The Past and Present Society

The Golden Age and Sin in Augustan Ideology

Author(s): Andrew Wallace-Hadrill
Source: Past & Present, No. 95 (May, 1982), pp. 19-36
Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Past and Present Society
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 THE GOLDEN AGE AND SIN IN
AUGUSTAN IDEOLOGY*
If Adam's Fall had not broughtsin into the world,men would have been equal,
property wouldhave been heldin common.But sincetheFall, covetousness,pride,
angerand all the othersins have been transmitted to his posterity . A coercive
stateis one consequenceoftheFall, necessaryto preventsinfulmenfromdestroying
one another.Privateproperty is a
likewise consequenceofsin; butsinceitinevitably
exists,it mustbe defendedagainstthegreedylustsof theunpropertied, who must
be held in subordination.'

THE BIBLICAL STORY OF ADAM'S SIN AND THE FALL, CHRISTOPHER HILL
suggests,mightservea socialfunction.The priesthad supportedthe
age-oldsubjectionof thepoor man by tellinghimthathe was sinful
and thehardshipsand inequalitiesof liferesultedfromthat.But the
upheavalsof the revolutionary decade of the I64os emboldenedthe
poor man to voice his views and challengetraditionalbeliefs.The
Fall cameunderattack:"it was nottheFall thatcausedproperty, but
propertythatcaused theFall".2 Abolitionofproperty wouldrestore
manto Paradise.The Rantersdeniedtheexistenceofsin,and openly
committed adultery,blasphemedand gotdrunk."Sin andTransgres-
sion is finishedand ended", declaredAbiezer Coppe in his Fiery
FlyingRoll.3 Coppe was wrong:propertywon the revolution,and
Sin and the Fall were firmlyreinstatedin theirplace. But at least
thesedissentingvoices had thrownintoreliefthe way thatthe Fall
mythwas used as an ideologicalinstrument ofsocialcontrol.
"Most religionsand mostpeoples have a legendsimilarto thatof
the Garden of Eden, Arcadia, the Golden Age", commentsHill.4
Here is an invitationto pursuetheparallelin theancientworld.The
mythof theGoldenAge is a pervasiveone in classicalliterature. Yet
classicistslike to regardit in thelightofa literarytopos,a common-
place thatauthorspick up and play with,repeatand varyin their
turn.5Does it serveno socialfunction?
* An earlierversionofthispaperwas read to a seminarheld by Sir Moses Finleyat
Cambridgein 1979in a serieson "AncientIdeology".I am grateful tomembersofthe
seminarand othersfortheircommentsand encouragement, in particularto Sir Moses
Finley,SimonPrice and the Revd. JohnO'Neill. Naturallytheyare notanswerable
forviewshereput forward.Now, as before,I offerthepapernotas thematurefruit
of research,but as theseed, shouldit take,ofdiscussion.
Christopher Hill, TheWorldTurnedUpsideDown: RadicalIdeas DuringtheEnglish
Revolution (London, 1972), p. I24; see also ibid.,ch. 8, "Sin and Hell", pp. I21-47.
2 Ibid., p. I3I.
3 AbiezerCoppe, A FieryFlyingRoll (London, 1649), pt. I, p. 7, cited in ibid.,
p. 121.
4 Ibid., p. 121.
5 The evidenceis
exhaustivelycollectedin Bodo Gatz, Weltalter,
goldeneZeit und
sinnverwandte (Spudasmate,xvi, Hildesheim,1967). See also theclassic
Vorstellungen
workof A. 0. Lovejoy and G. Boas, Primitivism and RelatedIdeas inAntiquity(Bal-
timore,I935).

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20 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 95

True, the poet is not the same as the priest.The doctrineof the
Fall was preachedby ministersof a state religionthatdemanded
belief;poetsplayand demandotherresponsesthanbelief.Ifwe turn,
however,to thepoetsofthereignofAugustus,thisdistinction is not
so sharp.Virgiland Horace wereclose to theruler,and thereshould
be no doubt thattheirpoetryaspiredto mould men's viewsin the
regime'ssupport.The purposeofthisarticleis to examinenotionsof
the Golden Age and sin in Augustanliterature and ask whatsocial
function,ifany,theyserved.
I
THE RETURN OF THE GOLDEN AGE

The Romanfascination withtheGoldenAge themederivesabove

all froma singleepoch-makingpoem, Virgil'sfourthEclogue.In it
the returnof the Golden Age is prophesied:the VirginJusticeand
thereignofSaturnare comingback. A miraculouschildis soonto be
born;and at his adventtheworldwillchange,humansinsgradually
disappear,and a stateofpeace and Paradisewillestablishitself.
It is a visionbothpowerfuland novel. Its literarybackgroundis
traditional enough.Virgildrawstogether thetwomainstrandsofthe
Greekliterary tradition.One is theHesiodic "Ages ofMetal" myth,
whichexplainsthepresentmiseriesof theworldby thedebasemant
ofthegenerations, fromgoldthroughsilverand bronzeto iron.6The
debasementis associatedwiththe gradualabandonmentof justice;
whenVirgilspeaksoftheVirgin,he alludesto thefashionablepoem
on theconstellations bytheAlexandrianpoetAratus,whosaw in the
constellation Virgothepersonified Justicewho fledtheearthforthe
skiesas mankinddegenerated.7 The secondstrandof theGreektra-
ditionis the mythof "Life under Kronos", an escapistfantasyof
ParadiseLost, offering a mirrorimageofhumansociety:no warand
strife,no labour,but naturebringingforthin abundanceofherown
accord.8This mythwas givena local twistby theRomansby ident-
ifyingKronos, fatherof Zeus and masterof theancienregime, with
a local crop-diety,Saturn,supposed to have ruled the aboriginal
populationof Italyin the far-distant past.9Hence Virgil'sreturnto
thereignof Saturnis a local Italianaffair.
The startlingoriginality of theEcloguelies in thenotionof a Re-
turn.10The essenceoftheGreekmythsoftheGoldenAge and Para-
6
Hesiod, Worksand Days, I06-20I, discussedin Gatz, Weltalter,
goldeneZeit, pp.
28-51.
7 Aratus,Phaenomena,96-I36; see Gatz, Weltalter,goldeneZeit, pp. 58-63. The
workwas muchtranslatedbytheRomans;fragments surviveofversionsbytheyoung
Ciceroand Varroof Atax. For theseand latertranslations,
see ibid.,pp. 64-70.
8 Ibid., pp. II4-43.
9 Ibid.,
pp. 122-4.
10 The
noveltyis stressedin ibid.,pp. 87-103.

