Technologies of Servitude: Governmentality and Indonesian Transnational Labor Migration

Author(s): Daromir Rudnyckyj

Source: Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 77, No. 3 (Summer, 2004), pp. 407-434
Published by: The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic Research
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3318228
Accessed: 05/08/2010 15:14

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless
you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you
may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ifer.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed
page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic Research is collaborating with JSTOR to
digitize, preserve and extend access to Anthropological Quarterly.

http://www.jstor.org
Technologiesof Servitude:
Governmentalityand Indonesian
Transnational Labor Migration
DaromirRudnyckyj
Universityof California,Berkeley

Abstract
Thispaperexaminesthe techniques andnetworks thatenablethetransnational
movementof migrantlaborers from Indonesia. thepaperargues
Theoretically,
thatgovernmentality is an effectiveconceptthroughwhichto understand politi-
caleconomicrelationsacrossnationalborders andoutsidestateinstitutions. The
conceptis usefulnotonlyin analysisof abstractpolicyprescriptions, butalsoin
theapparently mundanemethodsthatareintendedto rationalizethe training,
delivery securityof migrantlaborers.Theintervention
and hereinis in part
methodological,in so far as thepaperarguesthattheconceptis usefulin ana-
the
lyzing everyday practices thatarea frequent focusof ethnographic fieldwork.
Empiricallygrounded in interviews andobservational fieldwork in Indonesia,the
paper describesthe networks thatfacilitatetransnationallabor migration from
thecountryanddemonstrates theinterconnectionof the "global" economywith
localizedmoraleconomies.Thus,the paperarguesthat transnational flowsof
migrantlaborers areinfactdependent uponsupposedly traditionalpatron-client
networks.Furthermore, I suggestthatsomeNGOsadvocating for the rightsof
migrantworkers arenot inimicalto statepower,butinfact workto enhanceit.
to
Strategies protecttherightsof migrantlaborers maybringaboutgreaterstate

407
 of Servitude:
Technologies and Indonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration

interventionin theirlives.Thepaperproposestwotechnologies deployedbynon-

stateentities,specifically
humanresources companies NGOs,thatfacilitate
and
transnational labormigration. Thefirstaretermedtechnologies of servitude
and
to
are intended impart the skillsand attitudesnecessaryto conduct domestic
labor.Thelatteraretechnologies laborflowsto wealthier
for rationalizing coun-
triesof the Indianand PacificOceanregions.[Keywords: labor,migration,
ethnography, transnationalism, governmentality,globalization]

Introduction
Theentranceto PTSamudraCahayaRayalis througha smallirondoorin a
high concretewall topped with severalfeet of barbedwire. This human
resourcescompany(perusahaan jasa tenaga kerja-PJTK),located in the
KampungMelayu section of East
Jakarta,trainsand sendswomento work
abroadas domesticservants.The barriereffectivelyrestrictsthe physical
mobilityof some 320 traineeswho aspireto serveas domesticworkersin
othercountriesin SoutheastAsiaandthe ArabianGulfregion.Thesewomen
inhabitwhat SariWarsilah,a trainerfor the company,referredto as per-
gabungan(whichshe latertranslatedintoEnglishas "camp") andareallowed
to leaveonlyat specifiedtimes.Theausterethree-storybuildingis construct-
ed of concreteblocksand spartanlydecoratedwith peelingshadesof now
dingypastels.Thecomplexof buildingsin whichthis facilityis situatedwas
originallyconstructedas a dormitoryfor hajj pilgrims.In the years after
WorldWarII, devout Muslimswould assembleat this way station before
embarkingon a steamshipto makethe yearlypilgrimageto SaudiArabia.In
fact,the familythat owns PTSamudrawas historicallyinvolvedin the busi-
nessof sendingpilgrimsto Mecca.However,in recentyearsanotherlucrative
trafficin humanbeingsbetweenthe MiddleEastand Indonesiahasemerged.
Nowthe familyis engagedin the businessof sendingfemaledomesticwork-
ers overseas.Thisdormitoryno longerservesthe purposefor whichit was
originallyconstructedand now newtravelersmovethroughsimilartransna-
tionalcircuitsfor differentpurposes.
Thiscomplexhas been reconfigured to facilitatecircuitsthat havesimilar
formalcharacteristics as theirspatialandtemporalpredecessor, butare part
of a differenttransnational economicarrangement. Asin the heydayof the
maritimehajj, travelersfrom widely disparateparts of the archipelago
assembleinJakartapriorto departureforthe Arabianpeninsula.Butwhere-

408
 DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ

as previoustravelersalongthesecircuitswerepredominately menseekingto
undertakea journeyof spiritualdevotion,perhapssupplementedby ped-
dlingtradealongthe way,the subjectsof this contemporary migrationpass
with
throughJakarta substantially differentaspirations.These mostlyyoung,
mostlypoorwomenfromruralpartsof Java,Lombok,and Sumatraseekto
improvetheir livingconditionsby obtainingtwo-yearassignmentsas maids
in middleand upper-classhouseholdsin SaudiArabia,Kuwait,Malaysia, or
Singapore. It is the radical of of
juxtaposition presentpatterns mobility(and
theirlimitations) superimposedoversimilarhistoricalcircuitsthat motivates
the presentinquiryintothe practicesand networksthat maketransnational
laborflowsfromIndonesiapossible.Thus,this paperfocusesnotso muchon
the effectsor experienceof such mobility,but on the conditionsthrough
whichit is enabledand the initiativesintendedto reformit.
Remittances fromoverseaslaborare an increasingly importantsourceof
revenue in Indonesia,particularlyin the ruralareas from which most
migrantshail. Overthe last fifteenyearsIndonesiahas becomeone of the
largestmigrantlaborexportingcountriesin the world,withan estimated2.6
million Indonesianscurrentlyworkingabroad (Hugo 2001:114).Jacob
Nuwawea,the Ministerof Manpowerand Transmigration, has explicitly
advocatedmigrantlaborto alleviateIndonesia'shigh jobless rate, which
standsat about40 millionunemployed.Hestatedthatthe "government will
continuefocusingon two mainstrategies[to reduceunemployment]: send-
ing more maidsoverseasand maximizingdomesticsectorsto createmore
vacancies." Furthermore, Nuwaweaassertedthatthe Indonesiangovernment
intends to discontinuethe domestic transmigrationprogram12 "because
moreand morepeopleareableto migrateon theirown"(Uakarta Post2001).
However,labormigrationhasbeenthe subjectof intensepublicdebatein
Indonesiaand scintillatingcasesof exploitationand abusepursuedby NGOs
resonateloudlyin the Indonesianpress.Frequentstoriesin majornewspa-
persfocuson the abusessufferedby migrantlaborersfromIndonesia.These
articlesexpressindignationat such abuse and the unscrupuloushuman
resourcescompaniesthatattractwomenduplicitously andtrainthemin sub-
standardconditions.However, the NGOactiviststhat I interviewedare not in
favorof terminatingthese laborflowsthrougha wholesalecessationof labor
migrationfromthe archipelago. Giventhe inadequacyof developmentinitia-
tives in manypartsof ruralIndonesia,the incomegeneratedfrommigrant
laboris a panaceato povertyin areasotherwisebereftof employmentoppor-
tunities. Thus, a primary demand of NGOshas been to encourage greater

409
 of Servitude:
Technologies and Indonesian
Governmentality LaborMigration
Transnational

governmentaloversightand interventionin the transnationallabormigra-

tion process.Some NGOsadvocategreatertechnologicaland institutional
means to rationalizethe trainingand transitof migrantlaborersand to
ensuretheir physicaland economicsecurity.Thispaperdescribesboththe
technologiesthat make transnationalmigrationof Indonesiandomestic
workerspossibleandthe technologiesintendedtowardits reform.
Theoretically,this paperengageswithan emergingensembleof socialsci-
ence researchthat utilizesMichelFoucault'sconceptof governmentality to
comprehendcontemporarypoliticaleconomicprocesses.I arguethat gov-
ernmentalityis an effectiveconceptwithwhichto understandpoliticaland
economicrelationsacrossnationalbordersand outsidestate institutions.
Governmentality and Foucault'ssupplementary workon politicaltechnolo-
gies is a generativelens throughwhichto apprehendthe discursiveand
materialmeansthroughwhichtransnational laboringsubjectsare elicited.I
focuson specifictechnologiesthatarevisiblein the practicesand discourses
of NGOsand businesses.Methodologically, I demonstratethe utilityof gov-
ernmentality and Foucault'ssupplementarywritingson politicaltechnolo-
gies for ethnographicpractice.I furtherarguethat so-calledglobalizationis
in some casesdependenton supposedlytraditionalpatron-clientnetworks.
In the final sectionof the paperI arguethat some NGOactivitiesaugment
governmentcapacityand are not necessarilyopposedto state power.

