this exposition owes most to F. Gregoire,
Etudes hdgeffennes; lex points capita= du systEme. Louvain, ig58. Some elements
here included are implied rather than directly stated in Hegel (eg. thesis-antithesis
synthesis); but, since we are dealing with posthumous influence through secondary
expositors, a composite picture is presented.
io8. B. Baczko, "La gauche et la droite hitgelienne en Palogne," Aranaii, '963,
VI 137-63; and the anthology Paiskie sFerY o Ifegia 183o-186o. Warsaw, 1966.
IOW A. Walicki, "Hegel, Feuerbach and the Russian 'philosophical left,'" in
A nah I, 121-2.
no. Cited in Fakkar. 107.
Gurvitch, cited in Fakkar, 1o7.
112. E. Caner, Bogdan la , Poznan, 1876, 72. An earlier German use during
the French Revolution (by Wieland, describing the Jacobins in New teutscher
Merkur, 2794. Feb, xv, cited in Seidler, 277) does not have the same suggestion
of deep social changes: "Ihre Absicht ney, sus der franzosischen Revoluzion eine
revolution social. di., eine Uinkehrung aer jetzt bestehenden Staaten zu ma hen."
z3. See A. Walicki, 4Two Polish Messie.nists: Adam lkifickiewicz and Cieszkow.
ski." Oxford Slavonic Papers, New Series, II, rte , esp. go--6. The concept of an
"age of the Holy Spirit" dates back to Joachim of Flora and late medieval heresy.
For Cleszkowskils influence on Gentian and Russian revoiutionary movements, see
McLellan, Hegelians, gr-za; on Italians, Salina, &Matra, 125 ff.
Cleszkowski and other Slays continued their interest in the cosmological aspects
of Saint-Simonianism (the concept of palingenesis and of a coming "organic" era)
even after moving on to Hegellanism. See his Gott and Palingenesie, i842.
ins. B. Trentowskl, Stosunek filozofii do clibernetyki, Warsaw, I974, 549 (origi.
nal edition, Poznazi1843).
115. hateligencja postrpowa, in Rok, lam, 1844, 3 cited in F. Peprowski,
ournictwo frauologia polikiej puliiicvatykl Are= oftviecenia 1 rontantwzmu, ig6x,
i x6. K. Ubelt, 0 miloici ojczyzny, Poznari, 2844, as reprinted in Libeles Rozprawy,
Cracow, i869, xxx-a. The full title of Libelee work is Love of the Fatherland. The
Year 1844 from the viewpoint of enfightennieni, in and current events. See
Z. Wojcik, Rozwaj pojEcia inteligencji, Wroclaw/Warsaw/Cracow, 1962, 21 n. 2;
also L Kosmovrska, Karol Li It jako dzialacz polityczny rt spofeczny, Poznair 1918.
The word intelligence had, of course, been used earlier to suggest both a body of
intellectual reformers as well as abstract intelligence in French rhetoric of the
183c. and among German reformers of the late 18401. See, on the latter. R. Pipes,
" 'Intelligentsia' from the German," loc. cit., 615-8. Pipes's reference to the example
that he incorrectly calls the first usage "in the modern sense" (616) is also in
place of publication being Leipzig, the page reference 5251.
n7. Cleszkowski. De la pairie et de raristocratie moderne, 1844. Though pub-
lished in Pads, this work, like his others, had its main impact through Poznan,
where he eventually became cofounder and president of the Poznan Association of
the Friends of Learning. See Walicki, "Messianists," 104.
z18. Peprowski, 167. The usage of '854 implies a distinction between the intelli-
gentsia and the simple people; the usage of 3857 suggests that the intelligentsia
is essentially enobbisb.
129. Continuing Polish priority in origination of the terms is again indicated in
the case of inteLigentny, the adjectival form of intelligentsia. The Polish version
is already listed in a Polish encyclopedia of 1863: ", . in the broadest sense of the
word we call inteligentny everyone who is a complete master of some branch of
knowledge, for instance, a statesman, an architect, etc." Encwitlopedyla powszecigna
S. Orgeibranda, XII, 1863, 617-8, as cited in W6jcik, 22 n. 6,
120, M. Malls, "Schiller and the Eariy Russian Left,' in Harvard Slavic Studies,
IV, 1957 188.
lax. PoInoe sobranie sochinenii, XI, 1956, 293-4.
122. Letter of Feb 41 1837, In A. Komilov, Molodye gody Mikhaila Bakunina,
1915, 376.
123. Polilac sobranie, 22.
124. A. /Core, Etudes stir l'histoire de la Fens& philosophique en Russie, 1950,
i6i. See also the informed bibliographical discussion . of Hegers influence in Russia.
Z25. The genesis of this "philosophy of action" among the Slays is traced in
Volodin, Gegel', 138 if.
136. Ogarev, cited from P. Sakulin, Russkaia literatura i sotsializtn, 1924, 15B-9,
by Wick, in Anti, VI, 1963, 122.

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Chapter 8 581
127. See A. Walicki, "Cieszkowski a Hercen," Studia filozoficzne, 1965, no. 2,
137-64; and Polskie sport, 153-242.
128. In a letter to C. von Bunsen, cited from Bunsen, Aus semen Briefen, Leip-
zig, 1869, II, 133, in McLellan, Marx,
129. Including the Danish theologian Sven Kierkegaard and the Russian novel-
ist Ivan Turgenev. Subsequent lectures attracted an astonishing range of Russians,
including the future reactionary leader /vlikhail Katkov, the Slavophile philosopher
Yury Sarnarin, and the theorist of conspiratorial revolution, Nicholas Ogarev. See
Volodin, Gege, 280.
130. See the reprinted translation Trubny glas strashnogo suda nad Gegelem,
1933; also Volodin, 138.
air, Cited from Deutsche jahrbiecher, 1842, Oct, in M. Bakunin, Sobranie
sochinenii i piseve, 19357 M, 148; see also Annuli, VI, 1963,110.
132. It seems never to have been pointed out that this motto was very close to
that held to be the "secret of masonry" revealed only to the final, 33d level of
Scottish Masonryat least in Italy in the nineteenth century: Distruggere e rifab-
bricare, Seriga, Aibori, 36. As in so many other revolutionary matters, Masonic
derivation seems likely in the case of Proudhon, since be was active in the lodges
of his native Besancon, where the Masonic and revolutionary traditions had early
133. God and the State, Boston, 1883.
134. M. Stirrer (pseud. of Johann K. Schmidt), The Ego and His Own, NY, 1918.
135. lzbrannye proizvedeniia progressivnykh porskikh myslitelei v trekh tornakh,
;958, lit 292. "ICilka z ysli a eklektyzmie," Rok, 1843.
136. o przyszloici filozofii," Rok, 1845; also Polskie Spam, 277-368.
137. See discussion in Jar on, Gorecka, 456-8.
138. Description of J. Feldman in The Cambridge History of Poland, NY, 1971,
11,352-4. Still the best overall account of Dernbowski is M. Stecka, "Edward Dem.
bowski," Przegled Historyczny, XII, 192o, nos. I, 2.
139. The former published in 2v, Poznari, 1843, 1845; the latter, Brussels, 1844.
1 40, S. Edwards, Selected Writings of Proudhon, 16.
reu. L. Namier, 1848: The Revolution of the Intellectuals, NY, 1946. More recent
scholarship is incorporated into P. Stearns, 1848: The Revolutionary Tide in Europe,
NY, 197. These events are set in the full European context in W. Langer, Political
and Social Upheaval 1832-1852p NY, 1969, esp. 319-512.
142. Their importance is stressed in W. Langer, "The Pattern of Urban Revolu-
tion in 1848," in E. Acomb and M. Brown, French Society and Culture Since the
Old Regime, NY , 1966, go-zo8.
143. Langer. Upheaval, 89; J. Baughman, "The French Banquet Campaign of
1847-1848," Journal of Modern History, XXXI, 1959, Mar,
144. R. Baldick, The Life and Times of Frederick Lernaitre, L, 1959, 79, also 80.
145. Ibid., 199,
146. P. Robertson, Revolutions of 1848: A Social History, Princeton, 1952,54.
147. A. Zivaes, "Le mouvement social sous is restauratlon et sous la monarchie
de juillet," La Revolution de 1848, 1936-37, Dec-Jan-Feb, 235.
148, Felix Pyat, cited in Baldick, 202; Zevaes, 2 35.
Theophile Gautier, who had been present at the tumultuous debut of Hernani,
seemed to find the audience reaction of "fanaticism, frenzy" in 1848 even more
extraordinary. See Zevalks, 236; also Baldick, 200. Le Chiffonnier de Paris was so
popular that it gave birth to a parody, Le chiffon.nie de par ici.
149. Cited in Zeva6s, 2 35-
15o. Langer, Upheaval, 347-8; and articles by P. Amann, referenced n. 53.
151. "La chanson du banquet," of Feb 211 1848, cited in A. Zevas, "Pierre Du-
pont, chansonnier de 1848," La Revolution de 1848, 1931, Mar-Apr-May, 39.
152. "La Jeune Republique," in ibid., 40. See also Dupont's "La Marseillaise de
l'atelier," 37-8.
153. Lamartine, "Manifesto to Europe," in Postgate, Revolution, 193.
For a major new study of the Hungarian Revolution, see 1. ]leak, The Lawful
Revolution: Louis Kossuth and the Hungarians 1848-1849, NY, 1979; and, of the
most important of the several Slavic national revolutions that eventually came into
conflict with the Hungarian, see I. Leshchilovskaia, Obshchestvenno-politicheskaia
boeba v khorvatii 1848-1849, 1977. See esp. 256-63, for the efforts of the Poles,
who fought in leading roles for the Hungarians, simultaneously to aid the Croa-
tians. For the conflict of a non-Slavic national minority with the Hungarian Revo-
lution, see K. Hitchins, Rumanian National Movement in Transylvania, 178o-1849,
Cambridge, Mass., 1969, 243-56.
The conflict between universalist advocates of constitutional liberty and nation-

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

582 Chapter 9
alist advocates of fraternity had an echo in the new world in the general failure
of radical abolitionists to enlist Irish nationalists in the struggle against black
slavery. See G. Osofsky, "Abolitionists, Irish Immigrants and the Dilemmas of Ro-
mantic Nationalism," American Historical Review, 1975, Oct, esp. 911-2.
154. Howitt's Journal, 1848, Mar 25, 207.
155. Ibid., Apr 8,235-6; Apr 22, 267-9.
156. Ibid., Apr 22, 269.
157. D. Mattheisen, "1848: Theory and Practice of the German juste milieu,"
The Review of Politics, 1973, Apr, 187-90.
158. H. Payne, The Police State of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte 1851-1860, Seattle,
159. J. Sloane, Paul Marc Joseph Chenavard. Artist of 1848, Chapel Hill, 1962;
Egbert, Radicalism, 183-6.
16o. From the musically climactic statement of the revolutionary faith in the
third act of U. Giordano's opera about the Reign of Terror, Andrea Chenier (x896)
"Fare del mondo un Pantheon! Gli uomini in dei mutate e in un sol bacio e ab-
braccio tutte le genti =are'
161. Sloane, 46-7, 112 ff. In addition to murals and mosaics, the four main pillars
were to be faced with statues symbolizing the four divisions of history and stages
of social development: the golden age of religion (Moses), the silver age of poetry
(Homer), the bronze age of philosophy (Aristotle), and the iron age of science
(Galileo). There were to be statues of Adam and Eve on either side of the main
entrance. Sloane relates this symbolism to the sexual theories of Enfantin (n4-5),
without understanding the serious, androgynous ideal that underlies the whole
development of romantic thought from Ballanche through Enfantin to Chenavard.
162. Ibid., Io9-xo.
163. Text of letter of Sep 9, 1852, in Przeglrld Historyczny, LVIII, 1967, 116-17;
discussion in S. Kieniewicz, Les Insurrections polonaises du XIXe siecle et le
probleme de l'aide de la France, Warsaw, 1971, 4-5.

Chapter 9
x. Bertier de Sauvigny, "Liberalism," 147-66, analyzes three distinct (and usu-
ally successive) stages in the history of an important new political label: the mor-
phological creation of a new word, its semantic association with a new concept,
and its lexical maturity, when it comes into common usage. The birth of commu-
nism, which he does not discuss, provides a unique example of all three stages
occurring virtually simultaneously.
Even the previously discussed and altogether disconnected prehistory of this word
by Restif de la Bretonne in the eighteenth century was abrupt rather than evolu-
tionary. Restif created the word to express a full.blown semantic meaning.
The only indication of any possible intervening printed use of the term between
Restif in the 17905 and 1840 is an undocumented attribution to Lamennais in
Dauzat, Nouveau dictionnaire, 182. 1 have found no usage by Lamennais in the
1830s, nor did Y. Le Hir in his study of terms: Lamennais Ecrivain, 1948.
Work in progress by J. Grandjonc of Aix, which I learned of too late for use in this
work, will apparently supplement, but not significantly modify, my account.
2. Sauvigny, 149.
3. Ibid., 157, also 155-60. During the French Revolution, the designation of
anything as an "ism" (Jacobinisme, sansfrculottistne, etc.) was almost always a
form of insult if not denunciation. In exile after the Revolution of 1848, Metternich
argued that the ending isme invariably implied scorn (ibid., 150).
4. Ibid., z6o.
5. The usage by Ferdinando Faccbinei, Note ed osseruazioni Sul libro intitolato
delitti e delle pene,' directed against Beccaria, is discussed in F. Venturi,
'"Socialista' e 'socialismo' nell'Italia del settecento," Rivista Storica ltaliana, LX V,
i963, 129-41. Earlier uses of the different term socialista among jurists of the nat-
ural law school following Grotius are discussed in H. Muller, Unsprung und Ge-
schichte des Wortes Sozialismus und seiner Verwandten, Hanover, 1967, 30 if.
6. By Giacomo Giuliani, L'antisocialismo confutatoOpera filosofica, Vicenza,
1903, 74, who also used the verb "to socialize oneself" (sociatizzarsi), 16o, discussed
in Miller, 37.
7. G. Laurent, "Drouet sous le DirectoireA propos d'une 'ewe," Annales His-
toriques, X, 1925, 412-6. The full text of Drouet's letter has been lost, but he also
spoke in 1798 of the need to "watch over the intrigues of the socialist fanatics and
migrs," 416. Sauvigny believes that the word was probably used in France before

Auteursrechtelijk bescherrnd materiaal

Chapter 9 583
Drouet ("Liberalisme," 162 n. 31). See also J. Godechot, "Pour un vocabulaire
politique et social de la revolution francaise," Actes du 8ge Coars des societes
savantes, 1, 1964.
8. J. Gans, "LiOrigine du mot `socialists' et ses emplois les plus anciens," Revue
dliistoire Economique et Social e, XXX, 2957, 79-83, using the Owen correspondence
in Manchester. Applegath (apparently also called Applegarth) had been an in-
structor at New Lanarek and belonged to a short-lived Education Society at New
Harmony, Indiana. R. Leopold, Robert Dale Owen. A Biography, Harvard, 1940,
9. 1827, Nov, 509; cited in Bestor, 277.
to. Adam Mickiewicz, cited in Walicki, "Messianists," 99-
r/. First used in French publications apparently by a Swiss, Alexandre VInet,
"Catholicisme et Protestantime," Le Semeur, z831, Nov 23, cited in Muller, 97.
Willer provides the most thorough discussion; and other references here are largely
to materials either unused or underused by him.
12. Deville, "Origine," esp. 387-98, still provides the best basic references and
discussion of these early usages. See also Bestor, 277 n. 95.
13. Charles Pellarin (the journalistic organizer of the conference, who had both
Saint-Sirnonian and Fourierist links), cited in Muller, 102.
14. J. Kayser, Les grandes batailles du radicalisme des origines aux portes du
pouvoir 1820-1901, 1962. 8 ; Muller, 54-5, for earlier British uses.
15. Metternich wrote that *liberalism has been replaced by radicalism" in a letter
of Jun /0, 1832, to the Austrian ambassador in Berlin, Count von Trauttmansdorff,
from test in V. Valentin, Nationalfest, 138-9.
16. See G. Alroy, "Les radicaux apris la revolution de 1848," Le Contrat
x966, Sep-Oct, 290-1.
17. M. Laffitte, quoted from Siecle, 2839, Mar 22, in Proces de T. Thor e, 1841, 19.
18. Cited from the first in a series of articles on communism in France in Augs-
burger Allgemeine Zeitung, 1840, Mar in. F. Klitzsch, Sozialismus and soziale
Bewegung im Spiegel der Augsburger "Allgemeinen Zeitung" 1840-1850, Giitersloh,
1 934 , 32-3. The usage in this neglected journal (which also anticipated in its ABC
des Kornmunisraus the title of the original Soviet indoctrination manual by Buk-
harin) thus antedates any of the usages documented in the best available discus-
sion of the precise early uses of the word by Bestor, "Evolution," 278-81, or other
works here referenced. The first Italian usage is traced from the French and dated
184o without precise references in S. Battaglia, Grande Dizionario della lingua ital-
iana, Turin, III, 448.
A. Bobkov indicates that shortly after Jan, 1837, an agent of Metternich reported
that Schuster's League of Outlaws was conducting "now democratic, now commu-
nist, now republican agitation" ("K istorii raskola soitiza otverzhennykh v 1836.-
1837 godakh," Novaia i Noveishaia Istoriia, 1959, no. 5. 102). But the original
article from which Bobkov took his reference makes it dear that this report dated
in fact from 1843 (G. Wendel, "Vorlaufer des Sozialismus," Der Abend, 1929.
Nov 19).
19. The rapid spread of the new term can be traced in three early surveys: the
generally sympathetic work of L. von Stein, Der Socialismus und Communistnus
des heutigerz Franhreichs, Leipzig, 1842; the very alarmist L. de Carrie, "De quel-
ques publications dernocratiques et corn munistes,' Revue des Deux Mondes, 1841,
Sep 724-47; the antagonistic but relatively scholarly L. Reybaud, "Des idees et
des sectes communistes," Revue des Deux Mondes, 1842, Jul x, 5-47.
This latter work, which I discovered only after completing this section, has no
precise documentation but suggests in general terms a direction close to that which
I develop hereparticularly stressing the roles of Buonarroti, Owen, and Cabet
and suggests (28) that communism as a conscious and organized movement began
only after the failure of the Blanquist insurrection in May, 1839,
Numerous German newspaper usages of 184r are documented in Schieder,
Anflinge, 271 11. I; also usage in the London Times, 1841, Nov 13, 5. For substance
and controversy in early usage, see A. Cuvillier, "Action ouvriere et communisme en
France vers 1840 et aujourd'hui," La Grande Revue, 192x, Dec, 25-35; and his
"Les comrnunistes allemands," in Homy es et Ideologies de 184o, 1956, 121-37.
20. From the Leipzig Illustrierte Zeitung, 1843, Sep 2, g, as cited in K. Hoszyk,
"Da s Jahr 1845 und der deutsche Sozialismus," Annali, 1963, VI, 516-7. The author
goes on to speak of "Communism in the higher sense" as the provision of educa-
tional and other benefits for workers.
Schieder, Anfange, 27o-r; A. Zevaes, "L'Agitation communiste de 184o a
1848," La Revolution de 1848, 1926, Oct, 974.
22. By Buffenoir, "Communisme it Lyon," 348, without any indication, however,
that it was so designated by contemporaries.

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

Chapter 5
Lima ,.After the Insurrections. e orkersv Movement a_Lii
iteduirss7ran CBoul uoni biaova9z4iiaorar
narr i.ri.iffi
, ier:pk bli t octvo2l
eslideedidtr 1011.
34. On the SAiv " 114. tional COM Enittee that controlled special agents
..104, lca. Struc I
under a 9ecretili gtraireS de ma viei IQ60,headed In, 390-1. There were 8 intevcl mot ution.naireatilre 1,
see Remusati Aviir"--- Li, m iners ma an atelier by a foremari,, -441.4. nc"..3 3 duo, ler hip m.a I
by l's wolkerjed " by a shoproan (commis). mil in a 1
fabrique uea' . was said to number "less than 500 members" (ibid 3 eln
The organiZatiOn

mergence of
g the communists from the Babe : 14t'1 ). 11 1
hest account of, th meenetion tthis 1 or anizations however) is uvist tr,A, e
vas "Agitatio ,irtion
(which does nov _ 2 mar...AprMay, 3r-46. 111 Oct,
97 x-.8x; Dec. 1035-44. 1? J. Benoit, Confessions chin 131.4:pleb:are, 1 968 r
25. s oo
i eCrirt ltz:ga.:012 k originauy m
written in '87; ) 61-2. r
f2e2863iolls, 37._480 , 56-7. For details on his secret, hi
26, ! i3, see McDourgall, 223.5. erarchical ori.
' ation, which lastZ:z. ci
l l
paw, Ltuza kommuntstov, 1968, 54; Cabet, ii.
27. M. Mddlaucv" . 7 (undated fragment in BN, identified only as Istoire du
journa I "intelligence,' abe t continues: "L'Intelli9ence . ., an extract
F-# Populaire, no. 6).
from muniste
A.m. ne s'est 3a1, 4
parce qu'elle ne jugealt pas qu11 fut oPPortun de le faire Rio --wAs avout
idees et les principes qu'elle developpait menaient drciit a la communaue 4 raais
le:sm8, On Lyon, Benoit, 59-6o; McDougall, 222, 227. On Switzerland, Barnik
2 oi,
Geschichte, ;6; Pianzola, "Expulsion," 65.
29. Intelligence, 1838, Aug 7.
30. Report of the trial in .1ntelligence, 1838, Sep 3.
1. The slogan of Bianqui's journal of 1834, Le Liberateur. Dommanget (B laNut
des origines, i29)overlooks the significance of this substitution, but stresses
(through '44) the importance of the journal in establishing the modern ideal oi
a class-based social revolution. Only one issue appeared (1 834, Feb 2) with the
revealing subtitle Journal des opprintes voulant tote reforme sociale par la &Tub.
tique. BJanqui prepared for the second issue his famous article "Who makes the
soup should eat it," which Benoit on considered the first formulation of 3nodern
collectivist doctrine. Dom.manget, 129-30.
32. J.-.1, Pillot, Th. Dezamy, Dutelloz, Romberg, Premier banquet communiste ler
juillet 1840, 1840, 1. P. An rand modifies to i,coo the number of attendees from
the Is20.0 stated in the brochure: "Notes critique gur 1a formation des ides coma
inunistes en France," La Pensie, 1948, SepOct, ea.
33. Banquet, x, 9.
34. Various toasts in ibid. 1I-2.
35. Toast of the tailor Veilicus, 5.
36. Various toasts, 4, 3) 8. The first of these explicitly intended to insert "a new
word" into "this =lotto."
37. This toast (by an otherwise unidentified Courmont, 3E2) concludes: " the To

Government of Equals l"

38. Pillot, x4. The Saint-Simonian songwriter in and had previously coined the
slogan "Unite yourselv es I" astii erevolutionary ' answer C to Louis Philippe's "Enzich
yourselves!" and added "unity" to"liberty, Al, equality, fraternity." See F. Isambert,
"tine religio n ed If
a raternite. . A propos de quelques journal= ouvriers sous la mon*
archie de juillet," 41ournal de Psychologie - - -
Mormale - - Pathoiogique, 1957i ju1--Sep
39. This designation w INas al fringe unref.
, _ within
the Parisian Socie of s first given the revolutionary it
erenced assertion ir:pYf C, orkers which aiose In 1839 and, according to_ tri.:.., ate`
Pian Commania-m ill . p Johnson, "also called itself simply Les Communist s ..
ranee. abet and the Iowans, 1839 r 8, Ithaca, 1974i 15.,
40. Alm ost every point of view . rkretativil
irateAy,. . and
of the French Rev l on the Left produced a supporting
1848. The basic t 0 ution during the period between the revolutions of y830 and
exit for egalitarian social revolutionaries remained Bu11 , Work;
Histcn Of the Co
for liberal .,...,... nIPITacY of Equals; for revolutionary nationalists, Micheaise le"( 1 3
0 a la. eAdurialis
is, ado1phe Thiers's Histoi A In " franc . _,_ in,
and numerous sub ore ..,e ...... ....rvo_unt_ern
I i
troduction a la . . sequent editions). Christian sociallsts leaned on Sucriezji la 'wig&
tion francaise :rzence de rhistoire, and his Histoire parlementaire de .1833 A
between Devolution lion
!83 8 ); ideali trrit" i in Collaboration with Roux-Lavargne
iranvaise (ftlist 1 "ectl-ar soolall2t85 on Louis Blanc's Histoire de la Al' Franca.
1 966, Apr_jun two it R .1L 1
%); etc. Annales
'047 Historiques de is Revolution
the Frencli

evolutior, a 3 " 44-WCPSt

entirely devoted to analyzing the views on
41. Text I f. early
id SCialigtS. it5
Original a
anon "Is Obs -
ervations sscar Maximilien Robespierre," reprlilted (from
publication as a supplement to the Brussels Le Radical in 1831.
Chapter 9 585

and in La Fraternitio i842p Sep, in Revue Histarique de la Revolution Froncaise, 1II,

19121 479-47, top, 4B1-1-
As early as Nov 24, 1832 (Poor Man's Guardian, lead story, 817-8). Buonarrotrs
translator, Bronterre O'Brien. had attempted to tell the "Iteal Character of Robes-
pierre:* quoting from Buonarroti and insisting that "Robespierre held nearly the
same doctrines which the benevolent Robert Owen promulgates now-viz.. a com.
munity of property, or rather an equitable distribution of the fruits of human labor
among those who produce them. . ." This anonymous article was followed by
speeches and articles that climaxed in O'Brien's admiring Life and rinses of Maxi
Robespierre in 1838.
42. See particularly his Court publique de l'histoire de France dap:a/178o jusgula
1830; and his Histoire de la re-volution francaise, 1838, wer. The relevant passages
are cited and his neglected ideas discussed In G. Santanastaso, II Socia
francese, Florence, 1954, 110-3.
43. Oeuvres de Maximilien Robespierre, 1840. See also his Memoires de Charlot
Robespierre no SCI deux Hies, 1835.
44' Laponneraye, "Babeuf et son cyst me," 1:intelligence, 1840 Feb, 1-2.
45. Laponneraye, Catichisme democratique, mid., 5.
46. Ibid., 3, 6.
47. Ibid., 12-3.
48. 'line revolution radicale dans les moeurs," L'Intelligence, 1838, Jul.
49. "Place au proletariat," I:intelligence, 1837, Sep, 4. This self-conscious re.
phrasing of Abbe ieyes from the fast Issue of Laponnereyes journal w later re-
peated by Marx, whose borrowing of phrases and motifs from the original French
communists has never been adequately recognized, let alone studied.
so. T. Dezany, Question propos& par l'Academie des SrieTICE. Morales et Poli-
tiques. s Mitiinti aVancent plus en connaissances eu lumieres gimlet* morale
pratlque? Recherches la cause de cede difference dans !tura proves, et indiques le
remEde, 1839, 59. Revolutionary thought was powerfully stimulated by this essay
contest, to which the young Dezamy wrote this neglected answer, dated in the text
Dec 21, 1838.
51. Ibid., 39, 6x.
52. Ibid., 63 rt.
5. Code de Ia contmunauti, 18.42. IV"; altog 230-4.
54. Patriotes francais, iisez et rougissez de 'wide, sko. This antinationalist tone
was also evident in Cabers Lewes ntr la crise actuelle, 1840.
55. Angrand, 'Votes," 63 n.
56. Leading some to assume incorrectly that Lamennais originated the word. See
P. Cason, "Lamennais, a Lance le mot Pcommuniste'?" Le Monde, 1954 Aug
7; refuted by H. Desroche. "A propos de Lamennais et du mot teopmmunitte,'"
Actuallt4 de l'histoire, 1955, Mar, 28-32. For attacks by conservatives on
nails. see de Came, 'Publications.," 728-3r.
Lamennais left behind at his death a description of communism as "two doc-
trines within a single denomination . the one negative, the other positive, the
one of destruction, the other of renovation." Desroche, "A propos," 31.
57. Cited and discussed in the only serious article ever written on this neglected
figure: R. GazaudY. "Le Communisme materialiste en France avant 1848: un pre-
curseur Theodore may," La Pensive, 1848, Ms -dun, 42. In 1841, when Lanien.
naffs began using the term himself (Du passe et de 1`a it du peuple, 1B71, 9i-5),
he was denounced by a numbex of self.proclaimed communist correspondents from
Lyon, Rouen, and elsewhere, who accused him of glorifyirig the egoism of the
family, which is in a mall way what exclusive patriotism is In a large way, the
egoism of the nation." A. Saitta, "Apptmti e documenti per in storia del socialism
premarxista," Motrintento Operaio, 1956. Sep-Oct, 772; also documents and refer-
ences, 768-73.
58. Calumnies et politique de At Cabet, i842, 6. Cabet responded with Too to Ia
Vella au peupk aiirifugation d'un pamphlet calanuniateur. r8 a.Garaudy (45)
calls Dezarny the first to see "that philosophical intransigence was necessary to
forge a Communist Party."
Once again, such was the dynamic of denunciation that Dtzarny was denounc-
ing Cabet for precisely the sin of religiosity of which Cabet bad previously accused
the "Constant:Wit" communistproteges of the Abbd Constant-Cabet's Communist
Credo having been written in part to combat the influence of Constant's Evangile
de la liberte, 1841, which was also translated into German. See Chacornac, Levi,
4 fir., and the Parisian police study of 1845: "Renseignernents,," Actuante de rhis-
mire. ig57. OCti a6 n. 4. Only later in his Le !mai Christianisme suivant Maus-Christ,
1846 (also '847. 1850) did Cabet try to equate communism with "true Christianity."

Copyrighted material
way as to indicate that christian teachings were fur .
but never in suc" for many f the Germans like Schapper and Weltlin g) hull (a.%
they clearly were some inspira tion. See J. Prudhonuneaux, Icarie et son an indt.
pendent sour" 07 162-3.
Etienne rabelY 19 t
59. Code, 29.
6o. Ibid., 291.
67. 2613-91.
62. 157 n' l'
63. 156-6:4 vaincu et andanti par le socialisme, ou les Constit.,
64. Le Jesuitistne-r uction6 secretes en read:111E1e avec un projet dior 'titns des
d &mutt ,.,. ,
jestrites et Jew's ins 1
LT' du
travail, 1845P 134 - ? , cited in Garaudy, 206-7. Dezarny is denouncing the nelv
65. Caionvn yes, . 5 ..-6
journalism of EmileGirardin.
66. Code, 2 37, , 286-7.
67.. Question, x4; also Code
68. QuestiM 58-
69. Code, 29 2.
7O Ibid. 261.
71 , Ibid., 123.
7 2 Ibid,
73. Ibid., 285-
74. De la Hodde, 269.
754 On Dezaray's skillful self-defense in court as a "purely
theoretical" Wrap,.
see G. Bourgin, "Le Communiste Dezamy," Festschrift fur Carl Grilnbern . a, 7 Leiipziz -."2
1932, 69-74, 'NIP- 70.
See Ruge, "Dezamy und die Firessefreiheit," in Zwei Jahre in Paris, Leipzi ID
g, "46 1
It esp. 7 7, 92-3, on their close friendship. Hess began a German translation of his
Code with the encouragement of Marx: Oesetztbuch ci sieirbeGrn , chaw
emereinTsize ftonrahcshor f hmeoodsz
Dezamy, unpublished ms4 dated about 1846 by E.
Hess, Leiden, 1958, 77. See. also Hess's letters to Marx (Hess, Phiiosophische und
sozialistische Schriften 1837-1850, 1961, 482-4); Garaudy, Sources, 191; and the
German translation of Le Jesuitisme, Leipzig, 1846, along with a shorter extract
Organisations-Entwurf, Leipzig, 1848. Dezamy's neglected impact on Marx is dis.
cussed in D. Riazanov, Ocherki po istorii marksizma, za23, 764
The mysterious figure of Nicholas Speshnev, who introduced the idea of revo.
lutionary communism into Russia in the mid-fonies, sided with Dezamy against
Cabet. (See his letter to a Polish friend in V. Evgrafva, ed., Filosofskie i obsh.chest.
venno-politicheshie proirvedeniia petrashevtsev, x953, 488-5o2.) The early years of
Speshnev, like the late ones of Dezamy, remain an enigma. Speshnev apparently
fought in the Swiss civil war during the early r134os and became the partial model
for Stavrogin in Dostoevsky's Possessed. He never fuifilled his promise to explain
fully the communist beliefs he propagated in Russia in the late forties (see Litera-
turnoe nasiedsttso, LXIII, 1956, 171-2). His idea (later deve/oped by Bakunin) that
an inner communist group would supersede the Jesuits could have been inspired
by Dezamy's Le Jesuitisme of 1845, though It dates back, as we have seen, to the
11_-1 urninists and Bonneville. Speshnev advocated that the central or mittee have
three coequal subordinate bodies: Jesuitical, propagandistic, and revolutionary.
_ 76. In addition to Le fesuitisme, see his Examen critique des huit discours suit'
Le Catholicisme et lu PhiloSOphie, prononces
janvier 1845, etc. a Notre-Dame, en decembre 1844 et en
nez_am.y _d:apres les principes de la philosophic riaturelleci
18 45; and his Orgapart arisaMti : la ltlierte et du bien-etre untv ' ersei, 18467 cited anu
discussed in Ga d
rau y, Sourced , 199-200. Garaudy, who was then a leading Fre,nci;
communist intellectual,reproduces D6zarny's refutation of Lamennais (209-18) a
a kind of model for
answering objections to corm seism. Dezamy Ia8l8so2praised
in the neglected brochure
77. Question, 564 of Benoit Malon, Le Parti ouvrier en Franceis,
I 78. Ibid., 65, also 64.
79. P. Schuller, "Karl M
arx' s Atheism," Sciertce and Society, 1975, Fall , 33c1,; also
BO. Iz brannYe &oat`
called themselves ._lneniia, 195i, 118. Iconoclastic Russians of the dev I9pir% see
altungton, icon, mbonicho (a Contraction for "neither God nor the
The use of ,_, e779--.80 2.1 . ' idea.
Moots 00 Dee she word i'c s r as a political term also began with this 1 ea- ir
ing neither theist 793, said, "The Republic of the rights of man is properiy,t la
react ti thermid_ .nor atheist but Aulardi Paris Pers""
renne et sous 'e i
_ri ihilist.; Cited in A.
Pilt made
, ; anad i d rectoire 1899, H, 285. irranine
the Pe oilie h of
of Babeuvi 5t associatxons. His journal of 1839 "-- bushing mu a E

is treatise of 1 of the equals or ways oif esta

840 History
Chapter 9 587
equality among men, began with a "Manifesto of Contemporary Equals." See, in
addition to the bibliographical sketch by I. Zirberfarb in Pillot, Sochineniia, S. Bern-
stein, "Le Neo-Babouvismeid!apres la presse 0837-1848)i" in Babeuf et les prob-
f r, 246.76; and V. Volgin, "jean-Jacques Pinot, communiste utopique." La
Pensee, 1959, Mar-Apr, Volgin also points out (Frontsur.sity utopichesky hommu-
nizm, 196o, 25-6) that Pilled used a sophisticated if functional clan analysis of
the roles played in the reaction by different "castes!'
Si. After Cabees Voyage and Adventurer of Lord William Carisdale in !curia was
first published in a small London edition (the French original purportedly trans-
lated from English) in 1839, a Paris edition appeared in Jan 1840, closely
followed by translations into German, Spanish, and English along with additional
digested and paraphrased editions. (See F. Rude, Voyage en Icarie, DEUX ouors
viennois aux Etatt.Unis en ass, 1952, esp. 5; and A. Lehning, "Diwussions
Londres sur le cornmunisme leaden," Bus tin of the International Institute of Social
History, X952, no. a, 87 and ff.). The book W115 subtitled a "philosophical and social
nover the exact term used as a subtitle by Flora Tristan's Mephit ou le proletaire
of z838, one of the most influential of the artistically second-rate, but propagan.
distic "social novels" of the 1830s. See D. Evans, "Le roman social sous la mon.
archie du juillet, Romans democratiques. L'apotheose du proletaire," French Quar-
terly, 1931, Sept esp. 104; also A. Zevaes, "Le Mouvement social sous la restauration
et SOW la monarchic de juillet," La Revolution de r8413. 1936-7, Dec-Jan-Feb,
23a it
The better prose fiction of the pre---z848 era, of course, also focused the attention
of thinking people on the plight of the urban masses from the London of Dickens's
Oliver Twist to the Paris of Hugo's Les is rabies and Sue's Mystiret de Paris, to
the St. Petersburg of Gogol and the early Dostoevsky, Thus, it might be said that the
prosaic media (including Daumier's lithographed cartoons and the didactic paniph-
Iets produced by the new high-speed printing as well as the programmatic novel)
contributed to the rationalistic ideas of the social revolutionaries almost as much
as the poetic media of romantic music and lyric poetry contributed to the rival and
more emotional ideal of the national revolutionaries. If vernacular opera was in
some ways, as we have suggested, the highest cultural expression of revolutionary
nationalism, the ideological novel like Icaria may have played a similar role for
social revolutionaries. Probably the most influential of all were the immensely pop-
ular novels of George Sand, which successfully fused propaganda and art into the
quasi-religious communism of her Le Meunier d'Artgibautt (1845-6) and Le piche
de M. Antoine ( x847). See Evans, Socialitme. 124-31.
82. According to C. Tsuzuki, 'Robert Owen and Revolutionary Poiitics," in S.
Pollard and J. Salt, eds., Robert Owen Prophet of the Poor, Lewisburg, Pa., x971, 34.
83. See H. Desroche, "Images and Echoes of Owenism InNineteenth-Century
France," in ibid., 246-7. See Saitta, Buonorroti, I, 64-9. Rein's exposition of Owen's
ideas (reprinted from ProducteuT, 1826 Sep-Oct), Lettres sur le systerne de is co-
operation mutuelle et de la cornmunaute de tow les Nerisk d'apres le plan de M.
Owen, 1828, called for "la communante de jouissance des produits, bash sur
l'egalite," 33. Rey then set up an Owenite Cooperative Society in Paris (J. Gans,
"Robert Owen it Paris en 1837, Le Pelortiventent Social. 1962. Oct-Dec, 35).
Buonarroti himself hailed Owen as early as 1828 (History of the Conspiracy,
cited in Pollard, Owen. 248) and grew to admire him even more in his late years.
See the important article relating Owen much more in to the revolutionary
tradition than is usual: A. Mathiez, "Babeuf et Robert Owen compares et defendus
par Buonarroti" La Revolution de 1848, rsixo, 233-9.
Engels discovered Oweres teachings simultaneously with the English proletariat
on his first visit to a factory in Manchester in 1843, contributing two important
articles on continental socialism to Gwen's New Moral World, 1843, Nov 4, z8
(Riazanov, Ocherhi, 44-5, roo-x ). There are some Soo extracts from Owen
far the most from any earlier socialist thinker in Marx's notebooks of 1845-7. See
Rubel, "Lee Cablers de Lecture de Karl Marx," International Review of Social
History, II, 19571 401-2.
84. Berbrugger, cited in Sauvigny, "Liberalism." 163.
85. Owen was on his way to seeing Metternichone of his periodic unsuccessful
attempts to interest rulers in his communal ideas. See F. Podmore, Robert Owen. A
Biography, L. 'we, II, 459-6o. Desroche, 249-58.
86. Bestor, "'Evolution," 278, corrects the otherwise valuable work of K. Chin-
berg, "Der Ursprung der Worte ISozialigmus und " Archly fur die Ce-
schichte des Sozialismus und der Arbeiterbewegung. II. Toni, 378, which has led
many to assume that Owen used the term "communist" rather than these related
87. The last verse of a typical song from Social Hymns (Leda. I838, 1, 1840)

Copyrighted material
588 Chapter 9
in Podmore, 11, 47a. Owen also wrote a Social Bible (Manchester, i835) and a
Catechism of the Nru Moral World (Manchester, x838; 2c1 ed.. Leeds, i838).
B8. Gay tried unsuccessfully both to collaborate with Laponneraye's Intelligence
in 1838-9 and to found his own journal Communaute. Bulletin ',femme! de la Sci-
ence Sociale (Gans, 36-45). The latter effort probably inspired Dezamy's short4ived
new journal of 1840, Communautafre. Gay and Miami collaborated in 1841 to
publish l'Humanitaire, the first full-blown journal advocating revolutionary com-
munism and "the most radical Journal to see the light of day during the July Mon-
archy." (Johnson, Communism. 113. See also the confirming, contemporary judg-
ment by a French student of Owen, A. Cochut, in Revue des Deux Mondes,
Apr 1, 471.)
8g. Desroche, in Pollard and Salt, Owen, 249. See also 262, 339--40. The sub-
stantial influence of both the ideas and example of Owen on Cabet is discussed in
Prudhommeaux, Cabet, 133-9, but will almost certainly be stressed even more in
the forthcoming study of Desroche, based on the unpublished work and personal
archive of Prudhornmeaux and other new materials.
9o. Fourierist and Proudhonist attacks referenced in M. Rubel, "Robert Owen a
Paris en 1848," Actualite de Illistoire, ig80. Jan-Feb-Mar, 4-6.
gr. Ibid., 10-2 for text of his Proclamation au peuple francais aux militaires et
aux civil., de touter es classes, de tout les pantis, de touter les religions, 1848, Jun;
also 5-6 for Owen's other Parisian publications in 1848.
92. Cabetis interest In dictatorial revolutionary leadership was developed in
England in the late rEl3os and exemplified in his Histoire popuiaire de la revolu-
tion francaise, first ed. up to 1830, 1832-40, 4v; second ed.. up to 1845, '845. 6v;
and especially in his Rapport sir les inseams 4 "-rendre . le lendemain dune
inrurrection victorieuse, L. z84o, about which see Lehning, "Discussions," 91-3,
96. Cabets Voyage en icarie, 1845, 36o, foresaw a "transient reign of 3o-too years."
He may have derived these ideas from Taste, whom he knew in London, or even
from Buonarroti, with whom he exchanged the first version of Icaria for a copy
of his History of the Babeuf Conspiracy (see route la Writi, 85-6); but O'Brien,
Buonarrotrs translator ( and follower in the cult of Robespierre), seems a more
likely source for this emphasis, in view of his proximity and notoriety in London.
93. "Journal of a Social Minion to France," The New Moral World, 1, 1840, Jul
II, no. 2, 21.
94. New Moral World, I, '1840, Jul 18, no. 3i 43.
95. Ibid., no. a, 2Z.
96. Ibid.
97. Ibid., I, 1840, Aug zi, no. 5, 74-
98. Ibid.
99, Ibid.
too. Barmby says only that the prospectus was presented to an unidentifiable
"M. Harve" (ibid). Since, however. Gay is prominently discussed on the same page
along with a French bibliography of the works of Owen, which only Gay could
have provided, it seems likely that Gay was in fact the "ardent friend" chosen to
head the Association.
mt. New Moral World, I, 184o, Aug 2, no, 5, 77. in a separate section labeled
"French Correspondence" where Barmby speaks of a "Communitarian dinner." His
earlier advance notice referred to "a social banquet of the adherents of the Com-
munist or Communitarian school" (ibid., 75).
1021 Barmby claimed that, while in Paris, "in the company of some disciples of
Babeoeuf WO. then called equalitarians, I first pronounced the name of Commu-
nist," in his lead article in The Apostle, and Chronicle of the Communist Church,
I. 1848, Aug r, no. 2, 2. The only known copy of this article (which provides his
own detailed account of his early career) is in L. This citation is inadequately
referenced in the Oxford English Dictionary, II, 701; as is the article on Bantuby in
the Dictionary of National Biography, !gar, I, which says that Barmby claimed to
have originated the word communirrne in discussion with an unnamed 'Trench
celebrity" during the trip to Paris.
1 03, New Moral World, 1, 1840, Aug 22, no. 8, 123.
104. Ibid., 122.
roll. Explanation of the change in editorial in The Promethean, no. ,r, 12.

roe. Text in The Promethean, I, no. x, 23.

i07. Ibid., 38, for typical hymns by Owen Howell: "God is ALL IN ALL .
Nature, the material Christ, Teacheth that he doth exist.. ."
108. Prospectus, ibid., 23.
log. Plan for 'Administrative Gradations in Communization" by Barmby on the
front page of The Communist Chronicie, I, no. Ds.
Ne-w Tracts for the Times: or, Warmth, Light, and Food for the Masses.