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 T'HE GOLDEN AGE AND SIN IN AUGUSTAN IDEOLOGY 2I

dise Lost lies in theirremotenessand thustheirabilitybycontrastto

accountforthe presentstateof humanlife. Moreover,the Eclogue
drawsmuchofitslanguageand moodfroman exoticcontext,outside
thenormalorbitof Greco-Romanliterature. 1 The similarity ofVir-
gil's picture to Isaiah, even in details like the peace of the animal
world,is morethancoincidence.12 It should now be acceptedthat
Virgilhad indirectaccess to Jewish-oriental Messianicideas through
hellenisticJewish"Sibyllineoracles",'such as the one whichin its
surviving formpredictstheaccomplishment ofthevisionofIsaiah.13
The Eclogueinvolvesfarmorethanthepoeticgame of variations
on a theme.It onlymakessenseagainstthebackgroundofthevolatile
politicalatmosphereof triumviral Rome,14in whichpropheciesand
oraclescirculatedfreely. 15 Dedicatedto theconsulof40 B.C., Virgil's
patronPollio,thepoem's occasionwas thetrucepatchedup between
therivaldynasts,Octavianand Antony,by theconference at Brun-
disium,and sealed by a marriagealliance. One shouldnot mistake
thetoneof thepoem forone of optimism.These wereblackdaysof
civiltumult,and thereturnofwarwas onlytoo likely.In a contem-
poraryepode, Horace took up the themewithunveiledpessimism
and suggestedthattheonlyhopeofdeliverancefortheRomanpeople
was to set sail in pursuitof the Isles of the Blessed.16The Eclogue,
professedly hopeful,offersonlyfantasy:a comingage of blisswhich
dependedon thebirthofa Wunderkind, an age in whichsheepwould
growpurplewool.17
Yet peace, againstall expectation,did come. Octavianemergedas
victorfromthebattleofActiumin 31 B.C. In theGeorgics writtenin
itsimmediateaftermath, Virgilagaintakesup thethemeoftheFall,
followingthe lead of Hesiod, but he drops the idea of a Return.18
Thereis stilla toneofanxietyhere:Octavianis thepotentialsaviour,
butwillthegodsallowhimto survive?19 But bythelate20s, withthe
firmestablishment in controlof the renamedAugustus,theAeneid
1 Originallyarguedin the classicworkof Eduard Norden,Die GeburtdesKindes
(Berlin,1924). For an excellentdiscussionof thewholedebateand modifiedsupport
of Norden, see R. G. M. Nisbet, "Virgil's Fourth Eclogue: Easternersand West-
erners",Bull. Inst.ClassicalStudies,xxv(1978), pp. 59-78.
12
Especiallyclose are Eclogues,iv. 22-5; Isaiah xi. 6-9.
13 Oracula
Sibyllina,iii. 743-59,is themostimportant parallel.Text and discussion
in V. Nikiprowetzky, La troisieme Sibylle(Paris, I970). For otherSibyllinepassages,
see Gatz, Weltalter, goldeneZeit, pp. 79-83.
14 On the background,see the classic accountof R. Syme,TheRomanRevolution
(Oxford,1939), pp. 217-20; Nisbet,"Virgil'sFourthEclogue", pp. 63-4.
15 One ofAugustus'measuresto restore orderwas tosuppressfalseSibyllineoracles:
Suetonius,Augustus, xxxi. x.
16 Horace,
Epodes, xvi. The relationbetweenthispoem and the fourthEclogueis
muchdebated;on thepriority of theEclogue,see Nisbet,"Virgil'sFourthEclogue",
p. 66.
17Eclogues,iv. 42-5, forthepurplesheep.
18 i. 121-46.
Georgics,
19Ibid., i. 500-4.

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22 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 95

could revivethe Eclogue themeand transform it into a confident

of
recognition Augustus as saviour."Here, here at last,is theone so
oftenpromisedwho will restorethe reignof Saturn", announces
Anchises,20pickingup the themeadumbratedby Jupiter.21 From
thispointon the idea retaineda powerfulhold on the Roman im-
agination.The associationof thereigningemperorwitha returnof
the Golden Age became a recurrent topicin poetry,imperialpane-
gyric22and the officialcoinage,23and it continuedto fertilizethe
imperialideal longaftertheclassicalperiod.24
At one leveltheappeal of theidea is obvious.To comparea reign
to theGoldenAge is finehyperbolical expression;alreadyGreekshad
said thatthe reignof the benevolenttyrantPisistratuswas like the
reignof Kronos.25Inversely,it was an expressionofdiscontentwith
a Tiberiusto say thattheAge ofIron had returned.26 Moreover,the
comparisonhad a specificpointof relevance.Since absence of war
was a characteristicfeatureof Paradise, Augustushad fulfilledan
essentialconditionof theReturnin bringingcivilwarto an end: the
gatesof war are now closed, and civil commotion,Furorimpius,is
chainedinsidewithall his horridarmaments.27
This farthe themeis hyperbolicalflattery. But the Golden Age
meantmorethanPeace; and it is at thispointwe mustask whether
thereis no socialfunction.If theFall servesas a mythological expla-
nationand justificationof the presentstateof humansociety,what
are thesocialimplicationsofa Return?

II
SIN AND THE FALL
Whatshouldalertus to thewiderimplications oftheReturntheme
are the detailsof the Augustanaccountsof theGoldenAge and the
Fall. Two featuresarestandardin AugustanpicturesofParadise,and
theyare themorestriking fortheirabsencefromtheGreektradition.
20
Aeneid,vi. 791 ff.:"hic vir,hic est, tibiquem promittisaepiusaudis .. ."
21
Ibid., i. 289-96,forJupiter'sprophecy.
22 fora listof to whomthe
goldeneZeit, pp. 138-9,
Gatz, Weltalter, emperors topic
is appliedin literature.Add Philo,EmbassytoGaius,xiii,fora Returnat theaccession
ofGaius thatsoon fades.
23 For thethemeon imperialcoinage,see H. Mattingly, "Virgil'sFourthEclogue",
Ji. Warburg and Cvurtauld Inst.,x (1947), pp. 14 ff.
24 On the
Renaissance,see Frances A. Yates, Astraea:The ImperialThemein the
Sixteenth Century (London, 1975); H. Levin, TheMythof theGoldenAge in theRe-
naissance(London, I970).
25 So Aristotle,Constitution of Athens,xvi. 7. Gatz, Weltalter,goldeneZeit, pp.
134-5,forthevitaldistinctionbetweena comparisonand theReturntheme.
26 Suetonius,Tiberius, lix, citinga contemporary lampoon:"Caesar, you'veended
theAgesofGold /They'llalwaysbe Ironuntilyou growold". Similarly ofothers,see
Gatz, Weltalter,
27
goldeneZeit, p. I39.
Virgil,Aeneid,i. 293 ff.