Governmentalityand the Technologiesof

TransnationalLaborMigration
Thispaperbuildson two recenteffortsbysocialscientiststo utilizethe con-
cept of governmentality to analyzepoliticaleconomicrelations.However,
whereasprevioususesstressthe roleof top-downstate policyprescriptions,
I endeavorto demonstratethe concept'sutilitybeyonda focuson strictlythe
policies of state and supra-stateentities. In so doing I am indebtedto
Foucault'sconceptualizationof governmentality as a specificallymodern
of
practice politics that acts on action.It involves
the applicationof knowl-
edge towarda populationin orderto achieveeffectsthatare deemedsimul-
taneously beneficial for an individual, a collectivity, and a state.
Governmentality may be visiblein the techniques,theories,and strategies
intendedto elicitcertainskillsand attitudes(Foucault1991, Foucault2000).
I thussupplementthe workof DonaldNoniniand MichaelGoldman,bothof
whom use the concept to understand contemporary political-economic

410
 DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ

processesin Asia.However,these two accountsdepictgovernmentality as a

top-downstrategyimposedby either a stateor supra-state entity.Incontrast,
I examinethe technologiesdeployedby non-stateentities(humanresources
companiesand NGOs) that enable and seek to reformtransnationallabor
migration.The first are what I call technologiesof servitude;these are
intendedto impartthe skillsand attitudesnecessaryto conductdomestic
labor.Thesecondare technologiesfor rationalizing laborflowsto wealthier
countriesof the Indianand PacificOceanregions.
Recenteffortsto deployFoucault'sconceptof governmentality focuson
politicalpowerimposed from above by eithera state or supra-stateentity.
Thus,MichaelGoldmandescribesWorldBankenvironmentalconservation
and developmentprojectsin Laosas examplesof whathe calls"eco-govern-
mentality" or "newglobalregulatoryregimesforthe environment" (Goldman
2001:499-500). However, Goldmantakesthe reformsdescribedin WorldBank
planningdocumentsand other reportsas fait accompli.He showshow the
institutionrewriteslaws,restructures state agencies,and financesenviron-
mentalinitiatives.Goldmansuggeststhattheseabstractpoliciesarealltrans-
parentlyimplemented,resultingin the completeobliterationof old political
formsbythe radicallynew rationality of governmentality. Hisreadersareleft
withlittleempirical,ethnographic descriptionof theiractualapplicationand
the processesof implementation.Furthermore, one is left withthe impres-
sion that the Laostate itselfis irrelevantand transformed througheco-gov-
ernmentalityintoa mereeffectof WorldBankintervention.
DonaldNoniniadroitlydemonstrateshow certain policy prescriptions
issued by nationalgovernmentsare effectiveacrossnationalboundaries.
Nonininotesthe strategiesthat statesuse to calibratetransnationalmigra-
tion withnationallabordemandsin the Asia-Pacific-Indian Oceanregion.He
invokesexamplesof the UnitedStatesandJapanesegovernments whichcal-
ibratethe demandsof domesticlabormarketswithextramuralpopulations
regardedas particularlysuited to certain labor practices.However,like
Goldman,Nonini'suse of the conceptgovernmentality equatesit with the
top-downpolicies of stateor state-like entities.Heasserts that"statepolicies
towardmigrantsidentifyand hierarchizesegmentsof the immigrantwork-
ingpopulation,conveyon eachsegmentitsownessenceof racialand nation-
al charactersuitedto a particularkindof work,and imposepracticesof reg-
ulationand disciplineaccordingly" (Nonini2002:15).Statepoliciesare the
mechanismthroughwhichmigrantlaborersare managed.Takentogether,
the accounts offered by Goldman and Nonini suggest that social scientists

411
 of Servitude:
Technologies and Indonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration

interestedin analyzingcontemporary politicaleconomyneedlookno further

than state or supra-statepolicyinitiativesin orderto understandmodern
politicalformations.
I buildon these accountsby usingFoucault'sanalyticsof governmental-
ity to exploreprocessof regulation,discipline,and subject-making that are
not directlyanimatedby governmentalinstitutions,but ratherin the more
mundane,everydaypracticesinvolvedin producingsubjectscapable of
domesticlabortransnationally. Thisis not to saythat the state is no longer
relevant,analyticallyor empirically,as some perhapsprematurely celebra-
tory accounts mightsuggest(Appadurai 1990).Myapproach contends that
governmentalityis not only useful in analysisof policy prescriptionsor
otherdocumentaryevidence,but ratherthe everydaypracticesthat ethno-
graphersobserveduringfieldwork.As such, the interventionhereinis, in
part,methodological.I arguethatsocialscientificanalysesof contemporary
politicaleconomyare well servedby lookingat the everydaypracticesand
discoursesof NGOs,businessesand other institutionsin additionto state
andsupra-statepolicyinterventionsin orderto bettercomprehendtransna-
tional processes.
Thispaperdrawson the conceptof governmentality in examination of two
technologiesthat facilitatetransnationallabor migration.I supplement
Foucault's formulationof governmentality with his otherwritingsto analyze
the specifictechnologiesthatcreategovernablesubjects.Foucaultwritesthat
these technologiesinvolve"modesof trainingand modificationof individu-
als, not only in the obvioussense of acquiringcertainskillsbut also in the
sense of acquiringcertainattitudes"(Foucault1997:225).Technologiesare
not only intendedto endowone withspecificcapacitiesbutare also intend-
ed to elicit certaindispositionstowardothers and oneself.3Thus,in The
Historyof Sexuality the confessionis a specifictechnologythroughwhichsex
is transformed intodiscourseandits"truth" is affirmed(Foucault 1978:20-21).
Orin Discipline and Punish,the panopticonis a particular architectural
tech-
nologythatelicitsgovernablesubjectsthroughthe disciplining effectsof con-
tinuoussurveillance In
(Foucault1977). focusing on the critical
roleof various
technologiesin formingsubjectsthis paperis likewiseindebtedto twocritical
interventionsin the studyof SoutheastAsianpolitics.BenedictAnderson's
landmark accountof the formationof newnationalistidentitiesdistinguishes
the printingpressas a criticaltechnologythat enablesthese broad,supra-
local politicalsolidaritiesto emerge(Anderson1983).Similarly,Thongchai
Winichakuldescribes how cartographictechnologies producea Thai national-

412
 DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ

ist subjectivity(Thongchai 1994).Theseaccountshighlightthe specifictech-

nologiesthatenableparticular politicalsubjectivitiesto emerge.
In makingthese argumentsI workwithinFoucault'sformulationof the
conceptof governmentality as a modernformof powerthatdrawson previ-
ously existingpoliticalrationalitiesratherthen completelyreplacingthem
with newforms.Foucaultsuggeststhat moderngovernanceis notcharacter-
ized bythe wholesaledisplacementof pastinstitutionsbut ratherbycombi-
nationsof previouslyexistingforms.Forexample,modernstatescombine
two modalitiesof governingthat historicallywere separateand distinct:a
Christianmodelpremisedon the relationshipof the shepherdand his flock
and a Classicalmodel premisedon the relationshipof the cityand the citi-
zen (Foucault2000:311).4Inthis paperI demonstratethat supposedlytradi-
tional moraleconomiesbasedon patron-clientnetworksfacilitatecontem-
porarytransnationallabormigration.IndonesianNGOs seekto reformthese
patron-client networks and rationalize labor migrationthroughenhanced
oversightand interventionbythe Indonesiangovernment.
Recentstudiesof transnational labormigration focuson the experiencesof
migrantlaborers.Theseprovidedescriptions of the travailsof transnational
travel(Lindquist 2001) and the overseas treatment andexperiences of migrant
laborers(Chin1998,Constable 1997).Theperspective takeninthisarticleisdif-
ferent,in that I examinethe normsandformsthatenablethisset of transna-
tionaleconomicrelations(Rabinow 1989).I am notso muchinterestedin the
effectsorexperienceof transnational migrantlabor,as inthe technologiesthat
makeit possible.Thus,I do not arguethat these mechanismsactuallyturn
young,femaleIndonesians intodifferenttypesof humanbeings.Rather,I am
interestedin the intendedeffectsof thesetechnologies,bothin termsof incul-
catingskillsandattitudesand in termsof rationalizing flowsof migrantlabor.
Furthermore, I avoid the of a
presumption sovereignsubjectwho publicly
exhibitsbehaviorthat is commensurate withthe expectationsof power,but
"offstage"exercises a "hidden transcript" constitutesa subject'strueinten-
that
tionsand beliefs(Scott1990).Therefore, I do not assumea naturallyresistant
subject who seeks freedom from apparentlyexploitativerelations(Mahmood
2001).ThemigrantlaborerswithwhomI spokeexhibiteda rangeof opinions
abouttransnational labormigrationfromIndonesia.Whilesome decriedthe
injusticeand abusethat they personallysufferedas migrants,otherslauded
the lucrativewages and enhancedstandardof livingthat it offers. Most
returnedmigrantssaidthatif theyneededto workagain,theywouldpreferto
laborabroadfor higherwagesratherthandomestically in Indonesia.