Copyrighted material
Chapter 9 589
Bible Proofs from Isaiah Against Jesus Christ's Being the Messiah, L (dated 1842
in BM catalogue), 14.
lir. Ibid., xo-r.
112. Ibid., xo.
ix3. W. Armytage, Heavens Below. Utopian Experiments in England z56o-I960,
L, 1961,198-9.
114. Ibid., 208,
xr5. Thomas Frost, Forty Years' Recollections: Literary and Political, L, 198o,
58-63,70-r; Armytage, 201-4.
xx6. Frost, 67-8; A. Morton, The English Utopia, L, 1952, 134.
Ix. Frost, 71.
r18. According to Frost, 74, also 67. Barmby's Chronicle is in NP, invalidating
Morton's indication (135) that no copies have survived,
119. The truth on Baptism by Water, According to the Doctrine of the Communist
Church, published as no. 5 of The Communist Miscellany, n.p., n.d., 2-3, GL.
120. Communist Chronicle, I, no. 12, 133. The italics are Barrahre.
121. Concluding paragraph of Barmby's "The Truth Concerning the Devil," in
Morton, 136. See the anticipation of this idea in the revolutionary song of the 1830s,
"The Devil is Dead": J. Puech, "Chants y a cent axis, autour des Saint-
Simoniens," La REvolution de 1848, 1933, Mar-Apr-May, 26-9.
122. Barmby translated Avenir des Ouvriers as The Workman's Future in New
Moral World, I, 1840, Sep 26, no. 23, 196.
/23. Polska Chrystusowa (1842-6) was succeeded by a second journal also pub-
lished in Paris, Brotherhood (Zbratnienie, 1847-8). Krolikowski exercised consider-
able influence in France through his writings of the early forties in Le Populaire
under the pseudonym of "Charles." After Cabet moved to America late in x848,
Krelikowski became editor of Le Populaire and general "mandataire du citoyen
Cabet." Brock, "Socialists," 16o-1, and discussion following; also J. Turowski,
Utopia spcleczna Luclwika KrOlikowskiego, 1958.
See also Zenon gwiftoaawski's megalomaniacal "Statutes of the Universal
Church," whichproposed a world communist order with all property nationalized,
a capital on the Isthmus of Suez, and Polish as the official language. Discussed in
Brock, "Socialists," 157 if.; text of statutes in Lud Polski: Wybor, 230-315; char-
acterized as "revolutionary totalitarianism" by A. Walicki in his unpublished "The
Problem of Revolution in Polish Thought of 1831-1848," 1976, 51.
124. Isambert, Religion," 319.
125. Cited from edition of Apr 1844 in Isarnbert, 3x2.
126. Reproduced in Cuvillier, Hammes, opposite 78. For the central role of Bu-
chez, the leader of Atelier, see ibid., 9-137; also Cuvillier, tin Journal d'ouvriers.
L'Atelier (184o-185o), 1954.
127. Is ambers, 320.
138. Ibid., 325.
r29. Weitling, "Die Communion und die Kommunisten," Der Hillferuf der deuts-
chen jugend, 1841, Nov; as reprinted in W. Kowalski, Vom Kieft:burgerlichen
Demokratismus zum Kommunismus, 1967, 149,147.
130. See the example of radical hymnography in Schieder, 285 n. 23; and, on
the already well established proliferation in Germany of revolutionary Ten Com-
mandments, catechisms, and Lord's Prayers, 221-2. See also Barmby's "Exposition
of the 'Lord's Prayer' According to the Doctrines of the Communist Church," The
Communist Miscalany, I, no. 3, 49-5o.
131. A. Scherzer, Ermahnung zur Niichstenliebe, an die deutsche jugend, Paris,
1842 May, cited Schieder, 284.
r32. A. Dietsch, Gleichheit und Einigkeit, der Weg zur Freiheit und zum ewigen
Frieden. Das tausendieihrige Reich, first published in the journal Postthornchen,
1842, between Jul 22 and Aug 12, then separately in Aarau, x843. These and many
other examples are discussed in the section "Der religiose Sozialismus der Weit-
lingianer," in Schieder, esp. 28e-96. Dietsch soon shifted his millennial hopes to
the New World (as Weitling was shortly to do). See his Das tausendjahrige Reich,
nebst Plan und Statuten zur Grundung von New-Helvetia im Staate Missouri in
Nordamerika, Aarau, 1844.
This concept of a thousand-year kingdom also animated the radical prophecies
of M. L. B. Muller (who called himself Ludwig Proli) in Bavaria in the 182os. After
his arrest in 183o, he fled to the Millennafian Rappite communities of Pennsyl-
vania. See F. Herrmann, "Maximilian Ludwig Proli, der Prophet von Offenbach,"
Archiv fiir hessische Geschichte and Altertumskunde, New Series, XIII, 1922, esp.
133. Information from the official report of J. Bluntschli, Die Kommunisten in
der Schweiz nach den bei Weitling vorgefundenen Papieren,'rich, 1843; discussed

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

ego Chapter
W. seidei-FilipPner, waheim Weitiitig, der erste dela,
w tk 41- see also ator des Kommunismus, 1961, 27-53; and Gi Bravo, w ilicerw The They,
it'keerlurid A ff .
it del quarantotto, Turin, 1963. 171L ,z,
reti o tedesco prima Tr vett.
iing e a cornunInn
Cited in W ittkei 82.
:3354: ibid., 98. cabet also was interested in the revolutionary ,
Etat de la question sociale en Angleterre, en Erceom:sisge:,:seisn
tibin.! 1:in ire
I' and
land, See his et ez
France, 18436 h weiding backed down somewhat from his
136. Althoug .
Harmonie .u. ma Freiheiti Vevey, z842, which placed the word God. ire rantien
derarks, the religious strain rea.sserted itself in Das Evangelium eines arm enc suntatitm
m de78
1845. leading associate, the son of a Lutheran pastor,
August Becker ii,tweitling's
s eology student) inten.sified the idea. of a Christianized comniunir....and a
forer er ng tp Konzmuntsten-Vaterunser andi Gebel ter
arrest i n his oft-reprinted deg
of z843, as well as in his new journal at Lausanne in 1845: Die frolische Bot:r e tnaeit
eligidsen und sozialen Bewegung. See G. Bravo, "Il cornunism o t.,i__
von der r
svizzera. August Becker 1843-1846," Annals, VI, z963, bibliography 6,3:176 :1 In
tide 521-608. 12 4 0 2t 4 14
The Parisian police An /0415 uistinguished materialistic , Fr ench communism fro,

German communism, which was allegedly related to "the disfigured traditions-0f

Christianity" that began with the Anabaptists and taught, that "Jesus Christ w -
ale head of a secret communist society founded in Galilee under the reign aosf
Tiberius." "Renseignernents," 14, 17.
137. See J. Droz, "Religious Aspects of the Revolutions of 1848 in Europe," in
D. Acombe and M. Brown, Jr., eds., French Society and Culture Since the Old
Regime, NY, 1966, 134-49; and his more specialized works referenced 149 n. B.
138. isambert (De La Charbonnerie, 187), speaking of Buchezis conversion from
Saint-Simonianism to an explicitly Catholic socialism exemplified in the proletarian
journal Atetier.
139. See the composite work, L'Individuaiisme et le rommunisme par les citoyeri s
Lefeul, Lamennair, Duval, Lamartine et Caber, 1848, 3-41 33. Published in May in
a third edition of 20,000, this may well have been the most widely read "conunu-
nist" book of the revolutionary year in Paris.
140. See Barmby's ponderous reservations about communists who are "more
politically social than religiously socially political," Communist Chronicle, I, no. 6,
141. M. Nettlau, "Londoner deutsche kommunistische Discussionen r845," Arch iv
fur die Geschichte des Sozicaismus and der Arbeiterbewe9ung, X, 1922, 382. Note
also the effect of the translation of anticlerical pamphlets by French communists
on Weitlingis followers in Switzerland, discussed in Schiller, 296-300.
142. Andrea Mazzini, cited Saitta, Sinistra, 62.
143. Lehning, riDiscussions," 94, 97. See also Zevaes, "Agitation," 37-9.
144, Lehning, "La reponse de Cabet a Schapper," Bulletin of the International
Institute of Social History, VIII, 1953, 15, 7-8. See also the critique pre St] nimbly
III written by Karl Schapper, "Nouveau journal ailemand a Londres," Populaire, Oct 3
and lo,1847 ; reprinted and discussed in Lehning, "Reponse," 9-15.
Cabers projections were not entirely fancifv1 . since his revived Pop faire, de-
signed exclusively for workers, had soared in popularity, requiring a printing. f
27,oino copies by its eighth issue. Garaudy, SouTces, 166. For the complex devel?
si ment of Cabet's large following in France "from movemen t to sect" during ng tne
184os, see Jonson h, C ommunism, esp. 2.07 if.
1 45. In the new journal Kommunistische Zeitschrift, founded Sep, 1847. Lehlung
"Rlepeonse," 10; original German text in Lehning, "Discussions," 107-9.
rv_larxi s "Circular against Kriege" (discussed in Cahiers de l'Institta_.Mr. a ur,ut
Tho4rrezf, Ix
tie 1966, 56.8) denounced not only Kriege's Voikstribun in New /ici_lc_,,Pai Pi
ormist and sentimental approach of the new organization 'Toung dAilbleenrieLrath
..ere n.onetheless
Marx felt
iii enc iiir
orthigini, :rriational reii 0_ ouraged by the concern for community reveale , les
n See H. Desroche, "Messianismes et utopies, note Jul-
Dec, 4:Gal allso
scicialisIne occidental," Archives de Sociologie des Religi"s' i tnerien
Zeit e ntusrgerbuch
und noch 32. Text of the article "Beschreibung der in neuerer
18.45 . w ekstelle nden kommunistischen Ansiedlungen," Deutsche
' in e r e, II, 521._35
147. On Polish criti -1 p I 57- on LafaYet"'
Gigault Vie tbaq-,. ri..- zeigte , 1 ques of Kogciuszko, Walicki, "Problem, 1
2 a " 42' ' ri
148. Also ca ned lei 833. For discussion, Saitta, "L'idea de EtiroP-1 the Fenia
Brotherhood, See , t eIrish Revolutionary Brotherhood, and, in Arneric!:_ e, 188-
x886 wa,,L. W.
" D'Arcy, The Fenian Movement in the United
ailin &tn, D c iism,6tu1 7-x890
1966. 1 947; T4 Brown, Irish American Nationa
1 43
COPter 9 J F
use o f the term ' spirit of
in T788 ,, and of " party spirits.. eiy,first large-scale IA., L
V.frRevolution alaSL17 of the
icalA Revolution and ittomanticism t aril b " amtraVeler!s accou
c ridge t
mi- if , jokes,
from Adams's first pamphlet on pour ' ass.' 1974 20 n of vi,1993
see cited The Divine Science': 1976, ,nthics of 774 (Iv k 8,7 22a. 591
150. .., 41 Political .,, .Le_ mgin
e net e,rnn
political Science Review, i lug
A. Rawl' ican mar, 142 til 11 Culture:.
A mer

The A role argue d that "the party of the mov - * stiriwinA77;sa-iVi 193) in
151. ' 8. ,-, r perish1' Pi
ev o.
lotion, 3 abet by 1839 included in his very definition of d
d moral amelioration of the least fortunat ernocracy "the ril
15112,1ctual an he classes . . :teriai,
intre7;al - , incessant amelioration with no hmit other thaw .pro
contli%he introduction to his Histoire populaire, cited in an that c'fNotes,
thepg,.0. oses'blve
1 e..
.RolIin, the dynamic leader of the new "radic apg di
From,'Aru aril within,. 6,4!
if,'N' snoke in the name of "revolutionary cracy" in his pb,:4,,'ruu pry
rise 1, r 8 4 (discussed Kayser, "Bataill es," 4muniresto to the
Workers f I 4 that "the word democracy had not p
Arguing y:eat been
153 , Table power," Considerant superessedoedryfilis still corrupted" and retained
"incomP" hooL of 1841 with his Manif t -popular Nianif es to of
societarYhisc new journal on Aug 1, '843. Originally ecnetfiu tlledDemmaoncirfae scte y in the 1.k first
issueip o i t w as republished twice in 1847 as Principes de so - potzttque et
=Inv.-i.e. Manifeste de la
democratic au xtxe 4 siecle , andi thus Pose
d an immediate model and chaIIenge to
nr See M. porninanget, V i ctor ConsidOrant. Sa Vie, son oeuvre,
rat24) 22, and
his description of Considerant as ant-imrevoiutiorimy without being
tionary, 131.-6.
154. B. Nikolaevsky, "Towards a History of 'the Communist League,' 1847,-1852,"
International Review of Social History, I, part 2, 1956, 241-2. The report of the
League's activities in London early in 1848 appended to this article reveals that the
membership of the League in London was 84; of the Workers Association within
which it operated, i79, ibid., 24y
155. L'Eciaireur de l'indre, Dim 6, 1E144, cited in Evans, 129.
156. Revue Encyclopedique, 1 1332, Aug, cited in Evans, Socialisme, 78.
157. Subtitle of the new journal he founded and edited from 1845.-5o: Revue
Sociale, ou Solution Paciftque du Probiente du Proletariat.
158. La Verne sub` le Rani democratique 184o, ii. The work was dedicated "Aux
159. Write, 29.
16o. His "Communism in France," in Revue Indepenclante, is itemized with other
articles in 13rudhommeaux, xxi.
la brochure
161. Le Democrate devenu Communiste maigrg lui ou refutation de
de AL More intitrutee: "Du Communisine en France" 1847, originally published in
a Belgian version F thkarteic r
Populaire, 1842, Sep, Hess translated the article from in ran
peared in 1842 into the unpublished manuscript Der C071271131RiS77/14$
von More; Silberner, Works, 9o,
162. Nimes de Thore, 35.
163. Cited in Prudhommeaux, 19. of the2 Young
164. Conservative op onents of the anti-religious early writings and
. ar
le * d*d themgelves as "this party' e a
gehans referred d to till)em long before they 1 Die -
H. Lee ,
new edition of "the heroes of theF rench Revolution," ,,,ut precise paftribution)
% ,r .- -
Halle' got 148; cited in McLellan, Flegetians, 13-4 and 0111'
M. Hess, Aufsiitze 1 202 cited in McLellan, 148. uitirtitY,
166. Galin,3 "u* ..istoriographie, ' 75, European ---- ke
xhu7, Suggested 1 99 I Reorganization of t he
' Saint-ion' The
in ' h. Gl0be P which oralltY P
1 1 40,,, 6 of T e
p e all' , 3-8) and develope d in the program and French m
of a tri 1 English industry,
(vveiii , . alliance of German science,
IP Li ECOIe , AR_ ..-9 ) Flchte to Proudh"4' 14 et 5S AUfSatZe
168. liess l. .
likened Hegel to Saint-Simon and in ted in - ' . "the
169. Later Published in 21 Bogen aus der Schweiz; repIx"hv of action (0 ,. r
and di.,...,.. ' . f neriod just Rite
deert,7t-sussed in iPis LneLellan, x47 ff. in some way , s a "PhilQ5P
_ If in t 4
he brie r,__r 0 zeitung.
coln'14e.eenis to have been advocated by Hegel hirn7t of Die Bamur g der Banl"
Set cAri u,ng the Phenomenology when he served as , e 1-13r 1 cas Redaktetv
ber,:. 2:1eYer , Zwischen PhanamenoIogie und 1,1091fte 11 ege BelinskY was
170, ' eitun)
Her Frankfurt/Main, 1955, -I08.. c ed 1 86 4 n volo din , 1 39. lution ari.iesr
uaskY, Polnoe sobranie, 1959, XII, rat _ r _ ate o f slaw'c rev
4iripatin -
17i . Herze g Heine to Schall 1 er, the perpetual poet mu e ompilation
I 72. ern, Palnoe sobranie, II, 257 exhaustive c
Cited by Walicki, Annali, VI, III.
17 3. DIs .
Bussed by Walicki, Annati, VI, 121;
592 Chapter 9
of A. Zanardo, "Arnold Ruse giovane hegeliano 1824-1849," Anna, XII, x970,189-
311a; and A. rnu, Karl Marx et Friedrich Engels, leur vie et leur oeuvre. Tome
premier. Les armee* d'enfance et de jeunesse. La gauche higaienne, zeraii82o-
i1144, 055# up. 172,
174. "Selbsdaltik des Liberalism.," Deutsche jahrbucher, 1843, Jan 2, cited in
McLellan, 25; see also 28-32.
One of Ruse's erstwhile supporters complained in the same month that "the con-
cept of a party has wandered Imp the church via belies lettres and scholarly
philosophy into the state proper." fiber den Begriff der politischen Partei, Konigs-
berg, 1841 13.
There was, once again, borrowing between extremes of Right and Left. The con-
cept of a new, ideological party had been advanced earlier by the Right in much the
form that was to be later adopted by the Left. Victor-M=4i Huber, who had fought
with the Spanish revolutionary army in 1823, was converted from revolutionary
m. Lance to conservative pietism and published in 180 an a al for an
ideologically-based conservative political party. See his Ober die brownie, die
liftiglichkeit oder Notwendigiteit einer houservativen Farted in Deutschland, Mar-
burg, 1841; also J. Droz, "Victor-Mini Huber: un conservateur social du milieu du
XIXe siecle," Archives de Soda le des Religions, 1960, Jul-Dec, 41-8.
rm. Interpretation here leans heavily on S. Avineri, The Social and Political
Thought of Karl Marx, Cambridge ig68, 45-64. See also the discussion in Kola w.
ski, Main Currents, I, 131-z81, which appeared too late for use in this section, but
covers the subject in f,,reater detail from the distinctive analytic perspective of a
revisionist Marxist philosopher; also 9-80 for the prehistory of the concept of the
dialec tic.
176. Zur Kritik der Regelschen Rechtsphilosophie. Fin Lung, from Deutsche.
franzosische Jahrbficher, r/344, in Werke, 1,391.
i77. Characterization of McLellan, 23.
17a. Ibid.,246, 152.
179, Werke I, 494; McLellan, Hegelian., 147; L. Schwarzschild, The Red Prus-
sia's. The Life and Legend of Karl Marx, NY, 2947, 70-4; and G. Mayer, Friedrich
Engels in seiner Frillusit, z820 bis zasz. /920, 104-23, and materials referenced
rilo. Cited iu Riazanov, Ociserki, io5-6. See also the entire article "Tunosbeskie
raboty Engel'sa," 99-106. M. Rubel traces to the origin of the modern idea of a
Marxist party(then called a ....arc
4 m party") to Hess's writings on the Marx-Weitling
controversy of 1846. "La charte de is premiere internationale," Mouvemerst Social,
1965, May-Jun, 4 n. 2.
18z. Kommunisiisches Bekenntnis in Fragen stud Antworten, reprinted from a
reprint of 1846 in Philosophische und sozialistische Schriften, :837--reso, 1961,
z 82. Riazariov, 105.
183. McLellan, 44.
r 84. MEGA, 1,65.
185. MEGA, VI, z9x. See Mi Rubel, "Rernarques sur le concept du parti prole-
tarian chez Marx," Revue Francaise de Sociolo9ie, 1961, II, no. 3, i66---76.
06. Werke, .1, roe.
187. Fruhe Schriften, I, 448.
TN. huge, Zwei jahre. I, 69 iff.
r8g. T. Olzerman, "Problema revoliutsii v trudakh Markia iEngersa perioda
formlrovaniia Marksizana," Moskovsky universitet. Uchenye zapiski fah.), CLXIX,
1954, 34.
290. Fr he Schrlften. 593-4.
x9x. He suggested beans as a "manly," revolutionary substitute. See L. Feuerbach,
Setmtliche Werke, X. 23, cited In R. Hinkley, Realism and Nationalism 1832-187/,
NY, 1935, 22-3.
192. McLellan, zon6 ff.
193. Introduction to the first published version of x8B8 in Werke, XXI, 264.
194. The xith thesis, manuscript reprinted in McLellan, Karl Marx. His Life and
Thought, NY, 1973, zits. The beginnings of the spread first of Feuerbachian and
then of Marxist views in z8.45 among German emigres is documented for France
and Belgium in Karl Gran, Die sozlale Bewegungits Frankreich und Belgien, Darm-
stadt, 1845.
195. S. Avineri, "Hegel Revisited," Journal of Contemporary History, 11, 1968,
no. 3, 140.
196. The seriousness of religious interests and the priority of religious over so-
cial concerns among the Young Hegelians are stressed in W. Brazill, The Young

Copyrighted material
chapter 9
Haven, x9 7. Hostile critics in the late 1830s considere.. A them pro.
, NeW ,,f.christian (Avineri, 139---42).
foots'ariol as wen as a.i."- 98,103i; G. Gurvitch, "Saint-Simon et Karl Marx"
Revue Inter-
levli611 Fa kkak. ethie, XI V, 10o, no. 53-4, 399 if.
.1917a' tede Pr"LwiJett to Stankevich, Oct 2, 1-39; R in Belinsky p T noe sobranie,
2 06
olio 13elinsky's I*

19t "Londoner Discussionen 368, 376, 379.


XI, 3c7Isettlalli The phrase is that of IL Bauer, Schapperis pr4

al supporter
99' Ibi.d11 38. Krlege
. W
as Weitling's.
lv to wait until the working class is ready is to "w it

disc a until
ill the Ibid., 368+ SIII6P
i3,1 into our
j mouths."
01. doves P-7
if ri a, playing on the title of Welding's Guarantees of Harmony and
04- ibi.) 3"". A ds no " guarantee of freedom" in a harmony that is too
2;,,' SchaPPer Nmil
Freiciumt ' assig (354/.
'Galen ) 384 .
50idateLtdau7 adopted this distinction horn the Young Hegelian Frobel
103P 1e ' jr-- y may baVe
Marx broke with Feuerbach's previous pairing of "ego-
2'4 ,arlirllegelians 3 34 ) 1
,:1141.4 separable as heart and head" (tche
, 1nu ; riunisin" as being " Sa-ma Werke,
ion ariu '.. a i , 391). The only living, articulate survivor of the original Balieuf
stuttgart' acv19' nitaY,1 h wever, have suggested more than mere general aimty . h h'is
othat Buonarroti's History "has contributed to, better to wit
Co 1845 say has
saternent in rominunist partY" (SavarT, in La Fraternite, cited in A. Lehning,
foun ded ' the -
..s Ideas on Communism and Dictatorship," International Review of So.
diBuo narrotl 1 h ,
oc7, no. 2, 282). i . .
cid HiStC"nd' ' f the meeting in The Northern Star, 1845, Aug 23 mentions only
Account o
ciff Engels, but this is not surprising since e was far better known
the presence
England. For an account of thisvisit in which Engels formed close links with
Harney, see I. Balch, "Novye dannye aprebyvanii Marksa i Engersa v Londone v
vote 1945 gocia," in Iz istorii sotsiarnovoliticheskikh Wei, 1955, 47G-82.
206 , Werke, II, 613) 624.
214. Ibid., 613. Earlier in the year Engt7.1z was speaking to Germans about "the
party of community" (ibid., 535).
io9. Schwarzschild, 132-4. Kuypers, "Mry. en Belgique," 413 ff.
log. McLellan, MLIT, 1.7x.
110, Text of the letter in the handwriting of Schapper, first published in Bund
det Koramunisten, 347.
211. Ibid., 34S-9.
212.Ibid., 347.
Kommunisten (Juni his
213.B. Andreas, Grandungsclohumente des Be es der
September ;1347), Hamburg) 1969, 14. The invaluable discussion in the preface of
these newly discovered documents unfortunately lacks precise references.
114, Ibid., 18.
216.blithe, 487._9.
217, Ibid., 492.
L 18, Answer to question des Kommunistischen Glauberts-
22 in text of Entwurf
ekelintni gs e, in Crundungsclohumente, 58.
des Kommunismus ,
ibid., Werke IVP64o, 237. For the text of Engels's Givizeiltze
Hews 1i jcso 0. The "Rornmunistisches Glaubensbekenntnis
Bauer .cahbalyPPleier's Mino1114oasneds
2parently unpublished. The origin of this form opfroSb ly discovered
0curnnsimun nistisches Behenntnis of 1844. Among Andreas s tat
c4" Glauben
arnburg is the text of 22 questions and answ f the League
(Croidii. nsbekentihtis apparently drawn up for the June , h_and-
wriLizr 64:14y!aoltanientep 53-,,.. The body of the text is in the Ii

Schill, and
5) thgr a
by sg21 Engels, but is` signed by the president of the congress, Car phec1_ Novye
discussion of Seleznev,
"arY Heide i See, in addition to Andreas, the discussion
dokuInenty,6* ..,,
220, , -5.7-9.
AVIV" lheil,fa tenxitfessteee,
Werke, ,,,, u4nclungsdoic
4 so , cnA. p UMente, 22, The reference is not g F-'rl ert
31)-42. -40Ns , f ir discussion, Lehning, "Association," 198;
2222. a'W-..
erote, IV, 26. Star,
1847, IP:Count of the meeting (at which Marx first met Harney) in Northern
e . For ilThe Ez e
R r
e v
move . the interaction of the movements, see Enge IS

ril enta
tung 4
j-4 13f 1847trans_ate,%
Hi "ta f__min Marx s Deutsche Brasseter
hn:s corresho P
a The Communist Manifesto, L, 193 P 272-054 the Just, which in
ehan r d onee committee formally joined the League of Its journal
ged it. -- name to %,oinmunist League and (in the sole issue of

September) first invoked the device "Proletarians of all co

Grithberg, Die Londoner Kornmunistisc_he Zeitschrift iind a 1111triet,
den Jahren z847/1848, Leipzig, x921, 35; Lehning, " Associatiozvg
. . nitiere
_ _ th. ttlute 4t
223. Werke, 117 , 603.
224. Communist Manifesto, section iv, in Selected worit 8

225. Citations from the article "Cornunismoli in the - Aorenti,., 2cti.

Plebe, 1848, Dec 20, in Presse ouvriere, 234-5. .4e
226. This confusion was particularly characteristi c of curzo della
literature such as Alfred Sudre, Histoire du communism, "delY
socialites, i849 (which by 1856 had undergone five editic:; rdfutation cka eu exh
ish translations), and the explicitly "anti-corinnunisc- 7 and Italian uttpie
"friend of order": L'antirouge, almanacit antisocialist e, al:i.accnt, bY an 4-111 4n ,!Sria:
first systematic discussion of the difference between the :,--41nuniste,
equality" vs. rewards "according to works") was by Laynesnr::: r
25 of Du pass et de du people. See Saitta, Sinistra a4sA 411IcilncesetPts
181 : his1.,sulute
of the difference in usage of the two terms (250 ff,) Saitta's dke"alotty
France, Germany, and Italy,
227. Griindungsdokumente, 21-2.
228. See, for instance, G. Gaeta, "Premiere orientation soci ale
Pre se ouvriOre, 234. ausite:.
229. Lorenz von Stein saw "conarnunism" as some more
"the condition of which socialism is merely a symptom." The FiLtnitiec,tive1Y teg:
Movement in France, 1789-1850 (ed. Mengeiberg), Totowa N. ,j--70: t I'e Sockl
is translated from the third edition (1850) of a work first publish 486' is
section "Communism and Its Relationship to Socialism" ( 28 2-7) differe e- An 1842.t.lates th
two. the
23o. Johnson, Communism, 74-5.
231. Lamennais, Du pass, cited in Saitta, 265.
232. "La politique et le socialisme," in EclaiTeur de IPIndre) 18
Saitta, 255. 44, Nov, cited in
233. Cabet, Douze Lettres d'un communiste a un reformiste sur la communaur
1842. Conservatives like Saint-Marc Gi'zardin saw communists as "the barbariar;
within" European civilization (Souvenira et reftections poiitiques d'un journaliste,
1858, 1 43-4). See "les ibarliares de rinterieur,' " in O. Hammen, "I1348 et le 'Spectre
du Communisme,' " Contras Social, 3958, Jul, x91-200; also Gottfried Kelley's out+
burst of Jul, 2843: Legge, Rhyme, 145.
234. C. Bougie sees a commitment to egalitarianism as the root of differences
between communists and socialists in the 18405 (Le Sociologic de Proudhon, 1911,
235. Crandungsdoltrumente, 24. Dezarny defended "communists of all shade?
from the charge that violence would be needed (Presse ouvriere, 137); old Marx
and Engels mounted lengthy, diversionary counterattacks against "bioodthinty"
revolutionary republicans like Karl Heinzen (Werke, IV, 309-24, 331-59).
236. Le Sociaiisme devant Le vieux monde ou le vivant devant les mons, B4B 1i
59-6c. a more
237. Polnoe sobranie, 319. This definition of Mar 1844
positive usage, describing Weitling and his Swiss followers in Nov 1849 (1131a
1 40-Z the earliest use of the term I have found in Russian. is preceded by
238. In his twelfth "Letter from France and Italy," ,Polnoe s brainef, VI 116-7`2 0,
239. Cited from Karmany slovae, II, reproduced in Evgrafova, tmairticles ire
The ar ticle on idopposition lists other terms on which subsequwen iiAesopian
promised. Such an article never appeared in this incompleted, coopera,
dictionary, The entry under "Owenism" (defined as "a system of lil.fAcornintinig
tion and community of goods") comes closest to an exposition of the
ideal (ibid., 263-7). 31";
240. K. Timkovsky to M. Petrashevsky in Evgrafova, Fitosof nplace
Deo petrashevtsev I, 326, III, 272. This contrast relatively 0117,14 21-sbuserger
the 1840s. See, for instance, the essay ciFourieristen und,s
AIlgenteine Zeitung, May 7,
_ I discussed in Klitzsw cha Stin iarismuiss:1 cialistes
Rey's discussion of "fourieristes et communistee as the two VP'
completes," Appel au Tallier-new des socialistes, 9. A flocs O thesis
241. Ivan, Ferdinand Yastrzhernsky, discussed in the unpublishei
of F. Bartholomew, "The Petrashevshy Circle," Princeton , 1969-
242. Petrashevsky cited in Evgrafova, 379. te St WIC
con finning
243. Herzen, Potnoe sobranie, 319.Th ore provided
ready in
1u40. See Write, 22-4i also Cuvinier, Hommes, i3o, chau m aires. P
244. The title of Pilot's most famous treatise Ni chateaux nt
Chapter 9 595
245. "Qui Wont ft feu ni lieu," C. Louandre, "Statistique iitteraire de la produc-
tkIn intellectuelle en France depuis guinea ans," Revue des Deux Mande', 1847,
Oct I, 284.
246. "Freed from all local and national limits": See Die deutsche ideologie, 1953,
6o, 32; and discussion in K Papaisannou, "Marx et la politique Internationale,
Marx et runitO du monde," Contrat Social, 1967, May-Jun, 157-60.
247. Papaisannou. "Marx et la politique internationale, est et ouest," Contrat
Social, 1967, Sep-Oct, 3 0 4-7.
248. "Revolution in China and in Europe," from the New York Daily Tribune,
1853, Jun r4, in The American Journalism of Marx and Engels H. Christmas,
ed.), NY, ig66, go.
248. Papaisannou, "Marx et la politique," 3oo-r.
250.lington, Mikhailovsky, 195.
251. Even the best historians of working people still confuse these two. The
varied material in E. M. Thompson's Making of the British Working Class, for in-
stance, describes the imaginative, inventive, and almost uniformly nonrevolutionary
ideas of working people in England during the early industrial era. Thompson never-
theless assumes (in his tide, introduction, and conclusion) that his subject is a
unitary, proto-revolutionary, self-conscious entity. There is almost no empirical evi-
dence or extended argumentation for such an assumption. Thompson avoids the
term 1proletariat" but not the implication (recurrent among English intellectuals)
that "the working class" in Britain might somehow have created a revolution if it
had adopted the secular revolutionary consciousness of intellectuals rather than Its
own melange of religious, reformist, and rebellious impulses.
252. Oxford English Dictionary, VIII, 1447-8.
253. Michael Lepeletier, brother of the Babeuvist Felix Lepeletier, described his
proposals for national communal education as "la revolution du citoyen-proletaire."
See Saftta, "Autour de la conjuration," Annales Histariques, z96o, Oct-Dec. ago.
254. Jean Reynaud, "De la necessite dune representation speciale pour les pro.
letaires, Revue Encyclopedique, 1832, Apr.
255. Dommanget, !dies, 251, and discussion 232-51.
Laponneraye, echoed Blanqui in Defense du citoyen Elan qui de ant la cour
crassise. 1832; Lettre aux prolittaires, Saint-Pilagie, 1833+
256. Du Thum!, cited Saitta, Sinistra, 264; also 391 for his phrase "the extinction
of the proletariat."
257. Jules Leroux, Le proletaire et le bourgeois, dialogue sir la question des
salaires, 1840. See also Dezamy's discussion in Aimanach de la communauM, 1843,
69-72; and the proclamation of the Lyon workers' journal Le Travail that "between
the bourgeois and the proletarian it is manifest that there is no common interest,"
cited without precise reference in Cuvillier, Hammes, 122.
258. Savary, cited in J. Prudhommeaux, "Babeuf juge par un communiste de
1840," La Revue Franigaise, LV, 1908, r3g.
259. Svenskt biografiskt lexicon, Stockholm, 1969, LXXXV. 68g.
260. Anders Peter (Per) Gotrek, Om Proletariatet och dess befrielse genom den
manna kommunitmen, Stockholm, nd. There is no satisfactory discussion of Gotrek
or of the links of the Stockholm group (which reached a membership of some ipso
in 1848-9 according to Bund der Kommunisten, 172) with Lund. See, in addition
to Bund, 1071-4; B. Andreas, Le Manifeste Communists de Marx et Engels, Milan.
1963, 20 n. 2; Selesnev, "Dokurnenty," 20-1; and the textual analysis of Gotrek's
pamphlet by E. Kandel' in Novaia i Noveishaia is riia., 296o, n. 2, 119-26.
261. Andreas, Manifeste, Catechisme du prolitaire, Liege, 1849; Kuypers,
"Marx en Belgique," 416 ff.
262. From the extended citation in L. Bertrand, Histaire de la democratic et du
socialisrne en Belgique depuis r8 o, Brussels/Paris, 1906, 1, 443. Andreas's echo
theory (in Manifeste, 308) seems less convincing than that of Kuypers in the work
therein cited), who sees Tedesco influenced by Engels's earlier draft,
263. Bertrand, 1, 441.
264. Tedesco's translation was begun in Mar :848, but confiscated by the police
and never published (Kuypers, "Marx en Belgique," 415). Gatrek's translation
changed "Proletarians of the world, unite!" into "The voice of the people is the
voice of God"apparently to avoid jail. See discussion of his Koternunisinens Rost
in K. Blickstriirn, ATbetarrorelsen i Sverige, Stockholm, 1971,1,43.
265. 3. Kuypers, "La Contribution de Victor Tedesco a lielaboration du manifest.
communiste de 1848," Socialisme, LXI, 1964, esp. So n. 1. See also Kuypers, "Wil-
helm Wolff and der Deutsche Arbeiterverein 0847-18.48)In Briissel," Archiv fur
Sozialgeschichte, ID, 1963, 1o3-7. While Tedesco was not a member of this organ'.
zation, his Catechism of the Proletariat was almost immediately translated into

Copyrighted material
C haptet
berm d aFnrebygtrhge p,o :ntdandssceollabaotreadtoirn oEfnivi
ziaarnxd. oannrtehuee
nand i.ii ithietein
"Marx en Belgique," 416. . ciitlie zeitull
iurn thazates. 1%..
266. The Euonarrotian influence was stronger in Belg
ion tosworks and figures referenced in Kuypers, leit:144 :
etforth a decade before Tedesco by the Delhasse broth , ee.m.,e,cia discuts !
etre quelque chose; tro y
ere ; Ir(1a,31"4 14 arw
L pr
s oletariat vent and Alexandre Delhasseeth ) 174 `.
cratique. cltechisteL4k4it
367. Stein, History, 286; also 255 ff. The introduction by xa ctiltteli
33 ) discusses Stein's influence on Marx,
"dialectical idealism" to dialectical materialism. which has been
See j. wdescrib.
- ---vd-beLpe kg
as a it
and the work of Lorenz vonStein, * " Internat a ona I Revlew ens, "tdalectic Ilvde frcirt'
VIII, part 1, 75-93. Stein's work played a decisive role in Bakudns of Social move hit --eaktita
in philosophy through French social thoughlt92t3o, Lev ''''''d}
V. Polonsky, Materialy cilia biografii M. Bakunina, i01_1"naryeritt rorn33
or s, I, 204. tiv i
268. Marx, Selecte 5 id, e
269. Ibid., 216.
270. Ibid., 218.
271. Ibid., 219.
272. Engels, "Die Kommunisten und Karl Heinzen ,g, ) Deutsche liiiisse ler 7,
1847, Oct 7, in Werke, IV, 321. This and the preceding article in the it - .
contain a good discussion of the relation envisaged between the two 'Sue of4cutii19 Ott .411
the "Communist and Democratic Parties," ibid., 317. PUtative L_,,
uucilti ,
273. Marx, Selected Works, 228.
274. Ibid., 237.
275. According to the League's report in Nikolaevsky, "Towards a iiist ;"
which discusses the paucity of material and the interpretive problems ry ' ' x,
coni.rontin g
any history of the League.
E. Kander provides a good bibliography of recent German b revolutioney
and workers' organization in Germany through the revolutionary crisis
18505 : "Protiv burzhuaznoi ideologii i revizionizma," Voprooso storii xpss, 1976,
no. zo, 66-78. The article shows, however, the survival surer f YS nftaiaiinfcisrtisisschinolt:rallitiep
within the USSR. Kander chides recent West German writings trio ailin (c6gg to nog.
nine the existence of a "proletarian wing" in these early organizations ff..); but
he is unable to establish precisely what this "proletarian;" positiononsisted of,
and is unconvincing in arguing either that the Brussels Communist Correspondence
committee was a worker? orgy ,eon or that Marx was personally of great im.
portance during the revolution of ske-so (70-4).
276. See the thesis of W. Doh', Die deutsche Nationalversammlung V071 z848 im
Spiegel der 'Neuen Rheinischen Zeitung; Bonn, 1930; also A. Molok, Karl Marx i
iiun'skoe vossianie 1848 goda v Par he, Id/Leningrad, 1934, 6 n. 6; 27 n. I.
277. Cited from Deutsche Zeitung, 1848, Aug 18,in Noyes, 122. of nanY
278. From two members of the Cologne Workers' Union "in the name
comrades," cited in Noyes, 286-7. H, 154-68'
279. Noyes, 286-9, 366. Text in Marx, Engels, Selected worlds,
280. Sochinenlia, VII, 573-4, n.
281. Ibid., 31.
282. Ibid.
283. Ibid., 31-2. 1 . is._ea"', in
1956 Soviet edition (579 n. 431 ,,_7ed
284. Ibid., 8o; the documentation of the a,
ful to point out that this doctrine "was true for the periodion of the
pre-monop tie uni
Slogan of
Whim," but has been invalid since Lenin's 1915 essay
States of Europe."
285. Ibid., 80.
286. Ibid.
287. Ibid., 32 . 0 Pc' the ella!
288. aomxnanget, Drapeau, 120. Already in an address to 30 s'i_"_ ared 5110-
the last day of 1849, Harney predicted that "the red flag shall ily
world and group all peoples behind it's (ibid., ut9). ThheihseYin Cb; ._1/1P:,.iitill:at
17n . , tible: libe
nently in Harney's shortaved journal of 1850, in whic en.F,7.rhe Re
was printed for the first time in English (with a linguistic infe siiinile rePlu;
e,oPening "A frightful hobgoblin stalks throughout Euro?Tfugarefs,ctorge _
psutli an 1850, Nov 9, 161. The first volume of the two
J. Savill eA vpartrait of ,forge
(L 1 966) contains (i-xv) a synoptic account by llenge.:ii rageis (18 0Jr;.
flora %---)
and of work on him since A. Schoyen, The Chartist Ch with nil'
Julian Harney, L, 1958. For Harney's long correspondence
see P. cadoga n , "Harney and Engels," International Review ol
1965, 66-104.
Chapter 9 597
289. The way in which these revolutionaries became absorbed in the reformist
politics of the New World is traced in IL Schluter, Der Anfang der deutschen
Arbeiterbewegung in Amer a, Stuttgart, 1907.
ago. Mayer, Engels, I, 3g6; H. Stadelmarin, Social and political History of the
German 1848 Revolution, Athens, Ohio, 1975, 177.
291, Text of the memorandum of association in tinter dem Banner des Marxis-
mus, 1928, Mar, /44-5. See the contrast with the parallel passage in the rnemor*
andurn of the Communist League, x41; also discussion of the original document of
the association in Lehning, "Buonarroti," 285; "Association," 199.
292, Marx, Engels, Sochineniia, Vino 651; Lehning, "Buonarroti," 282-5.
293. H. Draper, "Marx and the dictatorship of the proletariat," Cahiers de l'In-
stitut tie Science Economique Apliquee, 1962, Sep. 6 ff.
294. Ibid., 19-20.
295. Nettiau, "Discussionen," 380, and earlier usage by Welding in Draper, 14.
296. "Die KrIsis und die Konterrevolution," 1848, Sep 14, cited in Draper, 28.
297. Ibid., 27.
298. Letter of Jules Vidil (a former military man and leading Blanquist among
the French emigres in London) to Blanqui of 1850, Jul z9, cited in Dom.manget,
Ides, 383.
299. Kuypers, "Marx en Belgique," 415, also 412. Imbert played an important
role in the German Workers' Association in Brussels. See Kuypers, "Wolff"; also
Dommanget, laes, 376.
300. Garaudy, Sources, 239-41.
301. In the first part of Class War in France, not published until Mar, 1850. See
Draper, 31-21 34.
302. Sochitzeniia, II, 239-41,
303. N. Plotkin, "Les Alliances des Blanquistes dans la Proscription," Revue des
Revolutions Contemporaines, LXV, rg5t, 120; Werke, VII, 615; McLellan, Marx,
235; Draper, 35-6.
304. Sochi-nenlia, VII, 51.
305. Ibid., 91.
306, Ibid., 92-3.
307. Ibid., 91.
3o8. Draper, 15-8, 3 ff. Draper is not persuasive in suggesting (32) that Marx
simply made up the slogan and attributed It retroactively to x8413. The possibilities
of Blanquist influence on Marx cannot be ruled out and have never been systema-
tically investigated. Marx was in touch with Blanquists during his visit to Paris in
Jun z849 (Dommanget, Mee's, 377); and Manes admiration for Blanqui was par-
ticularly strong in Feb 1850, just before the revival of the League (Mikhailov,
Istoriia, 388-9).
Another possible French channel (not mentioned by Dommanget) is Jules Gay,
whose journal Le Communiste appeared for one issue in Mar /849 f Babeef et les
problemes, 276). Marx had praised Gay along with Dezamy as "more scientific
French Communists," who "are developing the doctrine of materialism in the sense
of a doctrine of real humanism and as the logical base of Communism" (Holy
Family cited in Garaudy, Sources, 191). The gap in the Marx-Engels correspondence
from Aug 23, 1849, to Nov 1, x850, deprives historians of direct testimony to in-
fiuences on Marx during this critical period when Blanquist influence was at its
3og. Noyes, 286-7, 366-7. The Germans had long nurtured a fascination, often
based on fear, that revolution might become a permanent as well as global condi-
tionfrom the complaint of 1814 about "der allgemeinen Weltrevolution unserer
Zeit" (Malinkrodt, "Was tun bei Deutschlands und Europas Wiedergeburt?" cited
in Seidler, 297) through the retrospective essay on the events of 1848-51, which
spoke of "die grundsatzliche permanents Erhebung des Volkes fiber alle gegebene
Obrigkeit" F. Stahl, Was tst Revolution? 1852, in Seidler, 29X n. a).
As with so much else, this concept appears to have originally been derived from
Illuminist usage. The Bavarian occultist Franz von Baader noted already in his
diary for Aug 14, 1786, symptoms eine?. uns allgemein bevorstehenden Revolution
(Grassi, "Zum Bedeutungswandel des Wanes 'Revolution,' Aufbruch, 429-32),
and appears to have returned to elaborate this idea in his 1834 essay Revolutionis-
'MIAS (Seidler, 291 n. a).
310. Sochineniia, VII, 267.
31r. From the copy of the secret directive of the committee edited in London
1850, Mar, as captured by the Saxon police, sent to friendly German governments,
and cited from the Wurtemberg Archives by Stadelmarm, 164-5.
31a. M. Kovalevsky, "Souvenirs sur Karl Marx," Contrat Social, 1967, Nov-Dec,