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 THE GOLDEN AGE AND SIN IN AUGUSTAN IDEOLOGY 23
These are the lack of laws and of privateproperty.28 Their Golden
Age ideal appears to be a stateof communism.
Laws were superfluousunderthe reignof Saturn.Latinus intro-
duces his people to Aeneas as therace of Saturn"righteousof their
own freewill, not by bonds or laws, and followingthe practicesof
theirancientgod".29Theyneedno lawssincetheyfollowtheexample
of Saturn.Similarlyin Ovid's accountof Creationat thestartof the
Metamorphoses the golden generationdoes withoutlegislation;the
"threatening words of the bronze table" and the tremblingof the
people beforethe seat of judgementare among the evils Paradise
escapes.30The same idea laterformsthe basis of Tacitus' excursus
on thehistoryof legislation:primitivemanlivedwithoutlust,abuse
and sin (scelus),and neededno legalcoercion.Laws onlywereintro-
duced as a resultofmoraldegeneration.31
This happystatewas abandonedwhenmenlearntgreed.In Virgil
a debased generationfollowedSaturn,"and the frenzyof war and
loveofpossessionsucceeded".32Ovid picksup thephraseand repeats
it, probablytongue-in-cheek: "wickedlove of possession".33Desire
formoneyand propertyemergesin numerousAugustanpassagesas
therootofsin; correspondingly it is a featureoftheGoldenAge that
property was held in common.Accordingto Virgil:
No fencespartedfields,normarksnorbounds,
Distinguishedacresof litigiousgrounds;
But all was common.. 34
The GoldenAge knewno surveyors, as Ovid putsit;35or in theplain
proseof a historian"under Saturntherewereno slavesnordid any
man possess privateproperty,but all was held in commonand un-
divided" 36
The voiceof theRanteris notone we expectfromthecourtpoets
of Augustus.Yet if the Golden Age involvedabsence of laws and
propertyand Augustuswas to restorethisprimevalbliss,whatwas
to becomeof thesecurityofproperty, theunequal hierarchyofrank
and thestrictlegislativestructure
whichtheAugustanregimein fact
ensured?
28
goldeneZeit,p. 229, conspectus4c, showsthatabsenceofprivate
Gatz, Weltalter,
property is newto Romanauthors.Thus Germanicus, Aratea,I12-9, insertsthistheme
intohis translation of Aratus,Phaenomena,I08- 113.
29 Virgil,Aeneid,vii. 203-4: "Saturni gentemhaud vinclo nec legibusaequam /
sponte sua veterisquedei se moretenentem".
30 i. 89-93.
Ovid, Metamorphoses,
31
Tacitus,Annals,iii. 26.
32
Virgil,Aeneid,viii. 327: "et belli rabieset amorsuccessithabendi".
33 Ovid,Metamorphoses, i. 129-30: "in quorumsubierelocumFraudesqueDolusque
/Insidiaequeet Vis et Amorsceleratushabendi".
34 Virgil,Georgics, i. 122-3: "ne signarequidemaut partirilimitecampum/faserat;
in mediumquaerebant.. .".
35 Ovid, Metamorphoses, i. 135-6.
36 Justin, EpitomeofPompeiusTrogus,xliii. i. 3 (thishistorydatesfromthelatefirst
centuryB.C.).

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24 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 95

Thereare perhapssignsofembarrassment on thispointin internal

incoherencesin theiraccounts.Thus Virgilhavingdepictedtherace
of Saturnas lawless,laterredefinesthe position.Saturnemergesas
civilizerand legislator:
The mendispersedon hillsto townshe brought
And laws ordainedand civilcustomstaught.37

Againin theGeorgics, havingassertedcommunalownershipand lack

ofworkas marksofParadise,he laterexaltsthehard-working lifeof
thepeasant(a proprietor one presumes)as thetrueGoldenlife.38
However,theseincoherencesdo littleto providea solution.For
thatwe mustturnto the role of Augustusin therestoredParadise.
Post-lapsarian man is vitiatedbyscelus.39 The wordcarriessomebut
notall oftheimplications oftheChristian"sin": certainly theRomans
lacked the doctrineof originalsin. But scelusin Roman religionin-
volvesmorethansimplewrong-doing. It is an offencethatincursthe
wrathof thegods, and is liable to bringdownretribution unlessset
rightor "expiated"by therequisiteceremony(piaculum).Augustus,
ifhe was to reintroduce theGoldenAge, mustnotonlyrestorepeace
butabolishscelus.
In theGeorgics,althoughthereis no explicittalkof a Return,the
victorofActiumis alreadyassignedthecrucialrolein theelimination
of scelus.The firstbook culminateswiththe magnificent pictureof
thedislocationof natureand humansocietyas theresultofCaesar's
murder,civilwarand portents.40 This leadsto a solemnprayerto the
local gods of Rome. But Virgiloffersa surprise.Portentsdemanded
expiation,fortheydemonstrated
sacrificial thewrathofthegods. But
Virgiloffersthegods no further sacrifice:
O let theblood alreadyspiltatone
For thepast crimesof cursedLaomedon.41
Insteadhe praysthatCaesar's heirwill be sparedto save theage. In
otherwords,traditionalritualwas no longersufficient forthe ap-
peasementof thegods: the personof a youngman was necessaryto
protectthe state fromthe consequencesof sin.42The themewas
echoed by Horace in a fineode thatmovedfroma similarcatalogue
Here too Augustusappearsas the saviour.Jupiteris
of portents.43
37 Virgil,Aeneid,viii. 321-2: "Is genusindocileac dispersummontibusaltis/com-
posuitlegesquededit .. .".
38
Virgil,Georgicsii. 532 ff.
39 Cf. Virgil,Eclogues,iv. 13: "underPollio's commandwilldisappearanyremain-
ing tracesof sin (te duce, si qua manentscelerisvestigianostri)".
40
Virgil,Georgics,i. 466-5I4.
41
Ibid., i. 501-2: "satisiampridemsanguinenostro/Laomedonteaeluimusperiuria
Troiae".
42
The significance of thisinnovationis well broughtout in J. H. W. G. Liebes-
chuetz,Continuity and Changein RomanReligion(Oxford,I979), pp. 56 ff.
43 Horace, Odes,i. 2. For Horace's debtto Virgil,see E. Fraenkel,Horace(Oxford,
1957), pp. 242 ff.

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 THE GOLDEN AGE AND SIN IN AUGUSTAN IDEOLOGY 25
seenas assigninghimtotheroleofexpiatingsin.44The Romanpeople
cannotdo withoutAugustus,or else itwillbe overwhelmed byscelus.
Augustushas a similarrolein theReturnoftheGoldenAge. Virgil
is not simplyeulogizingthe emperorfora faitaccompli,the termi-
nationofcivilwar.On thecontrary he is makingParadiseconditional,
conditionalupon the personof Augustus.Attentionto tenseshelps
to make this point clear. Even in the Fourth Eclogue he spoke
propheticallyofa GoldenAge on thevergeofreturning. In theAeneid
thetoneofprophecyis maintained:firstJupiter,thenAnchisesfore-
see the restorationof bliss by Augustus.45It is not clear thattheir
propheciesare supposed to have been fulfilled.Anchisesspeaks of
the extensionof empireoverthe Garamantesand Indians- stillin
Virgil'sday a pious hope.46The prophetictoneremainsin laterac-
countswhichhail a GoldenAge underNero.47
The prophetsoftheReturnthusstandon theedgeofParadise,but
havenotyetsteppedinside.Scelusstillstandsbetweenmanand hap-
piness,and onlytheemperorcan overcometheobstacle.In factthe
thrustof thethemeis notpanegyricalbut persuasive.The argument
maybe extrapolated as follows:"Man oncelivedinhappinesswithout
laws or property.But greed and bellicosityintervened;social in-
equalityand privatepropertyare the consequence.Now thereare
hopesoftheGoldenAge returning. That does notmeanwe can revert
to communismand lawlessness;man'snatureis stillflawedbyscelus.
But ifwe wantto embracetheonlyhope of escape fromtheinferno
of mutualdestructionand recaptureprimitiveinnocence,we must
turnto Augustus. He alone holds the keys to Paradise". Thus in
effectwhilefortheGreeksthefunction oftheFall mythwastoexplain
thepresentstateofhumanity, fortheAugustansitsfunction is to put
the emperorat the centreof the schemeof things.The mythdoes
thenhavean ideologicalfunction:notto enforcethesubjectionofthe
poor, nor to encouragetheirindependence,but to enforcethe sub-
jectionofeveryRomanto thepersonoftheemperor.
Over the courseof timethisinvolveda gradualshiftin whatwas
seen as constituting scelus.Virgilis not explicithere; but Horace
revertsto thethemerepeatedlyovertheyears.In theEpodeswritten
beforeActiumthe scelusthatobsesses the Romans is civil strifeit-
self.48Ruingtheirsinfuldownfall,he concludesthattheyaredoomed
44
Horace, Odes, i. 29-30: "cui dabitpartesscelusexpiandi/Iuppiter?".
45 Virgil,Aeneid,i. 257-96,forJupiter's ibid.,vi. 788-805,forAnchises.
predictions;
46
Ibid., vi. 794. The OrientalspoilsofwhichJupiter talks,in ibid.,i. 289, mayalso
be setin thefuture;see G. Williams,Tradition andOriginalityinRomanPoetry(Oxford,
1968), pp. 426 ff.
47 Seneca,Apocolocynthosis, iv (the Fates prophesyat Claudius' death); Seneca, On
Clemency, ii. I. 3 (see below); Lucan, Pharsalia, i. 45-62 (fulfilment of Golden Age
foreseenon Nero's death); CalpurniusSiculus,Eclogues,i. 20 ff.(prophecyat Nero's
accession).For theNeroniandatingofCalpurnius,see R. Mayer,"CalpurniusSiculus:
Technique and Date",Jl. RomanStudies,lxx (1980), pp. 175 ff.
48 For thistopic,cf.G. Williams,"Poetryin theMoralClimateofAugustanRome",
Jl. RomanStudies,lii (1962), pp. 28 ff.