413
 of Servitude:
Technologies Governmentality Transnational
andIndonesian LaborMigration

Patron-clientNetworks
EnablingTransnationalism:
and the Makingof MigrantLaborers
Whilethereis no centralizedorganization or governmentministrythateffec-
tively oversees the of
process transforming andtransportingmigrantlaborers
from Indonesia,there is a set of regularizedsteps that many prospective
domesticlaborersmust undertake.An examinationof these steps demon-
stratesthat localizedpatron-clientnetworksin some cases actuallyenable
transnationaleconomicrelationsin so far as they serveas a criticalmeans
throughwhichruralIndonesian womengainaccessto a transnational domes-
tic labormarket.
Previoussocialscienceresearchin SoutheastAsiaand elsewherestresses
the importanceof patron-client networksin the absenceof strongstateinsti-
tutions(Geertz1965,Scottand Kerkvliet 1977,Wolf1966).Thesenetworksare
integralparts of a "moral economy" whichclientswillinglyconsentto
in
exploitationby higher-status patrons,with the expectationthat the patron
will ensurethe livelihoodof the client in the eventof hardship(Scott1976,
Thompson1971).In theirclassicformulation,these relationships are epito-
mizedby peasantswho consentto laborexploitationbywealthylandholders
in the expectationthatthe patronwill provideforthe clientin the eventof a
calamity,suchas cropfailureor famine.Subsequent analyseshavenotedthe
historicalcontingencyof these relationships.Forexample,duringtimes of
enhancedstate powerlocalelites in SoutheastAsiahavecultivatedrelation-
shipswith state officialsreducingtheir relianceon clientsfor politicaland
economicsupport(Hart1986,Kerkvliet 1990).
in
Cruciallyimportant facilitating transnationallabor migrationfrom
Indonesiais a local"broker." Thisis a local patronagefigurewho is usually
in
respected community, as a villagehead,a successfullocalbusiness-
a such
man or even a religiousleader.In Cianjur(the WestJavaregencyin which
someof thisresearchtookplace),a significantobstacleto becominga migrant
laboreris findinginitialfundsto travelto Jakartato registerwitha human
resourcescompany,likeSamudraCahayaRaya.If a prospectivemigrantcan-
not borrowthe capitalnecessaryto financesuch a journeyfroma family
memberthey will turn to a broker.The brokerprovidessmall loans to
migrantsand contactwitha humanresourcescompanyin Jakarta.
In so far as brokersare well known,usuallyrespectedin theircommuni-
ties,and providesmallscaleloansto prospectivemigrants,theyresemblethe
benefactorsof patron-client theory.Severalreturnedmigrantstold me that
the individual who providedtheir initial capital and contact with a human

414
 DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ

resourcescompanywasa priorfamilyacquaintance. Thebrokerwho helped

Siti,who returnedfroma two-yearstintin SaudiArabia,wasa localbusiness-
man, a respectedreturnedhaji, and active in an influentiallocal political
party.Shesaid,"hehadhelpeda friendand myfamilythoughthe couldhelp
out, so I askedfor a loantoo (diasudahmenolongtemandan keluargasaya
pikirdia mampu,jadisayajugamintapinjaman)." Basedon the broker'srep-
utation within a ruralcommunityand previousfamily connections,the
prospectivemigrantand her familymayfeel morecomfortableentrusting
theirphysicalandfinancialwelfareto sucha broker.
Whilein some respectsthe relationshipbetweenbrokersand prospective
migrantlaborersresemblesthose describedin conventionalpatron-client
analyses,there are some importantdifferences.Forexample,the migrant
mayimplicitlyexpectprovisionfor theirwelfareduringtrainingand place-
ment overseasbasedon the personalrelationshipwiththe brokerand the
broker'sreputationand contacts with the human resourcescompany.
However,if there is a problemthese brokersmaynot be as accountableas
patronsin conventionallocalizedrelationsof reciprocity. Asep,a local NGO
activistwith the groupCianjurWatchremarkedthat "aftera brokerlends
the moneyandsendsthemto Jakarta,that'sit. Ifthereis a problemtheydo
not know what to do (setelahuang dipinjamkandan dikirimkannya ke
Jakarta,itu semua.Kalauada masalahmerekatidaktahu apa yang bisa
dilakukan)." Hetold me thattherehad beenan instancein whicha migrant
fromCianjurhad been abusedand the familytriedto seek compensation
fromthe brokerwho providedthe initialfundsandcontacts.Thefamilywas
partiallysuccessfullyin obtainingreparationsbut the woman returned
mentallyscarred,suchthat "shewas not able to workany more(tidakbisa
bekerjalagi)."Thus,the "moraleconomy"between brokersand migrant
laborerscharacterized by an ethic of reciprocity
distinctiveto patron-client
networksmaynot be quiteas pronouncedas that describedin otherprevi-
ous studiesof agrariansocialrelations.Whileprospectivemigrantsandtheir
familiesmayassumethe brokerwill providefor her security,the broker's
abilityto do so is by no meanscertain.
Furthermore, clientshavetypicallybeen maleheadsof house-
historically
holds,whereasthe vastmajority of Indonesianswhoworkabroadas domestic
laborersarewomen.Theinitialloansgivento the womenarerelatively lowrisk
sincethe brokeris paidbackuponacceptance of the prospectivemigrantbythe
humanresourcescompany.The wide-ranging political-economicchangesin
Indonesiasince the GreenRevolution,includingthe emergenceof an overseas

415
 of Servitude:
Technologies Governmentality Transnational
and Indonesian LaborMigration

demandfor femalelabor,maysuggestthatwomenin some ruralareashave

greateraccessto localpatronage thanhashistoricallybeenthe case.5
A humanresourcescompanywillacceptthe candidatebasedon a success-
ful interviewand cursoryvisualhealthinspection.SariWarsilah explainedto
me that an importantcriterionfor selectinga candidatewas "theease with
whichtheir mindcould be opened(kalaubisa bukapikiranmerekadengan
mudah)." Shefurtherexplainedthatsomewomenwhoenlistedwithhercom-
pany did have the "mentalcapacity(kapasitasmental)" to be domesticlabor-
ers. Sariherselfspenta total of seven monthsworkingin SaudiArabiaas a
domesticworkerand nowworksfor SamudraCahayaRayaas a trainerand
Arabicteacher.If the candidateis deemed suitableand acceptedby the
humanresourcescompany,the brokerwill receivea commission.Thiscom-
missionis usuallypaidon placementof the candidatein a workingsituation
abroad.It is also commonpracticefor the companyto pay backthe initial
smallloanthatthe brokermadeto the candidatein orderto consolidateand
clarifythe candidate'sobligationto the company.Thetransferof patronage
fromthe brokerto the humanresourcescompanymarksa significanttransi-
tion in the makingand transportof migrantlaborers.Rachma,a 30-yearold
returnedmigrantworker,told me that she felt "bewildered and
(bingung)"
"lonely(kesepian)" whenshe initiallyarrivedat the humanresourcescompa-
ny that eventuallysent herto SaudiArabia.Shefurtherinformedme that it
wasthe firsttime in herlife she hadbeenawayfrompeoplewhomshe knew
well. It is here, where patron-clientnetworksare conjoinedto a human
resourcescompany,thatthe interdependence of the so-called"globalecono-
my"and localizedmoraleconomiesis apparent.
Returnedmigrantlaborersfromthe Cianjurregion6with whom I spoke
gavea rangeof answerswhenaskedas to their motivationsto workabroad
as domesticservants(pembantu). To some degreeall spoke of a commit-
mentto improvingthe livingstandardsof theirfamilies.Repairing or build-
a
ing home, sending one's childrento or
school, purchasingagricultural
landserveas importantmotivatingfactors.Manyinvokedthe vastdifferen-
tial in wages betweenworkingdomesticallyand overseas.Whereaswages
for a new, minimally-skilled domesticservantin Jakartaor anotherlarge
Indonesiancityare betweenten andtwentydollarsa monthplusroomand
board,wagesin SaudiArabiaor Malaysia areat leastfive,and possiblytwen-
as to
ty times, high($100 $200 per month plus roomand board).However,
these womenwerenot motivatedbyfinancialfactorsto the degreethat pro-
ponents of rational choice theory might suppose. Several of those I inter-