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

598 Chapter io
313. B. Nikoiaevsky, "'Toward a History," 249. For other articles on the conflict
of Marx with his "leftist" associates in 1850-1, see N. Belousova, Iosif Moll', sbornik
states, z96z; S. a' an, "Zur Ceschichte des Bundes der Kommunisten in Deutsch-
land in der zweiten Phase seines Bestebens," Archly NT Sozialgeschichte, V, x965,
5-824, and L. Easton, "August Minch, Marx and Left Hegelian Socialism," Etudes
de Marxologie, zges.
314. The 22-year-old Johannes Miguel, later minister of finance in Prussia. See
Draper, 41-2.
315. From the French text in M. Dommanget, August Blanqui a Belle-Ale (1850-
1857), 1935, 65-6; also discussion. 63-87, and other materials referenced in Lehn-
ing, "Association," 204 71. I. The Marx:Engels translation (Sochineniia, VII, 569-
7o) had a German printing of 30,000 (ibid., 6r5) and was announced in an un-
published letter of Engels to the Times (text in ibid., 493-4).
326. In Marx's book defending the accused (Enthlillungen liber den Karnmu-
nistenprozess zu Kln, Basel, 1853; tr. with intr. by R. Livingstone, The Cologne
Communist Trial, L/NY, 2972), he attacked the Willich group for conspiratorial
excesses and suggested that his own minion was to build "the opposition party of
the future" on a new and different basis (Werke, VIII, 461; McLellan, 252). Marx
attempted to start the germ of such a party by grouping 6o Germans into a Work-
ers* Association that met twice a week late in 185z before it disintegrated when its
key members rejoined the larger Willich group in the late summer of 1852. See
G. Becker, "Die neue Arbeiter-Verein in London 1852," Zeitschrift filr Celsterwissen-
schaft, 1966.
317. The argument of Stadelmann, History.
318 Dommanget, Belle-Ile, 66; test in Unto. den; Banner des Marrismus, 1928,
Mari 145
319. The importance of this neglected uprising is stressed by C. Tilly (who points
out that only Tice of 26,000 arrested were agrarian workers), "The Changing Place
of Collective Violence," in M. Richter, ed., Essays in Social and Political History,
Cambridge, blase., 1970.
Sao . Draper, 46.
32I. It appeared serially and is republished in Selected Works. 311-426.
322- Ibid., 323.
323 Sochineniia, VIII. ta6.
324. Warta and Weydemeyer were former Prussian officers who later became
military leaders of the Northern armies in the American Civil War: the former a
major general who marched with Sherman through Georgia; the latter the military
commandant of St. Louis. Both continued to hold Marx in the highest esteem de-
spite earlier arguments. Weydemeyer arrived in the USA on Nov 7, 1851; published
his article in the third issue of Turn-Zeitung, NY, 1852, Jan i; and also included
a reprint of the first Installment of Engels's Peasant War in Germany (Draper. 44).
325. Marx, Engels, Selected Correspondence, Moscow, nd., 86.
326. In itogi I perspektivy, written in prison early in 1906; published in Nasha
revolfutslia, St. Petersburg, rte, 224-86; discussed E_ Carr, The Bolshevik Revolu-
tion, Li islo, 1, 56-8, 61. Trotsky derived the idea from Alexander lielphand
(Parvus) much as Marx took it from Blanqui. See Z. Zeman and W. Scharlau, The
Merchant of Revolution, Oxford, 1965, 36, xxo-r.
327. P. Foner, "Statuten des Kommunisten Ktubs in New York," Science and So-
ciety, i9771 Fall. 334-7.
328. See his Born unii Jersusalem, die letzte Nationalitatsfrage, Leipzig, 1862.
329. Letter of Feb 29, z86o, to F. Freiligrath in Marx, Sochfneniia, XXX, 400,
46; also Mikhailov, letaripia,

Chapter 10
2. P. Annenkov, Reminiscences of Marx and Engels, 27o ff., cited in McLellan,
Marx. 156-7.
2. Moses Hess, Briefwechsel, 157, McLellan, 158.
3 Werke, IV, to.
4. Herr Vogt, In Werke, XI V, 43 McLellan, 158-9.
5. A. Babel, "La premiere Internationale, ses debuts et son activate a Geneve de
1864 a 187o," in 1a es cretudes economiques et sociales offerts a William E.
Rappardi Geneva 1944, 239.
6. Citations in P. Haubtlnann, Marx et Proudhan. 1947, 31-2. There it MI no
comprehensive, scholarly treatment of this conflict. Perhape the best survey

Copyrighted material
Chapter zo 599
sues is by E. Mier, "Marx und Proudhon," in I. Fetiches, ed., Marxismusstudien,
Tubingen, 2957, 120-50.
J. Jackson, Marx, Proudhon and European Socialism, NY, zg62, is a useful in-
troduction, lacking documentation or adequate bibliography. Among the better in.
accounts are E. Dolleans, "La rencontre de Proudhon et de Marx," Revue
d'Histoire Moderne, XI, 1936, 5-30; M. Bourguin, "Des rapport, entre Proudhon et
Karl Marx," Le Contra Social, IX, 105, 95-107; G. Gurvitch, "Proudhon et Marx,"
Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologic, 1g66, Jan-Jun, 7-16; A. Cuvillier, "Marx et
Proudhon," Cerrie de la Runk neuve, Paris. A is lumiire de Marrisme, 1937,
151-238; W. Pickles, "Marx and Proudhon," Politica, 1938, Sep, 236-6o; E. Dru-
mont, "Proudhon et Karl Marx," in Les tritaux du auccic knives de bronze ou
statues de neige, 19o2, 315-32; J. Dessaint, "Proudhon ou Karl Marx," Nouvelle
Revue, XLIII, !gig, g7-4013; G. Adler, Die Crundlagen der Karl Marx'schen Kritik
der bestehenden Volhswirtschaft, bin en, 1687, 169-202; G. Pirou, "Proudhon-
lame et Marxisme," Revue des Mois. XX, 1929. 237-56; and V. Zastenker, "Proudhon
et proudhonisme de 1846 k 1848," Recherches tovietiques, :956, May-Jun, 151-94-
For a relatively favorable biography of Proudhon by a man on the way to becom-
ing a Marxist, see M. Tugan-Baranovsky, Prudon, ego zhive i obthchestvennaia
deiateirnosti, St. Petersburg, s8 r. Modern Marxism-Leninism follows the hostile
pattern set by Yu. Steklov in his polemic attack just after the Soviet seizure of
power: Prudon otets anarkhii, Petrograd, 19'8. Marx's own views are summarized
and developed more soberly In "Marx Ober Proudhon," Die Nye Zeit, XXICI, 19:3i
For more recent work on Proudhon. see the essays and discussion reprinted from
a colloquium on the centenary of his death: L'actualite de Proudhon, Brussels,
1967; and A. Ritter, The Politico, Thought of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Princeton,
rte. Ritter's bibliographical discussion (3-25) counterbalances the more hostile
earlier discussion in E. Carr, Studies in Revolution, L, 1950, 38-55.
7. A large section of Marx's Holy Family, written late in 1844, favorably con-
trasts Proudhon to the Germane. Citation and discussion in DollEans, "Rencontre,"
8. Citation and discussion in Haubtmann, 33. Marx goes on to say, with a touch
of envy, "Proudhon writes not simply in the interest of the proletariat, he is him.
self a proletarian, a worker" (34). Proudhonis promise to discover the correct future
forms of society "by the observation of the causes and effects of property" repre-
nented a good statement of the mission that Marx himself adopted. It was also
claimed as a new imperative and hailed as "a Communist work" by Barrnby's The
Communist Chronicle, I, no. 6, 36.
9. Premier milmoire Sur la proprietd, cited in Haubtmann, 35.
so. Argued in Haubtmann, 34-9.
11- Bourguin, 98 if.
12- "On the Jewish Question" and "Contribution to the Critique of egel's Philos-
ophy of Right," in Marx, Early Writings, L, 1963,
13. Letter to Bergmann of Oct 24, 1844, in Corres- pondance, II, i66.
14. Die sot is Bewegung in Frankreich und Belgien, Darmstadt, 1845,
15. Cited in Bougie, Sociologic. 8g.
16. Haubtmann, 64 (which includes the full text of both letters ).
17. Ibid.
18. Mid., 68.
ref 70-3-
20. The two volumes are republished together with an introduction and slight
abridgement of Proudhon, 1964: Proudhon, Systeme des contradictions iconorniques
ou philosophie de la miscue. Marx, Misere de la philosophie: Reponse 4 la philos.
ophie de is flashy de M. Proudhon.
2.1. The only exception might be the later work of r 8t Herr Vogt, which is,
however, more an extended pamphlet and a purely ad hominem attack.
22. General Idea of the Revolution in the tilineteenth Century, L, z923. 74.
23. Discussion in Dolitans, "Rencontre." 13-4.
24. Letters of Aug 8 and 24 to Engels, discussed in Rubel, "Caldera," 415 See
also Rubers Marx devant le Bonapartisme, The Hague/Paric zgao; and R. Rosdol-
sky. Zur Entstehungsgeschichte des MarrscPaen "Kapital," Frankfurt, 1968,
25. Eventually published in Arkhiv Mark is i Engersa, 1948, X, 5-34. Engels had
already mitten for Marx late in 1848 a savage attack on the way in which workers
and revolutionaries in Paris seemed seduced by l'Proudhon's preteritious monstros..
ity" and left "unprotected, exposed to the merciless claws of the wolf Proudhon"
(Marx, Engels, Collected Works, M, 1977, VIII, z29, r31).
When Marx turned in 1857-8 to Igniting the seven notebooks that were the first
sketch of his comprehensive analysis of modern political economy, Proudhon was

Copyrighted material
600 Chapter 20

still his principal target of criticism among the living. M. Nicolaus in his introduc-
tion to the first English publication of this work identifies Proudhon and Ricardo as
Marx's "rincipal theoretical an ( Marc, Grundrisse, NY, 1973, zo; and
Bee Marx. text, esp. 04-6, 843-4).
26. This line of attack reached an intemperate climax in the indictment by the
veteran French Stalinist G. Cogniot: Proudhon et la demagogic bonapartiste: un
"sociaUste" coquetterie avec le pouvoir personnel, 1958.
27. Marx to Johann Schweitzer", Jan 24, 1865, cited in The Poverty of Philosophy,
Moscow, 1956, 224; original usage in ibid., 14z.
i8. S. St be, Frederik Dreier, ha= Uv, haus samtfd og halts sociale taenkning,
Copenhagen, 1 959" 41-30 48, esp. 151 if., and 297-8. His characteristically Prou-
dhonist .antinitionalisin is illustrated in Foingenes Freintid and particularly Frem-
tidens Foliteopdragelse, both of 1848. See discussion in Stybe, 295-6; B. MaIon, "Le
Sociaisme en Danmark," La Revue Sociaitsge, IX, 188g, 394 ff.
29. C. ,hacker, The Black Flag of Anarchy: Antistatirm in the United States, NY,
1968, 86-8. Proudhonist influence on other American radicals, such as Benjamin
Tucker, is stressed in R. Rocker, Pioneers of Ainerican Freedcrm, Los Angeles, i949.
3o. &althe, 79-80.
31. 88-9r.
3.2. Les bentocrates asserrnentis et ks refractaires, 1863.
33. See the material added by the editor, M. Leroy, to the 1924 edition of De is
Capaciti politique des classes outpriires.
34. Braunthal, x20-38 and if, for the main facts; and, for a rich overall bibliog.
raphy of the International by countries by J. Rougerie, see Mouvement Social, 1965.
Apr-Jmn, 127-38. The best Marxist account is still Yu. Steklov, History of the First
International, L. x929.
35. Cited in firaunthal, 125.
36 Cited in Rubel, "Charte," 20. De Pcrepe later described his own 'yawn of
antidogmatic communism, which still bore traces of Proudhon's influence, as "Le
COMMUldgMe relatif, La Revue Sac-White, XI, 1890, 547-53.
37. Characterization of the Franco-Swiss Proudhoniat, Dr. Pierre Coullery, in
Braunthal, 23o.
38. Winston, Mikhailloyalty, 22-3, 188; 3. Bites, Svetozar Marhovie, Bel.
grade, 1922, 130-44. Likewise, those who wanted to turn Ruasian intellectuals away
from to Marxism in the z880s, began by seeking to translate Mares Pov-
erty of hilosophv into Russian. See the unpublished letter of Vera Easulich to
Engels in N. Nark, d*The Workers' Section and the Challenge of the 'Young'
Narodnala Voila, x881-3[884," The Russian Review, 1978, Jul, 296-7.
39. For differing interpretations of Proudhores impact on Pi y Mar el and the
Spanish anarcho-federalist tradition, see A. Jutglar, Federalism y revolucidni Bar-
celona. 1966; and F. Urales, La Evoluciern de la filosofla en Espana, Barcelona,
1968, esp. 28 ff., 75 If. For Proudhon's influence In Portugal after x852, see the
rich anthology: Proudhon e la culturd portuguesa, ed. Garcia Petrus (Lisbon?),
1961-8,5 v. For Mexico in the Mos and 18701. tee G. Garcia Cantu, El socialism
en Mexico, vial xix, Mexico, 1969, 112,172.-9.
40. Cited In 59.
41. Eduard Bernstein, cited in L. Febvre, "tine question d'influence. firoudhon et
le syndicalism conternporain," revue dtSynthese Historique, 1909, Aug-Dec, 193.
See also, for the influence of Proudhon during this period, E. Lagarde, La Revanche
de Proudhon ou l'avenir du socialisme mutuelliste, 1905; J. Julliard, Fernand Pel-
Wisner et let origines du syndicalinne &action direct., 1971, 205 if, 265 lie; and,
most incisively of all. A. Kriegel, Le Pain et Les roses. jalons pour une histoire des
sociaiiiines, 1973, 89-z06.
42. J. Rougerie, "Sur l'Histoire de la Premiere In Mouvement Social,
ig85, Apr-Jun, 28-34.
43. J. Clapham, The Economic Development of France and Germany, /BIS-1914,
Cambridge, 103, 258-g.
44, Cited in Bougie. Sociologic,. 117.
45. Cited from De la Justice in H. de Lubac, The Un.Matrian Socialist, L, 1g48,
46. Cited in E. Dolleans, Proudhon, 1949, 338.
47. Marx, letter to P. Annenkov of Dec 211, 1846, in Poverty, 217. The Marxist
tradition contends that this attitude arises logically from the class position of the
petit bourgeois, who necessarily wavers between the bourgeoisie above him and the
proletariat below.
For a differing explanation of the 'conflict in the understanding of contradictions
by the two men, Me Thies, 131-3,

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Chapter io 6oi

48. See the section on Kant, Hegel, and Proudhon in Lubac, 140-85.
49. Poverty, 125 A fuller analysis of the ways in which Proudhon plays with a
kind of dialect contained in Chen Kui-Si, La Dialect dans l'oeuvre de Prou-
dhon, 1936, Of Froudhon's basic moralism, 1). Brogan has written "Proudhon was
never asking Is this truer, but always 41s this right?' (Proudhon, L, 1934p 37)
50. De la justice dans la Revolution et dans l'Eglise, 1858, I, 43; see the section
"Adoration of Justice" in Lubac, 276-843.
51. "The will makes man a tyrant before wealth does; the proletarian's heart is
the same as the rich man's, a sink of boiling sensuality, a center of lewdness and
trickery?' Philosophic de la mfare, cited in Lubac, 431.
52. Philosophic as cited in Lubac, 296 n. 35.
53. De la Justice, cited in Lubac, 28.
54* D. Dillard noted Proudhonian anticipations of Keynesian ideas on money and
interest: "Keynes and Proudhon," Journal of Economic History. 1942, May, 63-76.
The quality of Proudhon's economic writings has perhaps been underestimated.
Manuel du speculateur a la bourse (x853), his most popular and heavily reprinted
work, was a frequently penetrating guide to speculative investment by one with a
purely intellectual interest in the process.
55. Interpretation suggested by the analysis of R. Tucker, Philosophy and Myth in
Karl Marx, Cambridge, ig6t, zo8-54; and The Marxian Revolutionary Idea, NY,
1969e 51-3-
58. "I am anarchist in all the strength of the term." Qu'eat-ce que la propriete,
1840, in Oeuvres complEtes, 1888, J. 212. Sometimes be used the form an-archique
(Carnets de P. Jr. Proudhon, 1960, I, 203).
57. F. Rudi. "Le mouvement ouvrier It Lyon," Revue de Psychotogie des peoples,
XIII, 1958, 231-5. P. Ansart, Naissance de ranarrhisme. Esquisse duns explication
sociologique du proudhonisme, r+ O, 165 if.
58. Proudhon opposed Louis Blanc's state-organized social workshops as part of
the "artificial centralization" (Solution du probleme social, Oeuvres, VI, X3) that
Parisians were forever imposing on the rest of France, and argued that the "working
classes" (not, in his language, a unitary "proletariat") were best served not in
'capturing, but in defeating both power and monopoly' on x66, cited
Alien. 5).
59. The unification of Italy and Germany in the z86.os is seen not just a* the
victory of modern nationalism, but also as the defeat of a prior predilection through-
out Europe for ':federative experiments' in Binkley, Realism, 181 ff.
6o. De la Cap , 1924, 198 (see also 404); and Idea of the Revolution, 74. For
the progression of Proudhon's views, see A. thod, "
La theorie de iltat et du
gouvernement dans l'oeuvre du Proulibon. De l'anarchie au federalisrne," Revue
d'filstoire Economique et Sociale, XI, r923, 27o-304; also Ansart, Sociologic de
Proudh I. 1967, I 31-42.
61. See his Du Principe federatif, 18.83; and L. Abensour, "P. J. Proudhon et la
Polo e,`' Grande Revue, Ciii, 19200 3-15.
62. La Federation et rtsnitede IPItalie, 1882, 27-8. See discussion in Salm,
"Liridea dl Europa," especially of Giuseppe Ferrari, the Italian sympathizer of
Proudhon who feared that the advent of large states would destroy European domi-
nance altogether in favor of America. Russia, and perhaps eventually China
(Ferrari, La Chine et l'Europe, 1867, 598). Ferrari, though himself a professor, also
shared Proudhon's fear of intellectuals in power. See his Les philosophes salaries
occ-upes a organiser one reaction occulte, 1849. See Ferrari's study of Proudhon
(1875) published in C. Sainte.Beuve, P. J. Proudhon sa vie et ems dance
1838-1848, Milan, 1947, 375-424; also C. Lovett, Giuseppe Ferrari and the Italian
Revolution. Chapel 1111I, 1979.
63. Jackson, Marx, Proudhon, 23. Yet Proudhon rejected decentralization that was
purely political in nature, such as that urged by a German foe of Marc, Moritz
Rittinghausen, who argued for a Swiss type of direct, local legislation. To Proudhon,
this was even worse than electing representatives to a distant assembly, for direct
legislation implicates people In transacting uniform and restrictive laws, while
elected legislators might still retain flexibi li and represent diversity. RittInghausen s
Le LOgislation &recce Pair le peuple ou la veritable democratie, 1850, is criticized in
Proudhon, Idea, 143-53; defended by Rittinghausen in La Legislation directe par
le peuple et ses adversaires, Brussels, 1852 (English translation, intr. A. Harvey),
Direct Legislation by the People, NY, 1897.
64. Marx, letter to Engels, Jun 20, 066, cited in S. Bloom, The World of Nations,
A Study of the National Implications in the Work of Karl Marx, PM 1941, 28-9. a
generally neglected study drawn on and further refined (on the basis of newly dis-
covered manuscripts of Marx and Engels on the Polish question) in an unpublished

Copyrighted material
paper 0f A+ walicki, "Marx, Engels and Romantic Polish Nati
which this analysis is indebted. li 5
65. Bloom, 36.
66. Cited in K. Marx, F. Engels, The Russian m enace to Eu 9771 tO
99-1. TPe, Cler,_toe
67. Proudhon, Idea, xx8.
s. A long, prophetic passage about the masses' inclinatin 19s,
criteria for politicians in an age when "le pouvoir siet ait fait al:. toward a
Proudhon by N. K. Mikhailovsky at the beginning of an artin
modern state, which specially influenced the populist movement tr i8 cit:crtkrozr, 4"i
i 4i. Critieizi

Bismarck,' Otechestvertnye Zapiski, 1871, Feb, in sochinenfia, st"nb llussia , n..f (lit
yr, .71..2 . see also V, 15. 4-etersbu" ii-otlilt
69. La Guerre et la paix, i86x, III. zg, 1%7,
7o. La Guerre, 451 andadifv.octahtreouogfhwir.taTkhee misinterpret .
which portray him as an out of Context h'
tracing the stubborn appeal of war and the deperidencH e ios tfo
upon it. Proudhon has even been accused of proto-fascism. see ji shutory and act
Joseph Proudhon, Harbinger of Fascism," American nr:
i::iaht Ins.(seana
i tetv,
r181P1 :ehjui,
: ttri:
71. Dolleans, Proutihon, 377-82.
72. This famous phrase, from Marx's "Contribution to the Grit'
Philosophy of Right," is cited with other similar passages in Lemry, Re ef( a I,
Revolution, 542. 9" and
73. Jackson, Marx, Proudhon, 16-8.
74. Cited in Lubac, 8i, 83,
75. The raison creglise of the Pharisees, "the Jesuits of Jer l .,
usa em, wa t
sidious forerunner of the raison cretat of the "new Jesuits," the political l she in.
the modern, Jacobin state. In combating both church and state, Proudhe:ders al
solace from the example of Christ ("I fight against the strong; I do not crunshd7
weak"cited in Lubac, 65) and from images of Christian apocalypse (looktine
forward in his "Revolutionary Manifesto" to the imminent time "when civilizationg
willappear to us as a perpetual apocalypse . when by the reform of society Chris.
tianity will have found its second strength' [Le Peuple, 1848, Sep 2;
in Dollearis,
Proudhon, 1491). In his last work he characterized the French working classes as
"this Paraclete for whose coming the apostles waited" (De la Capacite, 129-30).
He left behind the manuscript for an uncompleted opus, Caeserism and Christianity,
in part to answer Ronan's portrayal of Cluita as a dreamy mystic in his Life of
76. E. Simmons, Leo Tolstoy, Boston, 1946, 649-5o.
77. See particularly Proudhon "Toast a la revolution," Le Peuple, 1848, Oct 17:
in Dolleans, Proudhon, 150, 215; "11 n'y a pas eu piusieurs revolutions, in my a eu
quiune revolution. La Revolution, it y a dix-huit siedes, s'appelait l'Evangile, la
bonne nouvelle. . , . Ces chretiens, ces revolutionnaires firent la premiere et la plus
grande des revolutions . . . la Revolution est en permanence . . . il n'y a eu qu'une
seule et memo et perpetuelle revolution."
78. Tolstoy's debt to Prouclhon has yet to be fully studied. A beginning has been
made in S. Lafitte, "Tolstoi, Herzen et Proudhon," in Studi in yore di Ettore L0
Catto e Giovanni Mayer, Florence, 1962, 381-93 Proudhon not only infiljenced, To.1.
stoy's opposition to war and to the state power that iafter ineeti,n hull In
a created it a
Brussels the year he publish kd La Guerre et la paix; Proudhon aels - ne ed
. e mflue the}
Russian migr Bar on . FreFis e
(Schedo-Ferroti), who published in 1864 I . ,
Le pr r
rogram du congres europeen This was a Proudhon , ist projdectiatroedwenayre csee jjT ..
the right to make
armaments, and governments the right to declare ire, 19'
15 ff,
Blanqui et l'opposition revolutionnaire a la fin du second emP
79. M. Bub r, Paths in
Utopia, L, 1949 24-37, 86, 88,146-9. proudhunian
J. Bancal
4gtopian s . In has dev l
/Ma Lsm" i
e oped Buber's idea into a distiriction betweentdy) and the
utopian sod 1' , N organically rooted somewhere, however nlinu iiind), See

PrOUdhOn P a Ism 1 of intellectuals (located only

. in the megalomanic s" ., robe
of the xx rzuraiisme et autogestion, 1970, II, 155, Bancal calls Proudhon ',aiitogese
non), pert centurr (HP 232-4) with his advocacy of worker a u ton% with the
"furled ( II, 21 9_20 e ), and a radical pluralism compati,
Bo. G Hal lur ll'
,pip of modern science" (I, 181). ro. Tbe cm
iniPortant rnroue Proudhonisme et le syndicalisme revolutionnai re, 19 . riti a) ittisilicll'
is 11. Labry, pHriec;gzreanPh documenting Proudhon's influence on anY iniv.1 iiy IndIfiese
and supp1-ernented byetM. Proudhon, 1928, which has now been substantlende Bils-
Mervand, "Herten et Proudhon," Cahners al u
Chapter 11 6o3
et ti e, 1971, Jan---Jun, zzo-88. There is still no comprehensive survey of
Proudhon's influence in either Russia or Eastern Europe,
81. Citations and discussion in Billingtors, Mikhailovsky, Herzen, in a
letter to Proudhon in Jul. Ass (Mervand, 113), wrote: "You are the only auton
mous thinker of the revolution."
82. The document "Dolzhny li my zaniarsia izucheniem ideala budushchego?"
was first published only in Russian (Byioe, 292i, no. /7); its influence is discussed
in Venturi, 483 if.
83. Bourguin, "Proudhon et Marx," z06.
84. Ideomanie, See Gurvitch, "Proudhon et Marx," To,
85. See Saint.Beuve oa Proudhon, discussed in Bourguin, 102.
86. Ansart, Naissance, 250-3, for the links with more recent youthful protest
against the "externalization" of power; also 2.36, however. for the protest of the
neo-romantics against Proudhon's antifeminism. Accused (or credited) with origi-
nating everything from fascism to deficit finance, Proudhon's views on women have
now been read as indicating homosexuality. See D. Guerin, "Proud on et remota
'unisexuel,'" Arcadie, 1965 Jan-Feb. x33-4-
87. A learned but rather pitiful Soviet scholar named N. Zastenker appears to
have been condemned to spend his entire life denouncing Proudhon and anyone
who has ever said a kind word about him. For samples, see his articles In ittori.
chesky Zhurnal, 19441 no. 10--1; Literaturnoe Nasledstvo, LXII, x955; and Frant-
sky Ezhegodnik. rgeo. His "Ideinoe bankrotstvo sevremennogo neo-prudonizrna,"
Vo.prosy fatorii, 1908, Sep, esp, 93-4; and "Marxet Proudhon aujourd'hui," CahieTs
du Communisme, 196g, Feb-Mar, are particularly antagonistic to any suggestion of
a future synthesis of Marxist and Froudhonist ideas-advanced by Curvitch and in
the summary to the centennial colloquium on Proudhon: Actualite de Proudhan,

Chapter 11
1. Marrast, "La presse revolutionnaire," Paris revolutionnaire, 348.
2. Robertson, 1848k 37.
3. Postgate, Revolution, 167; Robertson, 1848. 2Et 40-1; Weill, Journal, 225.
4, "The Placards of Path," Hwtes Journal, 1848, Apr 15, 247-8.
5. Ibid., 248.
6. H. Innis, The Bias of Communications, Toronto, 195!, as paraphrased in G.
fides, The New Mass Media: ChaUenge to a Free Society, Washington, D.C., 1968,
7. According to Gans, "Origine," Elz.
B. See G. Holyoake's article in Dictionary of National Biography, IX, 750-1; and
his Life of Henry Hetherington, published in the year of Hetherington's death, L.
9. J. Harrison, Utopianism and Education. Robert Owen and the Owenites, NY,
z988, 9.
zo. Morton, Utopia, 335.
Fahrny-Bey, Valdenture, 30.
"Renseignexnents." Actuante de l'histoire, 1957, Oct. 18-9,
r3. Ibid., 20-2.
14. Ibid., z9-2o.
15, A, Booth, Saint-Simon and the Saint-Simonians, L, z871, 194.
18. Bertrand, Histoire, 436-9; also, for the role of foreign emigrants in the con-
tinuing revolutionary and Journalistic ferment in Belgium, see Battistini,
italiani Belgio, 173-38.
17. Bertrand, 440.
ze. H. Feeder. Marx send Engels am Vora bend der Revolution; die Ausarbeitutog
der polititchen Richtlinien fur die deutschen Kaminunisten (r846-1848). 1060B
119, Cornu, Marx et Engels, I, 253 ff.
20. Cridindungsdokument, 14-61 McLellan, Mimi, 152-3.
21. The existing treatments of Marx's career as journalist by no means exhaust
the subject: K. Bittel, Karl Marx als Journalist, 1953; A. Hutt. "Karl Marx as a
Journalist," Marximn Today, 196o. May; and, with a fuller bibliography, K. Seletnev,
Hof' K. Maritsa i F. Engersa v sozdanti rabochei pech.ati. 1965.
22. C. Weill, Le Journal. Origines, 'evolution et rd fie d_e 14 presse ptcriodique, 1934,
z95, and ff. for succinct account of the changes. See also L. Radiguer, Maims

Copyrighted material
604 Chapter ii

primeurs et ouvriers typographes, 1903, z67 ff., for the technology and sociology of
the changes.
23 W. Ong, The Presence of the Word, New Haven, 1967, uses these terms to
designate the two stages that succeed and supplant an earlier oral culture. More
generally, although less systematically, see M. McLuhan, Understanding Media; the
Extensions of Man, NY, 1964; and the work of Innis, which largely inspired him.
Useful bibliography on the typographical revolution is provided by E. Eisenstein,
.Some Conjectures about the Impact of Printing on Western Society and Thought
A Preliminary Report," journal of Modern History, 1968, Mar, 1-56.
24. 3. Kirchner traces the origin of the tern from the Arabic plural mahazin to
the Italian magazino (arsenal) on to England and thence to Germany in x747 in
Die Grundlagen des deutschen Zeitichriftenwesens, Leipzig, z928, pan I, 126-7. This
German history (like Soviet histories) of journalism is rich in detail, but does not
integrate its specialized subject into general histork-al context.
25. L. Faucher, ilLa Presse en Angleterre," Revue des Deux Mondes, 1826, Sep rs,
692. The date and the page reference to this useful article are incorrectly cited In
L. O'Boyle, ''The Image of the Journalist in France, Germany and England, 2825-
.1848," Comparative Studies in Society and History, 2968, Apr, 314'-
26, Marren in Paris revolutionnaire, 3o6.
27. Cited In C. Ledre, HistoIre de la pew, 1958, r58.
a8, Ibid.
29. E, Hamburger, 'Episodes de is lutte entre Napoleon fir et la press anglaise,"
Cahiers de la Prarse, 1938, Oct-Dec, 617-23. The author underscores the neglect of
this subject by historians, but overlooks himself H. Klein, Napoleon tend die Presse.
Napoleons Kampf gegen die Presse, Bonn, 1918; also A. Periner. NaPoliorn journal-
iste, 191g.
3. Duchene crAbrantvs. Merriam', cited in Ledre. Histoirei 160.
31. G. Bourgui, 'Note sur Robert Baheuf, fils de Gracchus et journaliste," Cahiers
de La Neste, rg38, Apr-Jun, 223-04,4101-Sept 386-05.
32. ld. 394.
33. Etienne Arago, in Paris retrolueionnaire, 405.
34. This is the only tradition of radical journalism whose lxicology and tradi-
tions have been subjected to careful study during the important formative period.
See Peprowski, Slawnic two frazeologie. The impact of the Polish tradition on
France and Europe is discussed by the works of L Cocci, partly summarized in his
"Lee debuts de 1a preen de la grande Amigration polonaise en France et son char-
acters clandestin (1832-1833)," Revue d'Histoire Mode me et Contemporaine, 1968,
Apr-Jun. 3o4-20.
35, A. Saint-Prosper, Du Monopole de rimprimerie, z83z, cited in Radiguer, zoo.
36. C. Sainte-Foy, Souvenirs, 146, cited in Louis, HittOiler 438. Lamen.nais helped
extend the revolutionary impulse beyond anticlerical intellectuals by Insisting on
the Christian qualities of the Polish and Belgian upheavals_ See particularly C. de
Coax, "Des Societes secretes en Italie," L'Avenir, 1831, Apr 23.
37. Dubois, an early editor, cited in A. Levi, 'Le Globe' Sa fondationsa redac-
tionson influence d` spas des documents dits," Vances et Travaux de rAca&-
mie des Sciences Morales et Politiques, # 19o4, 588-9o.
38. Evans SOCiaiiinte 34. Beginning Jul IS, 283z, The Globe was formally sub-
titled "Journal of the Doctrine of Saint-Simon." See G. Weill, L'Ecole Saint.
Simonienne, AA, 65 and ff.
39, Cited from The Globe, Sep 9, 1831, in J. Vidalenc, "Les techniques de la
propagande Saint-Sinionienne I la fin de 1831," Archives de Socioiogie des Religions,
196o, Jul-Dec, 8.
40. Vidalenc, 8, 14; also Z2 for "the originality and amplitude of this props.
41. Ibid., 13 fir. See 19 for a map of Saint-Simonian churches and correspondents
throughout France.
42. Cited from his article "De rindividualisme et du dal e," in Evans, So-
cialirme, 2213-4. The article first appeared under a different title In Revue Encircio-
pidique, 1833, Oct, 94-417, but was formally published only in 1834.
43. See particularly his De l'Humaniti, de son principe. et de son avenfr; oa se
frame expos& la vraie dilinition de la religion, et oil lion explique le sens, la euite,
et Ilenchablement du Mosartme et du Christianisme, 1154o, av; ad ed. 1845, By in-
vesting this term with radical social content, he prepared for its use as the title of
the first organ of the socialist Jean James, from whom It was taken as the name for
the journal of the modern French Communist party.
44- This term had a varied subsequent usage, eventually even on the Right See
J. Hayward, "Solidarity: The Social History of an Idea in 19th Century France,"
International Review of Social History,111, 1059, 281-84. I

Copyrighted material
Chapter 21
cited in Evans' 39'
45. el,i2inally entitled Nouveau procede ty
III 46 ',Znerie mobile et du stereotype " rePptgbriiarhhiAque_ qui Teunit le
de 11:Inpf in Revue Independante, 1843, Jan. See Eva-II-se-A as "Iyune -s vant,39"
raphleiiarren, Manifesto, Berkeley Heights, N,Jr. 1 8CialiBMC 03 ""elle
I 47. ' 1952 (originan,' J',
Agt Ibid., I. -I "41), 6,
, Leroux, Aux ouvriers typographes. Lie la
but de rendre les ouvriers proprietaires necessite de 4p...
49' ju our des ins:
t ion aYant V ne assoc .
under u .
033- From the subtitle and epigraph respectively of h.
iiaciftque du Problerne du Prcaetariat. Leroux end .1 upla Revue 80:ia., Itaice
ott s 1 .
4 the Isle of Jersey for agricultural em
experun after
retreating . , .
to mmiaturizedhis - ents thatNaPI5leon , , Iii
. gu
II s uti"
as they ideal. :
eyen a'arli
cited in Ledre, Histoire, 201-2. avveail

1 . ibid., 209.
1 They dramatized the_ threat inf revolution i n order to cr
reforEa. see 3. Hamburger, James M ill and the eate thei, pr essurIsi6a
Ar t of Revolution mew e for
54 , Cited in G. Perreux, Au temps des sociit,
55 . prospectus of Le Slade Jun 23, 1836 escisecre .-sD 1 931, 168,
ted 7n V. Ainvelle Lo P
France. Genese et evolution de ses fonctions psycho-sociales., 1965, 205,
resse el.,
5 ... .

5 6, "Publicite des faits et non polemique des Ides," ibid

57. Hatin, Histoire, 149-52; also J.-P. Seguin, Nouvelles a sensation.
xixe sikie, 1959. Canards du
58. Ibid., 202.
9, Edouard Alletz, De Ia Democratic nouvelie, 1838, Bp 65,6,
6o. Ibid., 64.
61. Characterization of Charles Philipon, founder of La Caricature, cited in 0,
Larkin, Downier: Man of His Tinze, NY, 1966, 14. On the subsequent history and
social significance of the political cartoon in the modern world, see the bibliography
in L. Streicher, "David Low and the Sociology of Caricature," Comparative Studies
in Society and His VIII, 1965-6, no. i, _T-2; and several other articles on the
subject in subsequent editions of the same periodical, particularly W. Coupe, "The
German Cartoon and the Revolution of 1848," IX, 1967, no. 2, 137-67.
62. Larnennais, Correspondance, II, 321, cited in Hatin, Histoire, 146; also 144 ff.
and Ledre, La Presse, 142 ff.
63. Joseph penile% cited in Larkin, Daumier, r5 See also A. Blum, " Carica. La

ture politique sous la monarchic de juinet," Gazette des Beaus-Arts, x92o, Mar-Apr,
257-77. Revolutionaries did not, of course, use lithography only for pictures. Louis
Kossuth used it as a young delegate to the Hungarian diet in 1834 to publish the
proces-verbaI of that hitherto secret body. See Weill, Journal, 188-9. aricature C Os
flourished briefly in Prussia between the repeal of censorship on lithography in May
1 842 and renewed police repression in Feb, I843. See K. Koszyk, Deutsche Presse
ins Z. Jahrhundert, z9661 88.
64. See Progress of British Newspapers in the Nineteenth Century, L, n.d-y 4_5 th( ae
Compendium by the Swan Electric Engineering Company from thebeg inning 0t.
65ll. I ustrated London News, 1 (1842, May 14-Dec 31 ), il'
66. . Chesnier du Chesne, "LtAgence Havas," shiers de la pr ess , 1938' Jan-
Mar, 106.
67, wet'', Journal, 199.
68 . Koszyk, Order during
6g. F. m, Deutsche .. Presse, 212 3.
legrap.. a--
the cha..... trier 7 The Railways, the Electric Te
xtist Period, I837-48," History, 1953, Feb, esP. 48- 11
jennbe,dingtent in der
'D 7' VV. SChroder, "Politische Ansichten and Aktionen a xv, ig66, noi
"Ins in
c-enschaft," Wissenschafatche der Universitat
,236. ' Z ' h
ettsc 'ft
1 ' Ibid., 235.
.. F,Teie StiMmen f ergiA 2:1.5
rzscher Jugend 8 discusse" in
I I 1 9, Au ust Becker 1843-
31 jited in G Bravo, "11 cornunisnio tedes." in 4SVIIUSeCrli a4r6d
1/11.1Strat kininS oa_nininatiLbehl'iShed P116A4
1S83486ff5" Annaii Vi, Stio n. 63. See also other SCh
SO .' esPi Ludwig Seeger and August Becker's anonY IN, _hieuer, .1121:7 ridWilhellril
. .....,1 Review ot
41121 e Cedichte .,,,,,,}
und die de von Heinz und Kunz, Bern, z844; Intern a 116Pr ihi I her,

Social Li utsche politische Handwerkerlyrik ire V71;Ta'griuniraoypeur.sseO eu_r.

