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Garden cultivation of staple crops and its implications
for settlement location and continuity
Glynis Jones a
a
Department of Archaeology, University of Sheffield, UK

Online Publication Date: 01 June 2005

To cite this Article: Jones, Glynis (2005) 'Garden cultivation of staple crops and its
implications for settlement location and continuity', World Archaeology, 37:2, 164
176
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 Garden cultivation of staple crops and its
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implications for settlement location and

continuity

Glynis Jones

Abstract

Garden cultivation played an important role in early food production but the denition of a garden
is often unclear and encompasses a variety of dierent cultivation methods. This paper explores the
intensive cultivation of small plots using horticultural methods through an investigation of garden
and eld agriculture in the Greek island of Evvia. Evidence is presented to demonstrate that intensive
cultivation practices, such as hoeing, weeding, manuring and watering, have a signicant impact on
soil and crop productivity and are most likely to be applied to areas located near to settlement. The
implications of intensive, small-scale cultivation for settlement location, population mobility and
land tenure in prehistory are then explored. For example, while an economic system dependent on
cereal cultivation does not necessarily involve extensive land clearance or eld systems, the
investment in land inherent in intensive cultivation provides a strong incentive for remaining in the
same place and repeatedly cultivating the same spot.

Keywords

Garden; horticulture; pulses; Neolithic; Greece.

Introduction

Archaeological evidence for garden cultivation has been used to support ideas concerning
economy, exchange, patterns of residence and land tenure. The antiquity of transhumant
pastoralism in the Mediterranean, for example, has been questioned on the grounds that
small-scale intensive farming was a practical alternative in prehistory (Halstead 1987). The
biannual movement of sheep and goat ocks was, in recent and historical times, a response
to the seasonal lack of grazing in upland and lowland areas. This has, however, been
linked to the nucleated nature of human settlement, with the consequent necessity of
maintaining large ocks and an extensive system of agriculture on distant elds. In

World Archaeology Vol. 37(2): 164176 Garden Agriculture

2005 Taylor & Francis Ltd ISSN 0043-8243 print/1470-1375 online
DOI: 10.1080/00438240500094564
 Garden cultivation of staple crops 165
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prehistoric times, when settlement was apparently more dispersed, intensive cultivation of
nearby plots and the maintenance of smaller numbers of animals close to the settlement
become practicable elements of a more integrated system of crop and livestock husbandry
(Halstead 1987). In much of Europe and the Near East, small-scale horticulture adapted to
riverine and lacustrine environments has also been suggested as an explanation for the
distribution of early Neolithic settlement (Sherratt 1980). In Britain, on the other hand,
hoe-based horticulture has been taken as evidence for the transience of agricultural plots
in the Neolithic (Thomas 1999). Recent interest in garden cultivation has placed it
alongside eld cultivation as an object of archaeological investigation (e.g. Miller and
Gleason 1994) and, in historical periods, gardens have been seen to play an integral role in
public, private, economic and religious spheres (Carroll 2003).
Despite this increasing interest, what is meant by a garden is not always made explicit,
and varies depending on the context of the argument. This paper draws attention to the
diversity of garden cultivation and explores in detail one type of horticulture and its
implications for archaeological interpretation. The denition of a garden is variously
based on the scale of cultivation, the methods employed or the crops grown. To take the
last of these rst, garden crops are usually taken to include (other than ornamental plants
and trees) fresh vegetables, root crops and herbs, based largely on the crops that are
cultivated in gardens today or in historical periods (see, for example, Carroll 2003: 19).
Cereals and dried pulses fall into the category of eld crops under this denition.
Gardens in this sense of the word make their rst denite appearance in Britain during the
Roman period, and have implications for the production of exchange commodities,
leading ultimately to specialized production of cash crops (van der Veen and OConnor
1998).
An alternative denition of gardens is based on the scale of cultivation. A denition
based purely on the size of the cultivated plot, however, places all small-scale cultivation
under the same heading and masks fundamental distinctions between very dierent
agricultural regimes involving dierent cultivation methods. On the one hand,
archaeologists have drawn on the example of recent garden cultivation in the tropics
(Boserup 1965; Steensberg 1980). A system of extensive, shifting, low-input cultivation
was proposed as the starting point for an evolutionary sequence of increasing cultivation
intensity in prehistoric Europe (Boserup 1965). This type of progress model found
favour among archaeologists, but the shifting cultivation model for early European
agriculture has now largely been discredited (e.g. Rowley-Conwy 1981; Jacomet et al.
1989; Maier 1999; Bogaard 2002; but see Rosch et al. 2002). An alternative type of low-
input horticulture, proposed for the European Neolithic by Sherratt (1980), is based on
the cultivation of high water-table soils of limited extent alluvial deposits, lake
margins, river oodplains and springside locations. It is argued that these soil types
would be practically self-cultivating but are restricted in their geographical location. In
contrast to both of these is a type of small-scale gardening involving intensive cultivation
with high labour input per unit area of land and high yield (e.g. Halstead 1987; Jones
1992; Bogaard 2004, 2005). All types of small-scale cultivation can involve staple crops,
as well as traditional garden species, and may constitute the major source of food for a
farming community. It is the intensive form of garden cultivation that is explored
further in this paper.
 166 Glynis Jones
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Small-scale, intensive cultivation in Evvia, Greece