416
 DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ

viewed mentionedthat they wishedto workoverseasbecausethey could

accumulateenoughsavingsso that when they returnedto Indonesiathey
would not haveto workfurtherand couldthus spendmoretime withtheir
relativesand friends.7Afurtherincentivefor Muslimwomento workin the
MiddleEastis the opportunity,giventheir proximity,to completethe hajj
pilgrimageand returnto their home communitieswith enhancedstatusas
a hajjah(femalepilgrimto Mecca).
Theoptionof workingas a migrantlaboreris conveyedinformally andthe
companiesinvolvedin sendingmigrantsabroadrarelyrecruitworkersthem-
selves.Oftenthe materialbenefitsdisplayedbya returnedmigrantlaborerin
a villageinspirenew prospective workers.The relativewealthof a returned
migrantis conspicuousamidstthe underdevelopment of manyvillagesand
townsin ruralareaslikeCianjurregency.Manyof the homesof the returned
migrantsthat I interviewedstoodout prominently with brightcoatsof fresh
paint and newly tiled With
roofs. few employmentopportunities availablein
manypartsof ruralIndonesia, a conditionexacerbated inthe wakeof the 1998
Asian financial the of
crisis, nicelyappointedhouses returnedmigrantsserve
as alluringbeaconsto otherprospective migrantlaborers.
AthumanresourcescompanieslikeSamudraCahayaRaya(SCR), potential
domesticworkersspendbetweenone andthreemonthsobtainingnecessary
immigrationdocumentsand healthcertifications. Usuallyonlyone weekof
this period includesdirect interactionwith the variousministriesof the
Indonesianstate involvedin administeringtransnationallabormigration.
The remainderis spentwaitingfor papersto be processedand an overseas
assignment.Whilewaitingprospectivemigrantsare trainedto acquirethe
skillsand dispositionsexpectedof domesticworkers.Thistrainingrequires
farandawaythe largestinvestmentof the entireprocessand bindsthe work-
er to the companyin a debt relationship. Thecapitaladvancedbythe com-
pany servesto for
pay requisite bureaucraticdocumentation, trainingactivi-
ties, livingexpensesduringtraining,andairtransportation to the countryof
placement.According to Amien the of
Gunawan, manager SCR'straining
facility,the companytypicallylendsfundsto a candidatedomesticworkerin
orderto meetthese expenses.Afterplacementoverseas,the firstsix months
of a migrantlaborer's earningsaresentdirectlyto the humanresourcescom-
pany to resolvethese obligations.It cantakeup to threemonthsto obtaina
placementduringwhichtime the candidateis not allowedto returnto their
homevillageor even to wandertoo farfromSCR's complex."Wedon'twant
them runningoff and getting pregnant, you know! (Kamitidak mau mereka

417
 of Servitude:
Technologies and Indonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration

melarikandiridan menjadihamil,kan!),"Sarisaidto me witha grinand a

twinklein her eye. Duringthis period,the humanresourcescompanypro-
videsfurthertrainingin domesticworkto prospectivemigrants.
Althoughthe Indonesianstate is not entirelyabsent,the candidate'scon-
tact with branchesof the governmentis minimal.Typically, the day after
arrivalin Jakartathe candidateis subjectedto a medicalexaminationthat
determineswhethershe is pregnantor ill. If the candidatetests positiveon
either count, she is immediatelysent home. This medicalcertificationis
requiredto obtain the necessaryimmigrationdocumentsfrom both the
Indonesiangovernmentand the consularofficeof the destinationcountry.
Uponpassingthe medicaltest,the followingdaythe candidateis broughtto
the Bureauof LaborTraining(BalaiLatihanKerja,BLK)a branchof the
Department of Manpower andTransmigration (Departemen TenagaKerjaand
Transmigrasi) fora shortstateruntrainingprogram.Thistrainingis supposed
to certifythatthe candidatepossessesa minimumof basicskillsto undertake
domesticworkoverseas.Sarisaidthat it was extremelyrarefor a candidate
to be rejectedbythe Bureauof LaborTraining.Afterseveraldaysof instruc-
tion at the Bureauof LaborTrainingthe candidateis deemed capableof
servingas a domesticworkeroverseas.Uponreceiptof certification fromthe
Bureauof LaborTraining,the candidatecan receivea passportfrom the
Departmentof Immigration(Departemen Imigrasi)and a visa from the
embassyof the destinationcountry.Afterreceivingthe requisiteimmigration
documentstheyare eligibleto traveland thusare consideredfor placement
overseas.NGOrepresentatives told me that these proceduresare oftentimes
evaded as human resourcescompaniesuse bribes and other informal
arrangements to obtainrequireddocumentsand clearences.Theycite cases
in which women as young as 14 years old have been sent abroad by
unscrupulous companiesthatusefalse identitycardsto obtainrequiredtrav-
el permissions. Theinformalrelationshipbetweenhumanresourcescompa-
nies and the variousofficesof the Indonesiangovernmentis a primarytar-
get of NGOsseekingincreasedgovernmentoversightand rationalization of
the migrantlaborprocess.

Technologiesof Servitude:DiscipliningDomestics
Futuredomesticworkersare rigidlytrainedat SCRwhilethey awaitprocess-
ing of their medicaland immigrationpapersand an overseasassignment.
Althoughdomesticlaboris oftentimesconsidered"unskilled,"the training

418
 DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ

processillustratesthe skillsandattitudesthatemploymentas a domesticser-

vantrequires.Thisis especiallytrueforwomenwho havespentmostof their
livesin ruralvillagesand are thoughtto be unfamiliarwiththe complexities
of whatSaricalled"modern" households.Technologies of servitude,referto
the rationalities
thatare intendedto endowthesewomenwiththe capacities
necessary to conduct domesticlaborin countriesoutsideIndonesia.These
includetrainingschedules,scoresheetsandformsof speechwithwhichtrain-
ersaddresstrainees.
Thetrainingfacility/dormitory in whichthe traineeslive, learn,and labor
forupto threemonthswhiletheyawaitan overseasassignmentillustrates the
austerityof the training.Oneach of its threestoriesthe buildingcontainsa
large,high-ceilinged hall linedwithwoodencratesthat containthe few per-
sonal belongingsthat traineeshave broughtfromtheir ruralhomes.These
spaces serve as classrooms,dining areas, and sleeping quartersfor the
trainees.I sawsleepingmatsand beddingamongstotherpersonalbelongings
stuffed haphazardlyinto the open crates.Thesewould be taken out and
unrolledafternightfall.
Whilewaitingfor an assignmentthey are trainedto operatehousehold
appliances,properlypressclothingwithan electriciron,and cookfood par-
ticularto the countryin whichthey will serve.Saribemoanedthe lackof
sophisticationof those she called"villagechildren(anakdesa)"who had no
idea how to operateeven a "commonvacuumcleaner(vakumbiasa)."She
then proudlyshowedme the demonstration electricrange,washingmachine
and other mechanicaltools that SCRuses to instructtraineesin the proper
operationof "modernappliances(alat-alatmoderen)." Sarilamentedthe dif-
ferent standardsof cleanlinessthat characterizedtraineeswho had "just
arrivedfromthe villages(barusajasampaidaridesa)."Sheassuredme that
at SCRthese "villagechildren"wereeducatedin howto keepa "trulyclean
(benar-benar bersih)"house. However,the trainingprogramplaced heavy
emphasison instillinga senseof obediencein futuredomesticlaborers.Sari
saidthata keyfunctionof the monthlongtrainingprogramwas"brainwash-
ing"(cuciotak)in whichthesewomenwere"emotionally prepared(memper-
siapkanmental)" in order "to be the
given proper attitudeto workwell (kasih
pandanganuntukkerjabagus)."The quickjump from her descriptionof
trainingprospectivemigrantsto washclotheswithan automaticlaundryto
herfigurativelaunderingthe mindsof trainees,revealedthe obsessionwith
cleanlinessin the projectof transforming these womeninto modernlabor-
ing bodiescapableof domesticworktransnationally.8

419
 of Servitude:
Technologies and Indonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration

This projectdrawson multipletechniques,includingscore sheets and

schedules,but also formsof speech and bodilydiscipline.At SCRtrainers
barkedcommandsat these domesticlaborersin a harsh(kasar)form of
Indonesian.Forexample,traineesare alwaysaddressedin the informalsec-
ond person pronominalform "kamu"ratherthan the formal"mbak"or
"Anda." Theuseof thisformestablishesthe hierarchy betweenthe trainerand
the trainee,markingthe latteras inferior.Traineesare furtherinstructedto
only speak up to their superiorsfrom a kneelingor stoopingposition.9
Additionally,I observedtrainersconsistentlycriticizethe bodilypostureof
trainees,remindingthem to avoid lookingtheir superiorsin the eye and
ratherto keeptheirgaze directeddownwards,towardthe floor.Theywere
also admonishedif they raisedtheirvoicesor otherwisespokein a manner
considereddisobedient.Saripointedouta tightlyregimented timetabletaped
to a wallin SCR's The
facility. scheduleis intendedto mimic"theactualsched-
ules"thattheywill undertakeoncethey beginto serveas overseasdomestics
(see figure1). Severalof the traineeswith whomI spokelamentedthat the
preciselycontrolleddaily regimenwas "muchharsher(lebihkeras),"com-
paredto the socialenvironmentin theirhomevillagesandtowns.