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26 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 95

to a fateoffratricidesinceRomulusand Remus(thecurseofCain).49
AfterActiumcivilstrifewas over,and thereare signsofrepentance,
"shame at our scarsand sin and fraternal strife".50
Yet in thethird
book of Odes in the mid-20sscelusis stilla veryreal presence.The
degeneration continuesin Hesiodic vein;51we wouldthrowour gold
and jewelryinto the sea were we trulyrepentant;52 and adultery
emergesas thesourcefromwhichdisasterhas flowed.53
The shiftin Horace's pictureof scelushas of course a specific
reason.54In the backgroundlies Augustus'struggleto secure ac-
ceptancefora programme ofmorallegislation.Afteritspassingin 18
B.C. Horace becomesuncharacteristically optimistic."Law and mor-
alityhave overcomepollutingwrong".55Now indeedtherecould be
no improvement "even thoughthe Golden Age return".56He can
celebratein I7 B.C. thereturn,ifnotoftheVirginJustice,at leastof
Faith,Peace, Honour,Shameand Virtue.57
What is remarkablehere is not the factthatthe poet is writing
propagandafora legislativeprogramme,but the way he associates
thescelusofimmorality, greedand lustwiththescelusofcivilwar. It
is notan analogy,buta directidentification. "He who wishesto end
sacrilegiousmurder and civilfrenzyand be acclaimed as fatherofhis
countrymustcontrolsexual licence".58In a famouspassagein the
prefacetohishistorieswritten intheearly20s Livytalksofthecurrent
crisis,when "we can neitherendure ourvices(vitia)northeremedies
to them".59Vitia have been alternatively explainedas civildiscord
(to whichtheremedywas autocracy)or as immorality (withtherem-
edy of the morallegislation,initiallyit seemsrejectedin 28 B.C.).60
The mistakeis to treattheseas mutuallyexclusive.For Livy as for
Horace,civilwarand immorality are intertwined.War is regardedas
thewagesofsin; thetermination ofwaris nota strictlymilitaryaffair,
buta religiouscrusadeagainstsin thatresultsin expiation.
If Horace thinksthe Golden Age is as good as restored,it is not
simplybecausewarhasendedand lawshavebeenpassed.It is because
attitudesand behaviourhavechanged.61Laws, he suggested,arevain
49Horace, Epodes,vii. I ff.:"Quo, quo scelestiruitis?(Wherewillyourfallend,
sinfulmen?)"; ibid., i8, "Scelusque fraternae necis(thesin ofa brother'smurder)".
50Horace, Odes, i. 35. 33-4: "eheu cicatricumet scelerispudet ...".
51 Ibid., iii. 6.
46-8.
52 Ibid., iii.
24. 50: "scelerumsi bene paenitet".
53 Ibid., iii. 6. I7 ff.
54 See Liebeschuetz,Continuity and Changein RomanReligion,pp. 92-I00.
55 Horace, Odes, iv. 5. 22: "mos et lex maculosumedomuitnefas".
56 Ibid., iv. 2. 39-40: "quamvis redeantin aurum/temporapriscum".
57 Horace, Carmensaeculare,57-60.
58 Horace, Odes, iii. 24. 25-9.
59 Livy,Ab urbecondita,praef.9.
60 R. Syme, "Livy and Augustus", Harvard Studiesin Classical Philology,lxiv
(I959), PP. 42-3, repr.in his RomanPapers (Oxford,1979), pp. 416-17,arguesthat
thevitiaare political.
61Thus Horace, Odes, iv. 5. 22, citedin n. 55 above.

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 THE GOLDEN AGE AND SIN IN AUGUSTAN IDEOLOGY 27

withoutmores,actual social practice.62But now moralshad been

converted.Mos, as opposed to law, was whatforVirgil'sLatinusor
forTacitus keptprimitiveman in his stateofinnocence.63 Augustus
is seen as fillingthe role of Saturnin settinga shiningexampleof
correctbehaviour,mos.It was a commonplaceof ancientliterature
thatgovernment should be, or perhapsinevitablywas, by example
as wellas precept.64 These arethetermsin whichOvid seesAugustus
as puttinghis moralprogrammeintoeffect:"mostjustas legislator,
he carrieslaws,and byhisexamplecontrolsmorals".65As a Saturnian
kinghe setsthestandardofbehaviouron whichhispeoplevoluntarily
modelthemselveswithoutcompulsion.Horaceas a courtpoetclaims
thattheideal has been realizedand theRomansare now voluntarily
reformed;hence his talkof Paradise. Tacitus as historianwas more
realistic;the laws were enforcedby compulsion,moreoverby the
peculiarlyodious mechanismof informers.So forhim Augustus'
morallegislationis a bitterbondage,in uttercontrastto thevoluntary
patternthatcharacterized theGoldenAge.66Tacitus,in fact,is here
subverting theofficialideology.
Tacitus was nottheonlyone who loathedtheofficial line. Ovid is
constantly flippant at theexpense of ideas treated
as sacredbyVirgil
or Horace, and his flippancyhelps to throwinto sharperreliefjust
whattheseideas were.67He too sees AugustanRome as a reincar-
nationof theGoldenAge - but forquite thewrongreasons."Now
is thetrueGoldenAge: gold is all men value, gold is whatbuysyou
love".68 He revertsto the Golden Age thememorefrequently than
any otherAugustanpoet, but alwaysirreverently.69 Particularlyil-
luminatingis his whole accountof the Fall in the firstbook of the
Metamorphoses.70 He describesin traditional,but perhapsdeliber-
atelyexaggeratedterms,the degenerationof the ages fromgold to
iron.71At thispointhe blends in the storyof the Flood. Jupiteris
62
Ibid., iii. 24. 35-6: "quid leges sine moribus/vanae proficiunt?".
63
Virgil,Aeneid,vii. 204, citedin n. 29 above; Tacitus,Annals,iii. 26: "theydesired
nothingcontrary to properpractice(contramorem).. .".
64 The topicgoes back to Plato,Laws, iv. 7 1. Note thataccording to Livy,Ab urbe
condita,i. 21. 2, King Numa ruledtheprimitive Romansby example.
65 Ovid, Metamorphoses, xv. 833-4: "legesque feretiustissimusauctor/exemploque
suo moresreget".
66 Tacitus,Annals,iii. 28: "acrioraex eo vincla(the bondagewas harsherthence-
forth)".
67 On Ovid's attitudesto the government, see R. Syme,Historyin Ovid (Oxford,
1978),pp. 169ff.;and especiallyT. Wiedemann,"The PoliticalBackgroundto Ovid's
Tristia2", ClassicalQuart.,newser.,xxv(I975), pp. 264 ff.Ovid is herethesuccessor
of Propertius;on his alienationfromAugustanmorality,see J. Griffin, "Propertius
and Antony",Jl. RomanStudies,lxvii(I977), pp. I7 ff.
68 Ovid, Art Love, ii. 277-8: "aurea suntverenuncsaecula:
of plurimusauro/venit
honos,auro conciliaturamor".
69 See Gatz, Weltalter, goldeneZeit, pp. 222-3, givingtwenty-three entriesin the
index.
70 i. 89 ff.
Ovid, Metamorphoses,
71 Ibid., i. I25-50.