A Cbrzan-
sought zitondtf, V} 196o, no. 2, 265-90. c.a. _ ction from the P
owilki. se e ve an entire philosophy o f. sooi ioa_ runi, 1918. n 0 tre Pre5 se dans la
INFOSZ. Augusta Cieszkowskteg , 1.1 Z
74. Gabrie *Tie rol e conoderabie isifie
, 1958,
F b 241.
e P
lizop,agatione, ap, cited by R. Callas,
ues id es cornrnunistes," Cahiers du Ccrinniun
6o6 Chapter
75. Cited in J. Hamburger, Intellectuals in Politics. J. S. Mill and the Philosophic
Radicals, New Haven, 1965, 127.
76. Cited in A. Schoyen, The Chartist Challenge, L, 1958, 6.
77. proces de T. Thant 24.
78. "Address to our readers," The Prontethear. or Cammunitarian Apostle, r842,
Jan X2.
7. G. Barany, Stephen Stechenyi and the Awakening of Hungary, z791-184z,
Princeton, 1968, 382-3. Mazzini called his equally successful journalism "a sacer-
dotal act, the work of an apostolate." Ravenna, Giornalismo, 5.
80. Mikhailovsky's bust of Belinsky was a clear icon-substitute, and his writing
desk on which the bust stood was described as "an altar on which he celebrated his
holy rites." by V. Tilnofeeva; Gleb Uspensky Zhinti, 1935, I is.
Soviet scholarship has now rescued Mikhailovsky from the total neglect of the
Stalin era. But, because Milcbailovsky lived into the early twentieth century and
incurred the polemic wrath of the young Lenin, be is still not incorporated into
revolutionary hagiography. For his journalistic links and a summary of new Soviet
literature since publication in 1958 of Billington, Mihhailovihy, see V. Tvardov.
skaia, "MK. Mikhailovskyl iNarodnitia Volia; " Istoricheskie Zapishi, LXXXII, 1968,
163-203. See also Vilenskaia, Mikhailorvsky, 1978.
Si. Bittel Marx als journalist, 13-4.
82. MEGA. Erste Abteilung, I, Enter Halbband, 337. On Bastille Day, 1842, Marx
called journalism the force for engaging "philosophy as such against the world."
Werke, I, 97-8, as cited in O. Hamm an, "The Young Marx, Reconsidered," Journal
of the History of Ideas, 1970, Jan-Mar, lir. Engels's first signed journalistic piece
was the translation of a poem "On the Invention of Printing." See Cornu, Marx et
Engels, I, 227 n. I. For both the Spanish and German texts with commentary by
H. Koch, see "Die Ode auf die Erfindung der Buchdruckerkunst von Jose Manuel
Quintana and Friedrich Engels," Wissenichaftliche Zeitschrift der Universitiit Jena,
1952/53, i923.
83. Bittei,
84. Ibid., 23.
85. Koszyk, 84. For more examples and details, see H. Keller, Die politisc hen
Verlagsanstalten and Druckertien in der Schweiz 1840-1848, Bern, 1935.
86. An exception was the Irish Fenian movement, which sent back arms and
pamphlets to several generations of Irish revolutionaries, and even launched a mili
tary attack on the English in Canada at the end of the American Civil War. Of the
revolutionary nationalists, the Polish exile press within Europe continued to influ-
ence a wide spectrum of revolutionaries, See J. Borejsza, W krtgu wel l h ulyg-
naliceiw z848-1895, Warsaw, 1963.
87. G. Becker, "Journaux de l' union ouvriere de Cologne," in Presse ouvriere,
88. S. Nalaman, "In der Parted der Neuen Rheinischen Zeitung," in Lassalie,
Hanover, zg7o, 125-78, esp. 127.
89. F. Balser, +'U rye presse a redaction ouvriere, i848-1851," in Press, otntriere,
238 ff; and 286 ff., 309 ff.
go. The sixth etude of Corberon, De la Justice, discussed inM. Coilinet, "Les
debuts du machinisme devant les contemporalns (376o-1 844;0," Le Contrat Social,
x965, May-Jun, esp. 195.
91. Noyes, Organization, esp. 131-43, and materials referenced therein.
92. Radiguer, Maitre' Imprimeurs, 352-3, 273.
93. One delegate from Lyon proclaimed: 'That which exists among the typog-
raphers of Paris should exist among all typographers, not only of France, but of
Europe, of the entire universe" (Radiguer, 354-5). Their professional journal
Typographia of Mar 25, 1848, asserted that "Vouvrier-imprimeur represente, pour
parley franebement, l' tatsuperieur du proletariat.'" Cited by J. Droz and P. Ayco--
berry, "Structures social= et courants ideologiques dans l'Allemagne pre-revolu-
tionnaire, 1835-1847," Annaii, VI, 187.
94a Herzen, My Past, II, 8o6. The attribution to Duchene is tentative.
95. Ibid. See Rho the entire chapter on Proucihon, 805-39.
96. On Herzen's aid to Proudhon, see E. Carr, "Some Unpublished Letters of
Alexander Herzen," Oxford Slavonic Papers, 1952, 83 ff.; also 208 for a work
Herzen tried to write against Girardin. For Proudhon as a journalist in this era, see
A. Darimon, A travers une Revolution 0847-48551, 1884,
Presse outoriEre, 176 and ff.
98. Cited in V. Kuleshov, "Otechestvennye zapiski" I literatura 4o'kh godov XIX
vekap 1959, 4.
99. Ibid., 357-9 13. 78.
zoo. Report of Bulgarin to the third section, cited without precise documentation

Copyrighted material
Chapter 12 607

in ibid., ma. If, as it appear., the report dates from 1842, this would be the earliest
usage of the term "communist" in Russia.
On the special importance of Sand's works in this journal (and on the formation
of a literature with social content in Russia) see zos. and more fully K. Sanine.
Les Annales de In patrie et la diffusion de is pens& francaise to Rustic (z868-
1884), 1955, 6o ff.
zoz. Written in Nice and first published in abbreviated form in L'Avenentent du
Pew,le, Paris, 185x, Nov 19, and in full as Le Peuple ruse et le socialism. Lettre
a Monsieur J. he t, Professeur au College de France, 1852; and, in English, in
From the Other Shore, L, 1956, 165-208.
102. Poliarriaia Zvezda like Kolokol has now been completely reproduced in fac-
simile, z966. On the earlier Polar Star of the Decembrists, see V. Berezina, Russkaia
zhurnalistika pervol cheiverti XIX veka, Leningrad. 19651 74 fr.
ton. A recent study has revealed this network to have been an important means
of bringing together aristocratic and nonaristocratic elements (and to have included
figures not previously known to have had revolutionary connections such as the
ethnographer A. N. Afarias'ev). See N. Eiderman, Taftwe horrespondenty ipoitarmoi
zvezdy,' 1966, and review thereof by A. Ttakov, Prornetei, I967, no. 2. 314-5.
104. S. Svatikov, "Studenticheskaia p hat's z755 po 1915 g.," Put' studen-
chestva, 1916. :8, referenced in the unpublished doctoral dissertation of T. Hegarty.
I Student Movements in Russian Universities. 1855-186i." Harvard. 1964. For an-
other, later Ekho in Vilnius, see Borshrvittskaia pechae v clooktiabr'sky period, 1959.
105. Cited in Venturi, Roots, 285.
Jog). Ibid., 286.
1o7. Venturi, 286; Yarmolinsky,
zo8. From text in B. Bazilevsky (Bogucharsky), hf o riai dim ittorii revoitut.
sionnago dvizhertiia v roaril v 6o-kh 9g., St. Petersburg, 19051 43. The Contemptuous
term liberalishki was also used in Moscow circles. See N. Pirumova, "M. Bakunin
ili S. Nechaev?" Prometei, V, 1968, 173.
Iog. See B. Koremin, Takackev f revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie z86okh godov, The
Hague, :969 (reprinted from 1922); and P. G. Zaichne-vsky i "Mol4xlaia Rostiia,"
o. E. Vilenskaia, Revoliutsionnoe podpol'e v Rossii (60-e gody XIX v.), zg65,
137. This work summarizes new scholarship on Land and Liberty and supplements
Venturi. Roots.

I i,.OM V. I. Bakst, see B. KoZmin, Izf istorii revoliutsiannoi mysli v Rossii, ig6i,
506 ff.
1z2. N. Valentinov, Encounters with Lenin, L, 1968, esp. 63-8, stresses the im-
portance of Chernyshevsky's example to Lenin. See also W. Woehrlln, Chernyshev-
skii. The Man and the Journalist, Cambridge, Mass., zwz.
113. On this journal, published between Jul z802 and May 1863, by Kaitus
Kalinovsky, see E. Golornia and E4 Fingerit, Rasprostranenie pechats v dorevoliut-
sionnai Rosa' t v Souttskom Soigne, 1959,11-2.

Chapter 12
1. Milosz, History, 199, also 2.31. The best Polish work on Levy is J. Borejsza,
Sekretarz Adama Mickiewicza, 1969.
2. A. Levy. La Russie Mr le Danube. 2853, 175.
3. S. Marks, "Aspects des relations roumano-francaises: contribution diArmand
Levy," Revue Romaine d'Histoire, ig73 no. 2. 375-94.
4. T. Huebner, The Germans in America, Philadelphia/NY, 1962, 99--zor.
5. Cited in Huebner, 'oz. See also Theodore Poesche and Charles Goepp, The
New Rome. NY, 1853. The militant, pro-union nationalism during the Civil War of
Germans like Carl Schurz is well known. Some like Goepp went so far as to call for
breaking up the state system in the South to insure strong national hegemony
(The National Club on the Reconsiniction of the Union, NY, 1864).
6. Lebning, " 201-2.

7. Nearly 1,000 according to H. Payne and 11. Grosshans, .The Revolutionaries

and the French political police in the 1850's," American Historical Review, 1963,
Jul, 954-5.
8. Ibid., 210, and n. 4.
9, These are the only two slogans appearing on the certificate issued to monetary
contributors, reproduced in Lehning, "Association," opposite zio; see alio the official
Manifesto of Jun 24, 1858 267.

Copyrighted material
Io. For a reproduction . of the Bulletin o if Le h r rri 12
international ,
published its key articles in all four languages-En glish
lish-see ibid., opposite 230. P Ndirerit a i wilki L

I I Lehning 's suggestion ("Association )li - w- that At w

ri m
organization of a proletarian and socialist character" is effectiewIrst intern.
Nikolaevsky ("Secret Societies and the First I 8 min
l ternat'il.os4n3 a:16)::::enh4A:::::11:gt;
42-3), who points out that the words workere eVOilifl UY
never appear in its statutes. But Nikolaevsky underestimates the and "Prol;i"'44-
social revolution in labeling the association "a definite step back lr corrinlitmarlaw.
ternational organizations that the English Chartists had tried to cr
"dinhorn th... tZt it. ti'
I2. Delo Petrashevtsev, H, 95.
2 3. Des soriatistes francais a zif. Mazzini, Brussels, 1852 ; and oil,
sustained feud are referenced in Lehning, "Association," 2,08_9 jr: trt iiiirozlia i,_
14. dlAux
Republicains, Democrates et Socialistes de rEuro 4" thi8
-Association," 274. Lehning could find no Copy of the English veg a }" in Lehriin
1 85 8, Dec 7, and reproduces the French text from Le Libertaire 11 ljTuikblisiltd og;
(233 nix) of "the most important publication issued by the . -9 Feb
International Committee" (233). .a4 and the
15. Iliidi, 274-5.
16. Ibid., 276-7.
17. thidi, 233. Lehning surprisingly does not connect the Polish
either the nationalist predilections or the aristocratic bac kgr ou 64"vith
d doe-ff --tieh
revolutionaries. PP Polis
I13, "Address of the International Association to the Democratic
Lehning, 281-3. 5
Party "in

19. Letter of Aug 28, 1858, from the London Central Committee of the 1
national Association to the Icarian community of Nauvoo in Lehning, 272. ter
n --*
20. This journal, which considered itself both communistic and analehistic,
perpetuated the vigorous anti.Mazzinian criticism first sounded by Branciano (the
Italian foe of nationalism, self-styled "frAerad of the red flag," and cotditor with
Hugo of L'Homme on the Isle of Jersey). D6jacques's views are set forth in his Ida
Question revolutionnaire, reprinted 1971,
2.! . Lehning, "Association,' 236-8.
22. Cited in J. Saville, Ernest Jones, Chartist, L, Ig52., 58-9. This was technically
a public meeting (the first) of the International Committee out of which the
International Association was formed (Bratmthal, 77).
23. Cited in Lehning, 2r3-4.
24. M. St. John Packe, Orsini, The Story of a Conspiracy, Boston, 1957 223 F
Although Orsini had by then broken with Mazzini, the extent of MazziniPs own
encouragement of terrorist activities is stressed by Nikolaevsky in "Societies,' 434
and A. Luzio, Carlo Alberto e Giuseppe Mazziiii, Turin, 1923.
25. Nikolaevsky, "Societies," 44.
26. Ibid., 38 ff.
27. R. Grew, A Sterner Plan for Italian Unity, Princeton, 1963 . and foe of
28. See the unpublished paper of David on this friend of Baku
and the Cauge

the meliorative, pro-Hapsburg nationalism of Paiackj: Josef V. Fricv Marc,

of Czech Independence (1859-1864), es pi 5-6 and references 32-;
Sochineniia, VII, 208, 249. when jn
Eakunin had also been in touch with an embryonic ' Finnish grouP
to the Fong . 'h
Stockholm. See the newly discovered program set forth in Apr 25, 1863: pus
,,Tio m Baku'
nationalist poet Emile von Quanten: E. Rudnitskaia, ddNeiZVeStnCle sm Finielli

nina," Prometei, 1969, TIO. 7, 236-41. Freedom was escsitae1 GeorOL

"D(e20- 460aria Z,
Estonia, Latvia, Poland, Lithuania, the Ukraine, LittleprIlouj ii
and all the Caucasus,
6 Juin 18"
_,..,8, 38.
30. Text Hi is in "Konwencja miedzy 3. Garibaldim a J. Mea.
373; discussed in David, .27a ,,_ od
wrgicznY, XXVIII, 1923, BO. 21 176000
3z. AC Leh s*
A ning, "Bakunin's Conceptions of Revolutionary Organ's
their Role: Essa_,... 7In addi.
of E. H. Carr,Study of his 'Secret Societies,' " in C. Abramsky,tary ed.,
!nataetrpil; rism.i'lri Yffic,
tion, see DA Nlejlt ja9u 74,11 06c1h-e5rkaind ff., contains new docuinen idei 1 st de ana"Prs
sOtiiarnym 5Ii ,88
Ip9o to2 r!i anarkhicheshikh
voprosam, Detroit, and if; C. Marti, rige atnue;
enIn Bandon
corre (1, Barcelona, 1959, 70 n. 77.4 f his rnrciecli
,, ihire
xj. e o the 12-4ion
tly stressing
a the transnational, social revolutionary that a!' .4 liberai
during_the:_ . e last years, Lehning ma y go too far by conten.dingd in na tiorha.
of the Polish insurrectuion in 1863, Bakunin no longer believe
movements as a win e 110. 1
social and revolutionary force" (57). Nif. Nettlau, Ba
2, The fundamental workson this period are by
Chapter 12 609

nazio-nale in Italia dal 1864 al 1872, Geneva, 1928; and Bakunin and the Interna-
tional in Spain (earlier German edition of the former in Archiv fur die Geschichte
des Sozialismus und der Arbeiterbewegung, Igrz-2 ; earlier Spanish edition of
the latter, Buenos Aires. 1925). On Switzeriand and the Jura federation, see the
annotated collection by Bakunin's principal Swiss follower, James Guillaume,
lanternatlanak: documents et souvenirs 0864-1878), 1905-10, 4 v; and new
material in A. Lehning's monumental Archives Balgottnine. Leiden, 1961 et seq.,
5 v. to date.
Discussions of other material and views are (for Switzerland) Freyniond, ed.,
Etudes et documents stir la premiere internationale en Suisse, Geneva, 1964. and
(for Italy) L. Valiani, L'Historiographie de Iltaiie contemporaine, Geneva, 1968,
33. For the rich subculture of conspiracy in Spain. see C. WI, La ReooluciOn de
z868, NY, zg7o; on Italy, see the classic study by N. Rouen, with new introduction
by L. Valiani: Mazzini e Bakunin, Turin, i907.
34. Citations in J. Jon, The Anarchists, L. 1964, 921 also 111-3.
35. Bakunin, L'Eripire knauto.gerreanique et la revolution sociale (1871) in
Oeuvres, II; and the uncompleted sequel (Nov-Dec. 1872) published in Lehning,
ed., Michel Bakounine et les conflits dans I'Internotionale z87z. La question
germaine-slave, le communieme d' t, Leiden, 2965, 169-219.
36. Bakunin, f WSW amici &Italia, cited from Nettlau fn Jo% Anarchists, rob.
37. Nikolaevsky, 41-2 and notes.
38. Paris, Lion of Caprera, 63,
39. Alexander Dumas. On Board the Emma, NY, 1929, 524.
40. There is a short description in B. King, A History of Italian Unity. NY x961,
II 38-40; full information in L. Cassese, La Spedizioni di sapri, Bari, 1969; and
N. Rose, Carlo Pisacane tai risorgimento, with a preface to the new edition
(Milan. 1958) by W. Maturi, who adds more references and comment in his
Interpretazioni de riscirgimento Turin, 1962 465-71. Hales, Mazzini, 127. discusses
an earlier Mazzinian plan to try something similar.
41. Cassese, 40 (esp. n. 15), discusses the "collective hallucination" involved in
the multiplicity of inaccurate testimony that Pisacane used a red flag. A. Sidomone,
'The 'Great Fear' of 186o. Garibaldi and the Risorgirnento," Itaiian Quarterly, 1971,
Spring, 477-127, discusses the fear of social revolution that haunted Garibaldi even
in victory.
42. T. Coogan. The IRA, L, trio' 14.
43. Re also issued a kind of manifesto calling for European confederation, his
Memorandum alle potenze dellTuropa on Oct 22, rileo. See A. Tambora, "Garibaldi
e Mumps.," Atti del 3g congress di storia del risorgimento italiano, 196r, 515. On
his links with Hungarians, see L. Lajos, Caribaidi e l'emigrazione ungherese '86-
7862, Modena, 1965.
44. K. Morainic', "Garibaldi e is Polonia," Atli del 39 congress*, 336.
45. Nikolaevsky seems to go beyond his evidence in suggesting ("Societe'," 46)
that in the xgeos "Mazzini, Garibaldi, and the Philadelphians formed a bloc that
replaced the International Association of 1855-5g."
46. The first public performance of the Saito text and Verdi melody was in
London on May 24, 1962. The first international propagation came with the meeting
of French and British workers in London on Aug 5 (which prepared for the First
International). See P. Mistral. "I Conti della Prima Inte-mazionale in Italia,"
Mottimento Operato e Stesta, 1969, 229-43.
47. See particularly his "Die pole n, die Diplomatic and die Revolution."
Nis tern, has. 219-23, 1863. Jul. Nikulaaysky ("Societies," 329 n. 23) argues
somewhat unconvincingly that Becker was also a Mason on the grounds that
Martini addressed him OB 'Sear Brother."
48. On Coullery, a visionary Christian doctor who helped make the Jura a major
center of organizing activity and anti-Marxist convictions within the First Inter.
national, see 3. Freymond and M. Molnar, ' The Rise and Fall of the Fhit Inter-
national," in The Revolutionary Internationals, 14-6.
49. The Return of the Swallow and Other Poems, L, 1864, 4o-1. also i r f For his
more typical late writings. see Aids to Devotion; or Religious Readings in the Order
of the Natural and the Christian Years, L, z865.
50. Menu of the six-course dinner of Apr zi, amidst other material on Russo.
Italian contacts, collected by V. Never, in Attf del XLIII conoresso di scoria del
risorgimento Italian, x968, 47.
51. La France tare et Cariba/di, L, 1864.
52. Dedijer, The Road to Sarajevo, L, 438-43. for the problematic but not
entirely contrived question of the Masonic connections and forms of the revolu-
tionaries. For evidence of a Masonic base to the Russian revolution of March 1.17,

Copyrighted material
Rossiia nakanune Chapter
see G. Aronson, revotiutsiii Istoricheskie et' 1Q
iiberaiy, masony, sotsialisti, 1962. . tuciu, Th __
53. Dedijer, Road, x78. .rviazzini s revolutionary oath was r.i., . "niarat4
18Iy ,
(479 notes). .uprinted in ...0
For54eL "Garibaldi," 462; and for Garlib9a711d,is2sfiv :
atTsbtiovrea'bibliography on the Garibaldian ielueegnoveieoa
Garibaldi e la tradizioannedgarerifbeareid nieneas, iGnenBeilviam, ntunsesniZts.4*:::,
55. See discussion in
insurrections from i. . :ePtPE.
spread of nationalist Bosnia and ,}1 11. p r I,
1875 to Romania and Bulgaria o n. the eve
6 of Ethe Russo-
Turkish m war w of e suniiile --e
V. Trajkov, "L'Insurrection d av 187 en ulgarie et les pewn nil r of

Etudes Balhaniques, 1876, no. i, 16-41. i , 1 77,8

4- es ualkari. '
6. This movements Mechanic?: Free Press of 1828 Was the fir 'cities,-
edited by workers and forthem, according to E. Pessen, "La pr st work., ,
travail. Origine, role, ideologic," Presse ouvriere, 43.4. ernie 'Is joqtrkai
l'e Presse du
57. According to Obermann, "Germano-Americains," Presse ouvrie
58. Though the key new journal of 1845, Der Volkstribun took it, .,;;,,,,
Babeuf, its reformist tone caused Marx's displeasure and switch to
a short-lived weekly of 1852 and the "first Marxist workers' journaldie R-7,ei !, Ili
States," But Weydemeyer himself soon complained about ti on eticni
e 0:ledtrkbtoeukrtelenic-a n :
of workers in America to Marx (ibid., 84) and switched to Die Refor wa sation"
isolated Der Communist being the only journal in the New
revolutionary name from the Old. See Obermann% Joseph Weydeineyer. a
bad zE118-1866, 1968; and the unpublished doctoral thesis of O. ia rtini:
"American Disciples of Marx from the Age of Jackson to the Progreslisievrise
Wayne State, x963. a,
59, D. Riazanov's careful analysis of this stage of Marx's career concludes th
the English-language articles were largely written by Engels (Ocherki, xi at
si ),
and discusses Marx's lesser known more brief collaboration subsequently on the
even more conservative Die Presse of Vienna ( 1 59-73).
6o. See J. Wiener, The War of the Unsiamped: The Movement to Repeca the
British Newspaper Tax, 1830-1836, Cowmen, 1969; A Descriptive Finding List of
Unstamped British Periodicals, 183o sr0,36, L, 1970; and P. 'Hollis, The Pauper
Press: A Study in Working-Class Radicalm of the z83o's, Oxford, 197o.
61. For the role of John Doherty in founding The Voice of the People, Worizmen's
Expositor, and others in Manchester, and of Bronterre O'Brien in imparting a mare
revolutionary flavor to Poor Man's Guardian before joining for a time Feargus
O'Connor on his new Northern Stars founded in 1838, see M. Brooke, "Naissance de
la presse ouvriere a Manchester," and D. Thompson "Creations d' 'Brien et
d'O'Connor,'' in Presse ouvriere, xo ff. and 2x-33.
62. S. Gruner, "The Revolution of July 1830 and the expression ourgeoisie," T
Historical Journal, XI, 1968, no. 3, 469; 11. Gossez, "Presse parisienne a destination
des ouvriers 1848,1851," Presse ouvriere, x3oI. See also G. Weill, "Les Oilman
ouvriers a Paris de 1830 i 187o," Revue d'Histoire Modertze et Contemporaine , r907.
63. Cuvillier, Hammes, 91-3. Since, however, his itemization of earlier- e.sffs1
P37-91) is incomplete, especially for Lyon, his implication that journals of
began only in 1839 g.
64. Ibid., 99-154, and Cuviiiier, Un Journal d'ouvriers, igi ti for the Ind' 2

substantial quarrels with other radical publications.

5. Cuvillier, Hommes, 124-
66. Ibid., 225.
.to Gossez, Presse ouvriere, 148. Proudhon's influe ntia lia"ganl:
of this period
fart l built on links with the typographical society to help --
82 ),
he P e off ering cheap credit and mutual aid for workers (ibid.. w
68. Bareop l one-quarter of the 171 new periodicals founded period
_lli; v'llf7
(midPhilipPhilippe on Feb 251 1848 , survived for more than a brieaff ter
., 3) The symbolic father figure of revolutionarY jourioat'anal f130t't
r)u c hPe n e , Teappeared briefly in Jun the official
as an "author" in
41 _ ,TvieriniSo

delegates from the department of the Seine, Journal d es rr:Ivp"; du ChIn'
dwealasR ooent sformed (in the title of a new journal of iulY) int 'L' 01
lotion (the lost oak of the revolution) (ibid., r70 )., 1 4t official Ortikrig
6g. The demise ; People ms ipapero the La' .rionai 1413%.1.0 55
of the eh . An 1 858 of Ernest Jones's viorking' et
artIst movement, ended all British leadership m for transna'
portant nel:iin the inte o.
newspape coveme.nts. The very title,
Bee-Hive, of the most i
wr o_t. the i86os (founded by the carpenter George Pc'tteration wit r,"' 19
of thegica..ork_ing card -Victorian preocruP NewsPaPe
ideolo classes") suggests its
I day,t04,4 e1 ay concerns. See S. Coitham, "The Bee-ffive
Chapter 12 61 1

A. Briggs and J. Saville, eds., Essays in Labour History, L, 196o, I74-2oc and
"George Potter, the Junta and the Bee-Hive," International Review of Social History,
IX,, 1964, 391-432; and X. '1965. 23-65.
70. The basic name of the First International was rich in Chartist association,
their basic organization, the London Workingmen's Association of Jun 1836, having
taken its name from a group founded in May to fight the "tax on knowledge," the
Association of Working Men to Procure a Cheap and Honest Press. The Working-
men's Association had begun the tradition of Chartist internationalism in Nov 1838
with a pioneering call for solidarity to Belgian workers appealing for Anglo-Belgian.
Dutch-Rhineland worker collaboration. Text in The Constitutional, r836, Nov 12;
discussion in Lehning, "Association," 189-91, who also tyaces Anglo-continental
collaboration through the late fifties, 191-284.
7z. On this illustrated monthly Russky rabochy. see B. Dan, 'Waikato zhurnalis-
tika 7o-8o 90d0v XIX veka, 1963, 18o ff.
72. Citations in 0. Anderson, A Liberal State at War, NY, '967, 3 85. For the
support of the reformist press in provincial Sheffield, see A. Briggs, "John Arthur
Roebuck and the Crimean War,. V People, L, 1954, 60-94.
73. For the richest documentation of this attitude including material not in
subsequent Soviet editions, see D. Riazanov, Angla-rusikiia otnoshenito v otsenke
K. Maritsa (Istoriko-ltritichesky etiud), Petrograd (izdarile petrogradskago so eta
rabochikh I krasnoarmeiskikh deputatov), t918, LL.
74. Cited in Anderson. 3.
75 The poet laureate Alfred Tennyson sang of the 300 in the Heavy Brigade who
had char suicidally up a hill no less than the "noble six hundred!' of the Light
Brigade that charged "into the valley of death" (The Poetic and Dramatic Works
of Alfred. Lord Tennyson, Boston. iegg, 64o--1, 292). Elsewhere be directly chided
reformers; 'Better a rotten borough or so than a rotten fleet . ." (The Times, 1859,
May 9, cited in S. Maccoby, English Radicalism z853-1886, L, 1938, 67).
76. Weill, Journal, 242.
77 Anderson. 71. Well makes the differential less great.
78. The Saturday Review. cited in Weill, 240.
79. Oxford English Dictionary, V, second pagination. 585* for these, apparently
the first, uses of "jingo" in this new sense. Mid,. II, 304, for La Cocarde of 1831
and the first use of "chauvinism" in 1870,
80. Kolokol, 1864, no. 44-45; cited in Russkata periodicheshaia pechar 07=-
1894} 19591 25.
8i. Cited in M. Lemke, Ocherki po istorli russitoi t semi r i zhurrialistiki XIX
stoletiia, St. Petersburg, 1904, 279.
82. Ibid., 279; this figure was 4.000 more than its nearest competitor (ibid., 358).
83. Cited in Eirokgauz-Efron, Entsililapedichesky slova?, XIV, 732. See also
S. Nevedensky, Katkov i ego vTernia, St. Petersburg, 1888.
84. Yarmolinsky, Road. i3o.
85. Cited in Brokgauz-Efron, XIV, 732.
86 Ibid.
87. C. Moser, Antinihilism in the Russian novel of the zeetes. The Hague, 1964.
88, Rutikaia pechati, 342.
89. S. Pushkarev pointed this out to me convincingly in an extended discussion
of my Icon (letter of Jul 3o, 2966, 9.-r o) referring particularly to the characteriza-
tion in A. Lcibanov-Rostovsky, Rusria and Europe 1825-1878, Ann Arbor, T954, 25g-
go. Russkaia pechat% 436-7.
al. P. Pulzer, The Rise of Political ArttiSemitism in Germany and Austria, NY,
1954, 34 ft
92 Brokgauz-Efron, L ill, 794; also Russkaia ;lecke, 5139-i x.
93. Outside of France, the legend was both most intense and most revolutionary
in Poland. FL Segel, "The Polish Napoleonic Cult from Mickiewicz to teromski,"
Indiana Slavic Studies, IV, 103, 12B-51.
g4. In addition to his well-known contacts with the national revolutionaries,
Napoleon also had zi meetings in London with Cabet at precisely the time he was
first popularizing the name and ideas of communism. See M. Prudhornmeaux,
"Louis Bonaparte et Etienne Cabet en 1839," La Revolution de 1848, 1909-10,
Mar-Apr, 6-15.
95. S. Burchell, Imperial Masquerade. The Paris of Napoleon ff1, NY, 1g7i, 38 ff.
96. Ibid., 241.
97. Ibid. i 44
98. The way in which the positivism of Saint-Simonis disciple Auguste Comte
provided a kind of substitute Ideology for both conservative Catholicism and revolu-
tionary romanticism is fully traced in D. Charlton, Positivist Thought in France

Copyrighted material
during the Second Empire, z8,52 z87o, Oxford, 1959; and , al:net
Positivism in the Nineteenth Century, Ithaca, z96 3, 73 ff. w sir..
g g .. Constantin Ressler, System der Staatslehre, on, E.,
Leipzig, x8 'tool .-ectn
Hegel a la revolution, 98. 57, xvii -,
Remusat, Memoires. II, 59. ciled in ,.
!cutt r
roi. Jules Faure, cited in D. Kulstein, Napoleo n III and th, 3

Study of Government Propaganda uncler the Second E '' vvorki

Angeles, 1969, 4x. This study (particularly 3e,_66) ahoy Th-Pere, s aern9 C444.
Napoleon's regulation of the press involving reading 546 dphs how l:lento/1:
in addition to the Paris press, and requiring four difFerent- nrnental :,,.,,te vial
vention. See also L. Case, French Opinion on War and Di f . 8 of any-"Pape:,
Empireo,f Pahovilaedrenlm iaibinz
phen danildroN
Second PE"ta"during
Study s9p5i4re
, ncial ll'b:1
gander Milieu, The Hague, 1974. f::::
c'reagn Policy ita:r K M ? II t1 t eh Pre$4 nEi
ie i:SPee 4 ;:
x02. Cited from Jolt', Dialogues aux enfers entre Mach
la politique de Machiavel au Xiffe siecle, Brussels } 186d 1,.. - vei ,
---,1 e* monies 4
The famed anti-Jewish tract, Protocols of the Elder
paraphrase of Joly's work. rge exte '
103. Extracts from the various interpretations together zit
er With
be supplemented by Burchell, Kulstein., and other more recent w ibliGera,
in B. Gooch, Napoleon Ill Man of Destiny. Enlightened sorks usetherileY) (to
Fascist?, 1963, and S. Osgood, Napoleon Iii. Buffoon, Modern ot.aestnan ot proatole
Boston, 1963. These infelicitously phrased alternatives do nortator, or Spinx?,
sibilities. More recent works often follow lines set out haust the NE.
System of Napoleon III, 1958, and suggest that the image of efi lik The moss tip in Z ld' x
ulator of mass politics might be more appropriate. See, for instrAsnt master Inalliii-
included in Gooch or Osgood: T. Corley, Democratic Despot. A Life to a Work E
1961. of li 1 /14 apo1eot nicl. iii,
104. B. Koebner, "The Emergence of the Concept of Imperia
Journal, V, 1952, 73161-.41; and, more fully, in his h itperta Tustn: lism -$ "-ambridge ri
significance of a political word, i84o-z96o, Cambridge, 1964. t he noTT arid
Koebner traces the term from English criticism of Napoleon III to Enghsh
criticism in the 18705; but there was I French usage of 1869 in the modern sens
contrasting "resprit imperialiste" with. "nos institutions liberales" in J. Amiguel seeIfi
La Politique 'fun honnete homme, 90 cited amidst many other uses from the period
of the Franco-Prussian War in L is, Le Vocabulaire potttique et social en
France de 1869 a z872, 1962, 319.
xos. Inaugural article in the first issue of La Marseillaise, 1869, Dec 39, cited
in A. ever g, Henri Rochefort le pemphietaire, 1946, 77.
ro6. Unreferenced epigram, cited in ibid., 35.
107. Examples, which lose their mordant quality in translation, particularly for
a modern reader not used to the demi-teaots and sous-entendus thatprev.ous_ i Iy
dominated nineteenth-centuu journalism in France, see ibid., 47-8.
1o8. I. Collins,, The Government and the Newspaper Press in France 21NN-1 881 i
Oxford, 1959, 155-6.
109. La Lanterne, xer aerie, no. 32, xo-i.
ID). PaschaL.Grousset in 189x (Zevaes, Rochefort, 78) ; Eu gene Verr 'n . ... in iia
letter of i869 to James Guillaume (then secretary of the First International): ibid.
78. _.1.-t the MY
III. Phrase of the Russian satirist Michael Saltykov, lamenting delicate con,
under Napoleon had become preoccupied with "women's fashions and eli t
diments" (Za Ruben hem in hbrannye sochineniia, 1940g 391 ).
n2. Zevaes, Rochefort, 78.
he circulaticIljt
xx3. According to Recius, Cirardin, 210, who also provides t qcs, Giraron,-
tistics and other information on Girardin. Already by the late 1 !,, ulate tumult
anti-Prussian tone "surpassed anything that was permitted to the inariZi in cd'rrk'
of deputies on the right." According to his comic porn ollivier, c
Presse, 214. ...nent in ut-, velq ,te
, 11 4. Weill, Journal, 285-9x. For the role of the press on the cfno" olitik, Gach7jel
ing chauvinist sentiment after 1871, see H. Pross, LiteratuTAmodio u" '
und Programme der politisch-iiterarischen Zeitschriften tifi 1 oi s ielneSP" l'ir
'wit 187o, tin/Freiburg, 1963; R. Manevy, La Presse dela IT, viennese -p W I
1955; and material referenced in W. Haacke, 4"The Austrian an u
Gazette, Xgtuvr, x968, No. 3, 195-216. 61"
690,19 60J r4lt
xxs. Cited in F. Mott, American journalism. A /Ileum z ile9 '111
1962, 529. ri 63 PrQvi
116. G. Gra tzner, Die Pariser Kommune, Cologne/OP4 8- en '
1 19 '
Chapter /2 613

exhaustive history of the myth, particularly its intimidating effect on German

Social Democrats.
117. Cheng Chih-Szu, "The Great Lessons of the Paris Commune," Peking Review,
1966, Apr /, 23-6; Apr 8, 17-8, 25; Apr 15, 23-9.
118. G. Ionescu, "Lenin, the Commune and the State," Govern-ment and Opposi-
tion, 1970, Spring, 131-65. V. Eremina, "V. L Lenin kak istorik parizhskoi kora-
muny," oprosy Istorii, 1971, no. 2, 31-43.
119. M. Mashkin, "IC istorli boeby za Komrnuttu v Alzhire," Voprosy Istorii,
1949, no. 6, 85-99.
120. N. Goncharov, " Wiselitsalrevoliutsionnye listovki c parizhskoi kommune,"
Literaturnoe Nasledstvo, I, xg3i, 161, 164, and material on 159.
121. R. Williams, The French Revolution of 2870-1871, NY, 1969, x.
122. S. Edwards, The Communards of Paris, 1871, L, 1973, 20F 53-4.
123. Williams, 152.
124. A. Decoufie, La Commune de Paris (187/). Revolution populaire et pouvoir
revolutionnaire, /969, 217-47.
125. Ibid., 248-9. The Parisian branch of the International took a strongly anti-
nationalist tone, proclaiming in Apr that "country" is now an "empty word" and
that "France is dead." See Jules Nostag, "CountryHumanity," La Revolution
politigue et so sale, no. 3, in Postgate, Revolution, 298.
126. Characterization of Sartre, cited in Decoufle, x8.
127. Jules Valles in Le Cri du Peuple. Mar 30, cited in Edwards, Communards,
128. Cited from an editorial in Vengeur, Mar 3, in Dubois, Vocabulaire, 50.
129. Villiers de l'Isle-Adam, "Paris as a Festival," reprinted in Edwards, 140.
130. M. Waldman, "The Revolutionary as Criminal in i9th Century France: A
Study of the Communards and Deportees," Science and Society, 1973, Spring,
31-55; and 37-8, n. 26, for various estimates of deaths.
131. Borejsza, -"Portrait," 153-4. So great was the European-wide revulsion at
the Commune that Dbrowski's two sons were driven to suicide and his brother to
crime in exile. For the large Polish participation in the Commune, see K. Wyczaiiika,
Polac v Komunie paryskiej, 1971.
132. On this remarkable figure, see Borejsza, "Legend and Truth," Poland, 1973,
Dec, 22-5.
133. His article "Communism" appeared without attribution in Der Schweizerische
Republikaner, 1843, Jun 2, 6, 13, and is discussed in Yu. Steklov, Mikhail Aleksand-
rovich Bakunin. Ego zhizn' i deiaternose, 1926,1, 148-58.
134. Cited in E. Pyziur, The Doctrine of Anarchism of Michael A. Bakunin,
Chicago, 1968, 30 n. His reference to Steklov, III, 227, is inaccurate. Steklov notes
one exception, when Bakunin referred to himself as a "communist" in Oct 1844
(I, 147 n. 1). Steklov further elaborates on Bakunin's opposition to communism
in his retrospective apologia for Lenin's adoption of the label in 1918: to zhe
kammunisty? K voprosu o naimenoranii nashei partii, NY, r9r9.
135. Citations from A. Lehning, "Theorie et pratique du federalisme anti-etatique
en 1870-1871," International Review of Social History, XVIII, 1972, 457. In addi-
tion, see Yu. Steklov, "Bakunin i franko.prusskaia voina 1870-I," Colds Minuvshago,
1915, no. 5, 5-43; and H. Temkin, "Marx and Bakunin: A Dispute on the Principle
of Organization of the Labor Movement," unpublished paper of the Russian Re-
search Center, Harvard, Jan 7, 1971. For his debt to Proudhon, see Lehning, "Con.
ception," 71; and particularly "Letters to a Frenchman on the Present Crisis"
(x870), in S. Dolgoff, ed., Bakunin on Anarchy, NY, 1972, 202.
136. Ibid., 213.
137. Ibid., 21 4.
138. Ibid., 197. Italics in the original.
139. Ibid., 202.
140. Ibid., r96; Archives Bakounine, INT, 235.
x41. Lebning, "Theorie," 458-9; Dolgoff, 178-80.
142. Introduction by Lehning to Bakunin. Selected Writings, L, 1973, 23-4.
143. Letter of Aug 23, 1870, in Lebning, "Theorie," 46o.
x44. Letter of Sep 29, 1870, in Lehning, "Theorie," 465.
145. Letter of Oct 28,1870, ibid. 465.
146. 'he
T Paris Commune and ;he Idea of the State," written just after the fall
of the Commune, in Bakunin, Writings, 199,
147. Ibid., 201; and "Reponse d'un international Mazzini," in ibid., 214.
148. Bakunin, Writings, 203.
149. Johann Most, Die Pariser Commune vor den Berliner Gerichten, Braun.
schweig, 1875, esp. 14-5.