Figure1: DailySchedulefor Traineesat PTSamudraCahayaRaya

5:00-6:00am Morning exercises

6:00-7:00 Batheanddress
7:00-8:00 Prepareandeat breakfast
8:00-9:00 Lectures[bytrainerson properpracticesof domesticservice]
9:00-12:00 Appliancelessons[cooking,ironing,cleaning,takingcare
of childrenandthe elderly,andusingappliances]
12:00-1:00pm Prepareandeat lunch
1:00-2:00 Break
2:00-5:00 Language lessons[Arabic,Chinese,or Englishdependent
on the countryof futureplacement]
5:00-6:00 Prepareandeat dinner
7:00-10:00 Language studyandpracticehouseholdskills
10:00-5:00 Sleep

Onmyfirstvisitto SCR,I was unwittingly complicitin the trainingprocess

when Sarisuddenlyinsistedthat I be introducedto the trainees."Itwill help
themto haveseen a foreigner,"she proddedme. "Thiswaytheywillnot be so
shy when Sari
they go overseas," explained.BeforeI had an opportunityto
considerthe proposal,I was led in frontof a groupof over100 smiling,uni-

420
 DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ

formedtraineeswhose faces seemed to reflecta gleeful combinationof

excitementand curiosityat my exotic presence.Anothertrainer,Yanti,
addressedthe groupwiththe sternvoiceand roughlanguagethatwas char-
acteristicof the curtmannerwith whichcompanystaff addressedtrainees.
Sheadmonishedthemto greetme.
"Goodmorning,sir,"theysangcacophonously.
"Goodmorning," I replied,uneasywiththe prominentpositionI hadsud-
denly assumed and tryingfigureout howto cut mydiscomfortshort.
Yantiorderedthe groupto askme questionsandthenscoldedthemforthe
ensuingcurioussilence.Shesingledout a girlin the firstrowto demonstrate
herEnglishto the restof the group."Where areyoufrom?" the girlstammered
amidsthergigglingcolleagues.I repliedthatIwasfromthe UnitedStates,but
had livedin Indonesiafor a total of abouta year.I then explainedthatthey
werefreeto askme questionsin eitherIndonesianor Englishandaskedthem
wheretheywerefrom.Thiswasmetwitha flurryof response.Mostwomenin
the groupwerefromLombok,but otherscatteredvoicesclaimedoriginsin
Javaand SouthSumatra.
Sari'smanipulationof the ethnographer, insistingthat I serveas a tool
intendedto enhancethe futureeffectivenessof her trainees,demonstrates
thatduringobservation andinterviewsat SCR eventhe anthropologist wasnot
outsidethe processesintendedto elicitlaboringsubjectsendowedwithcapac-
ities necessaryto toil transnationally.
SCRuses a furthertechnologyintendedto produceworkerscapableof
domesticlabor.In responseto myqueriesaboutthe wayin whichcandidates
that are sent to SCRare deemedsuitablefor overseaswork,AmeinGunawan
gaveme a copyof a scoresheetwithwhichtrainersevaluatea candidate's apti-
tudefordomesticwork(seefigure2, a copyof the scoresheet).Titled"Results
of Observation, Interview and Evaluation,"
the poorlyphotocopied gridclosely
resemblesthe tableI useas a teachingassistantforundergraduate anthropolo-
gy courses.Rowswereto be filledwiththe namesof individual candidates and
columnsdenotedcategories of evaluation.
Thecategoriesfromleftto rightare:
dateof entry,name,levelof education,destinationcountry,andthen sixteen
categoriesthatscorepersonalcharacteristics on a scaleof oneto five(seefigure
3 for translationof the categories). Thetrainersobservethe candidatesand
recordtheirperformance in eachof thesecategoriesthroughcalculations made
on this sheetat the end of each day.If aftera week,the trainee'sscoresare
repeatedly lowandshowno improvement, theywillbe sentbackto theirhome
village.The score sheet also servesas an audit to evaluatethe individualmem-

421
N Figure2: HasilObservasi,Interviewdan Evaluasi
N

TGL. NEGARA
NO. MASUK NAMA PENDIDIKAN TUJUAN 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20

KETERANGAN: 5. BertindakCepat 11. Emosi

1. DayaTangkap 6. Ketekunan 12. KepercayaanDiri
2. Konsentrasi 7. PenyesuanianDin 13. TingkahLaku
3. KemampuanDalam 8. KemampuanKerjasama 14. MateriBahasa
PeneriamaanInstruksi 9. MotivasiKerja 15. MeteriKeterampilan
4. Ketelitian 10. MembuatKeputusan 16. SkorAkhir
 DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ

bersof the networks

of brokersmaintainedbySCR.Thecompanywilldropbro-
kerswhoconsistentlysupplycandidatesthatreceivelowmarks.

Figure 3: Translation of PTSamudra Cahaya Raya'sScore Sheet

INDONESIAN
TERM ENGLISH TRANSLATION
Resultsof
HasilObservasi,
Interview,
danEvaluasi Observation,InterviewandEvaluation
1. DayaTangkap Alacrity
2. Konsentrasi Concentration
3. Kemampuan DalamPenerimaan
Instruksi Abilityto FollowInstructions
4. Ketelitian Attentionto Detail
5. BertindakCepat Responsiveness
6. Ketekunan Diligence
7. Diri
Penyesuaian Adaptability
8. Kemampuan Kerjasama Abilityto WorkCollaboratively
9. Motivasi
Kerja WorkMotivation
10. Membuat Keputusan DecisionMaking
11. Emosi Emotions
12. Kepercayaan Diri Self-Confidence
13. TingkahLaku Behavior
14. MateriBahasa LanguageLearning
15. Meteri(sic)Keterampilan Practical
Learning
16. SkorAkhir FinalScore

Thescoresheet is a technologyintendedto facilitatetransnational labor

migrationandAmeinwasunabashedly proudof its apparenteffectiveness.In
hiseyesit provideda rational,almostscientificmethodof evaluatingthe suit-
abilityof candidates.Furthermore, he added,this methodenhancedthe effi-
ciency and productivityof the companyitself.HeemphasizedthatSCR's credi-
bilitywithits overseasagentsin the MiddleEastand otherpartsof Southeast
Asiais contingentuponreliablysendingabroaddomesticworkerswhoperform
effectively.Thescoresheet is one meansthroughwhichhe couldrationalize
the processof selection,training,and placement.Apparently objectiveknowl-
edgeaboutan individualcandidateis generatedandthenappliedto themto
forecasttheiraptitudefordomesticlabor.However, the scoresheet mayelicit
the veryqualitiesthatit is purported
to objectively
evaluate,bymakingbehav-
ior and characteristics
favoredfor emulationexplicitto the trainees.Likethe
accountingtechniquesanalyzedby MarilynStrathernand others,the score
sheet serves as an audit that ascribesvalue to an individualcandidate's

423
 of Servitude:
Technologies andIndonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration

for overseasdomesticlaborand enablesthe companyto winnow

propensity
thosewhoexhibitthe desiredconductfromthosewhodo not(Strathern 2000).
Thescoresheetis a technologyof servitudethatsimultaneouslyevaluatesthe
the candidate,andthe company's
broker, owneffectiveness
at producingcom-
petentmigrantlaborers.

RationalizingLaborFlows:NGOsand the
Managementof MigrantLabor
Recenthighlypublicizedincidentsin which Indonesiandomesticworkers
wereseverelyabusedby theiroverseasemployershavesparkedan intense
publicdebateamonghumanresourcescompanies,migrantlaborersthem-
selves,nationaland regionalgovernments, and NGOs.10 Inthe politicalspace
enabledby the end of the Suhartoregime,NGOsare an emergingvoice in
Indonesia'snascent"civilsociety"(Heryantoand Mandal2003). Overseas
developmentaid has playeda strongrolein fosteringthe profusionof these
NGOs, whichnow numbermorethan 5000 in the country.TheUnitedStates
Agencyfor InternationalDevelopment,amongother overseasdonors,has
particularly targetedcivil societyas a criticaldomainfor interventionand
development(Masters 2004).
NGOs advocatinggenderandlaborissueshavestressednotso muchthe abo-
litionof transnational
migrantlabor,as its reform.Thus,NGOs areincreasingly
vocalin demandingthat Indonesian nationalgovernment takegreaterrespon-
sibilityin ensuringlegal safeguardsfor overseasmigrantlaborers.These
demandsarespurredbyseveralcasesinwhichIndonesians overseashavebeen
falselyaccusedof committing crimesor subjectedto physicalor sexualabuse.
Some have even died. NGOsseek to rationalizethe procedureof sending
migrantlaborersabroad.Inso doingtheyseekto replacethe moraleconomy,
constitutedby the patron-client networksuponwhichthe currentprocessis
based,witha morerationalized relationshipthatensuresthe physicalandlegal
securityof overseasmigrantlaborers.Thus,theyendeavorto implementlegal
protections andcloserscrutinyof the privatecompaniesandgovernment agen-
ciesinvolvedinthetrainingandtransport of migrants.
Inso doingtheyspurthe
developmentof technologiesfor rationalizing flowsof transnational migrant
laborfromIndonesia.
SeveralreturnedmigrantworkersI interviewedwereskepticalthat repre-
sentativesof the Indonesiangovernmentmightguaranteetheirsecurity.They
instead spoke proudlyof their abilityto protectthemselves. Nuria,a 32-year-