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28 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 95

horrified by the depravedstateof mankind,and decidesupon their

destruction.He announceshis decisionto a startledcouncilofgods,
and justifies it byrelatinga story.The kingofheavenhad manifested
himselfon earth,and thoughthe crowdfelldownand worshipped,
thetyrantLycaon notonlyrefusedto acknowledgehimbut actually
made an attempton his life.72
The Jupiterof thisstoryis evidentlyhysterical:not contentwith
turningLycaon intoa wolf,he proposesto exterminate thewholeof
mankind,despitethefactthat,forall theiriron-agedepravity,they
had fallendown and worshippedhim. Even theOlympiansfindthe
proposedmeasuresextreme:whatwillhappento theirsacrifices once
men have been wiped out?73Yet thishysterical Jupiteris explicitly
comparedto Augustus(theequationis infacta commononein Ovid).
Heaven is said to be like the Palatine, comparingsmall things
(heaven!) withgreat;74the impietyof Lycaon is comparedto the
murderof Caesar;75and the loyalexpressionsof shockby thegods
are equated with the dutifulpietas of Augustus' supporterswho
backedhimin thecivilwars.76
The alertreaderis thusinvitedto takeJupiteras a maskforAu-
gustusthroughout.The implicationis thattheRomansare wicked,
and in nothingso muchas theiroppositionto Augustus;yet,thepoet
hintsforthecognoscenti, thiswholepictureofsinis onlyseenthrough
theeyesofa hysterical emperoron thePalatine.For a Horace, from
the convictionthat the Romans were vicious and sinfulflowsthe
consequencethattheyneeded an Augustusto save them,act as me-
diatorwiththe gods in expiating,and lead themintorighteousness
by his shiningmodel. Ovid is inclinedto denythepremise,thatthe
Romans are sinful:"You are innocents",says his Janus,"if you
imagine the primitiveRomans of Saturniandays weren'tjust as
greedyforgold as you: theyjust didn't have the opportunity".77
"Now Romeis Golden . . . Otherscanpraisethesimplicity ofancient
days. I am happyto be a modern:it suitsmymorals".78The man
wholovedRomeforitssophistication and foritsinfinite
opportunities
forhuntinggirls79was failingto takethe"right"lineaboutcontem-
porarydepravity;in doing so he was denyingAugustushis raison
d'etre.It is in Ovid, ifanywherein Augustanliterature, thatwe catch
thetonesoftheRanterclaiming"sin and transgression is ended".
72 Ibid.,i.
196-243.
3 Ibid.,i.
246-9.
74
Ibid., i. I68-76.
75 Ibid., i. 200-3.
76 Ibid., i. 204-5.
77 Ovid,Fasti, i. I9-226, esp. 193-4: "vix ego Saturnoquemquamregnantevide-
bam /cuius non animodulcia lucraforent".
78 Ovid,ArtofLove, iii. 113-28.
79
Syme,Historyin Ovid, pp. 189 ff.

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 THE GOLDEN AGE AND SIN IN AUGUSTAN IDEOLOGY 29

III
SIN AND FORGIVENESS

The Returnof theGoldenAge themewas morethanhyperbolical

praise.I have triedto showthatit belongsto a complexof ideas the
effectof whichwas to provideAugustuswitha role thatmade him
essentialforthepreservation of Roman society.Since theFall, man
is burdenedby his own scelus,his greedand lust; thesevices have
driventhe Romans to a frenzyof mutualdestruction,beyondthe
pointwheretraditionaldevices can appease the wrathof the gods.
Only throughvoluntarysubmissionto thegreatmediatorAugustus
can theyrecaptureinnocenceand Paradise.
To this complexof thoughtsbelongsanotherremarkabledevel-
opment.If civil war and immorality are identifiedwitheach other,
and neithercan be ended exceptthroughthemediationoftheruler,
theconsequenceis to identify sin and rejectionoftheruler.Because
he is theinstrument through which sceluscan be abolished,opposition
to him is scelus.But equally sin, whetherarmedrebellionor sexual
misdemeanour,constitutesopposition.If thisseemstoo sophistical
fora soberRoman,we shouldobservetheremarkabledevelopment
oftheidea ofclemencythatit bringsin itstrain.
The victoriousCaesar had discoveredthatthemosteffective tech-
nique fordisarmingpoliticaloppositionwas to "forgive"his oppo-
nents,just as Roman generalshad often"forgiven"theirbarbarian
enemies.Henceforthclementia playsa cardinalrole in Roman poli-
tics.80Its operationmaybe illustrated byCicero'sspeechforLigarius
beforeCaesar.81The defendanthad foughtagainstCaesar(thepros-
ecutioncalls it scelus).There is no point in denyingthe fact; but
Ligariusis appealingas a prodigalson to a father,notas a defendant
beforea courtof law. "I have erred,acted rashly,and I repent.I
throwmyselfon yourmercy,beg pardonfortheoffence,praythat
it may be forgiven".82In purelypoliticaltermsthis ritualmakes
excellentsense. Ligarius,who happenedto back the wronghorse,
makesamendsbyprostrating himselfbeforethevictor,acknowledg-
his
ing paternalauthority, placinghis lifein his hands.He maythus,
at thevictor'sbehest,be transformed fromenemyintosubject.
What is extraordinary about the subsequentdevelopmentof the
idea of clementia is its extensionbeyondthispurelypoliticalsphere.
It is appropriatethatthebestillustration shouldbe providedbyOvid,
makingamendsforan attitudeto the"official"linethatwe haveseen
8( See L. Wickert,"Zu Caesars Reichspolitik",Klio, xxx (1937), pp. 232 ff.For
thelargebibliography,see T. Adam, Clementiaprincipis(Kieler HistorischeStudien,
xi, Stuttgart, I970).
81 See W. McDermott,"In Ligarianam",Trans.Amer.Phil. Assoc.,ci (1970), pp.
317 ff.
82
Cicero,For Ligarius,xxx: "erravi,temerefeci,paenitet...".