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

614 Chapter 12
150. "Civil War in France," cited in Postgate, Revolution, 305, vz. Marx later
qualified his support of the Commune, leading some scholars of Marxism, such as
Bertram Wolfe and George Lichtheim, to suggest that Marx virtually repudiated the
uprising. But it was this work that alone influenced the revolutionary tradition.
r5r. Ibid., 316.
152. Ibid., 310.
153. Ibid., 307-8.
154. Ibid., 335. Marx's voodoo rhetoric against the "French Sulla" was in part
the special wrath of the gods against a fallen angelThiers having in his youth
been for many the model of a radical man of ideas rising to power to change, rather
than to be changed by, the system. See O'Boyle, 312.
155. Postgate, 319.
156, Ibid., 319, 336.
157. Ibid., 325. Marx even claimed that the counter-revolutionaries "knew that
three months' free communication of Communal Paris with the provinces would
bring about a general rising of the peasants."
158. Ibid., 322.
159. Text of Instructions pour une prise d'armes and discussion by G. Bourgin
in Archiv ffir die Geschfchte des Sozialismus and der Arbeiterbewegung, XV , 1930,
16o. Marxist historians downplay the extent of Marx's dependence on Blanquists
even as they provide evidence of links with Marxism in the fight against Prou-
dhonism/Bakuninism. S. Bernstein alleges that the rival Bakuninist Alliance was
founded in the presence of Blanqui late in 0368 (The Beginnings of Marxian
Socialism in France, NY, 1965, 2d ed., xiv), but also suggests that Marx persuaded
Blanqui to send delegates to the Geneva Congress in 1867, only to have them re
jected by Proudhonists then and in 1868.
M. Paz argues that "It is in their parallel and persistent animosity against
Proudhon that Blanqui and Marx find each other" ("Auguste Blanqui, le revolu-
tionnaire professionel," unpublished doctoral thesis, Aix-en-Provence, 1974, 132, BN;
also 131-5 for Blanqui's conflict with Proudhon and his disciples, and 138-53 for
his influence on Marx and Lenin). Another unpublished typescript of Paz ("Inven-
taire sommaire des papiers d'Auguste Blanqui," 1972, EN, 18-26) stresses parallels
even more than links between Blanqui and Marx.
161. Cited in D. Stafford, From Anarchism to Reformism, Toronto, 1971, I0-I.
162. Cited in ibid., 15. See also Paul Brousse, Le Marxisme dans rinternationale,
188a; M. Rubel, "La Charte de la premiere internationale. Essai Bur le "marxisme"
dans l'association internationale des travailleurs," Mouvement Social, 1965, Apr-
Jun, esp. 3-6; and M. Mande, "A propos du concept de 'niarxisme," Cahiers de
l'Institut de Science Economique Applique, VIII, /974, 1397-1430.
163. Freymond, Etudes, 142.
164. The study of the origin and spread of this term by C. Weill ("A propos du
terme (bolchevisme,' " Cahiers du Monde Russo et SoviEtique, 1975, Jul-Dec, 353-434)
sees a parallel with Blanquism (355) but never considers Blanquist or any other
precedents for the Leninist term.
165, In 1873, at the height of his struggle with Marx, Bakunin explained that
he had changed the name of his Italian Alliance of Social Democracy of 1864 into
the Alliance of Socialist Revolutionaries "as a result of the German state com-
munists giving the term 'social democracy' a compromising, doctrinaire and state
meaning" (Istoricheshoe razvitie internatsionala, Zurich, 1873, part I, cited in
Lehning, "Conception," 62).
166. Lehning, "Conception," 73-4.
167. From the important work of Bakunin's principal Swiss follower, J. Guil-
laume, Karl Marx pangerrnaniste et l'association internationale des travailleurs de
1864 11 1870, 1915, I.
168. The militant federalists of the Jura after the Commune, cited in Stafford,
From Anarchism, 76.
169. Bakunin, Writings, 263-4; and 232-70, for Bakunin's neglected side of this
controversy, suggesting that Marx represents the future form of Bismarck's
"worship of the state."
17o. Cited in Lehning, "Theorie," 462. This predates the alleged origination of
the term by Bakuninists in Spain in 1873 and/or in Malatesta's explanation in
1876 of the Bologna uprising of 1874 (Stafford, From Anarchism, 79).
rim Published in Irpered, 1905, Mar 23, discussed in B. Itenberg, Rossiia
parizhskaia kommuna, 1971, 179 ff.
172. "La Guerre des rues," from Cluseret, Memoires, 1887, II, 273-89; reproduced
in P. Kessel, ed., 1871. La Commune et la question militaire (Cluseret-Rossel), 1971,

Auteursrechtelijk beschermd maleriaal

chapter i3

ibid. '"
73 ' 03AL 1 868, cited in T. Marix-Spire, Les Rontantiques et Ia
114` . e T ri 21
175. Letre 01 George Ju- .....an - 04-18 362 1 9541 592 n. 8; also 591 n. 6, and h
'c d 16
: t philosophic," 419-57.
70. l lie. :
o n Le f
711j-aesc Girardin, 1934, 215:
sec Ft,_, e
etsge de
such as Spanish Cuba revolutionary texts we
purposes, as when General Concha substi(teuieriad;dth ie w
A. rn 5 ac tionaryin the seco_nd 4 act duet of . Bellin" 1 s Puritan
ci for l' ,
oi5Ptie,, for "liberty" lause when the baritone sang Viva Ilan yhogw d e f ui: r :I
Flow 1, of Portici by insert' giib: T
p tr
nd in t
Teo ti,e "I: f the Mute Girl :ra-ntewllin
ti a 4-t-h--;
0 1 G" scene 0- into opera. ou b ff e (Maretzek, Revelations, 29-3
die revoi t,i0drarria
seminal critique by the Russian populist N1 1 Mild-I:1:1.o vsky "Darvin-
t oo Isrle th e Otechestvennye Zapishi, z871 0ct; dlscussed in Bil-
17g. etki Offenbaklia,"
in N. Findeizen, 'Wagner v Rossii," Russhaia muzykalinaia gazeta ,
180, Cited
Ile 167.
190 3, 110. a.,0 ,
F re 4 i Dni M. P. Musorgskogo, 1963 257, 234. The ideological
isf A, Orlva, s of the Eromi scene discussed in Bilclu insgstio n, by
c%n Ico_n. , 4o6 ff., can be
.,:nii- ' lion
litnted by the only detailed musicological dis N Briusova "Stsena
uppi " in Yu Keidysh and V, Yakoviev, M. P. Musorgshy I '
PA Kwinarill contains . a 1. rich
4 bibli ography (241-go) and a full list of M 9 3u2s' s 9or-
which also nd variant editions (291-310 A less substantial recent study is G. Khubov,
viorks a Orlova's massive compi1a2ti3on 6tr)aces deriv ations of ele-
MasorgsitY, 1969, 486-92.
mots of this scene from popular folklore (2.5-8, 4- .. Mussorgsky originally
ite heat while preparing
0 second version of the opera in Sep 1871, and announced it to Stasov as "novelty
ndnve o lty, a novelty out of novelties" (ibid., 224).
The two basic variants of Boris are discuned in V. Reiaiev, Musorgsky's Boris
Godutiov and the new version, Oxford, x928, Letters and documents are in J. Leyda
and S. Bertensson, eds., The Mussorgsky Recder, NY, 1947. There are English.
language biographies by O. von Riesemari, NY, 1929; M. CalVOCOreSSL L, 1956;
and V. Seroff, NY, 1968.
r82. On the commission of 1886-7 launched by Boulanger as minister of war, see
Chailley, "La Marseillaise,'p 14.
183.A. va4, Eugene Pottier et l'Internationale, x936, 46-53, for the material
here contained,
184.On Pierre Degeyter and the Chorus "La Lyre des travailleurs," ibid., 35-7.
185.Ibid., 53,
186. rit
Howard, The Franco-Prussian War, NY, 1962, 276, also 274.

Chapter 13
Cell D' Showalter, Railroads and Rifles, Soldiers, Technology and Unification of
rmilnY, Hamden, 7975
32: dij Epi liisi: Ti heS:iial H . istory of the Machine Gun, NY, 1976.
's9ec6azll} 64; also z ,War: From the Age of Napoleon to the Presenot_DAarythlN
1-1. Rogoerfs "The advent of rifled ordnance,,1 A Historld f
"Is' 1975) 93-ir
G i Wil,. ir II

rhe Ninete44111
The Evolution of Technology," in G. Metraux and F. Crouzet, eds.,
5. See tielit-Fentury World, NY, 1963, 167.
Otinclinn 11"ulington cS
6. ,.. ils'i 1 974, Fall, 75trurures
and Machines: The Two Sides of TechnologY"
7i 1). e., _ t Reaisism"
origital -,
octal .....arcvell, Turning Points in Western Technology, NY, 197 21 129+ The
Pr awIlitt Reflexion s
sur la Puissance motrice du feu et subr les machines
p, N"etvieloPper cette yasCardwell.
motlei,Pli Pa.! 1 Puissance, 1824, is extensively discussed a political
gi ok, _ 414 aund "The German Social Democratic Party 1890-1 914
atountoeh.icultivelih Present, 1965, Apr, 67.
lttleiknown prellistory of this term by Lenin" secretary, Vladimir Eas,ste.rn
4' Pe"11S- ." 191 as well as Finnish, Yugoslav, and subsequent ic-
ivAhip 4Lge ln the - ii to the Stalinist model of d
I. 0 n f ilkth
,. e Pr01 nu -1 40s as an alternative
51Natti a., Il etariat" see Millington, Icon, 774 n. 40 ..
gin of this tee durin ght eSpanish
pan Civil War in 1936 by palmiro
u sub
sequent adoption by Mao during the Yenan Era and others as

J. Urban, , imoscow and the Italian Communist Party: ig26__T 945 ,:at; iaBert..
summarized in her "Contemporary sovIet Perspectives 004rhi
Orbis, 1976, Winter, IT721. n :euvnoilauttp rz in t
"The NdatriaI Democratic State. A c lor::ar: he-47' 9 ,4
Developed Areas," Worl .tics 1963 Apr 37;,--8
cram s tate'' was introducedopublicly
1t at the injtern at+lanai
g. confer
e Phras
' Moscow in Nov,
parties in r9 60 (376), an . encee "flat'
of 44 Ies,
lcurial de
os by th e d ayparently origi
dissertation of the 193 soviet Africanist I. dote natedin. - '41'11'114r:11'
12. The many uses of this pler6,9 iod are documented in Mjill 84 1 in ) "1- toral
Sozialdemokrat," in Ursprudnota, 5 The rival Proudh Mier} th cd 4 e ,w...._..
- 'n r ' 1

democracy," which appea.re in the subtitle of used the teL uaT)ili

Potitique des classes ourrieres, Proudhorulsats st book De k .744 crlewe
13. Ursprung1 V3x. iwaxiacifi
14 . Wel*ke1XXX, 259 cited in McLellan, Marx, 322.
15. a' n, 132.
16. Ibid., 132.
17. Ibid., 133, 154-5-
18. Werke, XXIX, 432.
X9. G. Roth, The Social Democrats in Imperial German
also R. Reichard, Crippled from Birth, German Social Dem,. Lemiiyaii ricatc.;
Iowa, 1969; and E. Anderson, The Social and Political :n, tbhrpe83.:
Con 71 44: : e: a:
x864, Lincoln, 1954. ussla: r858_
Lassalie's organizational activity during this period is covered
collection of S. Nalaman, Die Konstituierun9 der 4
deutschen Arbe'
63, Assen, 1975; and B. Andreas, "Zur Agitation uncl Propa Eandz V. .4 megung 1862i
Deutschen Arbeitervereins I863/64, rchi fur Sozialgesch''c -- lw 4es Aligemethen
2o. Cited in Roth, 43. ute, 1963 ) III , 2g1.332.
21. Mid., 45.
22. Ibid., 46.
23. Ibid., 48 n. 3.
24. Roth, 49 fr. D. Grob, Negative Integration und revoluti "Ter A'
Die deutsche Soziaidentokratie am Varabend Taus
des Ersten Welthrieges, F tterannt urt-i
Main, 1972.
25. K. Kupisch, "Bismarck mid Lasziilv," in Vont Netismus zura Koramuninnut,
1953, esp. 132-3.
26. R. Iiiiferding, cited in Roth, 164a.
27. Lassalle's boyhood statement of belief, cited in Reichard, 149.
28. Cited in ibid., 157.
29. Koszyk, 185, 189-go.
3. Luc in oder Rapital und Artie it Ein soziaipolitisches Zeitgemaide sus der
Gegenwart, which began to appear serially in Jun, 1863, is discussed Kupisch, I35i
31. Werke, xxxxr, 620.1.
32. Koszyk, 191; see also R Morgan, The German Social Democrats and the First
International I864-1. 872, Cambridge, Mass., r965.
33. Roth, 49.55; see also the semi-official history of W. hr** r, Geseinc a..
sozialdemokratischen Parteiorganisationen in Deutschland, Dresden, 19n, ilitaand nd
34. R. Tucker contends that this is the only time Marx ever used this phrase,

that the Critique of the Gotha Program shows that Marx's conceptio, n oi,,,.en Rev.
nism was not based primarily on an ideal of distributive justice (The Mar x
olutioriary Idea, 46-50).
35. The more popular version of the work is the excerpt of key Passages "lied
Socialism: Utopian and Scientifte, first published in French in 1 884, Rditfieiskje
36, See the study based on the East German archives by aFrj'e2 aia i Novel
presledovaniia sotsial-dernoratov v Gerrnanii v kontse prix veka, Nov
shaia Istoriia, 1959) no. 4, esp. 95.
11 The Pciaiisl
37. M. Johnstone, "Marx and Engels and the Concept of the Partil arty organ
gistera 1967, 121-2. The author distinguishes four other tYPesr:tern
tiers P atir1 : caci;
. recognized by Marx as implementing his ideas: the small laaccked orga irole
?I the 1840s; parties that authentically represented labor but s
_ the
19 the 185os and 286os; the international federation of worker e nonrevoi

International); and broad national labor parties on ca by the 18 1955,

h3a8rtisct.model which they saw appearing in England and AmerLdger josou
Schorske, German Social Democracy, T905.1917, Cam
. no $ lowlew
Red bY -
zetkin, c
burl6 ireThe. painter Friedrich Zundei, husband of Clara L. I.71., IL yes
for ll'e
n a letter of Jan 25, 1902, in LettTes a Leon iogicricc ,,,,Inize oursei
40. "Our talk is not to organize the revolution, but to orb-
Chapter 13 617
revolution" (letter of Jul x i 1900, cited In ibid., 52-3). According to G. Bach
(Rosa Luxemburg. journaEiste, poihrtitte, rivolutionnaireg 1075, 147)1 this formu-
lation first appeared in 188x. The way in which Kautskyism became a form of dis
cipline as well as definition within German socialism is discussed not without some
retrospective projection of later Soviet practices in E. Matthias, "Kautsky und der
KautskyanisMus. Die Funktion der Ideolog* in der deutschen Soziaidemoicratie vor
dem ersten Weltkrieg." in L Tetscher, ed., Marxismusstudien. Prii .,b.crigeni 1957, II,
Isz-97. The most thorough treatment of Kautskrs career is now M. Waldenberg.
Wziot i upadelt /Carola Kautsitviego, Cracow. I972 2 v; the most incisive is in Kola
kowski, Currents., III, 31-57.
41- "Ein sozialdernokratischer Katechismus," Die Neese Zeit, 1893/1894, XII,
42. Letter to Franz Mehring of Jul 8, 1893, discussed in Roth, 18g.
43. He implicitly identified this technique with Marx in his "Zwischen Baden
unci Luxemburg" (Die Neese Zeit, rgogligio, II, 667). where the juxtaposition of
Mares native city of Trier between these other cities to the right and left was said
to be "a symbol of the camp of German Social Democracy." See also Nettl, Luxem.
burgp 1. 429-35; Schorske, 186-7.
44. See S. Baron, PLekhancrti, the Father of Russian Marxism, Stanford, 1963i
and 3. Braunthal, Victor und Friedrich Adler. we Cenerationen Arbeiterbetvegung,
Vienna, 1965.
45. According to L. Dealer, Socialism sib Marx, NY, 1973. 90-
46. Braunthal, 243-5.
47. Cited from the preamble to the resolution creating the bureau in L. Lftrwin,
Labor and Inter nationals-in, NY, 1929, 85.
48. Jail, 105.
49 Jai. 133; Roth* Di.
50. A. Hall, "The War of Words: Anti.sociallst Offensives and Counter-propaganda
in Wilhelmine Germany 189o-19x4," Journal of Contemporary History, x976, Jul 13.
51. "It is necessary to fight populism everywhere-be it German. French, English
or Russian," Engels wrote Vera Zasulich on Apr 3, Ago (Proletarshaia Revolitstaiia,
19291 nu. 2* 53).
33. Text in R. Tucker, ed., Marx-Engels Reader, 421. This preface was reprinted
as The Revolutionary Act, NY, 'ma.
53. Kolakowski (Currents, lfl, r) develops the idea that Kautsky wasp in effect,
only extending the modifications that Engels had already made in Marx's philosophy
(Currents, 1, 376-48). This distinction (like the more fashionable one in the late
x9601) between the early Marx of the Philosophical Manuscripts and the later Marx
of Capital is rejected for dogmatic reasons by the Marxist-Leninist hagiographies'
establishment. While too much can be made of these differences, the Engels intro.
duction is clearly almost a direct, anticipatory rejection of the Leninism that was
to come as well as of the Blanqulsm of the past in its insistence that the time Hof
revolutions carried through by small conscious minorities at the head of uncon-
scious manes, is past" (Reader, 42o).
54. Hall, 15.
55. A. Kriegel, "Le Parti Mod le: La Socialaemocratie Allemande et la lie Inter-
nationale."' Le Pain, 254, 2 58, 2 53. She stresses the importance of the 74% worker
representation in the Reichstag delegation (263). For another view of the secret of
the international appeal of the German model, see G. Niemeyer, The Second Inter-
national: T889-1914," in Drachkovich, Internationals, zot1-7.
56. Nettl, "Party," 76-8.
57. See the key Reichstag speech of Hugo Haase (loll, 175), who had previously
helped the German Social Democrats oppose aiding Austria (15g-64).
58. "Revisionism" originated in the call from South Germany for "practical re-
forming political action" aimed at "practical partial success** by Georg von Vollmer,
Ober die Ntichsten Aufgaben der deutschen Sozialdemokratie,, Munich, rig', 19*
cited in Jon, 91.
59. Text of Millwood's program in R. Ensor, Modern Sofia ice, L, 1904, 48-55;
discussion in A. Kriegel and M. Perrot, Le Socialittne francals et le pouvoir, i966.
6o, Citations from Lafargue, Le Sorialime et is conquete des pouvoirs publics,
Lille, iB99, in Kriegel and Perrot, eig---7o.
Sr. For discussion of this neglected international movement, which functioned
independently of the Second International, see Lorwin, too-.14.
6a. Lanvin, 103.
63. The founding Fabian leader Herbert Bland, cited in A. McBriar, Mei= Sem
cialisrn and English. Politics, i884-1978, Cambridge, x962, 18.
64. Ibid., 66,

Copyrighted material
618 Chapter 14
65. Cited from Democratic Socialism, in Braunthal, 164. An important group of
new German books that recapture the complexity, richness, and genuine roots in
Marxism of Bernstein's thought Is conveniently itemized and discussed in D. Mor-
gan, 44The Father of Revisionism Revisited: Eduard Bernstein," journal of Modern
Hilton,' 2979, Sep, 535-33
66. Protokoll iiber die Verhandiungen des Parteitagei, Hanover, 1899* 149, cited
Braunthal, 271.
67. The importance of the spatial and structural elements in Masonic symbolism
is stressed (without being related to revolutionary movements) by S. Baehr "The
Masonic Component in Eighteenth Century Russian Literature," in A. Cross, ed.,
Russian Literature in the Age of Catherhte the Great, Oxford, 1976, 121-39.
68. From the musically sumptuous evocation of the lost revolutionari dream at
the end of the aria Nemico del la Patric (U. Giordano, Andrea Chenier, Act III):
"Fare del mondo un Pantheon! Gil uomini in del mutare e in un sol bacio e abbracio
tune le genti amarel"
6g. H. Marks, "The Sources of Reformism in the Social Democratic Party of Ger.
many, 18.9o-29147 Journal of Modern History, XI, 1039 no. 3. 334, also Roth, 26g
n. 18. For the complex forces that led to a parallel reformist bias within the German
trade union movement at the same time, see D. Groh, "Intensification of Work and
Industrial Conflict in Germany, 1896-1014," Politics and Society, VIII, 1978, no.
3-41 349-97.

Chapter 14
I. For this reason, a bomb "resembles more a magical charm than a visible ob-
ject manufactured in a factory," according to an Indian admirm of the Russian
movement, the Congress party leader, Bal Gangadhar Mak in z9o8. See Z. Iviansky,
ll individuai Terror: Concept and 'Typology," Journal of Contemporary Historv, 1977,
Jan, 61.
2. Itillington, Icon, 40-2.
3. R. Sohlznan, (The Life of Alfred Nobel, L, 2929, 127, 282; Ivtan.ky,6o) sug-
gests that Nobel had a deep sympathy for Russian radicals until the end of his life.
The accomplishments of Ludwig Nobel (designer of the world's first tanker and
Europe's first pipelines and tank cars) in creating the Russian oil industry is par-
ticularly stressed in R. Tolf, The Russian Rocliefellers: the Saga of the Nobel Family
and the Russian oil industry, Stanford, '977.
4. According to their sister, Lenin's older brother, Alexander Ulyanov, was de-
cisively influenced by Mendeleev even while still in secondary school. A. Ivansky,
Vials' haft faker, z966, 221; also 136 ff. for the impact of Mendeleev and other
scientists on revolutionary students in St. Petersburg during the 288os.
5. R. Kantor, I'Dhiamit INarodnol Volt' " Katorga iSsyika, 1929, 220.
The leader of the People's Will in charge of explosives spoke of "leading propa-
ganda to facts" Cuesti propagandu faktam) as distinguished from the propagande
par le fait of fgSwies anarchists." S. Shiriaev in his court deposition of Jul 21, IBM:
"Avtobiograficheskala ziapiska Stepana Shiriaeva," Krasny Arkhiv, 1924, no. 71 79.
6. Kantor, zao--8.
7. Michael Froienko, a member of the executive committee of the People's Will
itlachalo narodnichestva," Katorpa I SsyLka, XXIV, 1926, 22. I have modified the
translation of this passage as presented (with inaccurate reference to the original)
in Ivianskyr 47-
8. P. Zavar2in, Rabota tainoi politsii, Paris, 2924, 94-7, on the tekhnicheskoe
bistro of the Social Democrats in Rostov. Another provincial example of this phe-
nomenon (even more marked within the rival Socialist Revolutionary party) was
the student brotherhood formed under a chemistry student, the boevaia druthina in
Kazan, which prided itself on its own distinctive bomb, the Inakedonlia, modeled on
those of Macedonian revolutionaries. See S. vshits, "Kazanskaia sotsiaklemokrati-
eheikaia organizatsija Te 1905 gui," Profetarshaia Revoliutsiia, 1923, no. 3, ro4-5, dia-
gram of the bomb opposite 104.
. A Russian his who later found favor with Stalin was one of the first to
point to the key role of students in the 1848 revoltation in the West: see E. Tarle,
Rol' studenchestua v re voliutsionnom dvizhenii v Europe v 7849 g., St Petersburg,
igoG. For statistics on the student population under Alexander II (which had fallen
from 65.3% aristocracy to 43.2% by 11375), see G. Shchetinina, "Universitety i
obshchestvennoe dvizhenie v rush v poreformenny period," Istaricheskie Zapiski,
waxy, 1969, 164-215, esp. x66.

Copyrighted material
Chapter 14 619

A. Spitzer provides a comprehensive, skeptical survey of the vast recent literature

on the concept of generational revolt in "The Historical Problem of Generations,"
American Historical Review, .1973, Dec, 1353415.
xo. On the complex question of whether the reactionary Journalist Xatkov origi-
nated the term slightly earlier or simply took It from reading Turgenev's manuscript
prior to publication, see summary and references in Killington* "Intelligentsia,
8ro-z n. 9. On the basis of a subsequent conversation with Professor Bialy of Len-
ingrad, I now incline toward the latter conclusion.
Earlier, philosophical usages of the term are referenced in Benoit-Hepner, Bakoun-
mire, 193. Prior political usages during the French Revolution are completely over-
looked in all studies referenced above. The first appears to have been by a French-
man sent to Belgium to prepare for unification with France (Antifideraliste, Oct
14, 1793, discussed in A. Mathiez, "Publica Chaussard, inventeur du nihiliste,"
Annaies flevolutionnaires, X, 1918, 409-1o). The first usage as a badge of pride is
by Anacharsis Cloots on Dec 27, 1793; "The Republic of the Rights of Man is prop-
erly speaking neither theist nor atheist; it is nihilist" (M. Frey, Us Transformations
du vocabulaire francais d repoque de Ia revolution (1788-1800), 1925, 185). The
first usage to designate a group was made in a negative usage similar to that of
Chaussard in Courier Francais, 1795, Oct x: "There was even under Robespierre a
faction that was designated by the name indifferentistes or nihilistes" (A. Aulard,
Paris pendant la rOaction thermidorienne et 801/1 IC &TETI:01M 1897, II. 285).
r. Their importance in raising student consciousness is stressed in A. Gleason,
Young Russia: The Genesis of Russian Radicalism in the 7813oPs, NT, 1980, See also
D. Brower, Training the Nihilists, Education and Radicalism in Tsarist Russia,
Ithaca, 2975,122 ff.; and ilegarty, "Movements?
Z2. K. Griewank, Deutsche Studenten and Univereitliten in der Revolution von
:848, Weimar, 1949, esp. 55 ff. on the "free academic university" whose faculty
included Kinkel; Droz, Les Rewisttions allemandes de 1848. 1957, 618-20, on the
Kinkel escape; 609, on the unique rallying of the army to revolution in Baden.
13. I follow here the modification by R. Brym ("A Note on the Raznochintsy,"
Journal of Social History, 1. 977, Mar, 354. 9) of the downgrading by Brower (Train-
big, esp. 114) of the importance of the social role of the "various ranks" (raz-
nochintsy) in explaining the revolutionary turn of youth in the 286os. On the term
itself, see C. Becker, "Raznochintsy: The Development of the Word and of the Con-
cept," American Slavic and East European Review, igsg, Feb, 63-74.
14. Brower. 1 44.
is. Ibid., xx8.
From 476 to 1026; ibid., 12 r .
/7. Ibid., 137.
18. Ibid., 137.
in. R. Zelnik, "The Sunday-School Movement in Russia, x859-1862," Journal of
Modern History, 1965, Jun, 151-70; and Ya. Abraznov, Nashi voskretnye shholv. Mit
proshloe i nastoiashchee, St. Petersburg, 1. o.
o. W. Mathes, "Origins of Confrontation Politics in Russian Universities; Stu.
dent Activism 1855-1861," Canadian Slavic Studies, 1968, Spring, 28-45; and !leg-
arty, for detail and statistics.
al. Cited as translated in Venturi, 249,248.
22. ibid., 2494
23. Characterization made by the religious philosopher Vladimir SolovDev, So-
bra/lie sochinenii, r9r z, I, 270.
24. Koz'mirs, li ittorii, 26r. Some suggested that landlords were burning St.
Petersburg in retaliation for emancipation of the serfsand even that the Tatars
were attacking. See S. Chelishev, "Krestianskoe volnenie po povodu slukhov oahl-
gariakh," Biblioteka dlia chteniia, 1863, no. 1,274,280 283.

25. Young Russia, as cited in Venturi. 295.

26. Ibid., 295-6.
27. Ibid., 29o. Zaichnevsky identifies this program with Barbes, Blanqui's prin-
cipal collaborator and associate of the 183os.
28. Ibid., 285. Venturi's account must be supplemented try the posthumous ac-
count of B. Koeinin, Iz istoriii 127-345.
29. M. Lemke, Politicheskie protsessy v Rossii z88o-kh pg., /923,1g.
30. In addition to previous references on this subject, see B. Goldman (Gorev),
"Rol' Prudona v Istoril russkogo melkoburzbuaznogo sotsiallzma," Krasnaia Nov, e
1935p no. i t 16o-73,, and other works itemized in Itenberg, Dtrizhenie, x/6, 137. See
also, for Proudhon's influence on Chernyshevsky's collaborator, Dobroliubov, V. Bat
anov, Russkie revoliutsloymye demokraty # narodornanie, Leningrad, 1974, 134.
31. The core number of "about 20" given by Venturi (286) is scaled down by

Copyrighted material
620 Chapter 14

Koz'min, Iz istorii, 134, who at the same time itemizes a larger number in some
contact with the group, which might have attained, but could not have exceeded,
15-20 (146).
32. Koz`min, Iz istorii, 157-66.
33. Ibid., 181 if.
34. Ibid., 185.
35. Peter Boborykin, Za Polveka, Moscow/Leningrad, 1926, 208.
36. Venturi, 292-3.
37. As was often to be the case with the new chauvinism, the call came not from
the center of imperial power, but from the periphery: the treatise of an obscure
Slovak, L'udovit Star, calling for unification of the Slays under Russian leadership,
with Moscow the capital, Russian the language, and Orthodoxy the religion. See
the discussion of tiir's Slavdom and the World of the Future by M. Petrovich in
Journal of Central European Affairs, 1952, Apr, i-x9; and of the Moscow Congress
in Petrovich's The Emergence of Russian Panslavism, 1856-1870, NY, 1956, 241-54.
38. Venturi's dating of 465-6 is revised in the light of new material in R. Filip-
pov, Organizatsiia ishutina, so ff.
39. Chernyshevsky had broken with Herzen upon visiting him in London in 1859.
For an example of the even more negative view of I. Khudiakov, who met Herzen
as the emissary of Hell to Geneva in 1865 and denounced him for "living like a
nobleman and not holding fast in his own life to those ideas about which he
shouted so much," see Filippov, 126.
40. One leader of the group bracketed Chernyshevsky with Christ and St. Paul
as one of the three great men of world history: "Delo Karakozova," Krasny Arkhiv,
1926, no. 4, 93. Khudiakov's tract of 1866 in Geneva was entitled "for true Chris-
tians" (Dlia istinnykh khristian).
41. Venturi, 349; also 3361 345-6.
42. For details of his grim youth, see P. Ekzernpliarsky, "Selo Ivanovo v zhizni
Sergeia Genad'evicha Nechaeva," Trudy Ivanovo-Voznesenskogo gubernskogo nauch-
nog* obshchestva kraevedeniia, vyp. 4, 1926, 7
43. P. Pomper, "Nechaev and Tsaricide: The Conspiracy within the Conspiracy,"
The Russian Review, 1973, Apr, 130.
44. Venturi, 359; and Ral11, "Sergei Genad'evich Nechaev," Bylce, 1906, VII, 137.
45. English translation of the text is in B. Dmytryshyn, Imperial Russia: A Source
Book, 1700-1917, NY, 1967, 241-7. Discussion and analysis in Venturi, Roots,
359 ff., should be supplemented by the clearer differentiation of Nechaev from
Bakunin in M. Confino, "Bakunun et Neaev. Les debuts de la rupture. Introduction
a deux lettres in dices de Michel Bakunin-2 et g Juin 1870," Cahiers du Monde
Russe et Sovietique, r966, Oct-Dec, 581--699. Various efforts to assign Bakunin a
major role in authorizing the Catechism (and, to a lesser extent, Ogarev, Tkachev,
and/or Enisherlov) are reviewed and refuted by A. Ivanov ("Kto avtor 1Katekbizisa
revoliutsionera'?" Navy Zhurnal, CXXIII, 1976, 212-3o). He concludes that the
work "belongs in concept and in composition to Nechaev and no one else" (230).
P. Pomper does not consider Ivanov's article, but insists (unconvincingly to me) on
retaining a share of authorship for Bakunin: "Bakunin, Nechaev, and the 'Cate-
chism of a Revolutionary': The Case for Joint Authorship," Canadian-American
Slavic Studies, 1976, Winter, 535-46.
46. See the heavy-handed work by an unidentified P. The Revolutionary
Catechism in Four Languages (English, French, Welsh, and Irish), Bath L, 1849
(BO): "Q. What is the object of a Revolution? A. The destruction of things that
are. Q. What is the pretence of a revolution? A. The substitution of things that never
can be. . . ." The more radical, Southern section of the Decembrists used the cate-
chism form in 1825 (Ivanov, 224 ). For the eighteenth-century German origins of
the polemic use of catechisms, see J. Schmidt, Der Kampf um den Katechismus in
der Aufklarungsperiode Deutschlands, Munich, 1935.
47. Venturi, 390.
48. Venturi, 395-6. Tkachev's initial reference in 1865 to a passage from Critique
of Political Economy included the full-blown assertion that "this idea has now be-
come common to all thinking and honest men, and no intelligent man can find any
serious objection to it."
Philosophical materialism helped move Tkachev from a reformist to a revolu-
tionary position (R. Theen, dine Political Thought of P. N. Tkachev in the 186o's:
From Reform to Revolution," Canadian Slavic Studies, 1969, Summer, 200-23, esp.
220 n. 69), though Tkachev was hostile to Marxism (D. Hardy, "Tkachev and the
Marxists," Slavic Review, 197o, Mar, 22-34).
The most thorough study of Tkachev is now Hardy, Peter Tkachev, the Critic as
Jacobin, Seattle, 1977. Other works include A. Weeks, The First Bolshevik, a Po-
litical Biography of Peter Tkachev, NY, 1968; M. Charol, The Unmentionable

Auteursrechtelijk beschermd maleriaal

Chapter 14 621

Neches. a Key to Bolshevism, NY, z96z; and It. Carmac, Aux Sources de la Revo.
halos Russe, Nerchaieu du nihilitme au terror-J=1e, 196r. The first two tend to
overdraw direct links with Bolshevism; the latter lacks any documentation.
Nechaev introduced the revolutionary Marx to a Russian audience almost
offhandedly: "Anyone who wants a detailed theoretical exposition of our viewpoint
can find it in the Manifesto of the Communist Party published by us" (Venturi,
384). Venturi's attribution of the translation to Bakunin is almost certainly incor-
rect B. Koemin. "K to byl pervym perevocichikorn na russky iazyk 'Manifest* Kam-
munisticheskol PartiI'?" Literaturnoe Nasiedstvo, L III, 1956, 7oo-1); but Con#
fines assumption of Nechaevis authorship (615) is also hypothetical.
so. From "liudi budushchego f geroi meshchanstva," Delo, i868, nos. 4 and 5,
as cited in Confino, "Bakunin," 617.
51. See the unpublished paper by P. 13ornper, "Nechaev, Lenin, and Stalin: The
Psychology of Leadership," r7, r B, 38 n, 34. Pomper inclines to the view that
Nechaev was experimenting with explosives even before he went abroad.
52. Pomper, "naricide," z26; G. Bakalov, "Khristo Botev I Serge' Nechaev,"
Letopisi Marksizma, z929, IX-X; and discussion Venturi, 773-4fi 29.
53. From text of the Catechism in Dmytryshyn, Imperial Russia, 241.
54. Ibid., 244-6; discussion (and translations of phraseology) from Venturi. 367.
55. Venturi, 367; Confino, 671 II. I.
56. A hypothesis extrapolated from information in "Tsaricide," 133-4 and Ven.
turi 775 n. 44
57. Venturi, 307.
a, Suggested by Pamper, "Nechaev, Lenin," 39 n. 4.
59. This earliest use as a collective noun by P. Lavrovsky of Kharkov is repro-
duced and discussed in the exhaustive study by 0. Milner, Intelligencija, Unter-
suchungen zur Ceschichte einet politischen Schiagwortes, Frankfurt, 197z, 27. His
work overlooks, however, the richness and priority of Polish usages even in his one
mention of Libelt (from Wojcik), 395.
6.o. Miller, fisterlige-ncija, zo5 ff. See especially Chaadaev's concept of 1835 about
the advantages of backwardness for overtaking the West in national intelligence
6i. Ibid., ifr. See also A. Ponard, 'The Russian Intelligentsia: The Mind of
Russia,.alifornia Slavic Studios, M, 1964, 7 T1. z9,
62. A. Nikitenko, cited in Mailer, 124-5; see also Aksakov's usage, 147.
63. Shelgunov, Vospermitianlia, Moscow/Petersburg, 7923, 33. Shelgunov was the
first to identify the term with rationalism and consciousness (Pollard, 15-6).
64. Wilier, IntelligenciJa, 193 n.
65+ Pisarev, cited without precise attribution in Borshaia Sovetsliala Enttikla-
pediia (Tit ed.), XXVIII, 609.
66, On Plumes seminal article of i865. "Historical Ideas of Auguste Comte"
(Sorchineniia. St. Petersburg, z8g7. IV. 313-464) and other materials in
Comte to Russia in the late sixties and early t87os, see Billington, "Intelligentsia,"
812 ff.
67. P, Lavrov, Istoricheskie Pieria, St. Petersburg, 1906, 358,
68. A bewildering variety of philosophies of history was examined (and social
Darwinism in particular rejected as a rationalization for perpetual conflict and
reactionary chauvinism), see Billington, Mikhallovski, 27-41.
69. See the article written in i889 and chosen by Mikhailovsky for the introduc.
lion to his collected works (Sochineniia N.K. Mikhailovskagrfr, St. Petersburg, Age,
1. v). He pays tribute to the wonderful inner beauty of the two meanings in

wavelet and defines his own mission as finding "a point of view in which praitda-
atina and pravda-spravecilivosti . . go hand in hand, one enriching the other,"
Mikliallovak-y also first used the term "Russian inteiligentsia," popularizing It In
his column diLetters on the Russian Intelligentsia," See Billingtons "Intelligentsia,"
11 /2.
7. Pollard, 17.
71. Cited without precise reference in Pollard, 18. A similar phrase is in Tkaciiev,
Izbrannye Sochineniia, 193i, I, 282.
72. Citation from Tkachev, not precisely referenced in Pollard, 79.
73. Tkachev, Ithrannye, I, ig3, M, gi; originally published as Offe-ner Brief an
Herrn F. Engels, Zurich, 18 74.
74. Tkachev died after a long illness five years after Elanqui. The emphasis on
violence, elite discipline, and the execution of traitors in his principal journal, Nabat
(1873-7), has been attributed to the influence of a wealthy Polish patron-collabora-
tor, Gaspar-Mikhail Turski: D. Hardy, 'The Lonely Emigre Petr Tkachev and the
Russian Colony in Swilzerland," Russian Review, 1976, Oct, 400-16.
75, Partiinaia chestnostP, cited from the confession of G. Enisherlov in Pirumova,

Copyrighted material
622 Chapter 14

Par haev " z7 8. Firumovars suggestion that Eni5herlOv

-Bakunin 111 --ec
seems do ubtful to Pamper ("Tsaricide," 127-8) t N
clutev's Catechism 3) and Iva.n
. . ov, "K
(Letter to Novy Zhurnali 1975.r Dec, 281.7 . to_i" 68,5 - '6.r* 1.1varier:
76. on the genealogy of this te;
rm, Bini.ngton, intelligentsia," 816-7.
77. From the s
ummary by Isaiah Berlin of the London Conference of
Define Populism, Government and. Opposition, III, 1968, no, 2, 173. 1 have 7} "To
particularly from
Walicki and Berlin's contributions to this discussio n, 1 .7,_ awn
also the fuller published version edited by G. lonescu and E. Celine?, Pothit .19 See
Meanings and National Characteristics, 1969; and review by T. Di Tella}4--' in 87n: its
inert and Oppositiov, ig6g, no. 4, 526-33. 44
78. On P. Rybnikov see M. Klevensky, Vertepniki," Ratorga i ss
YLna, 192E,
no. zo, /8-43.
79. Venturii 375 ff. and references thereto.
80. N. Moro V, inRevoliutsionnoe narodnichestvo, zoR T" 221 ; cited In Brower,
2 03.
81. See D. Hecht, Russian Radicals Look to America, Cambridge, hi ass., 1947,
82. Itenberg, Dvizhenie, 92-zoo, for the impact of this work by a slight'
governmental official influenced by his earlier contacts with the petras hevtsy .Y older
83. Testimony of a participant cited in M. Miller, "Ideological Conflicts in R.u
Populism: The Revolutionary Manifestoes of the Chaikovsky Circle, 186 -18"an '
Slavic Review, z97o, Mar, i3; see also Itenberg, 186-93. 9 74 ,"
84. From the manifesto "Must We Concern Ourselves withan Examinatio
the Future Order," written by Kropotkin about Nov, 1873, and cited in Miller, zj
85. Ibid., 17. i
86. R. Zelnik, 'Populists and Workers. The First Encounter between Populist
Students and Industrial Workers in St. Petersburg, 18.71-74," SovietStudies, 1 972 ,
Oct, 258.
87. Itenberg, 338-9 and ff. for the remarkable case of the student who became a
hauler, D. M. Rogachev. Others believed that the rebellious spirit of Razin and Puga-
chev could be conjured up anew from the Volga! V. Debagory-Mokrievich, Ot Ewa-
tarstva ft terrorizmu, Moscow/Leningrad, Imo, I, 159; and V. in v, Narod-
nicheshoe dvizhenie v srednem povoizh.e, 1966, 21 k 64 if-
88. Details in M. Miller, Kropotkin, Chicago, 1976, 114-29.
89. The priest assurethat the "Nicholas" being honored was the grandson of
the tsar, the future Nicholas IL See P. Kann, "Revolilitsionny forum Peterburga,"
Voprosy Istorii, 1976, no. 12, 198.
90. They were divided into 120 "Protestanes" ho refused to appear in Court and
73 (dubbed "Catholics") who did. See N. Troftsky, "Protsess nin Obsip
chestvertnoe dvizhenie v poreformennoi Rossil (a collection for B. Koemin), z965,
Yarniotinsky, 197 and ff.
92. D. Field, Rebels in the Name of the Tsar, Boston, 1976, 1z3-2o7, provides
documents and a narrative account.
93. Yarmolinsky, 21'9.
94. Characterizations of S. Kravehinsky (Underground Russia, NY, 1881 10
whose admiring discussion of the two men remains a classic. For the little that is
known of Lizogub, see E. Ithirlakova, "Vospominaniia i ekotorye svedeniia not
Dmitrii Andreeviche Lizogube," Zvenla, 1932, no, I, 482-99: and the importiaes
and neglected biographical sketch included in the official publication of the
Will, attesting to his central importance in validating the turn to terrorisniP:eiCi'ter-
atura sotsiarne-revoliutsionnoi partii narodnoi yoli, Paris, x905, 363-14.
Lizogub provided the model for Svetiogub in Tolstoy's best treatment of WTI:tine
(much neglected in comparison to those of Dostoevsky and Turgenev): P-r 'soy's Eczne5
'Tina& 71(th
i cheiovecheskoe. Completed just prior to the Revolution of 1905, 0 . ,Fs legacy
able story traces both the "divine' and the "human" side of the terr75:inspired
by showing how a religious dissenter of the kind Tolstoy admired) was
by the gospel that allegedly contained the essence of the terrorist's trit th
how a subsequent revolutionary leader was driven to suicide bY resobrancie Afr
this Christian-anarchist ideal was the true revolutionary message k
chinenii, z9,53 xrv, 205-38, 339).
95. S. Volk, Narodnaia volia, Moscow/Leningrad, 1966, 67-8. Thiea ihsabice b5agialorrc;
for this first appearance of organized terrorism in the south of 1111_5_,i_znsky (under-
Moicrievich Ot buntarstva, I. The romanticized account in Kr!!'111.'wain: In thei
ground, 70-81) can be countered by the antagonistic account x
Name of the People, NY, 1977, 269-96, which tends o oncrete, h"t"i"
of derivs-
questions of origin in favor of editorial comment and getonearvao
Chapter 14 623

don from Nechaev. See also J. Bachman, "Recent Soviet Historiography of Russian
Revolutionary Populism," Scat is Review, 1970, Dec, 599-612.
96. Volk, 79.
97, Ibid., 69-70.
g8. Alexander Solovev, cited in Venturi, 632.
99. Estimate in Volk, 277.
.100. Ibid., 254-5, for careful tracing of the derivation of most of the statute of
the People's Will from that of the second Land and Liberty.
_to!. ibid., 259.
102. M. Katkov, cited in Ulam, 341.
103. Volk, 227, 255-9.
104. In the sketch of Lizogub from the last issue of the journal PITarodnaia Volio
to appear before the assassination of the tsar, in Literatura "narodnoi vo/i," 371.
105. See the long chapter "The Ukrivateli" in Kravchinsky, Underground, 1 66-84.
io6. See Kantor, "Dinamit," 118-28; Volk, 259.
107. Cited in Venturi, 680.
108. See the deposition of Ivan Ernerianov in Krasny Ark iv, XL, 193o, 184.
xo9. See the work of his distant relative, the later anarchist revolutionary Victor
Serge, Memoirs of a Revolutionist, L, 1967 (corrected edition), 2.
z10. Cited in Volk, 128.
xxx. ibid., 8r.
I 2. Cited in Volk, "Programmnye dokumenty," 423.
113. J. Waciorski, Le Terrorisme politique, 1939 (an excellent treatment of the
history and vocabulary of terrorism by a Polish jurist which has been overlooked
in recent studies) characterizes the Committee of Public Safety as believing that
"terror is a legitimate means of defending the social order established by the revo-
lution; terrorism is a criminal means" (30). The terms "terrorism," "terrorist," and
"anti-terrorism" all came into general use only after the fall of Robespierre. See
Brunot, 1X, 871, 654; Frey, Transformation, z88-9.
For bibliographical guides to the vast recent literature on terrorism, see the works
of two writers on guerrilla warfare: 3. Bell, "Trends in Terror: The Analysis of Po-
litical Violence," World Politics, x977, Apr, 476-88; and W. Laquer, "Interpretations
of Terrorism: Fact, Fiction, and Political Science," Journal of Contemporary History,
1977, Jan, 1-42. The latter includes more historical material and surveys the rich
fiction on the subject-as does W. May, "Terrorism as Strategy and Ecstasy," jour-
nal of the New School for Social Research, 1974, Summer, 277-98. May's neglected
theological study explores the peculiar appeal of living close to death, releasing "the
violence latent in all things," and helping compensate for the "defective ritual life"
of modern society. See also M. Hutchinson, "The Concept of Revolutionary Terror-
ism," The JJ ournal
our of Conflict Resolution, 1972, Sep, 383-96; and the special issue
on terrorism of Stanford Journal of international Studies, 1977, Spring.
The largely untouched subject of terrorist manipulation of the media for political
effect is discussed in Y. Alexander, "Terrorism, the Media, and the Police," H. Kup-
perman and D. Trent, Terrorism, Threat, Reality, Response, Stanford, 1979, 331--
114. "Sieg der Kontrerevolution zu Wien," 1848, Nov, in Werke, VP 457. Italics
Izs. E. Walter, Terror and Resistance. A Study of Political Violence, NY/Oxford,
1969, 9. This valuable study develops general ideas from an examination of some
primitive African political communities.
rx6. Nechaev, in his prison writings of the late seventies, called for a secret rev-
olutionary tribunal to go into immediate action after an uprising and offer only two
sentences: either acquittal or death. See Pornper, "Nechaev, Lenin," 19-21.
rx7. Morozov, Terroristicheshaia BorPba, L (but Geneva), 188o, 8 (BM).
118. Ibid., rr. The sharp opposition of social revolutionary goals to liberal ideals
was already drawn in the pamphlet of the Petrashevsky circle of 1849, What Is So-
ciatism? It defined socialism as "directly opposed to liberalism," which was in turn
"destructive of social existence" ( D to Petrashevisev, I, 92).