424
 DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ

old motherof two,told me that whileshe wasworkingin SaudiArabiaas a

domesticlaborerherbossrepeatedlywithheldherwages.Shefinallyquitand
reportedthe employerto the police,butthey insteadjailedherfor sixdays.
WhenI askedherwhyshe had not appealedto the Indonesianembassyfor
helpshe scoffedat the idea."Theywon'thelpunlessyou bribethem(mereka
tidakmenolongtanpauangsuap),"she exclaimed.Shesaidthatshe hadheard
that Indonesiandomesticworkerswho sought help from the Indonesian
embassyofficialsto redressabuse by employerswere askedto pay a bribe
equivalentto six monthsof theirwagesin exchangeforassistance.
Theabuseof domesticlaborersin SaudiArabiais a complicatedproblem
forthe Indonesiangovernmentbecauseit is entwinedwiththe international
politicsof the hajjpilgrimage.TheDepartment of ForeignAffairsis hesitant
to pressurethe Saudigovernmenttoo heavilyto improveprotectionfor
Indonesians workingin the countryoutof fearthatto do so wouldraiseSaudi
ire and resultin a reductionof Indonesia's quotaof annualhajjpilgrims.A
decreasein the numberof Indonesians receivingvisasfromthe Saudigovern-
mentto makethe annualjourneyto Meccacouldincitecriticismby Muslim
politicalpartiesdomestically.Thus,frequentlyIndonesiandomesticservants
in
working Saudi Arabia are effectivelyleft to fendfor themselves.Uponher
release,Nuriafound anotherhouseholdin whichto workthrougha local
Saudibroker,but handledall the salarynegotiationsherself.Sheworkedin
SaudiArabiafora yearand half morebeforereturning to Indonesia.WhenI
asked her if she would like to returnto SaudiArabiato workagain,she
unhesitatingly repliedaffirmatively.
IndonesianNGOs operatein the new politicalspacehasemergedwiththe
fall of the authoritarian
Suhartoregime.A numberof NGOsconcernedwith
laborandgenderissueshaveprojectsspecifically dedicatedto improving the
of
plight migrant laborers.WahyuSusilo, former directorof the Consortium
for the Defenseof IndonesianMigrantWorkers(Kopbumior Konsorsium
PembelaBuruhMigranIndonesia), regrettedthe failureof the Indonesian gov-
ernmentto adequatelyprotectthe rightsof Indonesiansworkingabroad.
Kopbumiadvocatesimplementationof new legal requirements and closer
monitoringof the humanresourcescompaniesengagedin the migrantlabor
economy.Wahyusaidthat "thegovernmentwantsto tax migrantlabor,but
does not do anythingto protectthe migrantworkers...thecurrentprocessis
not legalbecausethe humanresourcescompaniesdon'tpayanytaxes(tidak
sah karenaPJTKI tidak bayarpajak)."Wahyuexpressedfrustrationthat
althoughmanyAsiancountrieshavealreadydoneso "Indonesia has not rati-

425
 of Servitude:
Technologies Governmentality Transnational
and Indonesian LaborMigration

fied the UNconventionfor the protectionfor the rightsof migrantworkers

and theirfamilies...ThePhilippinesis muchbetter,they havea comprehen-
sive policyforthe protectionof migrantworkers(mempunyai kebijakan kom-
prehensip untuk perlindungan buruh migran)...They prioritize their welfare
(mengutamakan kesejahteraan)." Kopbumiis lobbyingthe Indonesianparlia-
mentto passnewlawsto protectmigrantworkersfromunscrupulous brokers,
abusivehumanresourcescompanies,andcorruptbureaucrats.
WhileKopbumi is workingto promotenew lawsensuringthe protectionof
migrantworkers,otherNGOs expresspessimismaboutthe capacityforenforce-
mentof newor even existinglegalprotections.KamalaChandrakirana of the
NationalCommissionon ViolenceAgainstWomen(KomnasPerempuanor
KomisiNasionalAntiKekerasan Terhadap Perempuan) underscored the willful
ignorance of the Indonesian to
government protect female migrants.Shesaid,
"thestateknowsthatviolenceis happening,butdoes nothing."Sheregretted
bureaucratic lapsesin whichgovernmentofficialswillfullyignoreviolations
madebysomehumanresources companies.Sheexplained,"amajorproblem
is the proliferationof falsedocuments.Healthcertifications, familyregistration
cards,and identitycardsare routinelyforged,butofficialseitherdo not real-
ize this or ignoreit whenthe [prospective] migrantgoes to the immigration
departmentfor a passportapplication...With all this false informationthe
authoritiesoften have no idea who to contactif the migrantgetssickorsuffers
abuse.Sometimestheydon'teven knowhercorrecthomevillage!"Reforming
the governmentalbureaucracy presentsa set of challengesfor those NGOs
seekingto rationalizethe processof sendingmigrantlaborersabroad.Yet,
giventhe paucityof wageearningemploymentforwomenin ruralIndonesia,
KomnasPerempuan does notfavorthe terminationof opportunities forover-
seas work.Evenwithall the abusesthatseem inherentin thistrade,Kamala
stressed"werespectthe rightsof womento earna livingand theirmobility,
butwe wantto ensurethattheirbodiesandtheirlaborare protected." While
prospectivemigrantsmay assume that the brokers or the human resources
companieswillguaranteetheirhealthandsecurity,NGOs busilydocumentthe
abuse to which migrantsare sometimessubject. "Thecountrybenefits
[throughremittanceincome],but these womenare takingincrediblerisks,"
Kamalatold me. Sheexplainedthat NGOs wereadvocating fora government-
backedinsurancesystemto providefor the healthand welfareof migrant
laborersin the eventof accident,illnessor physicalabuse.
SomeNGOs fearthat Indonesia's ongoingprocessof politicaldecentraliza-
tion may present further complications in ensuring protectionsfor migrant

426
 DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ

workers.NGOshaveseen some gains in at least raisingthe visibilityof the

migrantlaborissuein the nationalmediaand persuading some membersof
the nationalparliamentin Jakartato supportlaws for the protectionof
migrantworkers.However,new regionalautonomylaws,whichprovidefor
the devolutionof many forms of regulatoryauthorityto provincialand
regencyadministrations, complicatesthe politicalterraininwhichNGOs oper-
ate. MayaSuhud,an activistwitha laborrightsorganization in Jakartafears
thatsuchdevolutionwillleadto moreabusesamongthe proliferating region-
al administrations that haveemergedsincethe onset of reformasi (theterm
used to describethe periodof reformfollowingthe downfallof Suharto's
authoritarianregime).Mayasaid"theyare makingtheirownlawsat the local
levelandsomesee migrantlaboras a possiblesourcefor regionalrevenue."
Indeed,in resourcepoor regionsof the countrylocal governmentshave
beengrantedautonomybutfew sourcesof revenueto fundtheirnewadmin-
istrativetasks.Theregionalautonomylawspromptthese cash-strapped gov-
ernmentsto seek revenuefromexistingsourcesof economicactivity.I met
HajiRisjanin the decrepitregionalassemblybuildingforCianjurregency.He
is chairof the humanresources(tenagakerja)committeein the regional
assembly(DewanPerwakilan Rakyat-Daerah, DPR-D). He lamentedthe fact
that while the nationalgovernmentgeneratedrevenuefrom the migrant
laboreconomythroughissuingimmigration andothernecessarydocuments,
thisoptionwasnotavailableto regionalgovernments. Additionally,he noted,
of the 18 humanresourcescompaniesoperatingin the Cianjurregion,only
one hadobtainedthe requisiteofficialpermitsto recruitandtraininhabitants
of the area."Thelocalgovernmentwill be able to managethese companies
moreeffectively(pemerintah daerahbisa mengendaliperusahaanini secara
he claimed,highlighting
lebihefektif)," laxoversightof the processbythe cen-
tralgovernment.However,not only did HajiRisjanwantto extractrevenue
fromthe region'smigrantlaboreconomythroughdutiesandtaxesforofficial
permits,but he envisionedthat the localgovernmentmightactuallygo into
the migrantlaborbusinessitselfbyestablishinga humanresourcescompany
of itsown.According to himthiswouldbenefitboththe traineesandthe local
government.Theformerby ensuringthattraineesreceivedadequateprepa-
rationandwerenot abusedby humanresourcescompaniesandthe latterby
providinga newsourceof revenue.
Severalhumanresourcescompaniesin the Cianjurregionare responding
to NGOcriticismand inflammatory mediaaccountsof the abusesmigrant
workerssufferby introducing innovationswithwhichto trackmigrantlabor-