Study area and methods

Small-scale intensive cultivation of Old World cereals is rare at the present time but pulses
are regularly cultivated both as eld and garden crops. Both types of pulse cultivation
could be observed side by side, for example, on the Greek island of Evvia, in and around
Tharounia and nearby villages (Plate 1). This area provided an opportunity for exploring
the relationship of cultivated plot size, distance from habitation and agricultural practice,
with a consideration of their eect on soil productivity and crop growth. The cultivators of
these plots were farmers, cultivating eld crops, including cereals, as well as a variety of

Plate 1 Garden with broad beans in Tharounia, Evvia, Greece (photo P. Halstead).
 Garden cultivation of staple crops 167
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garden produce, grown primarily for consumption by the farmers own family and
livestock. The pulses grown included broad bean (Vicia faba L.), pea (Pisum sativum L.)
and Spanish vetchling (Lathyrus ochrus (L.) DC.).
For the purpose of analysis, sixty cultivated pulse plots (locations shown in Fig. 1) were
ordered according to each of these three determinants: plot size, location and type. Plot
size was taken as the area sown with pulses (rather than the contiguous area under the
same ownership), and the size of plots so dened ranged from 6m2 to 2250m2. Plot
location was measured as the distance from the edge of the village (rather than the
farmers home, the location of which was sometimes unknown) and ranged from within
the village to 4km. Plot type was more subjectively dened, in descending order of
cultivation intensity: back gardens, allotment gardens, vineyards, fenced elds and
unfenced elds (Jones et al. 1999). The two types of garden were highly fertile plots
located among the village houses and/or on the alluvial margins of a nearby stream; they
were watered by channels leading from the village fountains, or by an associated well, and
were typically devoted to a mixture of vegetables and pulses for human consumption.

Figure 1 Map showing the location of pulse plots (after Jones et al. 1999: g. 1).
 168 Glynis Jones
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Back gardens, immediately adjacent to the house, are distinguished from allotment
gardens, a few minutes walk from the house. Vineyards were plots which, though often
equipped with a well, lacked the strikingly rich soil characteristic of gardens and were
typically planted with a mixture of vines, vegetables and pulses. Fenced elds were plots
enclosed in recent decades either to allow sheep and goats to graze without a herder and/or
to prevent unintended grazing of the enclosed crops. These elds, particularly those
temporarily used as nocturnal folds for sheep and goats, should thus have had high levels
of manure input. Unfenced elds were subject to transient grazing, while under stubble or
fallow, but were not used to pen livestock. Both fenced and unfenced elds were normally
sown with only one crop. These plots represent the range of cultivation scales available
when the information was recorded but, because of previous contraction of arable farming
in the area and the tendency to plant pulses (especially broad beans) on fertile soil, all of
the gardens and elds recorded fall towards the ineld end of the range of plots cultivated
by earlier generations.
Two aspects of cultivation are particularly relevant for these plots: practices creating
soil disturbance and those aecting soil productivity. Soil disturbance was caused
primarily by tillage prior to sowing and by subsequent hand-weeding of the growing
crop. Tillage was accomplished either by an animal-drawn ard plough or by a hand-
held hoe, though, occasionally, plots were ard-ploughed with a hoe used merely to
break up the resulting clods. Following tillage, pulse seeds were either dibbled into
holes, sown in rows or broadcast. Some plots were then regularly weeded during the
growing season and others only occasionally or not at all. Soil productivity was
determined by the addition of manure and/or water, and sometimes by the application
of chemical fertilizer.
Soil organic content was measured for each plot by the loss on ignition method. A
further guide to soil fertility was the local classication of soil type which distinguished
two natural soil types asprouda (white type) and kokkinia (red type) and a rich, dark
soil known as koprochoma (dung-soil). Soil moisture was not measured as this would have
been very dependent on recent rainfall and whether or not the plot had been recently
watered. The level of soil disturbance was approximated on an ordinal scale (Jones et al.
1999), roughly in order of decreasing severity: hoed with weeding, hoed without weeding,
ploughed/hoed with weeding, ploughed with weeding, ploughed/hoed without weeding,
ploughed without weeding.