T9. Morozov considered Zasulich's shot the tochka pereloma of the Russian
struggle, after which people rose up to join it as if from under the ground" (Boriba,
In his attempt to prescribe terrorism as a kind of maturity test for radical youth
(what he called intelligentnaia russkaia molodezhi), Morozov was in a sense gen-
eralizing from his own conversion from scientific scholarship to revolutionary active
ism. See his V Nachale zhizni. Kali iz menia vyshel revoliutsioner vmesto uchenago,
1907; also the collection edited by his wife, Ksenia Morozova, Aleksandro-
vich Morozov. K 9o-letifu so dnia rozhderniia, Moscow/Leningrad, 1944. Morozov ap-

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

624 Chapter 14
parently planned in the early 188os to write a large-scale history of the Russian
revolutionary movement (2o-I, and, for bibliography, 38 ff.), materials for which
have been assembled IA for forthcoming publication under the editorship of B.
120. Suggested in S. Valk, "G.G. Romanenko," Katorga a Ssylka, 1928, no. II, 47.
No subsequent study seems ever to have been made of Romanenko; and the general
question of the legacy of the People's Will has never been adequately dealt with. It
is surprisingly neglected In the West, where one book after another jlam most re-
cently and derivatively) ends with the assassination of Alexander II. Among Soviet
scholars, V. Tvardovskaia substantially enriches the picture, insisting rather boldly
(against Volk and conventional Soviet positions) that the final posture and legacy
of the People's Will was essentially Blanquist, but that Blanqui himself was not a
"Blanquist" in the caricatured way the term is used in Leninist polemics (Sotsia-
iisticheskaia mysi' Rossi na rubezhe 187o-z88ohh godov, 1969, 226-34). One of the
few good Western treatments of the revolutionary activities of the neglected 188os
is V. Zi111, La Rivotuzkme russa del 1905. La formazione del partiti politici (z813z-
z904), Naples, 1963, 57-79. For an excellent archival study of two small successor
groups to the People's Will, see N. Na'mark, "The Workers' Section and the Chal-
lenge of the 'Young': Narodnaia Volta, 1881-1884," Russian Review, 1978, Jul, 273
97. New material from the court records is in N. Troitsky, "Narodnala otics" pered
tsarskim sudom, z88o-zEigz, Saratov, 1971.
121. Volk, "Programmnye doktnnenty," 4I4 and if. for unpublished material on
this connection.
122. Valk, 39
123. Ibid., 38, 42, 48. Terrorizm retina, L (actually Geneva), 188o, was origi-
nally entitled "Terrorism and the Philistines," and was published under the pseu-
donym "V. Tamovsky."
124. All of these ideas and terms are present in the proclamation by A. Prybyleva-
Korba in their official journal in 188o, Dec: Narodnaia Volia, no. 4, cited Volk,
366. The word "party," implying "solidarity of thought" and totality of commitment,
increasingly replaced the word "organization" as the basic term for the People's
Will. See Volk, 259; Tvardovskaia, 227-8.
125. Tvardovskaia, 23o-z. The letter "to the Ukrainian people," which Boma-
nenko apparently drafted for the Executive Committee, cited the first anti-Jewish
pogroms as evidence of rising popular resistance to the oppression of the Ukrainian
peasantry (Valk, "Romanenko," 50-2); but this uncharacteristic note of anti-
Semitism among the early revolutionaries was refuted in Narodnaia Voila, Oct,
no. 6.
126. Valk, 53 There is no record of the tsar's response; but the Right-Left
vacillation evident in Romanenko's praise of pogroms foreshadowed his later turn
to monarchism after exile in Central Asia (ibid., 59).
127. Boeba, 1882, Mar, cited in o1k, 346.
128. They called themselves "the preparatory group of practical organizers of the
party of the People's Will" (Valk, 350. The university circle called itself a "party
center" and its publication a "student party organ."
129. Billington, Mikhailovsky,
x3o. L. Shternberg, Politichesky terror v Rossii, 1884, hectographed ed. in IA.
131. M. Kra, "Vospominaniia o Shternberge," Katorga I Ssylka, 1929, no. 8-9,
esp, 226-8. Exiled for ten years to Sakhalin Island, Shternberg became a student of
its culture and, after his return to St. Petersburg, a founding father of modern
Russian anthropology and ethnography. See the memorial article In Sbornik muzeia
antropologli i etnografti, Leningrad, via, 1928, 1-70.
132. Naimark, 286 if. The doctrine of fabrichno-agrarny terror resembles in some
ways the parallel doctrine of "direct action" developed by Western revolutionary
133. New material of 1885 from Vladimir Burtsev, the future hagiographer of
the revolutionary tradition, in Kazan, cited in Naimark, 294.
r34. Ivansky, 159.
135. Ibid., 200.
136. Ibid., 143, 178-9, 186-9, and 249-73. His first illegal reading as a schoolboy
had been from the most extreme of the scientistic nihilists of the 186os, Pisarev
(117-8), and nine days before the Dobroliubov demonstration, Ulyanov had been
part of another delegation to visit the ailing satirist and former Petrashevets,
Michael Saltykovhchedrin,
137. Account of I. Lukashevich, reprinted in lvansky, 28B-9. Ulyanov's party
program, written in prison, was at variance with later Leninist doctrine in its in-
sistence that the intelligentsia as an "independent social group" must lead the po-
litical struggle against a militarized government bureaucracy (also, in effect, "an

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal


color 14 i 1 force"). "Programma ten.o.4Fruchesko

.: - 625
,, r
dent "-a ain Kraktsii Farb, .
iodepr,! rimed in Ivansky, 29?-8. by The m weapon
"propagation .nouldshawl be terror 4urodnaja
olia, teIrilfaticv and accompanied
1 which v. gt
be 4' 5)4 s f u rther than mere propaganda (ibid. na o3 Pal (Pr' -,/ki lag a tors ita
300 ) cu.) activity
that Pe nit. soviet study (I. Artman, "Progranun a crun * A
rece 77, no. 4, 34-44) indicates that the program Y,ll 'annoy
istoritiftlinu iated only in late Feb x887, and was --44s ant co,_ia' i ..--erogy
arrest. The article weakly attempts t0 sus tiu:ncmnPleted a Lved in Dec
086' ;Pc
giography that the group represented al ,tie
e view inn,. vme time f
Leznis, . ha
populism to Marxism. Alitmananfi -ds -e44iCallY pro- = CCIngenial
t 7 1 - 1,Folution from
in tLeweith Plekhanov, but relies mainly atr sme sirnilarlit7solvejtage
nadi to Tur Pnratte.-
olosi -;, eQualiy shared by the Blanquist
,8, Accoun t of V. Dmitrieva in Ivansk:5
corIceP1- ,7193.
A Jel ibid c, 298 nr i, and 300-2 for other
see eiTts brif -1-
13v.i of the missile projectile on Feb I Lne tsar for Ulmov,s ex,
awn between uniforms and raaskasi in
Plan rel. COntrast
140. ir1de
"eveloped with African illustrations but broader n-lath% 38 exerc. ise of :o1arx
applications ill iticia:f
, Jot-
jence 19
Terror, 85-10. 1. . "alter,
This marginal group clearly deeply affected the form rmer er tsar'1st chief of
x4I.wirana and later personal secretary of the tsar: A. Spiridoiiich, II' th
Kiev sirte rime, 1886-1977, 1930) 14-1. tstoire due
anion Police report of Jan 2., 1887, in Ivansky 275 .
142. , , also istorichesky A rk.hiv, 1960,
2 204 on the almost certainiy apolitical kuliantsy i dontsgt
no,43, , The P basic account of this neglected group
1 is "Istoricheskaia zapiska o tainorn
obshchestve 'zagovorshchikov: " Katorga i Ssylka ig28 nn
There were the iii
fam th
ar ree I .
alers '
f membership ) --*"am 12i 49- 583 esp prop-r,
1- 2
. , 0 rP ousn
h ' o'
(antortni ,)
anrep aratory, ' and "political circles,' with the latter under the strict
0 *

4 discipline of
' ' f 2

diconstitutors (uchreciiteli), who also controlled the entire secret


Process of coopta.
Von from lower to higher levels.
144. Cited from Kravchinsky's Le Tsaristne et Ia 7.4-volution, I886p in Waciorski
Terrorisme, 37.
145., In his journal Freiheit, printed with a festive red border. See R. Hunter,
Violence and the Labour Movetnevt, L, 19z6, 66-8; Iviansky, 48.
146, Cited in P. Hutton, "The Rrile of the Bianquist Party i n Left-Wing Politics in
France, 1879-go," journal of Mom History, 1974, Jun, 293.
147. G. Haupt, "Role de l'exii dans Ia diffusion de l'image de l'intelligentsia revo.
lutionnaire," Cahiers du Monde Rte e et Sovietique, 1978, Jul-Sep, 236, 245, 247.
148. In addition to the general impact of the Russian women discussed in the
final chapter of this work, G. Haupt has pointed to the marriage of key leaders of
the European Left to Russian revolutionary women: Charles-Victor Jaclard in
France, Fritz Adler in Austria, Karl Liebknecht in Gemiany, and Filippo Turati in
Italy. Haupt particularly stresses the role played in Italy by Turati's Wife, about
whom see A. Schiavi, Anna Kuliscioff, Rome, 1955.
149. Miller, Kropothrin, 156-7. For an often prophetic contemporary work by a
Ukrainian liberal predicting the impact of the Russian revolutionary tradition on
de l'Ettrope
the West, see Michael Dragomanov, Le ran id en Russie et rac tion
occidentale, Geneva, z813z. ahy
150. Unlike most other key words in the modern revolutionary lexicon, anarc
the collection
European rulers since at least the time of Philip the Fair. See mondo contempora t'leo,
iished by the Einaudi Foundation: Anarchici e anarchia ?Lei
Turin, 1971, 5sa.
Pages choisis, 265. la Iewe hastrine
many in
sa. Oeuvres complites 1, 212 Anarchism as an ideal avant
anatecedents' and is ached a systematic doctrine
liVillialn r 3
generally said rst approAnarchism, 60793:c Aem
r to have fi neglected
earl paean lacidwin; jou ) Anarchists, 3I-9; Woodcock,
to the word is The Anarchiad of 1786, a serni-seri"shri eyP;, rh o n Trum-
bull, ank! of the Wabash" by Joel Barlow along with David rnaPrche in primitive
Am and Lemuel Hopkins, hailing the alleged "reign of ..' na
ven: i861, is in the
Bein"ca as. a "blessing." The rare published version, 23 in mach-
3. ke Li.,,rary
,..._e0 h D Yale University; see esp. 181 20- . t Tradition, ricepotkini
h Anarch15
L. 15 Inteiligently discussed in M. Nomad, "T-e Tences in ?Miler, ---
...civil* First
internationals, 69-79. The itemization of conic , _, 73,0 wader the

- -
s is fuller, listing the first four anarch ist congresses (ID
anterriati archici italiani de
nal (Bakuninist). gy" degli an
154. For c
Etakmain ..unaPrehensive treatment, P. Masins Sto 1

a malatesta (1862_1692.), Milan, 1969. T

KroPotkini 13 8. 47 4

155. Miller deoLo aP


; "The Development of an Anarchist I

626 Chapter 15
156. Tolstoy's dramatic rejection of the modern state, the industrial system, and
all instruments of violence influenced the movement for nonviolent action through
"the force of truth" (satyagraha) led by the most original revolutionary of the
"third world" in the early twentieth century; Mahatma Gandhi. See M. iviarkovitch,
Tolstoi et Gandhi, 1928; K. Nag, Tolstoy and Gandhi, Patna, r95o. For Tolstoy's
more antagonistic relations with the revolutionary movement within Russia, see E.
Obertinder, Tolstoi und die revolutiontire Bewegung, Munich/Salzburg, 1965.
Tolstoy and Gandhi will be presented by Martin Green as the authors of a radical
religious alternative to both Marxism and liberalism in his Tolstoy and Gandhi:
An Essay in World History, the last volume of a remarkable trilogy on imperialism.
This work, to he pursued during 198o--81 at the Woodrow Wilson International
Center for Scholars, returns to the key figures of the first volume of his trilogy,
The Challenge of the Mahatmas, NY, 1978.
157. Cited in Rill, Anarchists, 127.
158. Cited from La ROvolte, 1894, Mar 18-24, in Miller, 174.
159. Kropotkin's anticipations of Paul Goodman, Louis Mumford, and other social
critics are itemized in Miller, 195-6.
16o. Cited from "Le Gouvernement revolutionnaire," Paroles d'un revolte, 1885,
in Miller, 192.
i6x. Estimate extrapolated from the magisterial study of J. Maitron, Le Mouve-
ment anarchiste en France, 1976, I, by J. Jon, Times Literary Supplement, 1976,
Sep xo, zo9.
162. See the challenge of Malatesta to the French syndicalist, Pierre Monatte, at
the Amsterdam Congress of r907: Woodcock, Anarchism, 267. See also Malatesta,
Anarchy, L, 1949.
163. A delegate to the Geneva conference of 1882, cited in Woodcock, 26o. Not
until the International Workingmen's Association was founded in Berlin in Dec
1922, did anything like an Anarchist International exist. But this association, which
gained some three million adherents, was more a syndicalist than a pure anarchist
body. It led a dwindling, peripatetic existence after the Nazis took over power in
1932, still maintaining, however, a shadow existence in Sweden.
164. Porter, "The Never-ending Wrong," Atlantic, 1977, Jun, 39.
165. Ibid., 64,
166. 0. Bayer, Los Vengadores de la Patagonia Trdgica, Buenos Aires, 1972, 3 v;
extensively reviewed by B. Chatwin, Times Literary Supplement, Dec 31, 1976,
1635-6. For the substantial anarchist influence in Brazil, see J. Dulles, Anarchists
and Communists in Brazil, 1900-1935, Austin, 1973.
167. Avrich, Anarchists, 222, and more generally 204-33-
168. Kropotkin, cited in ibid., 226. See also Avrich, ed., The Anarchists in the
Russian Revolution, Ithaca, 1973. All that remained were minute groups such as
the Anarcho-Biocosmists, who professed total support for the Soviet state and agreed
to press their social experiments "in interplanetary space but not upon Soviet terri-
tory" G. Maximoff, The Guillotine at Work: Twenty Years of Terror in Russia,
Chicago, 1940, 362; Avrich, 231). There was also, however, a much more substantial
pacifistic movement of Tolstoyan anarchists within the Soviet Union than has ever
been realized; its history is currently being written at the Woodrow Wilson Center
by M. Popovsky on the basis of new materials from the USSR (The Peasant Disciples
of To!stow: 19r8-1977).

Chapter 15
1. G. Dangerfield, The Strange Death of Liberal England, 19zo-1914, NY, 196i,
itemizes the many forms of violencesome of them still without adequate study
that tore at England during this "peaceful" period; and the thesis suggested by his
title could be extended to other "liberal" nations as well.
2. This subject was treated in "When Peace Was the Establishment," a presenta-
tion by R. Stromberg at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars on
Aug 5, 1974. Published anticipations of his forthcoming major work on this subject
are "The Intellectuals and the Coming of the War in 1914," The Journal of Euro-
pean Studies, III, 1973, 109-22; "Socialism and War in 1914," Midwest Quarterly,
XVIII, 1977, Spring, 268-97; "x910: An Essay in Psychohistory," Psychoanalytic
Review, XIII, 1976, Summer, 235-48, and especially "Redemption by War: The
Intellectuals and 1914," Midwest Quarterly, 1979, Spring, 211-27.
3. K. Deutsch and N. Wiener, "The Lonely Nationalism of Rudyard Kipling," Yale
Review, 1963, Jun, 501. Deutsch and Wiener (502) characterize Kipling as the
supreme spokesman for a widespread belief in "the all-or-nothing character of group

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

Chapter 15 627

allegiance," which Kipling attributed to animals as well as to soldiers and school-

4. William Booth, In Darkest England and the Way Out, L, z8go.
5. G. B. Shaw, Major Barbara, L, 19.os.
6. C. Tilly. "The Changing Place of Collective Violence," in M. Richter, ed.. Es-
says in Theory and History, Cambridge, Mass., zwo, 146, and 139-64; also Tilly,
"Collective Violence in European Perspective," in H. Graham and T. Gurr, The His,
tory of Violence in America, NT, 1969, 4-44; and his further development of these
ideas with L. and R. Tilly in The Rebellious Century, z830-193n, Cambridge, Mass.,
19751 which concludes that collective action, not violence as such, is what matters
in history. The Tilly, here distinguish (5z-5 and elsewhere) among three different
types of violence that tend to be successively dominant despite much overlapping;
competitive (testing strength within a local system of power), reactive (fighting off
a challenge to established rights), and pro-active (asserting new rightsas the
"new unionists" and revolutionary syndicalists saw themselves doing).
7. Recent scholarship traces the rise of this more radical "new unionism" in
Britain back to the T87 0s. See A. Musson, British Trade Unions, 1iloo-1875,
8. Marechal, Nentihres lecos du ftls alne d'un roi. Par un depute prisovnptif
aux futurs Mats-Geniraux, Lecon XXXIII, cited in M.Dommanget, "L'Idee de
grime generale en France au Valle sicle et pendant la Revolution," Re-true &His.
taire Econornique et Sodale, XL/, 1963, no. t, 40. Dommanget is less convin.cing
in tracing this idea to the even earlier work of the radical priest Jean Mealier, 35-8.
9. Cited in Domrnanget, 5r; also 48-53. and F. Branch, ed., Papiers de
Chaurnette, 1908. In accord with revolutionary practice, particularly marked among
militant anticlericals like Chaumette, he changed his Christian names to that of a
classical hero: Anaxagoras, who was put to trial by political authorities in Athens
for his scientific boldness and nonconformism.
zo. Braunthalr, 14; and brief history, 14-g. For their relationship to British
radicalism of the day, see Bernstein, Essays, 48-56; and works referenced 204-5.
xi. John Doherty, a spinner-turned-printer. See W. Crook, The General Strike, A
Study of Labor's Tragic Weapon in Theory and Pratt e* Chapel Hill, r93I 1 3-4.
I2 William Ben w, Grand National Holiday and Congress of the Productive
Classes, L, z832. He called for a month of total withdrawal from the productive
during the summer by all "plundered fellow sufferers" during which a
ones of the Working Classes was to devise a social plan for the future. Elaborate
preparations would assure that participation "be not partial but universal"; and
delegations of workers would "speak daggers but use none" in persuading property
holders to support this modern version of the Jewish sabbatical year and the year of
Jubilee. Though there was no plan for annexing political power, Benbow's prescrip-
tion for gradually escalating the size of delegations (from ao to zoo to z i000) to
recalcitrant representatives of "the grasping and blood-sucking few" and his an-
nouncement in the pamphlet of his intention to found a "purely political" journal
with the title taken from Babeufall point to a relatively full.hlown conception
of a revolutionary general strike. See citations from the reprinted text in E. Dol-
leans, "Le Naissance du chartisme (183o-.1837)," Revue dinistorie des Doctrines
Econatniques et Sociales. 1909, IL I-12, 412; also discussion in Crook, 9.--r o.
13. Richard Pilling. discussed in Crook, 17-27.
14. C. Jaurez, "JulIlet 1855: La premiere greve generale en Espagne," Cahiers
Internationaur. 1955p Jul-Aug, 69-74. R. Bezucha argues that the eight-day work
stoppage of all 25,E looms in Lyon in Feb, 1834, was in fact a general strike
(The Lyon Uprising of 1814, Cambridge, Mass., T974. 122-34)-
A. Sauliire points out that early discussions tended to envisage the "generaliza-
tion of a strike rather than a general strike" (La Gripe genera de Robert Owen
a la doctrine syttditaliste, Bordeaux, 1923, 17).
zs. Only in Spain was there a continuing anarcho-syndicalist tradition from
the time of the First International, according to Rocker, Anarcho-Syndicalism,
For a sophisticated interpretive essay, see J. EtormeroMaura, "The Spanish Case,"
Government and Opposition, 1970, Autumn, 456-79; for the anarchists in power
during the Spanish Civil War, see the unpublished Oxford doctoral dissertation by
3. Bradernas, "Revolution and Social Revolution: A Contribution to the History of
the Anarcho-Syndicalist Movement in Spain, r93o--2937," 7954.
The first academic study of strikes was made in nearby Portugal by Gaetano
d'Andrade Albuquerque, Direitos dos operatic), es dos sobre as Breves), an in*
augural dissertation of 234 pages, Coimbra, 187o, a work not included in any of
the studies referenced in this chapter.
16. Crook, 28-9; and more fully E. Georgi, Theorie and Praxis des Generalstreika
in der mode-men Arbeiterbewegungi Breslau. %goe r 38-9. See also Proudhon's De la

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628 Chapter is
Capacite politique des classes ouvrieTes, his last major work, in the edition of
M. Leroy, 1914.
17. Report of Eugene Hins, cited in Rocker, Anarcho.Syndicalism, 72; also dis-
cussion, 70 ff.
18. Ratzef Hauke-Bosak, leader of the 1863 Polish rebellion, who dedicated his
last pamphlet to the workers of Le Creusot, whom he called to armed combat
(Manuel irorganisation et du combat). See Borejsza, 24.
rg, Sauliere, is-33.
20. Rocker, 89p 83, 89.
2I. D. Stafford, From rchitin to Reformism; A Study of the Political Activities
of Paul Browse within the First International and the French Socialist kloveynent
187o--go, Toronto, 197x, eapecially x99 ff. on the activities of the Possibilists in
France prior to their rival gathering (in Paris in z889) to the founding congress of
the Second International.
22. Selections from his Cutlectivirme et revolution 0E179) and the 188o Pry
gramme du parti ouvrier (worked out with Marx, Engels, and Guesde's close collab-
orator, Manes Franco-Cuban son-in-law, Paul Lafarge e) are in P. Louis, Cent
cinuante ans de pensie secialiste, 1947, 208-11. See also 193-216.
23. Romero-Maur'', 463.
24. C. Chambeliand, grave generale, thime de la pens& de F, Pellouder et
Briand," Actuante de l'Histoire, 1957, May, 22-3.
25 Crook, 36,
26. According to J. Juiliard, Feriumd PelMutter et ks origtnes du swndicalisime
&action directe. 1971, 171.
27. Text in Julliard, 279-303. Milani argues (61 ff,) for Pelloudees authorship
and assigns a minor role to Briand.
28. Estimate in ibid., a57-13.
29. Crook, i54.
30. Cyrillic van Overbegh, cited in ibid., Z02.
31. Crook, 107; and 103-44 for a full account.
32. Roniero-Maura, 4661 477p esp. materials n. 30. For a detailed history of French
revolutionary syndicalism, clamed as "the princi_ples and practice of the C.G.T. in
the years between rgo2 and 1914," see F. Ridley, Revolutionary Syndication in
France the Direct Action of Its Time, Cambridge, 1970.
33. V. Dalin, Stachki j/trial sindikalizma v predvoennoi Frantsii, Moscow/
Leningrad, 1935, 7, for statistics. This neglected work is unsurpassed in detail and
only lightly Leninist In interpretation.
34. Though an attempted general strike on May zi Igoe, did not altogether
succeed, no major strike led by the C.G.T. altogether failed until the Paris builders'
strike in Jul, nix'. See Dalin, 178; also 3. Julliard, "
Theorie syndicaliete *volution-
naixe et pratique greviste," Mouvernent 1, r968, Oct-Dec, 55-69,
35. R. Pauget, Sabotage, Chicago, x913, indicates (37) that the C.G.T. was the
first significant organization to endorse sabotageat its Toulouse Congress in 1897.
36. Cited in C. de Goustine, Poi et. Les Matins no*rs du syndicalisme, 1972. 174.
On Pouget's "L'ABC de la revolution," see 20; Pougees Comment 110111 terms to
revolution was co-authored with Emile Pataud and originally undated ( x9o7), then
published In zgog. He took the title of his journal La Voix du Peuple directly from
37. Comment, 226. See 158-70 on le congris ral; 28S-95 on la libiration de
la femme.
38. The number of strikers in the Paris region had been less than hat that the
northern region in zgoo-5 (about gr,000 to 196,000), but the number became more
than twice as large during igo&-zz (about 3132,000 to 169,000) (Dalin, 9).
Gustave Nerve (La Curerre Socials, no. 37, 1913, cited in Dalin, 213-4) insisted
that the CGS. had in fact become a political party capable of directly overthrowing
capitalism. Dalin traces the pa of the leadership of the strike movement in
France from textile workers to metallurgical and transport workers at the
beginning of the century (8), presumably permitting more sophisticated tactics.
He attributes the decline in sxdor in the immediate prewar period to the increasing
dominance in Paris of that bete noire of Marxism, a alabor aristocracy" of building
and light industrial unions ( '72). See also M. Reberroui, "Let Tendences hostiles
A retat dans la SFIO (19o5--igx4)," Movement Social, 1968, Oct-Dec, 21-37.
39. Sorel was influenced by the leader and strategist of the C. .T., Victor
Griffuelhes (see 3. 3. Stanley, ed., From Ceorges Sorel, NY, 1976, 297 n. x35; and
Sorer, preface to Griffuelhes and L. Niel, Les Objecitifs de nos lunar de classe, nog ).
But even when Griffuelhes denied having read Sorel with his famous "I read
Alexander Dumas" (Avrich, Anarchists, 99; Kriegel, Pain, 139), he illustrated some-

Copyrighted material
Chapter 15 629
thing of the longing for romantic heroism and deliverance that was the essence of
40. Contribution d retude profane de la Bible; Le l)roces de Sorrate, both 188g,
discussed in J. Talmon. 'The Legacy of Georges Sorel," Encounter. Iwo, Feb. 48,
41. His long "Essal sur la philosophie de Proudhon,' eras written immediately
upon his retirement and published in Revue Philosophique, xxxm, rega.
The influence of Proudhon on Sorel is concisely traced in Stanley. 17-24.
4.s. I. Berlin, "Georges Sorel," Times Literary Supplement, rim, Dec 31, 1617.
43. Les litlitierni du ire s, zoolL
44. Sorel, preface to Pelioutier, #r re des bourses du travail, zgo2, 26; cited in
the study of Sorel by I. Horowitz, Radicalism and the Revolt against Reason.
NY, zger, 28.
45. Phrases from Sorel's panegyric to the sublime pessimist (whom he
gr hed from the "disheartened optimist" usually characterized as apessimist) in
ams on Violence. NY. r96x, 3o-7. This English edition (hardcover, rasoi
first French edition, 19o8) Includes supplementary materials from later editions
and an introduction by E. SWIs.
46. Phrase of Renan admired by Sores, cited in Can, 'Sorel: Philosopher of
Syndicalism," Studies in Revolution, 153-4.
47. Sorel distinguishes myths, which express "a determination to act," from
"utopias," which are always concocted by cowardly intellectuals "to direct man's
mind towards reforms which can be brought about by patching up the existing
system" (Reilections, 50, and 4i-53).
48i TAlinon, "LegacT," 54.
404, Refiectionsm 177.
50. Reflections begins with a long section on "clan war," seeking to recover the
bellicosity of the original "Marxist vocabulary" (64 ff.).
51. See the successive sections. "'The Proletarian Strike" and 'The Political
General Strike," Reflections, ,t29-47g.
52. Ibid., at, italicized in the original. Violence is contrasted with bourgeois
"force," which is cunning, unacknowledged, and spiritually debasing-invariably
camoufiaged by "cleverness, social science or high-flown sentiments."
53. Ibid., ga, also 8g. Violent revolutionary syndicalism reached a climax in
Spain during the "tragic week" of upheaval centered on Barcelona in Jul. nog
Romero-Maura, 'Terrorism in Barcelona and Its Impact onSpanish Politics
z9o4-zgosi," Past and PTesent, rg68, Dec. z3o-83; 3. Ullman, Tragic Week: A Study
of anticiericaliirft in Spain, x1175-19'2, Cambridge, Mass., 1g68); and in England
with the Industrial strikes of zgaz-a led in large part by the Australian syndicalist
Tom Mann and impelling unions to organize on the revolutionary syndicalist basis
of nationwide industries capable of coordinating large-scale strikes. See G. Cole
and R. Postgate, The British Comma?: People, 1746-x946, L, 1947,, 418.
54. J. Guillaume, ed., L'Internationale. Documents et souvenirs 1864-1887, IV.
p x i,
ro. et cited in briansky, 45- For details, R, Hostetter, The Italian Socialist
Movement 1: Origins Milo-18841 Princeton/Toronto/Li rg5B,
55 Crook. 035.
56. L. tti, La Settimana rossa, Florence, 2.965.
57 Sorel became a regular contributor to the nationalist Landtipendance. and a
patron of the Cerck Proudhon, which( according to its leader, Edouard Berth)
"came 'close to creating Fascism avant la lettre" (cited in Tatman, 58 n. r5). For
Sorelian in in Italy, see IL Paris, "Georges Sorel en Italie," Mouvemerst
Social. 1965. ian-Mar, r31-0; S. Roth, "The Roots of Italian Fascism: Sorel and
Sorelismo," Journal of Modern History, 1g67, Mar, 30-go. A leading student of
comparative fascism, E. Nolte, tends, however, to stress the influence of Nietzsche
more than of Sorel in providing the non-Marxist elements of Mussolini's critique of
liberal democracy: "Marx und Nietzsche im Sozialismus des jungen Mussolini,"
Historische Zritschrift, CXCI, 196o. 249-335. Stanley (2.--5) strongly rejects bracket-
ing Sorel with fascism.
For a more general discussion of the symbiosis between the extremes of Right
and Left in common opposition to the liberal state in France, see Z. Somali, La
Droite Mvolutionnaire. Les origines francoises du fascunte, 1685-1914. 197B.
58. P. Monelli, Mussolini, NY. ipso, 82-3; also R. De Felice, Mussolini it
zionario 1883-raao, Turin, 1965, 136-76, eep. 182-3. De Feliceis book is by far the
richest study ever made of Mussolini's political formation. His basic conclusion that
Mussolini was a product of the French revolutionary tradition and of the Left evoked
stormy criticism in Italy to which De Felice responded vigorously in an interview
with M. Ledeen, Intervista sul fascism, Bari, 1975. D. Smith resumed the attack
in a review of the fourth volume of De Felice's continuing biography of Mussolini

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630 Chapter 15
("A Monument for the Duce" Timex Literary Supplement, 1975, Oct 3i, 1278-90);
Ledeen responded; and their conflicting appraisals have been published (2976) as
Lin monument al duce? Contributo al dibattito sui fascism. The controversy is
discussed summarily in the introduction of C. Delzell to the English-language
edition of an interpretive work first_published in 1969: De Felice, I n terpretations of
Fascism. Cambridge. Mass., 1g77. De Felice has also traced connections be
revolutionary syndicalism and the even more romantic right-wing nationalist who
contributed to the growth of fascism, Gabriele D'Annunzio: Sindicalismo rivolu-
rionario e fiuntanetimo nel ca egg De Ambris-D'Annunzio, igra-z922, Brescia.
ig66. For an introduction to the vast recent literature on fascism written with
special sympathy for the new social history, see C. Maier, "Some Recent Studies
on Fascism,' The Journal of Modern History, 1976, Sep, 506-21.
59. Cited from Popolo &Italia, 1914. Dec 131 in H. Finer, Mussolini's Italy, NY,
1935i 103; see also 9o-zos. E. Saharalli sees Mussolini skillfully pre-empting the
enthusiasm that a new generation of Italian journalists (Like Paolo Orana of La
Lug"The She-wolf') had elicited during theLibyan campaign of son
socialisme national en Italie: precedents et crigines." Mouventent Social, 1985, Jan-
Mar, 50 ff., esp. 59.
So. Six successive journals had perpetuated the name of Mazzinrs original
Journal founded in May, 2848. See Havinna, Ciornalismo. 13-4.
61. C. Seton-Watson, Italy from Liberalism to Fascism. L, z967, 518.
62. Horowitz, x82.
63. This aspect of monopolizing patriotic appeals and popularizing them as
weapons against the Left is stressed in De Felice, II Fascism* e i aTtiti poiitici
italiani; Testimonianze del 1921-1923, Bologna. 1966. Use of fasci in a vaguely
socialist sense began no later than 1871. See E. Wiskemann, Fascism in Italy: Its
Development and Inftuence, NY, '969, 9; also Tilly, Century, 220.
64. Tilly, Century, 169 ff.
65. P. Spriano, L'Occupazione delie Fabriche, Turin, 2964, follows the latter
communist line in minimizing the syndicalist influence and maximizing the
innovative aspects of the Togliatti-Gramsci group. For a more balanced account
see M. Clark, Antonio Gramsci and the Revolution that Failed, New Haven /L, 1977.
66. The first title and the finally adopted title, respectively, of the socialist cul-
tuzal periodical that provided the name (Ordine Nuovo) generally used to describe
the Grarrisci.Togliatti group, which eventually dominated the Italian Communist
67. Both the word and the concept of "hegemony" have generated an enormous
literature verging on the mysiical with the advent of the era of "Eurocommuniarn"
and the effort of Italian Communists In particular to differentiate themselves from
Soviet Communists. The concept is discussed (though not related adequately to the
syndicalist heritage) in S. White, "Grarnsci and the Italian Communist Party,"
Government and posit on, nom, Spring, esp. 19z; G. Williams, "Gramsci's Con-
cept of Tgemonia: " Journal of the Ilistary of Ideas, 196o, Oct-Dec, 586--99; and
especially T. Bates, "Gramsci and the Theory of Hegemony," Journal of the Histovy
of Ideas, 2975, Apr-Jun, 351-66. The latter points out (35z) that the concept was
derived from the emphases on proletarian consent in Axelrod and Plekhanov. But
Lenin and Leninists (particularly intellectuals) also used the term in the early
Soviet period as a virtual synonym for dictatorship of the proletariat. V. Adoratsky
("Ideia gegemonii proletariata, in "Politicheskala deiaternost* Lenina i ego
lozungi," Molodaia Guardiia, z9[24, nos. 2-3, 488 ff.) places the term first among
the "slogans" of Lenin. It has more recently been reassigned to Lenin as a rigid
central concept used to refute almost all non-Soviet policies in the contemporary
world, including those of Gramscian claimants to the concept I. Aluf, "Leninskoe
uchenie o gegemonii proletariats I sovremennose," oprosy istorii KISS, 1969, no.
I, 14-29).
68. Wiskemann, 22; Finer, lox; Tilly, i87-8. New evidence of Blanqui's direct,
earlier influence on Clemenceau is provided in M. Paz, "Clemencesu r Blare
Heir," The is Journal, XVI, x973, no. 3, 604-15.
69. "Neutraliti attiva e operante,"flGrid del Popolo. 1914, Oct 31; discussed in
Clark, 49, and more fully in R. Paris, "La premiere 'Experience politique de Gramsci
(1914-1915)," Mouvement Social, 1963, Jan-Mar, 31-57. A. del Noce has argued
for a more permeating Influence on Grarnsci of the Fascist theorist Giovanni Gen-
tile: 11Suicidio della rivoluzione, Milan, i978.
70. On his journal of 1897 in Kaunas, see Golornb, 23.
7z. K. Dziewanowski. Joseph Plisudsiti, A European Federalist, Z918-1922' Stan-
ford, 196g, 29-40, also Braunthal,
72. P. Taft and P. Ross, "American Labor Violence: Its Causes, Character, and
Outcome," in H, Graham and T. Guff, Violence in America- Historical and Com-

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parative Perspectives, NY. 1969, 281, A good recent account with bibliography is
S. Lens, The Labor Wars. From the Molly Maguires to the Sitdowns, NY, 274.
73. Only the isolated and idiosyncratic "Committees of Vigilance" in Louisiana
specifically called itself a "revolutionary movement" (basing its illegal activity on
the precedent of 1776). See R. Brown, "The American Vigilante Tradition,"
Violence, 181. Only the mysterious epidemic of assassinations in the New Mexico
territory used political violence with revolutionary consistency against constituted
authority. See Brown, "Historical Patterns of Violence in America," ibid., 58-60.
74. Taft and Ross, ibid., 283-4.
75. W. Broehl, Jr., The Molly Maguires, Cambridge, Mass., 2964, 73.
76. On the leader, "Peter Lalor," the "Tipperary Boys," and estimates that about
half of the 863 participants were Irish, see Historical Studies, Australia and New
Zealand, Eureka Supplement, Melbourne, 1954, 2d enlarged edition, 1965, 49, 79.
See also So ff. for American participation in this event, which helped give birth
to Australian nationalism and Australian trade unionism (according to a letter of
Dec 20, 1971, from the Irish scholar and former ambassador to Australia, atin
77. Broehl, 25, and list of other societies, 26.
78. Ibid., 27-32, for varying legends about their origin and Molly Maguire's
identity, This work, the first to use the Pinkerton papers, provides the basis for the
account here.
79. W. D'Arty, The Fenian Movement in the United States: 1858-1886, Washing-
ton, D.C.. 1947, 243 ff. See also the collection edited by M. Harmon, Fenians and
Fenianism, Seattle, 297o. For a transnational illustration of Left-Right interaction
in the Irish movement, see the unpublished essay revealing that a pioneer of
Russian radicalism in the 283os, who became a Redernptorist monk in Ireland,
ended up writing a special benediction for the Fenians: De benedictione novi mill is
(E. MacWhite, "The Mater's First Chaplain and the First Russian Political Emigre.
Vladimir Pecherin, 1807-4885," 32-3).
See also new material in L. 4:5 Broin, Revolutionary Underground: The Story of
the Irish Republican Brotherhood, :858-1924, Totowa, 1976.
Bo. Their curious blend of violence with festivity is illustrated by the "Fenian
Marseillaise" which was sung at the end of "Fenian picnics": "Away with speech,
and brother, reach me down that rifle gun./ By her sweet voice, and hers alone, the
rights of man are won." C. Wittke, The Irish in America, Baton Rouge, 1956, /54.
81. Z. Pease, The Catalpa Expedition, New Bedford, 1897.
82. D'Arcy, 404
Si T. Coogan, The IRA, L, 1970, 129 14.
84. N. Mackenzie, Secret Societies, NY, 1967,188 ff.
85. The AFL was the first body to promote the formal celebration of May r by
laborers (see M. Dornrnanget, Histoire du premier mai, 1953, 35-7). But this
campaign was linked to the cause of an eight-hour day, not to revolutionary
solidarity as were later European "May Days." By 1894 American Labor settled on
its own more recreational "Labor Day" on the first Monday in September.
86. ,hacker, /38.
87. R. Drinnon. Rebel in Paradise: A Biography of Emma Goldman, Chicago.
1961, 69-77. See also the critical bibliography, 315-33.
88. Jacker, 128-41.
89. On the Russo-Jewish anarchists, see R. Rocker, The London Years, 1956; for
their influence inside Russia, Avrich. 39-40. See also Rocker's transnational
Anarcho-Syndicalism, L, 1938.
go. See the biographical preface by the translator R. Chase to Rocker, National-
ism and Culture, NY, 1937, xvi.
91. See Rocker's still valuable pamphlet, The Tragedy of Spain, NY, 1937.
92. See Rocker, Pioneers of American Freedom, Los Angeles, 1949, especially the
examination of why American anarchism never found roots in European radicalism
93. Goldman was brokenhearted in her last days over the crushing of anarchism
in Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War: "It's as though you had wanted a child
all your life, and at last, when you had almost given up hoping, it had been given
to you-only to die soon after it was born" E. Mannin, Women and the Revolution,
NY, 1939, 137; Drinnorav 3!!). She followed the tradition of many American
radicals of the period in asking that her body be returned to America to be buried
near the martyrs of the Haymarket riot.
94. Drinnon, 3-27.
5. She was initially attracted to him by his gluttony in the restaurant, not by
his ideas. See Goldman, Living My Life, NY, /93i, I, 5; Jacker, 129.
g6. Jacker, r3r.

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal


97. "Forever is a long time, he told the Court Met

knows whether Austria will live that long." owldith characteris in L
Mercury, z926, Jun, 162. See also Rocker, Johann ATan' bail 44Joha n tMom
I. ....1_
Os t.
- uravad
, ii. 1:1,
1924. d'icthen eirti lNericq:
98. There were 28 delegates from 22 cities. see
Haymarket Affair, NY, 1936, 99-101, "Communist A David, Th Cita tiebeitotn
from the earlier indigenous pacifistic anarchism of H.narchisnii, ,..e -ii8t0,,,
C. Machison, "Anarchism in the United States,*. Jour men like j was distiZ f the,
nal of the Isiah liv Will%
294, Jant 57 ff. Rio itrren
99. Most, August Reinsdorf and die Propaganda der Th Ili of i,Latt
Nyv e(to ,
zoo. Copies of this rare work appear to have vanished .II " 1 8851 21Rn._
at3C. c
librazies during the revived interest in these matters " e""I Maio -1,,'
here are from the extended abstract entered as evidence late 1st
m th- the Rayrn e rg
". Citatior
and reprinted in J. Lawson, ed., American State Trials: Acinto
and Interesting Criminal Trials which have taken Place . ollection of O-att
the beginning of our Government to the Present Day, Stm the United set- ant'Porkint
'nets fron
See also L. Adamic, Dynamite. The Story of Class Viole;_ice Louis'
in A.,.. 919
. Kit .P 1 111._,.