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30 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 95

to be at bestirreverent, at worstsubversive.In A.D. 8 Augustussent

Ovid intoexileon harshterms(to suffernotonlythecold of Tomi,
but its isolationfromcivilization,whichwas morethanmostexiles
wereaskedto endure).Ovid's offenceis a perennialtopicofdebate.83
One groundwas hisflouting ofsexualmoralityin theArtofLove; the
otherwas an unspecifiederror.It is impossiblenow to divinethe
natureof this error,whetherit was sexual or political.84What is
significantis thatfromthepointofviewofAugustanideologyitmade
no difference: thevitalthingis thatpardonis possibleso longas he
affirms totalsupportof theregime:"I swearby thesea, by theland
and by thatthirdpower,by yourself a god mademanifest, thisspirit
supportedyou,greatestofmen . . .".8 In thisand otherrespectshis
apologyin the Tristiafollowsexactlythelinesof theplea of theop-
ponentin civil war, Ligarius.86A similarcase occurreda decade
earlierwhenAugustushad treatedhis errantdaughterJuliawitha
severitythatshockedtheRomanworld.Was heroffencepolitical?87
Again,forthe presentpurpose,theansweris immaterial.What the
emperordescribedto the senatewas adultery;yethe treatedit as
sacrilegeand treason.88
Both thesecases are perhapsdangerousto handlebecause we are
so badlyinformed abouttheirpoliticalbackground.But theextended
roleofclementia describedin Seneca'sessayOn Clemency,
is explicitly
and it is worthanalysingwhathe saysin detailsincethisis thefirst
workto articulatetheGoldenAge ideologysystematically as a whole.
The essay was writtenearlyin Nero's reign,at a timeof renewed
interestin theGoldenAge theme,as Lucan and CalpurniusSiculus
show.89GivenSeneca's positionas theemperor'smentor,it mayin
somesensebe takenas an expressionofthe"official"line.
First,Seneca assumesthe basic sinfulnessof mankind,its scelus.
Nero is shownlookingdown on the wretchedstateof his people,
"discordant,seditious,withoutself-control, doomed to mutualde-
struction ifitthrowsofftheyokeofrule".90"Considerthevastpopu-
lationof Rome: everyindividualamongus has done wrong,greator
small, and will ever continue to do so".91 "The very multitude of
83
Syme,HistoryinOvid,pp. 216 ff.
84
Ibid., pp. 219 ff.,fortheinseparability ofpoliticsand morals.
85Ovid, Tristia,ii. 53-5: "per mare, per terras,per tertianuminaiuro / per te
praesentemconspicuumquedeum,/huncanimumfavissetibi,virmaxime..."
86 So M.
Hubbard,Propertius (London, 1974), p. Ioo.
87
Arguedrecentlyin B. Levick, "Tiberius' Retirement to Rhodesin 6 B.C.", La-
tomus,xxi (1972), pp. 779 ff.
88 Tacitus, Annals,iii.
24, statesexplicitlythat the chargewas adultery.Pliny,
NaturalHistory,xxi. 9, and Seneca, On Benefits, vi. 32. I-2, describethehysteriaof
Augustus'reaction.
89 On Seneca's essay, see M. Griffin, Seneca: A Philosopherin Politics(Oxford,
1976), pp. 129 ff.On Neronianpoets,see n. 47 above.
90 Seneca, On Clemency, i. I. I.
91Ibid., i. 6. 3-4.

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 THE GOLDEN AGE AND SIN IN AUGUSTAN IDEOLOGY 31
sinners makes sin cheap".92 "Peccavimus omnes (we have all
sinned)": it is thevoiceoftheconfessional.
Secondly,the presenceof theemperorprovidestheonlypossible
hope of escape. "Only my Peace", reflectsNero, "stops thousands
ofswordsfromspringing up againsteach other".93So thesurvivalof
theruleris essential."His is thevitalspiritofthecommunity".94
Thirdly,however,fortheemperorto succeedas saviourhe must
practiseclemency.Crueltymultiplieshis opponentsand generates
war; tranquillity is onlyachievedby clemency.95 Two typesofdelict
are distinguished: offencesagainstthepersonoftheruler,and those
not againstthe ruler.96Clementiacan stop both. Throughit "the
majorityof men can revertto innocence".97The effectiveness of
mercyin disarmingpersonaloppositionwas demonstrated by Au-
gustus,as the improvingtale of the conspiratorCinna confirms.98
But clementia also stopsnon-politicaloffences."A sparingemperor
establishesgood moralsin the stateand washesaway vices".99"In
the statewherepunishmentis rare,a consensusof innocencedevel-
ops. If thestatebelievesitselfinnocent,it willbe so". Generalindig-
nationwillmeetthedeviantin theplace ofacquiescence.100
Fourthly,Nero has alreadydemonstrated his naturalpredisposi-
tiontowardsmercyby his unwillingness to executecriminals;101the
preconditionsare thus fulfilledforthe Golden Age to return.One
who showssuch clemency"deservesthe generalinnocenceof man-
kindunderwhichthatage of yoremightreturn.Withoutado man-
kindoughtto consentto whatis fairand good; lustforpossessions,
thatrootofall evil,shouldbe drivenout, Pietyand Integrity return,
and vice afterits long tyranny givewayto an Age of Happinessand
Purity". 102
This essay is oftenread as if its only messagewas forNero, to
persuade him of the value of clemency.103 More importantis the
messageforhis subjects.They are told theycannotdo withoutan
emperor.They are told this one has the ideal qualificationin his
mercy.And theyare told thatbecause he is merciful,he deserves
good behaviourfromthem.It is up to theRomanpeopleto obeyand
92
Ibid.,i. 22. 2.
93 Ibid.,i. I. 2.
94Ibid., i. 3.4.
95Ibid., i. 5; i. 8. 7.
96Ibid., i. 20. I.
97Ibid., i. 2. I.
98Ibid.,i. 9-I0.
99Ibid., i. 22.3.
100
Ibid.,i. 23. 2.
101Ibid., ii. I. I-3.
102
Ibid.,ii. I. 3-4.
103
Thus P. Hadot, in, Reallexicon
furAntikeundChristentum, viii(Stuttgart,
1972),
col. 555 ff.,s.v. "Fuirstenspiegel",
classifiesthe workas a "Mirrorof Princes". Of
coursethisoneofits functions.

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32 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 95

behaveiftheywantParadiseback. It is a partof Seneca's persuasion

oftheRomanpeople thathe laysemphasison thepowerofclementia
to terminatenon-political offences.The practicalrealitybehindthis
rathermetaphysical talkof"returntoinnocence"liesintheemperor's
specialjurisdiction 104 It wasin theirimportant
(cognitio). roleas extra-
ordinaryjudges that emperors from Augustus regularlyheard
on
cases thathad no bearingon themselves.But it was an important
featureof thisjurisdiction thattheemperor,likethejudgeAzdak of
the Caucasian Chalk Circle,'05stood above the law, unshackledby
thestatutebook,following hissenseofrightand wrong,notthelaw's
rigidprescriptions, in judgingguiltand assessingpenalties.It was
herethattheemperorcould indeedmanifest thoughithad
clementia,
nothing to do with the pardoning politicalopponents.That these
of
two verydifferent rolesare confusedas the same qualityof "clem-
ency" is the productof the ideologywe have been examining.The
public politicaldisorderof civilwar and the privatewrongdoingof
the individualare inextricablyintertwinedand the emperoras a
secondSaturnis assignedtheroleofkeepingbothat bay.