Results
There is a strong positive correlation of plot size and distance from village (Pearsons r for
the log transformations = 0.65, p 5 0.001), which broadly matches the typology based on
plot type (Fig. 2). The relationship of soil disturbance to average plot area and to average
distance from the village is given in Table 1a, where a strong negative relationship between
level of disturbance and plot area is apparent. The relationship of distance to disturbance
is strongest for weeding, weeded plots having lower average distances from the village than
unweeded plots (Table 1b). All the plots that were both hoed and weeded had been
classied as gardens and, of the nineteen plots that were ploughed without weeding,
seventeen had been classied as elds, the remaining two as allotment gardens. There is
 Garden cultivation of staple crops 169
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Figure 2 Scatter diagram showing the relationship between size and location for plots of dierent
types (after Jones et al. 1999: g. 2).

Table 1 The relationship of plot size and location to soil disturbance and sowing

Average area Average distance

of plot (m2) from village (m) N

(a)
hoed with weeding 12 39 7
hoed without weeding 30 991 9
ploughed/hoed with weeding 49 96 4
ploughed with weeding 61 390 12
ploughed/hoed without weeding 384 1053 9
ploughed without weeding 396 1064 19
(b)
weeded 44 167 23
unweeded 304 947 37
(c)
sowing by dibbling 16 133 9
sowing in rows 349 929 14
broadcast sowing 196 666 37

also a tendency for sowing by dibbling to be associated with small plots within or near the
villages (eight of the nine were gardens, the other a vineyard), the larger more distant plots
being sown in rows or by broadcasting (Table 1c). In terms of soil productivity, the rich
 170 Glynis Jones
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fertile koprochoma soils were characteristic of smaller plots close to habitation (Table
2a); sixteen of seventeen had been classied as gardens and the other as a vineyard. The
few plots that were watered were particularly small and near to the houses (Table 2b) and
all had been classied as gardens.
The relationship of fertility to plot size and location is conrmed by the dierence in
average soil organic content for dierent plot types: the small back gardens and
allotment gardens have the highest organic content, followed by vineyards and fenced
elds, with unfenced elds having the lowest organic content (Table 3). The greater
productivity of garden soils is reected in greater average crop height and cover in these
plots (and in the vineyards) compared to elds (Table 3). Similarly, there is a negative
correlation of plot area with soil organic content, crop height and cover, particularly when
plot area is transformed on a logarithmic scale (Table 4). A negative correlation is also
apparent of plot distance with organic content, height and cover, though in this case the
correlation is usually strongest for untransformed distance (Table 4). The gures and
correlations for crop height and cover in Tables 3 and 4 include all pulse crops; the
averages for broad beans only are similar (average crop height for fenced elds is slightly
higher) and the correlations are slightly stronger except that between plot size and crop
height where the correlation is lower. This is explained by the fact that Spanish vetchling
(which tends to be shorter than broad bean) was grown only in elds.

Table 2 The relationship of plot size and location to soil type and watering

Average area Average distance

of plot (m2) from village (m) N

(a)
koprochoma 24 96 17
asprouda 249 868 11
kokinia 291 871 23
other 270 850 9
(b)
watered 17 39 9
not watered 237 755 51

Table 3 The relationship of plot type to organic content, crop height and cover

Average % Average crop Average crop

Plot type organic content height (cm) cover (cm2) N

back gardens 23 87 63 10
allotment gardens 19 93 71 19
vineyards 15 93 64 6
fenced elds 16 71 58 19
unfenced elds 12 75 46 10
 Garden cultivation of staple crops 171

Table 4 The correlation of plot size and location with organic content, crop height and cover
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% Organic content Crop height (cm) Crop cover (cm2)

Pearsons r sig. Pearsons r sig. Pearsons r sig.

Area of plot (m2) 7 0.19 0.146 7 0.21 0.109 7 0.20 0.121

Log area 7 0.42 0.001 7 0.30 0.020 7 0.30 0.019
Distance from village (m) 7 0.30 0.019 7 0.30 0.019 7 0.42 0.001
Log distance 7 0.59 0.000 7 0.16 0.219 7 0.25 0.052
N 59 60 60

Note: Correlations signicant at the 0.05 level are highlighted in bold.