427
 of Servitude:
Technologies andIndonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration

ers who are workingoverseas.TheAssociationof HumanResourcesService

Companies of Cianjur Perusahaan
(Assosiasi TenagaKerjaCianjur) is an organ-
izationfundedbyfourbusinessesin the Cianjurregion.Syahruddin, an offi-
cer of the association,explainedthat by enteringthe recordsof all local
migrantsin a computersystemhe hopedto bringaboutthe "rationalization
of migrantlaborflowsfromCianjur.He proudlyshowedme
(rationalisasi)"
severalreamsof formsprintedfroma piratedversionof the Microsoft Access
databaseprogram.Amongthe information containedon each pagewas:the
migrantworker's name,homeaddress,husband'sorfather'sname,departing
flightnumber,overseasemployer's name,andso on. Heexplainedto me that
none of the variousstate institutionsinvolvedin administeringIndonesian
labormigrationsystematically collectedthis data.
Syahruddin was well versedin the rhetoricand practiceof "reinventing
government" and even invokedideas he attributedto formerUnitedStates
vicepresidentAlGoreon howthe "state,business,andcivilsocietycouldwork
together."Hewasunfailingin hisoptimismthatthe computersystemshe was
developingwould improveconditionsfor migrantlaborersfrom Cianjur.
Syahruddin assertedthatimproving protectionformigrantlaborerswouldnot
only ensure their welfare,but would improvethe fortunesof the Cianjur
regionas a whole."1Hetold me "ifoverseasmigrantlaboris well managed,
then the revenueof the regionis certainto increase(kalautenagakerja
Indonesiadiaturdenganbaik,penghasilan aslidaerahpastiakannaik)."
Syahruddin's optimismin technological solutionsto the problemsfacedby
migrant laborers stretchedfrom mundane to fantastic.He assuredme that
not all problemsfacedby migrantlaborersoccurredwhiletheywereabroad,
notingthat relativelyaffluentreturneesare primetargetsfordeceptionupon
returnto Indonesia.TheIndonesianmediais repletewithstoriesabouthow
returningmigrantworkersare duped and sometimesspectacularly taken
advantageof. In these narratives,returnedmigrantsloose substantialpor-
tionsof theirearningsat the infamousTerminal3 of Soekarno-Hatta interna-
tionalairportor on busridesfromthe airportto theirhomevillages.Inthese
accounts,thatecho Siegel'sdescriptionof criminalityas a recurrentpreoccu-
pationin Indonesianpopularmedia(Siegel1998),returnbus journeysare
mobilesitessuffusedwithdanger.Calamities rangefromsmallscaleextortion
in whichreturneesareforcedto purchasebusticketsat fourorfivetimesmar-
ketvalueto the allegeddisappearance of whole bus loadsof returneesinto
disreputablecornersof Jakarta.Theseunfortunatereturneesare then held
hostageuntilthey agreeto partwithampleportionsof theiroverseasearn-

428
 DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ

ings. Syahruddin cheerfullydescribeda technologicalsolutionthat he had

conceivedto alleviatethese problems.Relyingon the "latesthigh-techequip-
ment(peralatan teknologi palingcanggih)" he proposedestablishing a satellite
trackingsystem that would enable the vehicles in which returningmigrant
laborerstravelto be followed,thus ensuringtheirsafe returnto Cianjur. This
system would enable officialsof the CianjurDepartment Manpowerto
of
makecertainthat returningbusesdid notstrayfromtheirassignedroutes.
A centraldemandmadeby activistNGOsis that migrantlaborersbe pro-
tected from physicalabuse and financialexploitationand that human
resourcescompaniesbe made moreaccountablefor the laborersthat they
trainand send abroad.Tothis end they are pressuring the governmentfor
new laws and formsof enforcement.Women'sand laborrightsNGOsare
aware of the economicbenefit of migrantlabor in poor regionsacross
Indonesia.TheseNGOs presentthe problemof migrantlaborina mannerthat
is simultaneously technicaland political.Thegoalis notthe wholesaletermi-
nationof migrantlabor,but rathermakingit more"rational."
Humanresourcescompaniesareresponding to critiquesthroughthe intro-
ductionof technologicalsolutionsintendedto rationalizeand enhancesur-
veillanceof migrantsandauditsof theirownbusinesspractices. Thesolutions
that Syahruddin proposedare examplesof this response.NGOs formulatethe
of
problemof migrantlaboras one bettermanagement of this transnational
The
economy. goal is to create a form of migrant laborthat simultaneously
benefitsthe individuallaborer,the laborer'scommunity, andthe Indonesian
government.Thiswill be achievedby ensuringthe physicalandfiscalsecuri-
ty of the migrant,maintainingan ongoingflow of remittancesto rural
regions,andperpetuating a steadystreamof revenueintogovernment coffers
throughissuingimmigrationand other necessarydocuments.In this sense
NGOs do not standin oppositionto the stateor representa necessarydimin-
ishingof state power.Quitethe contrary,in demandingthat the Indonesian
statetakea greaterrolein guaranteeing the well beingof migrantlaborers,
these NGOs augmentthe capacityof the state.Thisenhancementis achieved
throughtechnologiesthatseekto rationalizethe flowof migrantlaborfrom
Indonesiaand enable a more effective and ultimatelymore profitable
transnational economyforall involved.
Transnational migrantwork presentsboth opportunityand risk. NGOs,
humanresources companies, andmigrantworkers themselvesseekto maximize
the formerwhileminimizing the latter.TheIndonesian government is nota sin-
gle object or even a unified entity,but a contested set of institutionsthat offer

429
 of Servitude:
Technologies andIndonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration

the possibility
forinterventionbyNGOs. Ina nationwitha historyof suppressing
civilactivism,NGOs areseizingontheemergenceof a newpoliticalspaceto pres-
surethe government to enhancethe securityandwelfareof migrantworkers.
Thismaybe complicitwiththe broadergoalsof government officialsto increase
overseasremittances frommigrantlaborers,in so faras it enhancesthe ration-
alizationandefficiencyof the broadermigrantlaboreconomy.

Conclusion
Thispaperdevelopsthe conceptof governmentality in sucha waythatit might
be moreproductively usedto analyzetransnational politicaleconomicprocess-
es occurring in Southeast Asiaandbeyond.Methodologically, thisapproach sug-
gests that governmentality is not an abstract concept visible only at the docu-
mentarylevelof policyprescriptions. Rather,bysupplementing a formulation
of governmentality withFoucault's writings politicaltechnologies,I suggest
on
that the conceptis usefulin analyzingthe everydaydiscoursesand practices
thatethnographers observeandengageinwhilecarrying outfieldwork. Inmak-
ingthisargumentthe paperbuildson previouseffortsto deploythe conceptof
governmentality in transnational contexts.I assertthatgovernmentality is not
the
simply promulgation of abstract policyprescriptions, but is visible in rela-
tively mundanetechnologiesthat are intendedto rationalizeperformance,
profitability,andsecurity. Thetechnologiesintendedto producedociledomes-
ticworkersincludeaudits,evaluations, timetables,formsof verbaladdress,and
I
bodilydiscipline.Further,argue that thereis no cleardistinctionbetweenthe
"globaleconomy" andlocalizedmoraleconomies.Thus,supposedly traditional
patron-client relations in fact enable transnational labor flows. I demonstrate
this byarguingthat patron-client networksprovideyoungvillagewomenwith
the meansto enlistwithhumanresourcescompaniesandthus begintraining
to becomedomesticlaborers.Finally,NGOs are not necessarily inimicalto the
state, but in in
fact somecaseseffectivelyaugmentitsauthority. NGO tacticsto
protectthe rightsof migrantlaborersin Indonesiacan effectgreatergovern-
mentalintervention in theirlives.TheseNGOs areadvocating forthe rationali-
zationof laborflowsby pressingfor greaterstateoversightand intervention.
Theseeffortsarepartially successfulin so faras theypromptnewinitiativesby
humanresources companiesto reformtheseflows.
In summary,this papersuggeststhat rationalcalculationsshape tech-
niquesbothto constituteservilemigrantworkersandto ensuretheirefficient
training and delivery to overseas sites. By advocatingfor greater rationaliza-

430
 DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ

tion and enhancedgovernmentaloversightof the migrantlabor process,

NGOshighlightthe inefficiencyof patron-clientnetworks,but also seek to
ensurethe safetyof migrants.Thetechnologiespromptedby NGOs facilitate
rationalizationof labor-exporting networks.Technologiesof servitudeare
intendedto elicitthe skillsandattitudesconsideredproperto domesticlabor,
thus makingtrainedlaborersmoremarketable abroad.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Earlier versionsof this paperwerepresentedat the 2003CornellUniversitySoutheastAsiasym-
posium"Transformative Momentsand Movements in SoutheastAsia"andthe 2004Association
of SocialAnthropologists conference"Locatingthe field:metaphorsof space,place,and con-
text in anthropology." I am gratefulforthe discerningcommentsI receivedfromthe partici-
pantsin boththese meetings.I am also especiallygratefulfor the constructive criticismand
insightfulfeedbackI receivedfrom ChristaAmouroux,JeffreyHadler,RobbinHenderson,
Francisca James-Hernandez, KevinKarpiak,AihwaOng,AnissaPaulsen,JodieYork,and three
anonymousreviewersfor Anthropological Quarterly. Mostcritically,
a numberof friendsand
colleaguesin Cianjurand Jakartagenerouslygave of their time and experienceto aid my
understandingof the complexitiesof contemporarytransnationallabor movementfrom
Indonesia.Tothem I offermy sincerestgratitude.Theresearchon whichthis articleis based
wasconductedin fall2001andsummer2002. Itwas madepossiblewiththe materialsupport
of a fellowshipfromthe International Pre-dissertation
FellowshipProgramof the SocialScience
Research Councilin partnership withthe American Councilof LearnedSocietiesandfundspro-
videdbythe FordFoundation.