IV
KINGDOM OF EARTH AND KINGDOM OF HEAVEN
Faced withgrimand scarcelypalatablehistorical realities,theelim-
inationofhisopponentsbya dynast,hisimposition oflegislationthat
thrustintotheprivateand sexuallifeofthecitizenand hauntedhim
withthepresenceoftheinformer, and thedynast'susurpationofthe
to
power judge not onlyguilt,but rightand wrongitself;facedwith
all this,the poets respondwithheady prophetictalk of a Messiah
who will save the Romans fromtheirsins and lead themback to
Paradise.Did anysoberRomantakeit seriously,and believe?
Perhapsnot. But thereis a further considerationto be takeninto
account.Throughout,forconvenienceoftranslation, ithas beenpos-
sibleto use biblicallanguagein rendering Romanconcepts- sin,the
Fall, Paradise,forgiveness and so on. The enquirysetout to discover
whethertheremightnot be an analogybetweentheChristianuse of
theGenesisstoryand theRomanuse oftheGoldenAgetheme.Indeed
it seemsthereare vague similarities. But thequestionwe are led on
to ask is whetherthereis nota morepreciseanalogy.
Four steps were analysedin Seneca's essay On Clemency.If we
reflecton thestandarddoctrinesofthecontemporary Christianteach-
ingsof Paul we finda systemthatis closelyanalogous.
Seneca,pp. I6I ff.
So Griffin,
104
105Brecht
explicitlyintendedAzdak to be a Saturnfigure.The story-teller
reflects
at theend of thelast scene: "But thepeople ofGrusiniadid notforgethimand often
remembered his timeof Judgement as a briefGoldenAge thatwas almostjust".

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 THE GOLDEN AGE AND SIN IN AUGUSTAN IDEOLOGY 33
First,sinceAdam and theFall man is assumedto be sinful.'06
Secondly,God has senthis son the Christinto the worldto free
menfromtheirsins.He is theway,indeedtheonlyway.His sacrificial
deathis theexpiationofman's sins.107
Thirdly,throughtheauthority delegatedto himChristcan forgive
sins. He is the mediatorfora lovingGod who will forgiveall those
who trulyrepent.Faith in Christofferstheonlyescape fromman's
sinfulnature.The ruleoftheJewishlaw has been supersededby the
justificationof faith.108 Those who love Christwill naturallyfollow
his commandments, and high moralstandardsare expectedof the
Christian.109 Yet righteousness beforethelawisnotenough.Rejection
ofthemediatoris a sin,and immorality is a rejectionofhis way.10
Fourthly,the Messiah has undone the originalsin of Adam and
openedthewayto a returnto Paradise.But thebattleis notyetwon:
the crucifixion has imposedon man the dutyof turningto God in
Christand followinghis way. The kingdomof heavenwillreturnin
the secondcoming,and theChristian'scallingis to preparehimself
forthat.1
In Pauline Christianity, then,it is Christ,not the emperor,who
actsas themediatorbetweenheavenand sinfulmankind.It is Christ
not theemperorwho has thepowerto undo scelus,sin, by his grace
or clementia,forgiveness. It is faith,allegiance,voluntary submission
to Christthatwill bringabout or make readyforthereturnof Para-
dise, originalinnocence.
It goes againstthe modernclassicist'sinstinctsto suppose there
could be anylinkbetweenRoman and Judaeo-Christian thought.If
theycoexistedin a contemporary Mediterranean world,yeta great
gulfwas fixedbetweenthetwo.The Romanhimselfwouldbe no less
shocked.If the suggestedanalogyis to be takenseriously,the gulf
mustbe bridged.Yet thisis notso tallan orderas it mightappear.
In thefirstplace, a flowofinfluencefromEast to Westhas already
beenseenas highlylikely.112The fourth Eclogueplayeda crucialrole
in introducing Messianicideas to theWest. We need notbelievelike
Drydenand manybeforehim thattheseverses"prophesyour Sav-
iour's birth".113But throughthe Sibyllineoracleshe had access to
106 These doctrines are pervasive,but can convenientlybe followedin theletterto
the Romans. See Romans i. 18-32,fora vividpictureof man's sinfulness;ibid., v.
12-14,forAdam.
107 Ibid., iii. 21-26. The notionof sacrificialdeathis of coursepeculiarto Christi-
anity.
108
Ibid., iii. 26; iv-v.
109
Ibid., vi.
10 viii.
Ibid., I-4.
1
Ibid., viii. I8-25.
12 See n. ii above.
13
On Christianizing of the fourthEclogue,see R. S. Conway,in
interpretations
J. B. Mayor, W. Warde Fowler and R. S. Conway, Virgil'sMessianicEclogue:Its
Meaning,Occasion,and Sources(London, I907), pp. 22 ff.;also S. Benko, "Virgil's
(cont.onp. 34)

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34 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 95