The evidence presented here demonstrates, what is often assumed, that intensive
cultivation practices, such as hoeing, weeding, manuring and watering, have a signicant
impact on soil and crop productivity and are most likely to be applied to small cultivated
areas located near to settlement.

Discussion

An appreciation of the type of garden horticulture presented here has implications for our
understanding of early cultivation and processes of continuity and change. There is
abundant evidence to suggest a limited extent of woodland clearance in the Neolithic both
in Britain and elsewhere in Europe (e.g. Kalis and Meurers-Balke 1988, 1997; Willis and
Bennett 1994; Richmond 1999). Some authors equate this limited clearance, and a simple
cultivation technology, with a transient system of agriculture similar to the shifting
cultivation of the tropics (e.g. Barrett 1994). There is an explicit or implicit assumption
that small-scale cultivation is associated with transience and that only large-scale
cultivation can be long-lived. For example, the evidence for domesticated plants can best
be seen as representing rather small-scale, garden horticulture, carried out on a sporadic
basis (Thomas 1999: 25) in contrast to the establishment of long-lived eld systems
(Thomas 2003: 71) (emphasis added).
The evidence for small-scale clearance in the early Neolithic is good but there is little
evidence to support the notion that cultivation in these clearings was sporadic or transient,
or that long-term cultivation was possible only after the establishment of eld systems.
Even where it can be shown that clearings were short-lived, it is usually not possible to
establish whether these were for grazing or cultivation; and, indeed, small cultivated
clearings may be undetectable in the pollen record (Edwards et al. 1996). There is a related
assumption that signicant cereal cultivation can be conducted only on a eld scale and so,
as evidence for the minimal role of cereals in the British Neolithic, the absence of eld
systems is cited:

During the Mesolithic and Neolithic there is an almost total absence of eld systems or
water control evidence.
 172 Glynis Jones
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(Richmond 1999: 33, emphasis added)

The building [the Neolithic timber hall at Balbridie] is a colossal, isolated timber
structure, associated with no eld systems or outbuildings.
(Thomas 2003: 71, emphasis added)

This equation of cereal cultivation with large-scale clearance and recognizable eld
systems is misplaced (see also Edwards et al. 1996). As the study of gardens on Evvia
demonstrates, long-term cultivation of xed plots is perfectly consistent with small-scale
horticulture. Nor is such small-scale gardening conned to pulse crops; equally small plots
are used for the cultivation of cereals (spelt and emmer wheat) in the region of Asturias,
north-west Spain (Charles et al. 2002). Also, in both cases, neither durable water control
evidence nor outbuildings were associated with the ineld garden plots. Similarly, the
absence of plough shares (Richmond 1999: 33) is irrelevant in the context of hoe-based
agriculture (Thomas 1999: 24), as is the absence of obvious sickle blades (Richmond 1999:
33), since harvesting may be accomplished by uprooting or with wooden tools like the
mesorias used in Asturias (Pena Chocarro 1996). Intensive high-input cultivation is quite
capable of providing the subsistence needs of a small family on a limited area of land
(Halstead 1987, 1995), so extensive land clearance and eld systems are not a necessary
component of an economic system dependent on cereal cultivation.
The failure to recognize gardening as a potentially signicant method of food
production is reminiscent of earlier Western travellers inability to take Maori cultivation
seriously. Maori garden cultivation, like cereal cultivation in the British Neolithic, was
underestimated through comparison with a more modern, Westernized agricultural (eld)
system: An agricultural mindset prevented the majority of European observers from
recognizing the achievements of traditional Maori horticulture (Leach 1997: 143). By
classifying economic systems based on cereal cultivation as necessarily agricultural and
large-scale, it is possible to underestimate the contribution of Neolithic cereals, in much
the same way as Maori cultivation was underestimated by classifying it as primitive low-
technology agriculture rather than successful intensive gardening. The absence of fences or
other obvious boundaries was a crucial element in this misunderstanding of Maori
cultivation (Leach 1997), as indeed it is in the interpretation of the archaeological evidence
for cultivation in the British Neolithic.
On the issue of location and longevity, the investment in the soil involved with this
intensive type of garden cultivation, rather than promoting transience, has the opposite
eect. On the one hand, the very intensity of the cultivation methods necessitates that plots
are located close to habitation to facilitate the manuring and repeated weeding associated
with this type of agriculture. On the other hand, the production of a good fertile tilth, like
the koprochoma of Evvia, requires the application of intensive methods over a period of
years and, having invested so much eort in them, these garden soils are highly valued.
They constitute in eect an equivalent to the capital investment associated with later
agricultural developments such as plough agriculture, tree crops and irrigation (Gilman
1981; Halstead 1992; see Barrett 1994 for a similar conclusion concerning short fallow
systems of cultivation). The delayed returns inherent in such investment provide a strong
incentive for remaining in the same place and cultivating the same patch of land (see also
 Garden cultivation of staple crops 173
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Bogaard (2004, 156) and Bogaard et al. (in press) for further social implications of a close,
long-term relationship with the land).