41-8; faker, 94-6; Ded ijer, Sarajevo, 167-8. "Icct, Nyi -44.
lox. Lawson, 1x8. 1934,
102. Ibid., Ix6.
103. See the preceding deposition at the same trial in .awson,
T- i io.
104. Cited in Drinnon, 35.
105. C. Wittke, Against the Current: The Life of Karl IIeln zen,
rob Rocker, 403, 413; Goldman, x66. chicago, 1945.
zone Wittke, n. 8.
rob. Heinzen, "Mord contra Mord," Freiheit, 1901, Sep 7, 2. Note hinw ,L,
(which originally appeared in Johann Becker's Die Evolution of .." LuIS ankle
anticipated on the Left the later Bismarckian slogan of the Right: ilian.--Feb, 1849)
109. Estimate of P. Renshaw. The WobbIies. The Story ofyndlcalistrz s .ood arid iron."
United States, NY, 1968, 8. in the
110. Renshaw, 16o. See also 3. Conlin, Big Bill Haywood and the Radical Union
Movement, Syracuse, 1969.
iii. By Haywood (Renshaw, r75; Kornbluh, Rebel Voices, x ,F, N Wa1%x saw hi s One
Big Union "leading on to the great revolution which will emanc emancipate thworking e wo
class." See his speech, "Th6 General Stzike," NY, 19zi, Mar 16, cited in Crook, ii6,
A recent scholarly study is M M. Dubasky, We Shall Be AU: A Hy istor of the MX}
Chicago, x969. Still the best account in many ways is P. Brissenden, The IWW: A
History of American Syndicalism, NY, x9x9 (reprinted 1957). For minutes of the
fast convention, attended by delegates from 34 states, see The Founding Contertiion
of the IVVW, NY, x905 (reprinted A969).
1I See, for instance, the picture "The Greatest Thing on Earth" (reproduced ire
33), of an endless stream of workers marching up out of a mire toward a
sun containing a globe inscribed "XWW Universal." Saynn:
113. Renshaw, 221-38, 4-5. There was also an independent and parallel
dicalist movement in Argentina that developed more directly from Frevc A ofb s bc,
Spanish models and is exhaustively treate din the Hebrew doctoral thesis
Oved, Tel Aviv, 1975, scheduled for translation and publication as "El nar qu i ni
1977n Le 175.
y el surgimiento del movlmiento obrero en la Argentina," Mexico, i ns,
114. Renshaw, 36; Romero-Maura, "Case," 469. Estimate of numb ers
il5. From the text in Kornbluh, 45. The term
a 1909 rnbitth, 52.
116. Williams, "Sabotage," Solidarity, 19r 1, Feb 25, in Ro (Kornbluh ,
vo, Jun 4
was first introduced in the IWW press in Solidarity, I s . tee_l,strike
1974, (51).
lir. Oth" b,
journal started by Williams in Newcastle, Pa., during.
etnunist party ), sum
French influences are discussed in M. Lapitsky, Uirtam Kh
Elizabeth Gurley Flynn (a later leader of the American. es") fr
sequently distinguished disciplined sabotage ("an internal in
crude violence. See Sabotage, 1915, cited in Kornblub, 37. Sustrial prN niver
ows in the .0 ' nale J-
117. Estimate of Gurley Flynn in Renshaw, ioo-I
xx8. Po get, Sabotage, Chicago, 1913; A. Giovannitti, Arr cited in
side, Conn., 1914. agazie, 1912, MO 25'
lig- "The Revolutionary Strike," The American
Kornbluh, xs8; other comments cited in Renshaw, 106.
120. KOrlIblilh 2.01.
tlY d
121. Ibid., 202. Revolutionary: A Bil)graP
122. Cited in R. O'Connor and D. Walker, The Lost
John Reed, NY, 1967, 33.
123. Cited in Kornbluh, 201.
124. Ten Days That Shook the World, NY, 1919, 1 6.
Chapters 6
125. according to John Reed, cited
hitect, NY, 14.1; Renshaw, 26. in A. Pete
Ar:76. zsFterrie,dchiteeidmiind.pLreonio
sigu2e31;.02 :Dn.* Da i
12 . al ntel be Lec.
17 HOC K ,
iith" Labor History, VI, z965, 11__ p Strik e
H. Conner, Revolution in i
stri12 Seir main legacy to Soviet Comramun cettQl.er, N
a --.1-tr ,.. mr,... Si
. ) --4=1. --) Lea.
behind in Moscow' Timur .Tirnofeev9 Wh g of the
i Movements, Which supervises thnow
Workers e 18:head thise*in the
saxi th
a any side of s o:r ta:
tt!t::hiP7ad rtt::
..e HSisn ls left
129. In 1919 , Reed split from the American C :viet revolutiona , 4? of
fou nding in Chicago (Renshaw, i
197-8) and, in orrurxunist pa 1-%-
illusioned with Soviet Communism. See B. Wo914fe_,103;e , i, died in mLy h NW its
wall," American Heritage, 1 960, Feb, 6.._g, oscow i aiter
Ten Days bY Cr Hicks, revising some conclusion
0 the new introductieo ---
i9 38. New material on Reed's Russian period s ir1411-15277:irodn:innginbliho tof
disillusionment) is in A. Startsev, Russhie (though is ag
e trg!hrudnd
y ht
most IWW activists went to the USSR as parttid blokno Dzhon reRlictably Iittle on
of the 13a tde, 1966. ois
Kuzbas colony experiment (File 13iz.00ll Xuzbas, state
D.C.). Most returned disillusioned to America, prartn iffunigiwanttiin the
in 192 3. The Soviet study of Heywood by La and Heywood mood part'inent, Tv asaungton,
creates theessti gned as IWw b ead
Hey wood's final views about the USSR were negative, by revreoanl suspicion that
Heywood had basically completed an autobiography
nothing about its contents. in the (166)
and that
and telling
x30. D. Montgomery, "The 'New Unionism' and the Transform
Consciousness in America, 1909-22, Journal of Social History, XVII, ation1of Workers'
I v. Renshaw, 146-7; also 3(.43-60 for the vexed questions of the Hill legend, 974, 517. and
supplementary materi] ill Kornbluh, "Joe Hill: Wobbly Bard,"
G Sm ith, Jeo Hill: The Man and the Myth, Utah, 1967; and The TWIN Voices, 127-57 ;
and their Little Red Songbook. When the Congress of Industrial Organizations was
formed in I935regumirig industrial union organization after the depressionit
took its official song cliyectly from the IWW (sung to the tune of John Btu 's Body
and ending with the ringing affirmation that "the union makes us strong"),

Chapter 16
iRecent studies (as collated by NI. Falkus, "Aspects of Foreign Investment in
Tsarist Russia," The Journal of European Economic History, 1979, Spring, 5-36,
esp. chartson 25, 31) suggests that totalFrench investment in imperial Russia was
about 12 billion French
without much understanding.
_a2. ft began with votive reverence for Das Kapital
_ n r x s anarchist foe, Bakunin, was the first to attempt to translate it into Russian
i the late 186os. Populist foes of Marxism, Mikhailovsky and Nicholas Danielson,
became in the early seventies the first Russians respectively to praise him ex.
r.avagantly in the legal press and to complete a translation. A liberal professor loIrdmin aili
ev Nicholas Sieber, was one of the first ever to include Marx's work in a f
u,,niversity course during the same 18705. Marx himself as early as 1868rsgeinianind, as:ciu
. e irony of fate that the Russians with whom I Capital" have fought for 25ryeKau
(Lettfirs Ili D garia
b.ecome "the first foreign nation to translate 4/Capital&
L ar 1 934, 77; also Bfflington, Mikhailovsky, 65-7o; and A. elle eevsstriteecvhisitns,
ksa V rossii 187ohli godov, 1939 esp. 86-118).
Pavel Axelrod and the Developtnen.tiotM
3. Dan P 168; Ai Ascher e dis Axelrodi r e 1921)3,t126-.36 ti 1:
Cambridge, mass., x 972, 26, ' The primary soure 2;a72 ?,e, Berlin, 4
chaste of
Perezhitoe i pere II) 1934, 2d eil.,
gernlartskoi sotsialdernokratiei," in suggest grea.ter ifluenceer.
404._DanD 1742 178 n.; also E. Yaroslaysky, IstoriiI VKL to generally thou (
Zhuikov attempts, not altogether convincing than ba_sy,,eeri , _.0 ningradp 1975).
pi 1

ply hanovis group within St. Petersburg and the

"osvobozhdenie trudapi Dmitri Blagoev,
r9 shie marksisty i gruppa
n these groupsled respectively by the Bulgareiati,
Q .
,. ) Michael Brusnevsee Dan, 186-7.
i_ t _ icon different aspects of this complex su
n he Pale: The Formative Years of the f
e i
s :a
d leMirs: 115
ff : 1 h
_ C
f i
uc ai
ti N
crIl 8
isia :1:M
: od j
RU8s1ta, Cambridge xsi7o. N. Levin, W h i I e Mbleed w esdesi: saPchhtsoe1ea7'ArTE7frM:eeeid x1996;2;. 811
787z _ig 'NY P taxa foorrddpi
merits, b.151Frdo5113975,:s0
1., ations between
1/71 g7is7h; tBhuentidnaP;c1
z the ,Jexiw
4 ne Jewish Bund in Russia from It s Ling
634 Chapter i6

7. An action organization, "The Union of Polish Workers,, gained 6,o00 mem-

bers during the industrial unrest of 1889-91 E. Yaroslaysky, Istoriia vetikoi
kommunisticheskoi partii tboi'shevikovi, Moscow/Leningrad, 2926, Tom I, vyp. 2,
126): and Machajski was arrested in 1892 in an effort to bring a manifesto from
the emigres in Switzerland to the proletariat leading the large-scale uprising in
Etodz in 2892. See Nomad, Aspects, 98-9.
a Though his argument was directed at eastern Europe, Machajski framed it in
terms of a challenge to Karl Kautoky's seemingly authoritative Marxist acceptance of
the intellectuals as potential allies of a proletarian revolution: ICautsky, "Die
Intelligenz and die Sozialdernokratie," Die Neue Zeit, 1894-5, no. 27, ro-6; no, 28,
43-9; no. 29, 74-80. Machajski argued that the intellectuals within the Social
Democratic movement were " privileged employees of capitalism" pursuing a family
quarrel on behalf of the 'educated bourgeoisie" against the "bourgeois aristocracy,"
seeking to hold onto their special form of "property" ( the education they had been
given) and to use it as a weapon of control over the unwitting workers.
g. The Intellectual Worker, hectographed in 18g8, was published in z9o5
(Umstvenny rabochy, Geneva). See also his Burzhitaznaia re-voliutsiia2 rabochee
de lo, 1905. For discussions, see Nomad, Aspects, 96-127; rich, Anarchists, 102-6.
and "Anarchism and Anti-intellectualism in Russia," Journal of the History of
Ideas, 1966, Jul-Sep, 381--go; L. Feuer, "The Political Linguistics of Intellectual*
1898-2918," Survey, 297! Winter, x56-83; and the unpublished Columbia disserta.
tion of M. Schatz, "Anti.Intellectualiam in the Russian Intelligentsia: Michael Ba-
kunin, Peter Kiopotkin, and Jan Waclaw Machajski," 1963.
of the above can be usefuily supplemented by a discussion particularly rich
in using Polish materials on and by ache ski A. DPAgostino, "friachaevism: In
Socialism and the Socialization of Intelligence," Marxism and the Russian
Anarchists, San Francisco, 1977, I ro-55.
The disproportionate political role of intellectuals in Communist Eastern Europe
continues to prompt emigres from that region to publish important studies of the
submit. See particularly A. Gella, ed., The Intelligentsia and the Intellectuals.
Theory, Method and Case Study, Oxford, 1978; and G. Kontad and I. Szelenyi,
The Intellectuals on the Road to Class Power: A Sociological Study of the Role of the
Intelligentsia in Socialism, NY, z979.
xo. See the introduction of B. Volin to N. Fedosee-v. Stan i pienta, xg58, 7 ff.;
also the more informative earlier collection of articles, Fedoseev Nikolai Evgrafovich.
Odin ix piontrov re-voliuttionnogo marksizma v Rosati, Moscow/Petrograd, 1923,
104-10, 28 ff., 75.
Fedoseev, 74. He insisted that it be called "Social Democratic" rather than
Marxist" to avoid any suggestion of intellectual theorizing.
12. !MC Ste% 8, 23-7.
13. Cited in Getzler, Martel), Cambridge, 1967, 23. A. Kremer and Yu. Martov,
Ob agitatsii, A, Gordon, Pis'ma k intetligentant, and S. Gozhansky, Pisima k
agitatoram (which suggested "parallel activity" in both spheres and thus fore-
shadowed the later Soviet idea of an integrated agitprop), are discussed in Yaro.
slaveky, Istoriia, 1926, 128. See also Dan, 296-7; Cozier, 21-44.
14. Dan, 199.
15 See the important testimony by Kilesson, "Vladimir Inch u 11,E. Klassona,"
Krarnaia Letopie, 1925, no. 2p 1454 Masson pointedly recalled in this deposition of
1925 that "then as now Marx was honored, but little read" (144).
26. Plekbanov's magisterial In Defense of Materialirm of 1894 (L, 2947)
reconciled the iconoclastic scientism with the moralistic idealism of the Russian
revolutionary tradition, by urging the new generation to move from "mechanistic"
to "historical" materialism; an "objective" and "monistic" world view that would
bridge "the seemingly bottomless abyss" between hard facts and high ideals 078.
IColakowski argues (Currents, II, 329, 340) that Plekhanov "wrote the first works
which can be called manuals of Mandsm" and was the first person to use the
term "dialectical materialism" "to denote the whole of Marxist philosophy,"
17, Plekhancres close association with the German movement helped him be.
come a leading figure in the Second International. He wrote its official tribute to
Hegel in 189z (reprinted in Plekhanov, Les Questions fondamentales du Afar-risme,
1947, 1o7-35), was formally admitted as a Marxist to the Zurich Congress in 2893
(loll, In 72), collaborated in the German-led campaign to exclude the
anarchists, and dramatically shook hands with a Japanese socialist at the opening
of the Amsterdam Cons in 1904 when the Russo-Japanese war was raging
(ibid., roe).
18. P. Struve, "My Contact. and Conflicts with Lenin," The Slavonic Review,
1934, Apr, 580. He brought back "a whole collection of contemporary Social- .

Copyrighted material
Chapter 16 635

Democratic literature in the German language" (578) which was unparalleled in

St. Petersburg and widely used.
19. Ibid., 586. Struve, Kriticheskie zametki h voprosu ob ehonomicheshom razvitii
Rossii, St. Petersburg, 1894.
20. Struve, "Contacts," 1934, Jul, 72-3; 204-5.
2/. C. Weill, Marxistes russes et social-democratie allemande 1898-1904, 1977,
22. Dan, 208.
23. The scholarly, but necessarily Leninist study by the East German historian
B. Brachrnan (Russische Sozialdemokraten in Berlin, 1895-1914, 1962) can now
be supplemented by Weill's more interpretive account, which is focused on the
pre-r9os period. For Lenin's own German associations, see K. Shterb, Lenin v
Germanii, 1959.
24. Text in Tucker, ed., Marx-Engels Reader, 422-3.
5. Citations from Lenin attesting to his deep identification with his brother as
a source of his own vocation are in L. Fischer, The Life of Lenin, NY, 1964, 17.
26. The decisive influence of Chernyshevsky on Lenin is attested in N. Valentinov,
Encounters with Lenin, L, 1968, esp. 63-72; and stressed in A. Ulan, The Bol-
sheviks, NY, x965, 19) 54-70.
27. Maria Yasneva (Golubeva), the wife of Zaichnevsky's closest associate, and
a follower of Tkachev who later joined the Bolsheviks, cited in V. I. Lenin v
Samare 1889-1893. Sbornik vospominaniia, 1933, 69. See also T. Szamuely, The
Russian Tradition, NY, 1974, 318, Valentinov, Encounters, 73-5.
When Lenin first arrived in Geneva, he singled out the works of Tkachev as
"closer to our viewpoint than any of the others" in addressing his future private
secretary V. Bonch-Bruevich (see the latter's lzbrannye Sochineniia, 1962, II,
314-6). V. Adoratsky, a close friend of Lenin during that period and future editor
of Lenin's works, also attested to the continuing importance of the elite and violent
tradition of the People's Will for Lenin during the Samara period. See Fischer,
Lenin, I9-20. Ulam dismisses Yasneva rather cavalierly as a "witch" (Bolsheviks,
28. Lenin, Sochineniia, 194i, 4th ed., 1, 380. For earlier Russian uses of partiiny,
and later Leninist uses of partiinose in the full sense of individual sacrifice for the
sake of the party, see Billington, 816, esp. n. 32. In the preface to
a collection of party documents published in Geneva in 1904 (N. Shakhov, Barba za
siezd), Lenin insisted that all the material should "revolve around one central point,
namely: the struggle of party spirit with circle spirit (partiinosti s kruzhitousii-
chinoir; cited in V. Moro ova, "Izdatelistvo sotsial-demokraticheskoi partiinoi
literatury V. Boneh-Bruevicha i N. Lenina," Voprosy Istorii KPSS, 1962, no. 4, zoi.
29. According to D. Kutsentov, V. I. Lenin i mestnye partiinye organizatsii Rossii,
Perm, 1970, 95. The official Soviet view, which stretches every thread of authentic
testimony to exaggerate the extent of both Lenin's leadership and his contacts with
workers, is codified (and "bourgeois falsifications" duly rebuffed) in Ya. Volin, ed.,
istoriograftia peterburgskogo soiuza bar 1by za osvobozhdenie rabochego hlass, Penn,
o. a Geyer seems to suggest that Lenin and the intellectuals superimposed a
prior conspiracy on the workers (Lenin in der russischen Sozialdemokratie,
Cologne/Graz 1962). R. Pipes, Social Democracy and the St. Petersburg Labor
Movement, 1885-18.97, Cambridge, Mass., 1963, downplays Lenin's influence.
A. Wildman, The Making of a Workers' Revolution, Russian Social Democracy,
1891-1903, Chicago, 1967, is a valuable social history.
31. For details, see Ya. Cherniaysky, Bor'ba V. I. Lenina za organizatsionnye
printsipy marksistshoi partii, 1954, 9 ff.
32. Cited, from the first proclamation of the Union, by Dan (who was one of the
members closest to Martov). 20x.
33. According to the valuable fragment of Leonid Krasin's projected "revolu-
tionary history of the Technological Institute," in M. Liadova and S. Pozner, eds.,
Leonid Borisovich Krasin ("Nikitich"), Cody podpol'ia, Moscow/Leningrad, 1928. 52.
This project was never apparently completed, but there did appear in the following
year an article by M. Rappeport, "Revoliutsionnaia istorila tekhnologicheskogo
instituta," in the centennial volume Tehhnoloeichishy institut imeni leningradshogo
so eta rabochikh, kr stianskik i rasnoarmeiskikh deputatov, Leningrad, 1928, 1,
271 if. (LI.). Key facts are taken from this rich, illustrated volume, esp. 97-9, 115.
273-7, 266, and picture of the special student building on 294. The enrollment was
fixed at 500 in 1887 005), but had increased to 630 by 1891 and to 841 by 1897
(113). a Brower, "Student Political Attitudes and Social Origins: The Tech-
nological Institute of Saint Petersburg," Journal of Social History, I. 1972-3,
simply summarizes a questionnaire of 1909 showing that 56% of the students at

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

636 Chapter 16
the institute considered themselves adherents of the radical Left (204), and points
out that the radical component grew as the enrollment doubled from the late
189os through x9o8 (202).
34. N. Krupskala, "O Krasine,"in &wan, 137. The otherwise unidentified Lelewel
(usually omitted in subsequent Soviet accounts) is here assumed to be a Pole. See
ibid., 52-7; Rappeport, 279; and (on Yakov Itlotkin's and Arkady Kremer's visit of
1885) Levin, Mesriah, 232,
Krasin was attracted to the institute by an alumnus who was also a veteran of the
People's Will and his chemistry teacher in Tiumen, Siberia (Kravitz, so). Valentinov,
Krzhizhanovsky, and others were protected within the institute by another chemistry
professor and his wife who were clandestine members of the Social Democratic
movement (Valentino'', Encounters, 3-5).
35. The head of a circle invited Krasin to join with these words in Oct 1139o;
see Krasin, "Dela davno rainuvahlkh dnei, 1889-z892," pro tars revoliutstia,
1923, no. 3, 10; also 7-45.
36. "crash", 67-71.
37. Fedor Afanasievich and V. S. Gaiubev respectively: Krasin. 89. 394; also
Rappeport, 281.
38. R. McNeal. Bride of the Revolution: Krupskaya and Lenin, Ann Arbor, 2972,
39. See the important memoir of V. ICarelina on this neglected group in Krasin,
4O Krasirt, 35-40.
41. Autobiographical testimony in Gleb Maksimovich Krzhizhanovsky. Zhizn'
driaternosit., 2974, 186.
42. A. Mernikov, Khranite11 partiinyhh Win, 1975, x3-4 (HU ). The basic sources
on Ratichenko's life and activities remain the short memoirs by his brother, I. L
Radchenko (Stary BoVshevik, 1933. Max-Apr, 177-86) and his close associate, G. B.
as (ibid., T86-9). Modest increments of information, but no interpretation or
insight, have been added In each of the only other accounts of any kind that I have
found in an extensive search: D. Kutsentov, Deiatell Peterburgskogo "Soiuza borriby
orvobozhdenie rabochego Massa," 1962, x15-22; A. Mernikov, "Lcninets Stepan
Radchenko," Voprosy 1970, no, 4, igi-zo6; and E. S. Radclaenko, "Odin iz
pervykh soratnikov illicha," ,Voprosy Istorii o69, no. 7, 88---93. The latter
memoir by his daughter, Evgeniia Stepa.novna, is written in a purely scholarly form
and gives no indication of this relationship.
43. For his role in arranging meetings. see M. Silivin, Lenin vpertiod zarozhdenila
partii, Leningrad, 1958p 48-9, 103, Z58-9. V. Alcimov suggests that Radchenko in
fact established a clandestine school in St. Petersburg during 2892-4 (The Dilem-
mai of Russian Marxism 1895-1903. Cambridge, 1969, 235).
44. hitrilikov, 11.adchenko," ig6, Khraniter, 9B. ,.Engineers' seems to have been
used internally within the empire by his Kievan contacts. See "It Vospominanii
S.V. Parazich (S.V. Pomerants)," vas to Leap's', 1923, no. 7, 257.
45. Still another pseudonym used less often was Leibovich, a synthetic patro-
nymic suggesting the russified form of both the German "lifeguard" (Leibgvardlia)
and the English " laborite"(leiborist). See Perepidur V.I. Leninai redaktsii gazety
alskra" s sortial-demokraticheskinii organizatsiiarrti 1.1 Rossii, Irmo-1903, 1970, III.
7xr. Though under police surveillance from x8gx E. Radchenko, 8g fr.), Radchenko
does not appear to have been effectively detected prior to the fall of 18a4. See
Mernikov, 16.
46. &Nth, x04p 105.
47. N. Sergievsky, "Gruppa lOsvobozhcieniis Truda' I marksistskie lauxhki,"
istorikoprevoliuttionny sbornik 1929, II, 152-3.
48. Sirvin. 35. Other information from I. Radchenko, 177-8; G. Krasin, 1136-7.
More details on the Ukrainian activities and connections of Radchenko and his
brothers are presumably contained in the Ukrainian.language study unavailable to
me by E. Malenko, Braria Radchenki, Kharkov, pro.
49. Yu. Martell, Zapiski sotsial-dentokrata, Berlin, 1922, 2I4, citing from the
"sharp letter" be wrote to his comrades in St. Petersburg. Martov, like everyone
else, is tantalizingly brief in his tributes to Radchenko.
so. For these aspects of Martov's legacy. see I. Getiler, Marlow, 9 ff.; also A.
Patkln, The Origins of the Rustiangewish Labour Movement, Melbourne, I947.
51. Martov claims that be was the first to use this term of denunciation (ZaPishl.
2 I4
2. Stepan 's father died when he was young, so that he was forced to take over
the family business of supplying wood to the local railroad and immersed as a youth
directly in a world of artisans, railroad workers, and so forth, generally unknown
to most St. Petersburg intellectuals. See I. Radchenko,

Copyrighted material
Chapter i6 637
53. The remarkable memoir by Vera Karelia of this meeting (Krasnaia Leto is',
x924, no. z, xo-i) is generally overlooked in subsequent Soviet writings. The one
author who cites it (Mernikov, "Radchenko," 195) presents the meeting as if it
took place in 1893 and follows the usual practice of ritually exaggerating Lenin's
influence even at this early date. It was apparently at a later meeting (at which
Radchenko was also present) that Lenin was first introduced to broader revolution-
ary circles as "the brother of the well-known revolutionary A. I. Ulyanov," Kutsen-
tov, rociateii, I x 6-8.
54. G. Krasin, 187.
55. Kutsentov, /act; G. ICrzhiz.hanovsky, in 0 Vladimire Mate. Sbornik statei
vospominanii, 1933, 39-40.
56. Kutsentov, 1x9; Silfrvin, 48-9, 103-5; E. Radchenko, go.
57. Mcl'riikov, "Radchenko," col, on the basis of new archival material.
58. See the discussion of Radchenko's central role in Mel'iukov, Khraaiter,
o, which also suggests the possibility that Arkady Kremer, who quarreled with
Radchenko over the word, may have been responsible for its insertion. The docu-
ment was published at the press of the Bund; and the presence of these two at the
meetings and their closeness to workers make either of them a more likely source
of this addition than is Struve (to whom R. Pipes attributes the authorship without
advancing any reasons or evidence: Struve. Liberal on the Left 187o--19o5, Cam-
bridge, Mass., x970, x93). For detailed treatment of this neglected conference
(which does not, however, clarify this question), see articles by I. Moshinsky and
E. Gurvich in Katorga f Ssyika, 1928, no. 40. Russian Social Democratic Labor party
remained the official name until after the Bolshevik Revolution.
The initial proletarian orientation of the Russian party (if not the introduction
of the word "labor") almost certainly owes something to the Kiev Social Democrats
and their remarkable leader, the locksmith Yuvenaly Mernikov. See B. Eiden:Ilan,
"K istorii vozniknoveniia rossiiskoi sotsial demokraticheskoi rabochei partii," Pro-
letarskaia Revolfutsiia, x921, no. x, 20-65. The Kievans organized a conference of
their own in Mar, 1897 (31-3), and their role at the Minsk gathering in 1898
would be better known had not many of their members been arrested in Mar, 1898.
MeVnikov died in 1899, and the Kievans' collective book Rabochee delo v Rossii dis-
appeared without ever being published (49, 50. Melinikov, who may have been
radicalized by his contact with technological students at the Kharkov colony of the
Si Petersburg Technological Institute, summarized their worker-oriented econornism
anathema to later Leninizing historians: "Better to lift the masses an inch than
one man to the second floor." (29).
59. Volin, Istoriografria, 8-9.
Go. Za piatochok, za hipiatok. This official party account of D. Kutsentov (in
Ocherki istor t Leningradskoi organizatsii KPSS. h.I, 1883-oktiabe z917, Lenin-
grad, 1962, 51) draws on archival material unavailable to ordinary Soviet (let alone
foreign) scholars; but it is not precisely documented and is slanted to stress retro-
actively Lenin's leadership role and closeness to the working class.
The tantalizingly fragmentary use of an unpublished memoir by V. Solodilov in
11 el Khraniter, go) depicts Radchenko arguing that the Russian movement
should correct not just English trade unionism, but German Social Democracy as
well, by fusing the class struggle of the proletariat with the political struggle against
61. This distinction dates from Plekhanov in r892, (Akimov, r7).
62. Getzler. 79. Martov also revived the Buonarrotian theme of vilifying Lafayette
as the bourgeois who seeks "to contain the further development of the revolution."
See his review (Zhizn', 190o, Sep, 35B-62) of Vasily Yakoviev, Markiz Lafaiet
(delatel' trekh revoliutsii), 1889, cited In Gether, 42-3-
63. Dan, 229.
64. Lenin, What Is To Be Done?, Oxford, 1963 (originally 1902), 182-3.
65. Cited in the intr. of S. Utechin to ibid., 109-1o. Krupskaia cites Lenin as
saying flatly that "Iskra created the Russian Social Democratic Workers' Party"
(V. Stepanov, Lenin i russkaia organizatsiia "Iskry" 190a-1903, 1968, 397). Al-
though the editorial offices were in Munich and the press in Stuttgart, she insisted
that "its center of gravity is inside Russia" (ibid., 7).
66. Cited in A. Wildman, "Lenin's Battle with Kustarnichest-vo: the Iskra Or-
ganization in Russia," Siavic Review, 1964, Sep, 486.
67. What Is To Be Done?, 187-8.
68. G. Deich, "Voprosy konspirativnoi tekhniki v pis'makh V.I. Lenina
190o-1903 godov," VoprosyIsto i, 1969, no. 9, esp. 51 ff., 6o-x.
6g. Stepanov, Lenin, 7; Deich, "Voprosy," 63-6; and for details of his original
proposals for Iskra and Zaria and of his key support organization near the border
at Pskov, see B. Novikov, V.I. Lenin i pskovskie iskrovtsy, T968; also Borshevistskaia

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

638 Chapter 16
pechae. Sbornik materialov, 2959-61.4v; and the essays edited by A
seventieth anniversary of the founding of Ishra: Le-ninsitaia "i sgrc.:.% Xcstin on
70. A&Irvin, 23B-4 0. ' 1 97o. tht
71. conclusion that can beinlerred from material in
"Iskra , III, 71!); and from theI.testinicm, Radekenkoi 1 ,
(Perepiska Lenina i redaktsii c t . 1i. ..el
chenko that Lenin visited the well-located yet eff ectively concealed Bae . 01. ;3-*

- Pskov a Imo s t every day" (90.Ishra

'Tient in " elleriko aPazt, ak'-
72. The correspondence to her from makes it clear she yvas in
well as Poltava (Perepiska, 1, 57-8, 70 ).
73. Wildman, 489; Perepiska, III, 7xx; and A. IvIelinikov, 'Organza
torfi anoi prornyshiennosti. X 90.1etiiu so dnia rozhdeniia I.I. Radelhiealika
n ss,tep:ttsk
.Promyshlennose, 1964, no. ,8, 25. 0, TorAanaja cu
74. Mellnikov, "Leninets, ' 205; E. Radchenko, 92.
75. That the name was initially unknown to Lenin and Krupsk
the latter's query of Sep 23 to a St. Petersburg correspondent: "Who 1is
General?" (Perepiska, 1, 232, also 2261 245).
76, For details of this system, see V. NoIvIik9o;v1.,e , "nNin
g 1:13:errckZ:
ent hob-

Voprosy Istorii, x977, no. 4, xxL5-26, esp. sYlaite Isk .

* illy ,
S. Rozenoir, Neiegarny transport, 1932...T ..
iait.e of arrest (correct n T 211'13; arid
184, and others) is given in - Perepiska, TIT ,
77, R. Obolenskaia, "Propaganda i agitatsiia v period sta gro; Pi, Stars Bo l._
shevik, z933, MayJun, esp. .123-32.
78. "Dokiad organizatsii Iskryi II s'ezdu RSDRP 1,7 x903 41PSTkO e1 : "
arskaia Eno.
liutsiia, 1928, no. I, 147-67, esp. 148, 154.
79. He called himself N. Lenin for the first time in an article written in his til
retical journal Zaria: "Gg. ''Kritiki v agrarnom voprose," no, 2,3, in sobr ee-
1967,99-156 (completed just as he was finishing What h To Be Done?). anie, v,
So. Lenin differentiated an "article" from the unfocused "thoughts and sketch
of bourgeois journalists. See P. Karasev, "1z nabliudenii nad kompozitsiei lerlinsk+eksh
states," Problem y zhanrov v zhurnaiistike, Leningrad, 1968, 5-6. When asked la ''
Lenin formally listed his own occupation as "journalist" or "litterateur," the latte lte
in its Russian form of literator being synonymous with "ideological journalism" r;
since Belinsky. See V. Karpinski, "Lenine redacteur," Lenine tel (Nig fut. Souvenirs
de contemporains, Moscow, 1958, 382.
8j. What Is To Be Done? 188.
82. Mernikov, "Leninets," 2o5-6; E. Radchenko, 92.
83. Krzhizhanovsky, 14-5; What Is To 16(1? Done? i3.
84. Krzhizhanovsky, 16-7; Krasin, 261, tt.7E-2, 195, 200, and (on the German
phase) 233.
85. Krasin, 257,
86. Krzhizhanovsky became the founding head both of the Bolshevik Commission
on Electrification (COELHO) and of its successor organization, the State Planning
Commission (GOSPLAN). Krasin became People's Commissar for Industry and
Trade and then for Transportation. Ivan Racichenko, who had worked with Masson
to set up the first peat-burning electric power station at Noginsk in 1912, became
head of the Directorate for Peat. See Mernikov, "Organizator," 25-6.
Though in prison or exile for most of the decade leading up to his death in ;gm
Stepan Radchenko made use of a brief period of amnesty during the Revolution of
1905 to supply a revolver to his brother Leonty in Moscow and to bring anoth
brother, Yury, to Vologda ot earn l revolutionary technique from fellow exiles there,
After Stepan's death Yury was arrested when a lengthy Marxist study , al

was discovered in the secret compartment of a trunk that had been aucbtiyon aratchzk
to pay his debts. That piece of writing has not survived, and the first aPP
thus left behind nowritten legacy of his own. See I. Radchenko, 183-6. biography
87. Strange as it may seem, there is still no comprehensive, scholar a._Th
inform 117.
of Lenin. The immense Soviet scholarship on the subject provides vastcritical tre
butis utterly hagiographical and devoid of interpretivelet alone
merit. "Scholarship" on Lenin in the USSR is rather in the state of Christian ctextual scholar'
ship about Jesus before modern Biblical criticism began to ask basi acceptable to
interpretive questions. The "quest of the historical Lenin" is not yet' of the cur.
those who control access to the documents. A recent Western review! a histoical
rent Soviet chief hagiographer sees Lenin being treated not just s other, and
actor but as a figura, validati ng the relationship 'between one event and .. a; vi A. ,..raba11,
representing at all times "a goal imminent in the course of events' per,
w, ig70P v
"I. L Mints and theRepresentation of Reality in History," Slavic Revie
716), st overall
Previously little-used material is incorporated in Fischer, Le Lenin 7 the be per roco by
biography ; but it should be supplemented ( especiafor the early
Chapter i6 639
Ulam, Bolsheviks, Shukman, Lenin, and D. Tread gold, Lenin and His Rivals, NY,
1955. See also R. Theen, Lenin: Genesis and Development of a Revolutionary, Phila
delphia, x973; B. Wolfe, Three Who Made a Revolution, Y. 1948; and An ideology
in Power, NY, 'Deg; L. Schapiro and P. Reddawai, eds., Lenin: The Man, the
Theorist, the Leader: A Reappraisal, NY, 1967; and the bibliography of materials
in Western languages by G. Hehal, Books on Lenin. np,
An ambitious new attempt to suggest that ideology was the essential feature of
Leninism, the fulfillment of an inherently revolutionary "gnostic" tradition, is in
A. Besancon, Les Origines intellectuelles du lininitme, 1977, "Lenin doesn't know
that he believes. He believes that he knows" (15).
88. Cited in Utechin, What Is To Be Dane? zo.
89. Ibid., 177.
go. 'What does 'Freedom of Criticism' mean?," What Is To Be Dane 40-4D
aiso 5S-6o.
I. Ibid., loc. 34o,
g2. Lenin's two most important prescriptive writings, with broad programmatic
significance for the international movement after coming into power, were The
Proletarian Revoiution and the Renegade Kautsky (written Autumn 'gra, published
L, 192o) and "Left-Wing" Communism, an Infantile Disorder (written and pub-
lishedSpring 192o, first disseminated at the all-important Second Congress of the
Commust ni International in July, sg20).
A specially brilliant polemic accomplishment of his campaign in the pre. World
War I period against both "right liquidatore" (Mensheviks) and "left liquidators"
(Bogdanov's Bolshevik faction, which was often dominant within Russia itself) was
Lenin's success in ridiculing and bracketing together the genuinely Christia.n and
conservative "God-seekers" with the anti-religious and ultra-revolutionary "God-
builders." See J. Schemer, " tin gelber und ein Hauer Teufel.' Zur Entstehung der
Begriffe Togostroitelistve und Itogoiskaterstvo,' " Forschungen zur osteuropaischen
Geschichte, XICV. ig78, 3i9--29. A further act of polemic ingenuity was Lenin's
bracketing together of the Left Bolsheviks' insistence on recalling Social Democratic
deputies elected to the Duma ("recallisin," otzovirm), with their insistence on
building a new proletarian culture within the working class itself ("god-building."
bogotaroiterstvo) into the alleged sin of "god.recallism" (bozhestvenny otzovizm),
934 Isaiah Berlin has called this an "artificial dialectic" of planned alternation
between relaxation and terror and identified it as Stalin's special contribution to
politics in the twentieth century. See O. Lids, "Generalissimo Stalin and the Art of
Government," Foreign Affairs, x952, Jan, 197-214.
4. What Is To Be Done?, 145.
95. Letter of Jun 24p. 1852 What Is To Be Done?, 37.
96. R. McNeal, ed., Resolutions and Decisions of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union) Toronto, 1974. L 38.
97. A classic Menshevik account of the conflict is Dan's "Bolshevism and Men-
shivism," Origins, 236-4o7, The Leninist version codified for the USSR is "Vtoroi
s'ezd partite Vozniknovenie Borshevizrna," in P. Pospelov et al., eds, Istoriia kom-
munistielseskol Forth sovetskogo soitsze, 1965. I, 446-531.
Lenin himself used the term "Bolshevism" as synonymous with "revolutionary
social democracy." the implication being that others were less revolutionary. See
V. Mochaiov, "V.I. Lenin i vozniknovenie marksiznisr v Rossi'," oprosy is :96g,
no. 4, 26 o f 21.
g8. O. Znamensky and V. Shishkin, Lenin, revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie iparlamen-
tarirm, Leningrad, 1977, 17 ff. Perhaps reflecting fear of "Eurocommunist" ideas,
this book takes an antagonistic line to possible accommodation of Leninism to dem-
ocratic forms.
99. Ibid., 22-5.
soo. What Is To Be Done?, Too.
sox. Ibid.. 63.
"Zadachi revoliutsion_nol molodezhi," Student, 1903, Sep; i>oinoe sobronie,
VU, 355. See also P. Gusiatnikov, "Boriba V.I. Lenina, iskrovtsev za revoliutsionno.
demokraticheskoe studenchestvo (i9oz-zgo3 gg.)," Voprosy I s lKPSS, x969, no.
I, 3o-7.
103. "Sotsial Demokratlia i revoliutsionnoe dvishertie krestianstve," Polnoe so-
branie. rx, 409-,10.
104. Resolutions, 63. Compare the specific Menshevik rejection of "the use af
agrarian terror" (78).
105. Two Tactics of Social Democracy in the Democratic Revolution, NY, r963
roe. Resolutions, 94. The term was in fact originated by the Mensheviks (82-3),
107. O. Piatnitsky, Metncrirs of a Bonin
ishevih Westpont Conn.. 1973, 56.