Easternideas, the backgroundand developmentof whichwere to

hima closed book. Seneca too maytransmit somedegreeof Eastern
influence.Again, thereis no need to revivethemedievalfantasyof
a correspondence betweenSenecaand Paul.114 Butitis likelyenough
thathe drewon EasternGreektreatisesOn Kingshipin formulating
his pictureoftheemperoras philanthropic Basileus.115It is farfrom
implausiblethatsuch treatisesmighttransmit Jewishideas."6
Secondly,one should thinkof the impactof the Roman political
revolutionon the East. The possibilitywhichwe mustallow foris
thatthe Roman "ideology"heredescribedwas takenseriouslyand
propagatedamongRome's subjects.In takinghis gospelto theGen-
tiles,Paul cameintodialoguewiththeGreeksofAsia Minor,notonly
subjectsofRome,butoneswhopractiseda vigorouscultoftheliving
emperor.117 It is veryhard to recoveror evaluatethe sortof ritual
expressionsof loyaltysuch a cult mightinvolvethemin.18 As a
specimenmayservethefamousresolutionof thecommonassembly
of the provinceof Asia in 9 B.C.119 They declaredthe birthdayof
Augustusas thenew beginningofthecalendaryear,forthisdaywas
the startforthemof the Good News, Evangelia. Their move was
promptedby thegovernorwho evendeclaredtheday to be thetrue
beginningof theirlifeand livelihood,foron thatday menceased to
regretthattheyhad been born. One is struckherebothby thelan-
guage of politicalevangelism'20(the morestartling in themouthof
a Roman senator)and by theMessianicassumptionthatit is notthe
day of victoryat Actiumthatchangedtheworld,but theday of the
(n. 113 cont.)
FourthEclogue in ChristianInterpretation", in H. Temporiniand W. Haase (eds.),
Aufstieg undNiedergang derromischen Welt[2ndser.],xxxipt. I (Berlinand New York,
I980), pp. 662-82.
114 For this
spuriouscorrespondence, see EpistolaeSenecaead PaulumetPauli ad
Senecam,quae vocantur,ed. C. W. Barlow (Papers and Monographs,Amer. Acad.
Rome, x, Rome, 1938).
115Discussed at lengthin Adam, Clementia principis,thoughshe puts too much
weighton thefreakish"neo-Pythagorean" kingshiptracts.
116 Two ofthemostimportant surviving hellenistic
theoristsareJewish:"Aristeas",
on whomsee 0. Murray,"Aristeasand PtolemaicKingship",Ji. Theol.Studies,new
ser.,xviii(1967), pp. 337 ff.;and Philo,on whomsee E. R. Goodenough,ThePolitics
ofPhiloJudaeus(New Haven, Conn., 1938).
117 For a recentre-evaluation of Greekemperorcult,see S. R. F. Price,"Between
Man and God: Sacrificein RomanImperialCult",Jl. RomanStudies,lxx(1980), pp.
28-43.
18 On thedifficulty ofinterpretation, cf. ibid.,pp. 4I-3.
119The best text with commentaryis that of U. Laffi,"Le iscrizionirelative
all'introduzione nel 9 A.c. del nuovocalendariodella provinciad'Asia", Studiclassici
xvi(1967), pp. 5-98.The Greektextis foundconveniently
e orientali, in V. Ehrenberg
and A. H. M. Jones.(eds.), Documents IllustratingtheReignsofAugustus and Tiberius,
2nd edn. (Oxford,1976), no. 98. For Englishtranslation, see N. Lewis and M. Rein-
hold, RomanCivilisation, 2 vols. (New York, 1955), ii, pp. 64-5.
120 See, however,O. Michel, in Reallexicon furAntikeundChristentum, vi (1966),
col. 107 ff.,s.v. "Evangelium",stressingthatdespitehellenisticpoliticalparallels,
therootofNew Testamentusagelies in theOld Testament.See also Laffi,"Iscrizioni
relativeall'introduzione nel 9 A.c. del nuovocalendario",p. 57.

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 THE GOLDEN AGE AND SIN IN AUGUSTAN IDEOLOGY 35
saviour'sbirth.If we had moreof thissortof thing,linkswiththe
thoughtand languageofPaul mightseemless strange.121

V
IDEOLOGY IN THE MAKING
One difficultyin talkingabout "ideologies" is to know what is
involvedin practicalterms.Who inventstheideology?Bywhatchan-
nelsis itdisseminated? Atwhatlevelofconsciousnessand beliefdoes
it operate?Is thiswhatpeople believeand take forgrantedthough
theyare hardlyawareofit,or is it whattheauthorities tellthemthey
shouldbelieve?Because the answersare so varied,"ideology"is an
elusiveconcept.122 If theRomanimperialideologyhereproposedis
to carryconviction,someofthesequestionsmustbe answered.
Are we dealingwitha systemof ideas deliberatelyconcoctedby
Augustusand his advisors,and propagatedon commandthrough
officialchannelsofinfluence,courtpoetsand government appointed
pamphleteers? Surelythematteris moresubtlethanthat.Readersof
Virgiland Horace shyfromthe crudeidea thattheywroteto com-
mission:thereare too manysignsof sincerity, ifnot of positivein-
dependence.On theotherhandwe arenotdealingwithideastowhich
every Roman automaticallysubscribed: the irreverenceof Ovid
should guard us againstthat notion. The best guide throughthe
dilemmais to hold on to thehistoricalbackgroundand sequenceof
events.
Republicanideology,thatis the dominantaristocratic notionsof
whatwas rightand proper,providedno basis forthe acceptanceof
autocracy.Detestationof kingshipand love of libertyand indepen-
dence,at anyrateforthesenatorialoligarchy,werecardinaltenets.123
It made it agonizingly hardfortheRomanto cope withthefactthat
whetherhe likeditornot,fromCaesar'scrossingoftheRubicon,the
days of libertywereover. Some, like Brutusand Cassius, clungon
to the old ideologyand resistedthe dynasts.But forthosewho ac-
quiesced,traditionofferedno languageofacquiescence.The basisof
a new languagewas laid in thetriumviral
period,longbeforeAugus-
tushad establisheda monopolyofcontrol.124 Its essentialfeaturewas
121 The themeof linksbetween
politicaland religiousvocabularyis welldeveloped
in G. A. Deissman, LightfromtheAncientEast: The New Testament Illustratedby
Recently DiscoveredTextsoftheGraeco-Roman World,trans.L. R. M. Strachan,2nd
edn. (London, 1927), pp. 338-78.
122 For recentdebate, see forexampleG. Lichtheim,"The
Conceptof Ideology",
History and Theory,iv (1965), pp. 164 ff.,repr.in his TheConceptofIdeologyandOther
Essays(New York, 1967); J. Larrain,TheConceptofIdeology(London, 1979).
123 See C.
Wirszubski,Libertasas a PoliticalIdea at RomeduringtheLate Republic
and EarlyPrincipate(Cambridge,1950).
124 To some extentthe rootscan be tracedfurther back in the republic.Such, at
least,is theargumentofA. Alfoldi,RedeuntSaturia regna,a studycurrently emerging
in instalments, the latestof whichknownto me is his "vni:Frugifer-Triptolemos im
ptolemaisch-r6mischen Herrscherkult", Chiron,ix (1979), pp. 553 ff.

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36 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 95

theadmissionof guilt.If politicalcrisiswas seen as thefaultof the

Romanpeople,notofthedynastswho competedforpower,theway
lay open foracceptanceof the dynast,as one who could save the
Romansfromtheirown intolerablefaults.The fourth Eclogue,writ-
tenat a momentof acutepoliticalinstability, is a poeticalrealization
ofa widespreadattitude,thatthesolutionlayno longerin republican
but in a Messiah. It is significant
institutions, thatVirgilneeded to
turnoutsidethenormalRomanideologicalvocabularyto expressthis
attitude.
The victoryofone ofthedynastsat Actiumrenewedthedilemma.
Had he saved theRomansfromtheirtroubles,or was he engrossing
powerforhis own benefit?He himselfdeniedanyinterestin power.
He had, he claimed,foughtto protectthe statefromtyrannyand
barbariandomination,and now returnedcontrolto the senateand
people. But the Romanshad to cope withthefactof his continuing
domination.War was over and the languageof theperiodof crisis,
theconfessionofguilt,had lostitspoint.But thecontinuedpresence
of thedynastdemandeda continuedconfessionof guilt.It was con-
venient,as Augustusrealised,to harpon sexualoffences, withtheir
highpotentialforinducingfeelingsofguilt.
The ideology,then,was not so muchcreatedas exploitedby Au-
gustus.Nor was thereanyneed forhim to rehearsethecourtpoets
in theirmessage.The essentialmanoeuvrewas to recruittheirloyalty
throughMaecenas. Their attitudeswerepredetermined by theirac-
ceptanceof him. As fortheprecisewaystheyexpressedthisaccept-
ance, theycould be leftto findtheirown idiom. One of the topics
theyhiton and developedwithsuccesswas thethemeoftheReturn
oftheGoldenAge.
MagdaleneCollege,Cambridge AndrewWallace-Hadrill

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