Conclusions

To summarize:

. it is not necessary to nd extensive eld systems (or durable agricultural tools and
facilities) in order to demonstrate signicant cereal cultivation eld systems are
more likely to be a consequence of later agricultural expansion than a characteristic
of early subsistence agriculture;
. if horticulture is of the intensive type, the gardens are likely to be located close to
settlement to facilitate weeding and manuring;
. the investment in the land involved in intensive horticulture is likely to militate
against mobility.

The implication of this is that it is important to distinguish between dierent types of

small-scale garden cultivation intensive high input or transient low input. Simply
establishing that cultivation was conducted on small patches of land is not sucient
reason to assume one type or the other. In this respect, the weeds associated with cereal
crops provide a more direct source of evidence than palynological or molluscan evidence
for the scale and permanence of woodland clearance. Intensive methods of cultivation
encourage particular weed species, especially those that thrive on disturbed productive
soils (Jones 1992; Jones et al. 1999, 2000; Bogaard et al. 2000; Charles et al. 2002) and vice
versa.
Interpretations of early agriculture and agricultural change will then depend on the type
of horticulture identied. First, when determining the location of cultivated areas, the
intensity of cultivation may be indicative. For example, it has been suggested that, at the
Neolithic site of Catal Hoyuk, Turkey, areas of cultivation were located some distance
from the site (Fairbairn et al. 2002). This would limit the opportunity for the application
of intensive husbandry practices, which should be reected in the crop weeds. If, however,
intensive horticulture was demonstrated for the site, this would be an indication that the
cultivated plots were located close to the settlement (or that settlement was also located in
these distant areas to manage the cultivated plots which supplied the community at
Catalhoyuk). (See also Fairbairn 2005.)
Similar considerations apply when deciding whether agricultural communities were
primarily mobile or sedentary. In the European Neolithic, for example, if small-scale
cultivation is shown to be of the intensive type, this implies some investment in the soil and
argues for sedentism and permanence rather than mobility and transience (Bogaard 2002,
2004, 2005). For the British Neolithic, it was suggested, on the basis of the weed evidence
available, that [i]n no instance could a plough arable ora be identied with certainty
(Moett et al. 1989: 246; see also Thomas 1999: 24) but also that all the arable weed
species found in these [Neolithic] assemblages will also grow readily under conditions of
hoe or spade horticulture (Moett et al. 1989: 246). This includes the possibility of
 174 Glynis Jones
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intensive horticulture and is therefore not necessarily in contrast to the relatively high
productivity and stability of continental Bandkeramik garden horticulture (Thomas 1999:
24), but see Moett et al. (1989: 2545) where arable agriculture rather than horticulture is
suggested for the Linearbandkeramik.
Finally, the history of agriculture should not be seen as an inexorable linear progression
of increasing intensity: if the earliest agriculture was itself labour intensive, further
intensication in later periods is unlikely, and any increased production is likely to have
been through other processes, such as expansion and/or extensication. The direction, as
well as the rate, of change may have varied, depending on the prevailing economic and
cultural conditions at dierent times and places, and the possibility of reversals in the
direction of change should be entertained, with agriculture becoming more or less intensive
depending on local circumstances. Cultivation intensity can be measured as much by
investment in the land itself as in more archaeologically visible features such as eld
boundaries and agricultural facilities, and the identication of intensive land-use, albeit
small-scale, with the consequent investment in a particular location, can have major
implications for issues of land tenure.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Amy Bogaard for drawing my attention to the parallels with Maori
gardening and, together with Mike Charles, for comments on an earlier draft of this paper
and suggesting useful sources of information. Thanks are also due to Paul Halstead, Helen
Smith and Tony Wood for assistance with the eldwork in Evvia, and to the rst of these
for suggesting a paper along these lines. I have also been helped by two anonymous
reviewers who provided extremely useful suggestions for improving the text. The Evvia
eldwork was funded by the Science and Engineering Research Council.

Department of Archaeology,
University of Sheeld, UK

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Biographical Notes

Glynis Jones is Professor of Archaeological Science at the University of Sheeld. Her

research interests lie in the area of past agriculture and land use, particularly in the
archaeobotanical investigation of crops and weeds, the development and application of
ethnographic and ecological approaches, and the use of ancient biomolecules.