ENDNOTES
'Withthe exception of recognizablepublic figures and institutions,all proper names
referredto in this articleare pseudonyms.WhileI conductedthe researchforthis articlea
guaranteeof anonymitywas often a conditionof the interviewsI was granted.
2The transmigration programis an internalstate relocationprojectthat historicallytrans-
ferredlandlessruralinhabitantsfrom densely populatedJavaand Balito less populated
"outerislands"of the archipelago.
3NicholasRose,workingwith a Foucaultianframework,definestechnologiesnot simplyas
mechanicaldevices,but as "theinculcationof a formof life, the reshapingof variousroles
for humans,the little bodytechniquesrequiredto use the devices."He furtherdefinesa
technologyas "anassemblageof formsof practicalknowledge...practicesof calculation,
vocabularies,types of authority,forms of judgment,architecturalforms, human capaci-
ties...traversedand transectedby aspirationsto achievecertainoutcomesin termsof the
conductof the governed(whichalso requirescertainformsof conducton the partof those
who wouldgovern)"(Rose1999:52).
4Foucaultidentifiespastoralpoweras a specificrelationbetweenleadersand theirfollowers.
Itis a positiveratherthannegativeformof power.Thus,it is directedtowardsmaximizing the
capacitiesof subjectsratherthan repressingthem. Pastoralpoweris anchoredin Christian
theologyand centrallyinvolvesthe shepherdas the symbolicepitomeof a leader.Pastoral
poweris characterized bya leaderwhosedomainis peopleratherthan land.Theleaderpro-
tects the flock,not throughguidingthem safelythrougha cataclysmicevent, but througha
kindof individualizedcarethat is appliedso consistentlyit appearsmundane.Finally,the

431
 of Servitude:
Technologies andIndonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration

leaderhasa responsibility forensuringthe well beingof the followers.Thus,the leaderis con-

stantlyattentiveto the needsof the followers,keepingwatchoverthemfortheirdefense,pro-
vidingfood in timesof hunger,and carein the eventof illness(Foucault2000).
SThismay have largerrepercussionsfor changingsocial relationsand genderrolesin rural
areasfromwhich manymigrantshail. I thankan anonymousreviewerforAnthropological
Quarterly for drawingmyattentionto this point.
6TheCianjurregency is located in the provinceof WestJava about midway between
BandungandJakarta.Thisregencyhasone of the highestpercentagesof Indonesianfemale
migrantlaborerswho workabroadas domesticservants.
7Compare this to Weber'sobservationthat raisingpiece-ratesdoes not automaticallycorre-
spond with increasedproductivity(1990:59).Weber'saccountof the formationof subjects
imbuedwithskillsand attitudesconduciveto the spiritof capitalismgenerativeto the argu-
ments in this paper.
8See Ong1987 for examples,froma differentSoutheastAsiancontext,of the formsof disci-
pline used to producebodies capableof performingthe labor necessaryfor electronics
assemblyin Japanese,American,and European"runaway" factoriesoperatingin Malaysia.
9Foran excellentstudyof how speech stylesare used to markhierarchyin Indonesiasee
JamesSiegel's(1986)studyof the Javaneselanguage.
10Thiscontroversyhasalso echoedthroughthe UnitedStatesas well.Seethe NewYorkTimes
coverageof the case of IsmiyatiSoryono,the Indonesianmaid who was pusheddown a
flightof stairsby her employer,the SaudiPrincessBuniahal-Saud,at the princess'Florida
condominium(Harden2002a, Harden2002b,and NewYorkTimes2001).
"Thisresonateswith the processof applyingknowledgetowarda populationin orderto
achieveeffectsthat are deemedsimultaneouslybeneficialforthe individual,the collectivity,
and the statethat is centralto Foucault's
formulationof governmentality (Foucault1991).

REFERENCES CITED
Anderson,Benedict. 1983. ImaginedCommunities: Reflectionson the Originand Spreadof
Nationalism.London:Verso.
Appadurai,Arjun.1990."Disjuncture and Differencein the GlobalCulturalEconomy."Public
Culture2:1-24.
Chin,ChristineB. N. 1998.InServiceandServitude:ForeignFemaleDomesticWorkers and the
Malaysian"Modernity" Project.NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress.
Constable,Nicole.1997. Maidto Orderin HongKong:Storiesof FilipinaWorkers. Ithaca:
CornellUniversityPress.
Foucault,Michel.1977. Disciplineand Punish:the Birthof the Prison.NewYork:Pantheon
Books.
. 1978. The Historyof Sexuality. New York:Pantheon Books.
. 1991. "Governmentality." In The Foucault Effect, Graham Burchell, Colin
Gordon,and PeterMiller(eds.) Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress.
. 1997. "Technologies of the Self." In Ethics: Subjectivity, and Truth, Paul
Rabinow(ed.),223-252.NewYork:New Press.
* 2000. "'Omnes et Singulatum': Toward a Critique of Political Reason." In
Power,JamesFaubion(ed.),298-325.NewYork:New Press.
Geertz,Clifford.1965. TheSocialHistoryof an IndonesianTown.Cambridge: M.I.T.Press.
Goldman,Michael.2001. "Constructing an EnvironmentalState:Eco-governmentality
and
otherTransnational Practicesof a 'Green'WorldBank."SocialProblems48.

432
 DAROMIR
RUDNYCKYJ

Harden,Blaine.2002. "Caseof PrincessAccusedof PushingMaidDownStairsRevealsa

Failingof a New Law."NewYorkTimes,July2, p. A14.
. 2002. "U.S.Looksat Whether Saudi Princess Enslaved Maid."New YorkTimes.,
January4, p. A8.
Hart,GillianPatricia.1986. Power,Labor,and Livelihood: Processesof Changein RuralJava.
Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress.
Heryanto,Arieland Sumit Mandal,eds. 2003. Challenging Authoritarianism in Southeast
Asia:Comparing Indonesiaand Malaysia.NewYorkand London:RoutledgeCurzon.
Hugo,Graeme.2001. PopulationMobilityand HIV/AIDS in Indonesia.Jakarta:International
LaborOrganization.
JakartaPost.2001. "NuwaWeaPlansto ImproveLaborConditions." August22, p. A14.
Politicsin the Philippines:Classand StatusRelationsin
Kerkvliet,BenedictJ. 1990. Everyday
a CentralLuzonVillage.Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress.
Lindquist,Johan. 2001. "The Anxieties of Mobility."Ph.D. Dissertation.Stockholm:
StockholmUniversity.
Mahmood,Saba. 2001. "FeministTheory,Embodiment,and the Docile Agent: Some
Reflectionson the EgyptianIslamicrevival."Cultural Anthropology 16:202-236.
Masters,Edwin.2004. Testimonybefore the Committeeon InternationalRelations,U.S.
Houseof Representatives. March17. Availableat: http://www.usindo.org/miscellaneous/
Masters%20Congressional%20Testimonyl.htm
New YorkTimes.2001. "ASaudiPrincessis Chargedin Florida."December18, p. A32.
Nonini, DonaldM.2002. "Introduction - TransnationalMigrants,GlobalizationProcesses,
and Regimesof Powerand Knowledge." CriticalAsianStudies34:3-17.
Ong,Aihwa.1987.Spiritsof Resistance and CapitalistDiscipline:FactoryWomenin Malaysia.
Albany,NY:StateUniversityof NewYorkPress.
Rabinow,Paul. 1989. FrenchModern:Norms and Formsof the Social Environment.
Cambridge:MITPress.
Rose, Nikolas S. 1999. Powersof Freedom:ReframingPolitical Thought.Cambridge:
CambridgeUniversityPress.
Scott, James C. 1976. The MoralEconomyof the Peasant:Rebellionand Subsistencein
SoutheastAsia.New Haven:YaleUniversityPress.
. 1990. Domination and the Arts of Resistance:Hidden Transcripts.New Haven:
YaleUniversityPress.
Scott,JamesC.,and BenedictKerkvliet. 1977. "HowTraditionalPatronsLoseLegitimacy: A
Theorywith SpecialReferenceto SoutheastAsia."In Friends,Followers,and Factions:a
Readerin PoliticalClientelism,
SteffenW.Schmidt(ed.) Berkeley:Universityof California
Press.
Siegel,JamesT.1986.Soloin the NewOrder:Languageand Hierarchy in an IndonesianCity.
Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress.
- 1998. A New Criminal Type in Jakarta: Counter-Revolutiontoday. Durham:
DukeUniversityPress.
Strathern,Marilyn.2000. AuditCultures: Studiesin Accountability,
Anthropological Ethics,
and theAcademy.London:Routledge.
Thompson,EdwardP 1971. "TheMoralEconomyof the EnglishCrowdin the Eighteenth
Pastand Present50.
Century."

433
 of Servitude:
Technologies andIndonesian
Governmentality Transnational
LaborMigration

ThongchaiWinichakul.1994. Siam Mapped:A Historyof the Geo-bodyof a Nation.

Honolulu:Universityof HawaiiPress.
Weber,Max.1990. TheProtestantEthicand theSpiritof Capitalism.London:UnwinHyman.
Wolf, Eric. 1966. "Kinship,Friendship,and Patron-ClientRelations."In The Social
Anthropology of ComplexSocieties,MichaelBanton(ed.) NewYork:F.A.Praeger.

434