Copyrighted material
640 Chapter i6

xo8. Cited and discussed in B. Bociurkiw, "Lenin and Religion," in Schapiro and
Reddaway, eds., Lenin, ir3,
xo9. V. Bonch.Bruevich, from the text of his report to the canvass inRastvet,
nos, nos. 6-7, x73. This may be the first use of the term 'people's democracy."
xxo. Resolution of the congress (notably less enthusiasmsastic an Bah-Bruevich's
formulation), cited in Bociurkiw, xx5.
Herzen's ambitious earlier attempt to enlist the Old Believers for revolutionary
struggle in the early 186os is made to appear not altogether unrealistic (despite its
ultimate total failure) in the unpublished dissertation of R. Call, The Revolutionary
Activities of the Holokol Group among the Raskolniks," Bloomington. 1964.
"Sotsializm i religiia," Novaia Zhizni, rpos, Dec 3; B. Bociurkiw, ix6i.
xx2. For Lenin's struggle with the _principal advocate of a proletarian culture and
a kind of proletarian religion, see D. Grille, Lenin, Rivale: logdanov mid mine
Philosophie, Cologne, 1966; and A. Yassour, "Bogdanov et son oeuvre," Cahiers du
Monde Russe et Sovietblue, xp69, Oct-Dec, for a massive bibliographyi First ma-
terials on the major forthcoming study by 3. Scherrer of the general struggle of
B-ogdanov's left Boleheviks" with Lenin (and with what they were the first to call
"Leninism") is in "Conk), Sogdanov, Lenin. Neue Quellen zur ideologischen Krise
in der boischewistischen Fraktion Cahiers du Monde Rune et So-
vietique, 1078, Oct-Dec, 321-34.
r13. M. Holdsworth, "Lenin and the Nationalities Question," in Schapiro and
Reddaway, eds., Lenin, 27o-2., points out that avto-nontiia did not imply for Lenin
the total independence it suggests to the modern reader in English.
"Goriuchy material' v mirovoi polltike," Proletariii 1908, Jul 23; Fame
Sebranie, XVII, 174-83.
1'5. See his 'Tasks of Revolutionar3f Social Democracy in the European War" and
the raanifestoss of the international conferences at Zimmerwald in 1915 and
Xienthal in 19x6 H. Gruber, International Communism in the Era of Lenin, Ithaca,
19671 53-80).
xx6. Imperialient, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, written in lox, first published
in Russian after hie return inx9/7. For a brief discussion, see M. Holdswortb,
"Lenin's Imperialism in Retrospect," Essays in Honour of E. H. Carr, 34i--51. For
more detail, J. Freymond, amine et l'impgrialisine, Lausanne, rimr.
117. Key metaphors used during the Revolution of I9o5 by Lenin and discussed
in Znamensky, 67-9.
Goaudarrtvo i revoilutsiia, Polnoe Sobranie, XXXIII, 48.
rig, Ibid., 91.
i20. M. Ferrie shows that the phrase and concept of a "permanent iperrisa-
nentnaial revolution" in Revoliutsionnaia Rossiia, 1905, Jul x, was in fact used by
the S.R. leader M. Gots even before Trotsky and Parvus: "The Socialist Revolution-
aries on 'Permanent Revolution,' PPSoviet Studies, 1973, Jan, 411-3.
12i. Radek is the hero of the novel by Machaiskils lifelong friend Stefan Zerom-
ski, Svziffouie Pretty; see D'Agostino, Marxism, xx4, and for a biography, W. Lerner,
Karl Radek. The Last Internationalist, Stanford, x97o.
222. I4 Deutscher, The Prophet Armed. NY/L, .1954, 254-62.
123.E. Bramstedt, Dictatorship and Political Police. The Techniques of Control
by Fear, NY, 1045. io if. stre-sses the founding importance of Joseph Foucheas
does P. Wilkinson, Political Terrorism, L, 1E174, 5x-3. The latter follows R. Cobb
(Terreur et subsistence', 1793-1795F 1964, 207) in seeing the technique of preven-
tive repression against categories suspected of potential opposition to the revolution
as the major innovation of the revolutionary eraand in attributing it in good
measure to Fouche.
The Prussian secret police, which later provided models for the Right, also first
wok shape as part of the Prussian reform movement on the LeftIts pioneer, Justus
Bninner, reacting symbiotically to Fouche. See W. Obenaus, Die Entwicklung des
preussischen Sicherheitspolizei bis ZUM Ende der Reaktionszeit, xn4o,
124. For the bask structure, see F. Zuckerman, "Vladimir Bunsev and the Tsarist
Political Police in Conflict, loo7-14," Journal of Contemporary History, 1977, Jan,
215 n. For history and much more detail, see the first two chapters of his un.
published doctoral dissertation"The Russian Political Police at Home and Abroad
(r88o--1917): Its Structure, Functions and Methods and Its Struggle with the Or.
ganized Opposition," New York University, 1973, x -9 2 using the invaluable ar-
chives of the foreign agerttura from Paris, now at the Hoover Institution in Stan-
ford, Another unpublished work identified by L. Gerson (The Secret Police in LeninPs
Russia, Philadelphia, 1976, 325) as "Draft of a Ph. D. dissertation" at Columbia,
1957, is E. Hollis, "Police Systems of Imperial and Soviet Russia." For a published
narrative account, see R. Hingley, The Russian Secret Police: Muscovite, Imperial
Russian and Soviet Political Security Operations 1565-rg7o, 69--z16. See also the

Copyrighted material
GilaPfer 16
doctoral thesis at Tel Aviv Univer 641
by Li. Sell' if
,,fluence of Agents Provocateurs in the 81 -
a na lJ-- p, 17nevoluettomanni he Role
nary4, ..-Lovernent
902-4 9gc.kerman, Police, 5, 8, '9, 25D 39, 44-6; :
12- up seton.Watson, The Russian Empire mr80/-z also "13 tspu
9i7 ur6;i' '3,1) 21.5 . Ix
i7: Bramstedt, "The Political Police under Napolean' illp?r4, '' I967 46'
441 " iCta torLIT:
sail), 35,
49'8, zuckerman, Police, 54. Collaboration with the G
been concentrated mainly on. the handing Over of suerman Police
4 1 Democratic poet and critic Karl Frohme, politi Li sPe,,cts ( discussappear _, ,ars to
ociaarchisto - chen Deutschland: Hamburg, 1926), thou"-'1,6e i.rolizei and ejaltisty th e
gn t
Ilwri ci- of a Berlin agentura in z8g3. inezeased . z
four' ing with the
-129, See the account of Leonid Mereshchikov, leader f
.ho had previously been involved in the revolutionary inov WooeLa w Okhrasnaie
" Boishevik Revolution to have always been secretly .ent andAtcla
rgaing for ZA. : i . after
tbe ty "1 Olthrana i revoliutsiia, 1925 2 ch. 1, 8
inombis p 9-93. Ment'shheclM tPaendzhafil '
in the NikollevskY coElection _ _ of the mover Institution l ikos7
ov s papers are
additions to a copy of v. Agatonov's history of the okhranap Stanford;
s offi and his notes and
nichnaia okhranka, Petrograd, 19'8) is in the University of ce in Paris ( Zagra_
t he note by A. Senn in Ccriers du Monde Russe et Sovieti u islc:
W .

prille,LibrarY. See
On the broader poli tical context in which the revolutioncia eP .-1' ict-Ileel 444.
in Tsaris during the z88os and Tagos, see the unpublished j l Aelnlgration operated
Ihr. Millard, "Russian Revolutionary Emigration. Terroris m moral dissertation of
Rochester, zg734 and the Political Stru g-
.13o. Zuckerman, Police, So if. for this and other cod names e which the revo 1u.
tionaries often later adopted with satire and/or bravado.Amon the flood of radical
journals that appeared during the Revolution of 1905 was a Skg orpion.as well as a
Vampir (Vampire), Name (Machine Gun), Yad (P'on), *
m etc. All of these are
in the Wisconsin Library (Sennl
131. Degaev escaped to begirt a new life as the amiable professor Alexander Pd
at a series of American universities from South Dakota to BrYn Mawr; see Yarmo.
linsky, Road, 317-23.
132. R. Gaucher, The Terrort,f: from Tsarist Russia to the OA.S., L, i968, 36,
drawing from Victor Serge, Les Cntelisses +Tune siirete generale. Ce quo toute rem.
lutionnaire devait savoir Sta tar Hpression, 1925, 4g--5o (reissued 1970 under the
133, Zuckerman, Police, 62-3, also 85 on the way the various lines, circles, and
cards were collated on individual, synoptic cards.
134. Gaucher, 43, and the entire section "Okhrana vs. Terrorism," 28-56,
135. Men'shchikov, Okhrana, ch. III, 1932, 40: for different types of agent, 34 fri;
also 56. The mamochki okhrankoi were also called babushki provokatsii, rx8 ff. The
latter two volumes of Men'shchikov's invaluable work (NY) substantially enrich
the i in Zuckerman, who mistakenly says that nothing was published after
part one of the work, which appeared in 1914 (Police, 69 n. 1o3).
z36. riffertshchikov, Okhrana h III
, 58, on GregoryKivu and the journals Deny
C. because the
Vostok, and Vladtvoston wnen seven innocent residents were executedk conspiracy,
. 2 L wv-4

local kro na leader, Lt.

rana . Col. Zavarnitsky, fabricated a revo utiona 1 a ar
111Y a mild rebuke was made (ibid., 47). 22I
137. Menishchikov, "Oichranniki v Finliandii," Ofthrana, ch. I, 2ag--26, esP.
biler'hichikov is less th an candid in acknowledging his own leadership role .

138. ofthe revolutionary tradition up

until 1 Burtsev z was tile eadingl rnigr # chronicler
that the first
905 uokerman (Police, 48-9) follows Brarnstedt in suggestingRaotd Rigaurt
ti .
revels onary police bureau protecting subversive groups was that of
under139. Napoli
..e "on ill ("Eurtsev," 214 n. I). pects of Zu at v}
NI n shc hikov
w Oiehrana, ch. I, 20-5. For two differentTrade as Unionirrnitevo: Ex
retrlarkabie movement, see D. Pospielovsky, Russian Police
lutionani or Provocation? L, 1971; and 3. Schneiderman , Sergei Zubatcru a..,i- c all,
Ctass in Tsarist Russia, 'ma
ar rirm. The Straggle for the working
1976. itive s ubject as
140. Sch 05 ff.; Pospielovsky, 98 ff. About such a sensi
ui.gu e
v 1: from
__ su, Soviet
Zubatov neiderman, 1 o bl
"Police Socialism," one can even now learnc, only dvizherin_a , iii: i5,p1 vorosy
grad, ,__ P. See V. Sviatlovsky, Istoriia professionarnog V
i stor ,,:912 5; V. Novikov, "Leninskaia 'Iskra' v borPbe s zubatovshocn
k vskie
i_ivioszubatov,s rabochie
i ,p." In97_4, Vestni no. 8, 24-35; and I. ionov,
54his follower in the Mos-
irtt..g._ . k Mositovskogo Universiteta, 19761 1113 3.
c ;:
e 0 VI (7) 1 1 Taos, neglected in these accounts, are described339-4
1 by 8, 428 TI . 81

7 Men ishchikov, Omuta, ch. L 199-200p

141. Noavi nt
---.ovo 31.3.
642 Chapter i6
142. W. Sablinsky, The Road to Bloody Sunday: Father Capon and the St. Peters-
burg blassacre of zgos, Princeton, 1976.
143. S. Harcave, The Russian Revolution of 1905, NY, zg7o, 81, 69, text of peti-
tion, a85-92.
'44. Hingley, 95, Lenin sky sbornik, III, 123-6, V, sgo. Rutenberg's oscillation
between Left and Right was paralleled by that of Boris Savinkov, his original terror-
ist collaborator in the Sottialitt group of 1900 with which Lenin had instructed
Stepan Radchenko to establish contact in zoo. Savinkov became a leading S. R.
terrorist but then wrote two novels exposing terrorism (The Pale Horse, zgog, and
The Tale of What Was Not, 1913) and Joined the right-wing Kornilov rising against
Hereneky's provisional government. Lenin's delegate for dealing with Capon was
Ivan Radchenkoi
145. Estimate in Crook, Or; details in Harcave, 28-135.
146. M. Gordon, Workers Before and After Lenin, NY, 1941, 3. See also Harcave,
150-4; 0. Anweiler, The Soviets. The Russian Workers, Peasants and Soldiers
Councils, 1205-49212 NY, 1974; the account of an old Bolshevik F. Samoi1ov, Pervy
sovet rabockikh deputatov1 Leningrad, z931; A. Shiptilina and Yu. Yakobson,
"Ivanovo-Voznesensky sovet rabpchikh deputatov 1905 god," Voprow Istorii, zwn,
Feb, 38-55; and W. Gard, 'The Party and the Proletariat in Ivanovo-Voznesensk,
r905," Rtissian History, II, part 2, 1975, 102-23.
147- Shipulinap 48, 53-4; Gard, He.
x48. Hitherto unpublished materiaI on M. Alanas'ev in Ionov, 6o.
r42. Novikov, 25-7.
150. lonov, 64-6, in effect concedes as much and essentially validates the con-
clusion of S. Schwartz, The Russian Revolution of 1905: The Workers' Movement
and the Formation of Bolshevism and Mertshetrism, Chicago, zg67 (elsewhere
pilloried by Shipulina and other Soviet scholars), that purely economic demands
dominated all mass worker organizations until Oct 1905.
15t. Shipulina, 65 fr.
T52. Cited from a pamphlet by a "group of the northern committee of the Rus-
sian Social Democratic Workers Party" in Samoilov, 42, 93.
153. Deutscher, Prophet, 125 if. Previously known as a "strike commission" or
"workers' committee," the St. Petersburg group may have been the first formally to
call itself a Soviet (see L. Petrova. "Peterburgsky sovet rabochikh deputatov,"
Voprosy Istorii, 1955, no. r r, 6). The insistence of Shipulina and other Soviet
sources on the paternity of Ivanovo may reflect the fact of higher Bolshevik partici-
pation. Other works that imply St. Petersburg origins are L. Kleinbort, Perm/ sovet
rabochilth deputatov, Petrograd, 1917; and the 1925 work of L. rin, referenced
and critiqued in Samoilov and Shipulina.
i54. O. Anweller, cited in R. McNeal, Russia in Tranriticm rao5-1914, NY, igio,
t55. Trotsky, Stalin, NY, 1946, 97; I. Deutscher, Stalin: A Political BiograPhY.
NY. 1949, 87, also 84-9r. For Lenin's writings of this period on " artisan war" and
the lionization of druzhiny (Social Democratic fighting units of from 3 to 75 mem-
ben with their own elected officers), see L. Senchakova, Boevaia rat' Tevoliutsii.
Ocherk aboe-vylch organizattilahh RSDRPf rabochialth druzhinakh 1905-1907 99.,
1975, esp. 34 and EL
For the activities of the "forest brethren," who conducted partisan warfare in the
Baltic region after the defeat of December, see N. Burenin, Liudi borshevistakogo
podporta, 1958, 60-2.
156. The evidence in E. Smith, The Young Stalin, NY, zg67, indicates the prob-
ability of such connectionsat least from the time of his mysterious survival of
Okhrana raids in Tbilisi in zgoreven if his particular hypotheses about the extent
of these connections seem unduly conjectural. Isaac Don Levine, George Kerman,
and others suggested earlier a Stalin-Olchrana link; and a prominent Soviet his-
torian confirmed to me during the Khrushchev era that their findings were "right
in essence though not in detail." Roy Medvedev, Let History Judge: The Origins and
Consequences of Stalinism, Imo, 3I5-24, provides a fascinating, if skeptical,
discussion of these theories along with other rumors and theories within the USSR
about Stalin's possible connections with the tsarist secret police. Much of his own
material and his final comparison of Stalin with Azev raise doubts about his con-
elusion that "Stalin did not serve the tsarist secret police" (323); and be seems
less certain in his more recent "New Pages from the Political Biography of Stalin,"
in R. Tucker, ed., Stalinism, NY, z977, ig9-2oz. Tucker shows that no connection
has been proven and is skeptical about Smith's argument, though ultimately non-
committal (Stalin As Revolutionary 1874-/929, NY, 1E63, 108-14).
157. Zuckerman, Police, 88.

Copyrighted material
chapter -16
. em 643
6z4u-Si. zes the many unansw
15 . Fisc hert Lenin 1-4,1
15 9. m arunovsky. SE eelwaolosdo, R
of i t b
ohs -- 145,56; arid R. tikyoll,s atutl:elri:.;s.
AutT2Inr ig7. ttt a- r
Moine, - ested, for instance, im the unecinvi pause N -
1 ieVir.

1 0. As sugg der the pseudonym of Salluste, "Lenin

Inibiished fie" is, 806-26. eaAysgent de 17. kb 'Initic artielt
rola," Revue de
j927icerman, 654; Si OPpenheim, "The Making "a
r6i. Zuc x9i7 , IF* la
. ____ ic Review, 1977, Sep, 438, Alw o: aan Rclighai
Rykov tors career by forming a unique -i a unifie t:C;mt,1414 -'st---Aii.
bis revol.
n 19ox (ibid. 422). x committee f 7 Y ov nad be gun
sarRov -- h kman Benin and the Russi an Revolution L
1 62. 11. Scled u zri St. ' Petersburg in r9i2, to...oks
S t a lin fun 1 05 in Vienna by Ukrainian Men hitesv.i:si, tat e from
41, given a prior P7alida
)3 Which
ushed its editor. Deut h an'I:966i 138. nanlovpu
is sc er, Prophet .191... 9 Th t W fife in iciropt
when i-niv Feb, 1914, in a move designed to deflect atien tie pvri:e dcunim
r 4 . asl.we.r,
cherrionl"' in Police, 8o on 1111 NI I. U
X3. ZUCkenfrian' df a hers hen
164. Zilli, 445-64; an or early ideas, 2 98-3o3. See al
wrerroristichesky element v nashei programme," Revoliutsionn - . 0 ershuniis
and for the ma itossija_ 1 .
K: ..-. early
lia stage of SIR. development Spiridovich,
'IL r
14 Si-67
Korov, V. ualin, I unosheskoe dvizhenie V Rossii, Mo5se or
a u aL"
the "South Russian League of Youth," an.. tteenci grad, 1925,
2d ed., 40, on a 44-..
mittee's proclamation to Iskrrar For the more general leadership of soutriTi tral Corn.
the coming together of student with more general discontent during 190 0_ 1152siasein,
, Gusiatnikov, Revoliutsionnoe studenchesk.oe dvizhenie v Rossii, '89 1
7 for
4 zu2. the spread of the student unrest to professional and secon9dTacy
Ushakov, Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie
see A. dernokraticiteskoi intelligentsii v Rossi;
1895-1904i 1976.
166. Of the 179 police entries for those accused of terrorist acts in which occupa-
tions are listed between 1902 arid agli, 90 or 61% ) were Workers; 37, intellectuals;
23, students; and 201 peasants. M Perrie, The Social Composition and Structure
of the Socialist.Revolutionary Party before igz7," Soviet Studies, 1972, Oct, 247-8.
On student demands for idetnoe oVedinenie and resistance to the moderate liberal-
ism of hurturniki, see Kirov and Dalin, 55 if.
z67. ZuckermAn, Police, 88. Basic materials on Azev are in Gaudier, 57-70;
Men'shchikov, Oithrana, ch. In, 5-33; and B. Nikoiaevsky, Aseff, the Spy Russian
Terrorist and Police Stoat, NY, x934.
168. Nikolaevsky, Aseff, 2g-3O.
x69. Avrich, Anarchists, 40-71, on this remarkable profusion of terror, bombings,
and suicidal violence unleashed by the lieznachartsy and bezmotivnthi; and 105-6,
on the neprintirmye.
170. Gaudier, Terrorists, 52.
171. Ibid., 52-3; Avrich, 64. Review 1965, Jun,
X72. According to G. Tokrnakoff, "Stolypires Assassin," Slavic ..
political assassina.
314; also Avrich, 55 n. 61. The purely individual nature of key
ur . i Most
Murder .
tions, such as that of President Garfield in 1881 (A, Robertson,te the mutative
r the year).
Foul," American Heritage, 1964, Jut, 90-104) does not Anevaarlid
nature of the act (echoing the assassination of Alexander 19-11,
173. See O. Radkey, The Election to the Russian Constituent AssembiY of
Cambridge, Mass ., 1950,6-I -7, al so
R clkey's
a history of the S.R. Party: The
FOES of Bolshevism, NY, 1958; and The Sickle Under the Hammers NY, 1963.
;narton, x978.
r74. Published in a good new English translation, Blw.rn ,n;: eniia apokalipsisa, St,
175. Morozov, Othrovenie 7) groze i bure; istoriia vozmn , Astronomy, 1940,
Petersburg, _z 907; summary tratrans . by
. M. Kissel1 in popular Northfield,
' Minn.
De; 1 941, Jan; repr, as The Revelation Invouniknovenn
- and..aStorm'
bibleiskikh prorochestri,
941. See also Morozov, Proroki; istoriia
1 914 all in Le) and others ) Das
176. Ivierezhkovsk 16z. f Pasuciski, L, x92i;also (with HiPPius .
Reich des A . Y 7 e ismus,
B _
lid urlich' Di
1922. If rezhkov
littchrist: Russiand and der Bolschew .
177, Taina tTekh, Prague, 1925; and discussion in B. R5entnal' The flaguel
34 and the Silver Age: The Development of a . ,t 163,95, for the earlier
107 evolution, 165 nd 9
W 51 216-2, asp. 221* also "The Religious It Bea st of 19A-1 See esP.
"eallYPti min t at egan wit ' h ICisA proaching

liiPPiu s scheme for concentric circles o f threes.

a 1-
1 . b P

1 .
178, Gersnri, p 29; ylingley, Iii
0 lw
- e, 234-7, 3ii n
' 3

in. Avrriclit, Anarchists, 64.

644 Chapter 17
reo. Dzerzhinsk-y, Prison Diary and Letters, Moscow, 1959, 20; Gerson, 13.
Ars Cited by A. Khatskevich, Soldat velikifth boev; hi n' i deiatel'nostt F. E.
Dzerzhinskogo, Minsk, x961, 98; Gerson, 12.
182. Stalin, Works, Moscow, 1954, VIII, 203-4; Gerson, 266. When Stalin was
deposed from the mausoleum next to Lenin in Oct 196r, he was appropriately in-
terred in the Kremlin wall next to Dzerzhinsky. See G. Leggett, "Lenin, Terror and
the Political Police." Survey, 1975, Autumn, 187.
183. Cited from an unpublished British intelligence report in Gerson, 35.
184. Questionnaire for the Tenth Party Congress in 1921, cited in N. Zubov,
F. E. Dzerzhinsky: Biografiia, 1965, 24 ed. 272; Gerson, 267.
185. In addition to Alexander Solzhenitsyn, Gulag Archipelago, 1975, NY, see, for
the origins of the concentration camp and forced labor systems: D. DaIlin and
B. Nikolaevsky, Forced Labor in Soviet Russia, New Haven, 1947; and S. Wolin
and R. Slusser, eds., The Soviet Secret Police, NY, 1957.
186. Zuckerman, 88.
187. Fischer, Lenin, 121.

Chapter 17
x. l.. Abensour, La Femme et le feminisme avant la revolution, 1923; also Abray,
2. W. Stephens, Women of the French Revolution, NY , 1922, 245, apparently
citing Michelet, Les Femmes de La revolution, which created the first wide aware-
ness of the special role of women in the revolution.
3. Among her biographies, see especially C. Tomelin, The Life and Death of Mary
Wollstonecraft L, 1974; also her A Historical and Moral View of the Origins and
Progress of the French Revolution, and the Effect It Has Produced in Europe, L,
4. The only monograph on Palm W. Koppius, Etta Palm: Nederland's eerste
Ferniniste, Zeist, 1929) barely scratches the surface. See 30-41, 47, 67, for her role
in the Social Circle. See 73-80 for her speech to its affiliated Confederation of the
Friends of Truth.
. Stephens, Women, 17x.
6. Stephens, 274.
7. F. Pica et, Les Ideologues, x89x, 3! if 221 n, 2; A. Guillois, Le Salon de Mme.
HeLvetius, 1894; and P. Gautier, Mme. de Steel et Napoleon, 1903.
8. Prati in Penny Satirist, 1838, May 12, 1.
9. Ibid., 2.
10. Ibid., I-2.
II. Penny Satirist, 1838, Sep 29, 4. He is referring to England later in the
12. J, West, A History of the Chartist Movement, Boston, 1920, 36-7.
13. The nonrevolutionary attitude was made explicit in the suffragette song of
the early twentieth century: "For the safety of the nation/ To women give the vote./
For the hand that rocks the cradle/ Will never rock the boat." G. Lerner, "The
Feminists: A Second Look," Columbia Forum s 1970, Fall, 25.
14. The classic account is still S. Charlety, Histoire du saint-simanisme (1825-
1884), 1931, 205-34. See also Fahmy-Bey (pseud. Johan d'Ivray), L'Aventure saint-
simanienne et les femmes, 1928; and Ch. Patureau-Mirand, De la Femme et son
role dans la societe, d'apres les ecrits saint-simaniens, Limoges, x9ro, for a more
analytic study.
15. Charlety, 212-3.
x6. Published in English as Eternal Life, Chicago, x926.
17. Stephens, Women, 236 n. x, traces the first use of the term to Fourier's Le
Theorie des quatre mouvements, 1808a usage that I have not found and is not
included in the chronicle of Fourier's linguistic inventions in Bestor.
The interconnection between Fourier's often-ridiculed cosmology and his more
seriously regarded social presumptions is stressed in N. Riasanovsky, The Teaching
of Charles Fourier, Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1969.
x8. P a ture a u-M (wand , 79-95.
19. Fahmy-Bey, 57-67; E. Sullerot, Frew feminine, 1966, 19-20; also S. Voil-
quin, Souvenirs dune filie du peuple ore les saint-simoniennes en Egypte, x966. For
bibliography, see Walch, 42.
20. Charlity, 212 n. 2; Parris, Lion, 5-12, 20-9, attaches great importance on the
basis of new research to Garibaldi's voyage on the Clorinda with the Saint Simon-
fans. He views their influence generally as, "the key to his whole life and conduct"

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

Chapter 17 645
(22), but does not discuss the concept of a feminine messiah, which was then the
main Saint-Simonian preoccupation.
2X. Parris, 54 ff.
22. See "De la 'dame' a la 'femme,' " and illustration in Sullerot, L Presse, 15-7;
also H. Haustein, "Transvestitismus und Staat am Evade des 18. und im r9. Jahr.
hundert," Zeitschrift fiir Sexualwissenschaft, XV, 1928-29.
For an attempt to derive the revolutionary image of women from their portrayal
in propagandistic visual art largely prior to 1848, see E. Hobsbawn, "Man and
Woman in Socialist Iconography," History Workshop Journal, 1978, Autumn, 121-
23. Gans, "Owen a Paris," 41-4.
24. Sullerot, ao, Delphine Gay, daughter of the writer Sophie Gay and wife of
the editor Emile Girardin, was the most influential of the feminine social critics,
and at the same time a final spokesman for the ideologues' belief in physiology as
the all-liberating science. See her Physiologie du ridicule, 1833.
25. S. Kalembka, Wielka Emigracia, 1971, 284; Borejsza, "Portrait," 138.
26. See her Union ouvriere, Faris Lyon, 1844 (reprinted 1967), esp. 47 if.; also
the neglected account by her German contemporary A. Ruge, "Flora Tristan und die
Union ouvriere," Siimtliche Werke, 1848, V, 93-102.
J. Puech, La Vie et l'oeuvre de Flora Tristan 2. 803-z 844 ,(.. Tini0-72 Ouvriere), 1925,
remains a basic study. See also C. Gattey, Gauguin's Astonishing Grandmother: A
Biography of Flora Tristan, L, r97o; J. Baelen, La Vie de Flora Tristan, 1972; P.
Leprohon, Flora Tristan, 1979; and the embellished account of D. Desanti, Flora
Tristan. La femme revoltee, 1972.
_ 27. For the best discussion see M. Thibert, "FOrninisme et socialisme d'apres
Nora Tristan," Revue dllistoire Economique et Sociale. IX, 1921, 115-36; also
Puech, 337-56.
28. Title of second ed. 1842 of Les Promenades dans Londres, 1840. See Puech,
115 n. 3.
29. Puech, zoo.
30. Ibid., 1,25-6. She referred to Bedlam henceforth as Bethlehem.
31. Ibid., 417 if; also A. Zevas, "Flora Tristan et l'Union Ouvriere", La Revolu-
tion de 1848, 1934, Dec, 1935, Jan-Feb, 213-22.
32. Puech, 402 on Mephis au le Proietaire, 1838.
33. Thibert, 128-9.
34. Puech, 390-1, 2.
35. Abbe Alphonse..Louis Constant (later Eliphas Levy), L'Assomption de la
femme, ou le !tore de l'amour, 1841, n. z, indicates an earlier intention to call the
book "the gospel of love." She willed her head to the president of the Phrenological
Society after death. J. MariHier, "Pierre Moreau, 'L'Union,' " Actuante de rilistoire,
1953, no, 5, 13. Thibert discusses the feminism of Esquiros among others in her
valuable La Feminisme dans le socialise frangais de 1830 a 1850, 1926, 384.
36. For these and other details about the former sailor Louis de Tourrcil his doc-
trine fusionienne and religiorn fusionienne, as well as Constant's development of
these ideas, see Matte, Victor Hugo et les illumines, 82-97.
37. d'Eichtal and Urbain, Lettres sur la race noire, 18, 6o-r. See also 62-3, where
the new trinity of white, black, and mulatto is described as UNE NOUVELLE LOT
E FAMILLE; also 64-7 n. 2, for further attempts to derive prophetic social mean-
ing from the doctrine of the Trinity. Eichtal, who was Jewish, was addressing Ur-
bain, who was a Muslim convert.
38. Necessite de faire un bon accueit aux femmes etrangeres, /835; and the post-
humously published L' Emancipation de la femme ou, le testament de la paria, 1846,
39. Sullerot, "Journaux," ro9--zo.
40. Presse ouvriere, /32.
41. Cited in Thibert, 128.
42. Sarah Grirnke, Letters on the Equality of the Sexes and the Condition of
Women, Boston, 1838; other works discussed in W. O'Neill, The Woman Movement:
Feminism in the United States and England, NY/L, 1969, 19--x.
43. W. Waterman, Frances Wright, NY, 1924,64.
44. A. Perkins and T. Wolfson, Frances Wright Free Enquirer: Tice Study of a
Temperament, NY/L, 1939, 64. See also 385-6 for a bibliography of her writings;
but there is no scholarly life of Wright or complete listing of her work.
45. Waterman, 65.
46. Perkins, 54-844
47. According to Perkins, 208, See also 127, 175-6,193-4 for key elements of her
utopian experiments; and Waterman, 94-7, on pamphlets of this period.
48. Perkins, 248-54.
49. See her lectures on "The Nature and History of Human Civilization," dis-

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

646 Chapter 17

cussed Waterman, 246-54; and England the CivilizeTHer History Developed in

Its Principles, Imo, 1848.
50. Perkins, r xo, 372.
51. Perkins, 363; conference resolutions in O'Neill, 108-11. Eliz abeth
m Cad
ton, denied a seat at the former conference because of her sex, became a yirnaSdptiacnai
leader at the latter gatherg.
in Its "Declaration of Sentiment" modeled
on the Declaration of independence; and the journal she cofounded after the Civi ia
War with Susan B. Anthony was called Revolution. See O'Neill, "Feminism asal
Radical Ideology," in A. Young, ed., Dissent: Explorations in the History o f Anieri.,
can Radicalism, DeKalb, 1968,279.
52. Women did play a crucial role in the social revolutionary ferment of early
twentieth-century America. The key personalities ranged from Lucy Parsons, th-e
widow of the only English-speaking Haymarket martyr, who appeared on the plat-
form at the founding congress of the IWW, to the migr anarchist editor, Emma
Goldman. But the leading role was played by a remarkable series of Irish women
as Irish radicals turned from national to social revolution in the New World. The
line of leadership ran from the mythical "Molly Maguire," who lent her name to
the conspiracy of the 18705, through the miners heroine Mary ("Mother") Jones,
another founding figure of the IWW who lived to be one hundred, on to Elizabeth
Gurley Flynn, the companion and correspondent of Joe Hill in his last days and the
"rebel girl" of his ballads. See the latter's I Speak My Own Piece, NY, 1955.
A unique leadership role in the Irish revolutionary movement itself was played
by Maude Gonne, who simultaneously inspired extremists of both Left and Right:
working first with both French Boulangists and Irish republicans, later with both
her revolutionary husband (John MacBride, who was a martyr of the Easter Rising
in Dublin in 1916) and her lifelong reactionary admirer, the poet William Butler
Yeats. Recent biographies by S. Levenson (NY, 1977) and N. Cardozo (NY, 1978)
should be substantially supplemented for these aspects of her career by the pro.
jected study of L. O'Neill, The Gyres of Gonne: The influence of Maude Gonne Mac-
BHde on Modern History.
More militant than Conne's "daughters of Erin" of ago was the revolutionary
rival to the Boy Scouts, the "Sons of Erin" founded by the even more professional
revolutionary Constance Markiewicz in x9o9. The daughter of Lord or Booth, she
married a Pole for revolutionary validation, once went directly to a revolutionary
meeting in evening dress from Dublin castle, participated in the Easter rising of
1916, and became the first minister of labor in the first independent Irish govern-
mentand the first woman cabinet member in Western Europe. See J. van Voris,
Constance de Marhievkz, Old Westbury, 1972, 39 ff., 8. Eamon de Valera retro-
spectively noted that "women are at once the boldest and the most unmanageable
revolutionaries." Ibid., 9.
53. Carlo Botta, Storia della guerra der independenza degli Stati Uniti &America,
Paris, 1809, or.
Her frame of reference was generally European. On her first trip to America in
.18z13-9, she wrote a play glorifying a Swiss revolutionary, which she believed would
begin an entirely new school of drama (Altorf, a tragedy, Philadelphia, 1819; dis
cussed Perkins, 12-3). Its romantic, revolutionary message was, however, out of
tune with the rising chauvinist temper of the new nation; and the play was, appro-
priately perhaps, replaced by Pizzaro, a melodrama of colonial conquest, on the
occasion of General Andrew Jackson's triumphal visit to New York. Perkins, 36-41.
Again, it was a European eventthe outbreak and spread of revolution in 18 '
that inspired her to predict in an American journal (Free Enquirer, 1830, Nov 27)
the imminent arrival of a new society that "no longer pitched nation against na
tion" by means of an altogether different form of war from "every
other struggle
in which the human race has been engaged . . a war of class . that is
universal." Cited in Waterman, 228; also Perkins, 305.
54- P. Miller, ed., Margaret Fuller, American Romantic, NY, 1963, 286-3 0 0 in-
cludes her letters on her work (largely as director of a hospital in Rome during the
siege of the revolutionary republic). Her manuscript on the history of the Italia fl
Revolution, which she considered to be her most Important work, was lost in the
shipwreck that claimed her life off Fire Island, New York, on her way back to
55. Reproduction from the original of 1848, Jun, in SuIlerot, La Presse, 27. Sy. ls
also her "Journaux," 88 ff. on the proliferation of these journals. For more deta i
and another perspective, see L. Adler, A l'Aube du fiminisme: Les premieres Our
nalistes (1838-1852), z979.
56. S. Rowbotham, Women, Resistance and Revolution, Lr, 197Z A : Ow
cornac, Levy, 117; and E. Thomas, Les Femmes de 1648, 1g.48. The early Par"
Chapter 17 647
Rowbotharnis spirited volume are better for the English than the French side, where
she never sorts out the players, confusing Desiree Gay with her sister-in-law Del-
phine Gay yet never identifying her with her own maiden name of Desiree Veret
57. Sullerot, La Presse, 28.
58. Ibid., 26.
59. Cited from Le Compagnon du Tour de France, 1,-51,R Oct 23, 9, in E. Thomas,
George Sand, 1959, 59.
6o. E. Dolleans, Fentinirrne et mouvement ouvrier: George Sand, 1951, 44. E.
Thomas sees this attitude as providing a justification "before the fact of 'socialist
realism,' which is neither realist nor socialist, but depicts the model man, the way
one would like him to be." Sand, 59.
8. E. Thomas, The Women Incendiaries, L, 1957, xiv. Thomas recognizes that
there is some presumptive truth to the allegations, 64-5 and elsewhere.
62. Thomas stresses the role of Elizabeth Dmitrieff, a friend and emissary of Marx
and the leader of the union, which was the women's section of the French Inter-
national; and of Anna Korvin4Crukovskaya, wife of the Blanquist leader Victor
Jaclard, in the committee: 59-62 and 74-6.
The role of these two (and of a third key Russian woman E. Barteneva) is dis-
cussed more fully in I. Knizhnik-Vetrov, Russhie deiaternitsy pervogo inter-
natsionala parizhshoi kommuny, Moscow/Leningrad, 1964. See also W. McClellan,
Revolutionary Exiles: the Russians in the First International and the Paris
Commune, L, 1978.
63. E. Thomas, Louise Michel ou la vellida de l'anarchie, 1971, to, 447, and the
introductory epigraph from M. Barr s. hies Cahiers, 1929, VI, gi.
64. Thomas, Michel, 432.
65. A la Revolution tout entiere: S. Favre, cited in ibid., 444.
66. Ibid., 436.
67. Ibid., 433-4.
68+ According to ibid., 447.
69. Ibid.
70. Ibid., 43g. Her prophecy was almost unique in suggesting at this early time
that in the coming Russian Revolution "the soldiers will be with the people," as they
proved to be in 1917.
71. See Saltykov, Za Rubezhom in Izbrannye sochineniia, Moscow/Leningrad,
19.40, 30; citations from Dostoevsky in Thomas, Sand, 226-7.
72. See materials referenced Billington, Icon, 739. She was the mother of the
future theosophist leader Helena Blavatsky.
73. Polshi Own& Biograficzny, x968, XIIII3, 478.
74. See A. Abdel-Malek, Ideologie et renaissance nationale. L'Egypte ntoderne,
1969, 306-14; also "La fin du revs," in Fahrny-Bey, esp. 2o5-8.
75. Herzen's neglected Who is Guilty?, still untranslated into English, is related
to "George Sandisrn" in Malia, Herzen, chapter XI, and to the developing Russian
movement in R. McNeal, "Women in the Russian Radical Movement," Journal of
Social History, 1971-2, Winter, 147.
76. One neglected early Western admirer believed that Chernyshevsky suggested
a new doctrine of "sexualism" that might take humanity as far beyond socialism
as the latter bad progressed beyond "masculine individualism." See P. Bonnier,
"Tchernychewski et revolution sexuelle," Revue Socialiste, 1885, IL 734, 837; and
more generally 598-611, 73r-8, 832-7; see also Sagnol, "L'Egalite des sexes," Revue
Socialiste, afig, IX, 685-97; 1889, X, 82-98.
77. Cited from an unidentified archimandrite in Irkutsk, in A. Shilov, intr., to
M. Mikhailov, Zapiski (/861-x862), Petrograd, 1922, 3.
78. Zapishi, 5-6. See also, more generally, R. Stites, "MIL. Mikhailov and the
Emergence of the Woman Question in Russia," Canadian Slavic Studies, /969,
Summer, 178-99; and The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism,
Nihilism, Bolshevism, 1860-1930, Princeton, 1977; also V. Broido, Apostles into
Terrorists. Women and the Revolutionary Movement in the Russia of Alexander if,
NY, 1977.
For a definitive biography based on new material, see P. Fateev, Mikhail Mikh.
ailovrevoliutsioner, pisatel', publitsist, 1969. For a good discussion of four
other, less important recent books on this now much-covered subject, see R. Stites,
"Wives, Sisters, Daughters and Workers: A Review Article," Russian History, 1976,
III, 2, 237-44.
79. See Billington, Mikhailovsky 17, materials referenced n. 3; and citations by
E. Kolosav in Mikhailovsky, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, St. Petersburg, 1913, X, lxi.
So. See A. Yanovsky, "Zhenskoe obrazovanie," in Brokgauz-Efron, Entsiklopedi-

Auteursrechtellik beschermd maieriaal

648 Chapter 17
chesity slovar, XXII, esp. 869-71. The thoroughness of articles on this subject in
this late nineteenth-century Russian encyclopedia is in marked contrast to most
Western encyclopedias then and since.
82. In May, z873. J. Meijer, Knowledge and Revolution: The Russian Colony in
Zurich (1870-1873), sen, 1955, 47. See also A. Amfiteatrov, Zhenshrchina v
obsischestvennyhh Elvizhenliakh Rosati, Geneva, zgo5; and for the early twentieth
century, Zhenshchiny russh4i revollutsii, 1968.
82. Meijer, 69-7a. See also A. Knight, 'Me Fritschi: A Study of Female Radicals
in the Russian Populist Movement,' Canadian-American Slate Studies, zsgs, spring,
83. Cited without precise attribution in Yarmolinsk-y, Road s 238.
84. V. Figner, Memoirs of a Revolutionist, NY, x927; also Studencheshie golly
(1872-8), z924. She edited in the early Soviet period-along with A. Pribyleva-Korba
another female veteran of the People's Will-a series of other memoirs of the move-
ment. See the latter's Narodnaia Voila, vosporninaniia o z87okh i i88okh godov,
1926. Less important, but better known in the West because of lectures and publi-
cations during exile, was C. Breshko-Breshkovskaya, Hidden Springs of the Russian
Revoiution, Stanford, zgp; and The Little Grandmother of the Russian Revolution,
Boston, x9i8.
85. The importance of Oshanina, ne Oiovennikova, the oldest of three revolt'.
tionary sisters, is only partly suggested in Venturi, Roots, 643-4; and is more fully
developed in the materials referenced therein, 822-3, and by the late Boris Nikola-
evsky in his course on the Russian revolutionary tradition given at Harvard in the
spring of x943.o.
88. P. Pomper, Peter Lavrov and the Russian Revolutionary Movement, Chicago,
1972 1 76-9.
87. Kravchirisky (Stepniak), cited in Yarmalinsky, Road, 114.
88. Term cited from Panteleev Vilenskala, 1.45, who is apparently unaware of
the sectarian associations of the term.
8g. Tanana Lebedeva and Vera Zalutich (discussed in McNeal, 'Women," 149);
the figure of *Natasha" discussed in N. Burenin, Liudi li-orshetristshogo podporia,
1958, 35-8. For the role of young women as ammunition carriers, see P. Malin-
nikov, Revoliutsionnoe stuclencheskoe chtlzhenie v Rossii, 197x, 188.
90+ Pdc.Nealp 153-4.
91. az of 43. This sentence was almost always imposed for terrorism. McNeal,
1 55-
ga. A. Knight, "Female Terrorists in the Russian Socialist Revolutionary Party,"
Russian Review, 1979, Apr, 146, imamate. that at beast as of the about 78 total
number of members were women. This important article is based on a chapter from
her doctoral dissertation of rg77 at the London School of Economics: 'The Partici-
pation of Women in the Revolutionary Movement in Russia: 1190-1914."
93 Phrase of A. Kelly ("Revolutionary Women," New York Review of Books,
1975, Jul 17, 22 ) used to characterize the distinctiveness while stressing the im-
portance of the role of Russian wamen. Maria Spiridonova, whom Knight believes
WO "epitomized more than any other the Russian female terrorist," later defined
the function of her Left S.R. party as being "to cleanse the moral atmosphere"
(Knight, z59).
g4. Zenzinov, cited in Knight, 147.
gs. Knight, z ff.
g6. L Kakhovskala, "it vospominanii o zhenekoi katorge," Katorgo iStyllia, 1926,
no. 2.178; cited Knight, 158.
97. See the cases of Dora Brilliant and Rahel Lurie, in Knight, 248-5o.
98. Cases of Enaida Konopliannikova and Maria Spiridonova, in ibid., 150-I.
99. P. Smirnav, "Znachenie zhenshchiny v istorli vozniknovenlla raskola," Mis-
sionersky Shona, x8gi, Nov-Dec, 33o-65.
Ice. McNeal, 158; Knight, ][50. The most harrowing and moving of these im-
molations-and the one which had the greatest impact on soclety-was that of Maria
Vetrova, a young student from Chernigov who had run an illegal press with several
other women, had known Tolstay, and burned herself with kerosene from her read-
ing lamp- See N. Rostov, "Saraoubiist-vo M. F. yetrovoi i studencheskie besporiadki
T897 gc," Katorga #Ssylka, 1926. n. 2, 50-66,
I01. McNeal, 154; Knight, is4. Both of these secondary accounts misspell her
name. The latter suggests that she did not detonate the dynamite for fear of hurt-
ing innocent bystanders; but there is no evidence for this in the only primary
source, A. Friedberg, st. Rogozinnikova (vospominaniia)," Katorga iSaYllia, 19-39
102. Description of Konopliannikova, cited in Knight, 150.

Copyrighted material
Chapter i7 649
103. The speech had a powerful effect even on Russian-speaking anarchists in
the United States when published there: leech' Matreny Prisiazhniuka v Kietiskom
voreno.ohruighnont sude x9-90 iiulia sge8 goda, NY, 19z6; cited in Avrich, 66.
roc McNeal's analysis (r50-i ) of women revolutionaries listed in the most com-
prehensive Russian biographical codification of pre-zoos revolutionaries (Deiateli
revoliutsionnogo dtr