THE MEDIAEVAL ACADEMY OF AMERICA

PUBLICATION No. 31
(Monograph No. 13)

LATIN MONASTICISM IN NORMAN SICILY

 ACADEMY MONOGRAPHS
No. l. Genoeae Shipping in the Twelfth and Thirteenth CenJ.uriea, by
E. H. BYRNE
No. ~- Harn'l-Raahd and Charlea the Great, by F. W. BuCKLEB
No. s. Alien Merchanta in England, 1350-1377, by ALicE BEARDWOOD
No. 4. Feudal M onarchy in the Latin Kingdom of J erusalem, 1100 to
1~91, by J. L. LA MONTE
No. 5. Al.exander'a Gate, Gog and Magog, and the lncwaed NatJna, by
A. R. ANDERSON
No. 6. The Admin-istration of Normandy under Saint Louia, by J. R.
STRAYER
No. 7. Borough and Town, A Study of Urban Orina in England, by
CARL STEPHENSON
No. 8. Ordination Anointinga in the Western Church before 1000 A.D.
by GERALD ELLARD
No. 9. Parliamentary Tcu:ea on Personal Property, lf!J0-1334, by J. F.
WILLARD
No.10. The ludicium Quinqwwirale, by C. H. CosTER
No.11 . The Goths in the Crimea, by A. A. VASILIEV
No. H. The Jewa in the Viaigothic and Frankiah Kingdoma of Spain and
Gaul, by SOLOMON KATz
No. IS. Latn Monaatici8m in Norman Sicily, by L. T. WHITE, JR
LATIN MONASTICISM
IN
NORMAN SICILY

LYNN TOWNSEND WIDTE, JR

Stanford University

THE MEDIAEVAL ACADEMY OF AMERICA

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
1938
Tha yublication of tAia book waa 'llUMU fl08rib 'by fl'IGn of funda to tM M edianal
Acadttm71 Jrom tM C~ COf"J'O'l'ation of N tJUJ York and tM American Council
of Leaml Socidiu.

CoPDIGBT
BT

THE MEDIAEVAL ACADEMY OF AMEBICA

19S8

Printl in U. B. A.
 TO

GEORGE LA PIANA
 PREFACE
S INCE the apology for this book is presented in the first section of
the lntroduction, there remains here only the joyful task of remem-
bering those who have helped and encouraged me in its preparation.
Although no one who sat at the feet of Dr Charles H. Haskins could
escape the infection of his enthusiasm for the southem Normans, it was
Dr George La Piana of Harvard who first turned me towards the serious
study of the history of his nati ve Sicily. 1 am deeply grateful for his
guidance and support, especially in the early stages of the work. Thanks
are due to Harvard U niversity and to the family of Mr Bayard Cutting
for the Bayard Cutting Fellowship which enabled me to comb the rele-
vant unpublished materials from the libraries of ltaly and Sicily. Es-
pecially in ecclesiastical archives the kindly patience of the clergy often
permitted me to labor long after the official hour of closing. I recall
particularly the cordiality of Mgr Carmelo Scalia at Catania, of Mgr
Pannesitti at Patti, of Canon Tommaso Lanza at Cefah'.t, of the Reverend
Libertino Cardella at Agrigento, of Dom Eugenio de Palma at Monte-
vergine, and in Rome of Mgr Leonida Perrin of the Lateran, and of
Dom Joseph Croquison, then Vice-Rector of the Greek College. In
Palermo the good offices of Dr C. A. Garufi assured me every courtesy
at the rich Communal Library and State Archive. The scholars of
Catania could not have been more kind: the library of St Nicholas,
temporarily closed, was opened to me by Mr Giuseppe Toscano; Dr
Matteo Gaudioso of the State Archive gave freely of his time andadvice;
while the directors of the local historical society and Dr G. Greco of
Agira generously permitted me to consult Dr Greco's transcripts of the
N orman documents of Agira. As for the personnel of the Vatican
Archive and Library, to publish a book on the Middle Ages is almost
automatically to recognize one's debt to them. 1 wish also to express
my gratitude to the many friends at Harvard and at Princeton who have
given me aid and comfort in this research, and to the Mediaeval Acad-
emy of America and the American Council of Learned Societies for
~aking possible its publication. Finally 1 thank the editor of the
American hiatmical review for his kind permission to reprint a portion
of an article which appeared in that joumal, and Mr Harry Winton of
Stanford University for the preparation of the indices.
LYNN WHITE, JR
Stanford, California
19 N ovember 1937
 CONTENTS
Page
LIBT OF ABBREVIATIONS xi

INTRODUCTION

l. TBE LITERATUBE 8
11. LATIN MoNASTICISM IN S1CILY BEFORE THE NoRMANB. 7
m. THE BYZANTINIZATION OF SICILY 16
IV. THE BABILIANB OF SICILY UNDER THE LATER BYZANTINEB
.AND MosLEMB '1.7
v. TBE GREEX MoNABTERIEB OF NoRMAN S1CILY . SS
VI. MoNABTIC MIGRATION FROM N ORTHERN EUBOPE To THE
NoRMAN REALM 47
VII. THE RoYAL PoLICY TOWARDB THE LATIN MoNABTERIEB oF
SICILY 58
VIII. TBE LATIN MoNABTERIES AND TBE LATINIZATION oF SICILY 58
IX. THE LEGAL, EcoNomc, AND CULTURAL Poe1TION OF THE
LATIN MoNABTERIES oF NoRMAN S1CILY 6'1.

TBE LATIN MONASTERIES OF NORMAN SICil.Y

(NOTI:: The independent monasteries of each classification are arranged according to the
dates of their foundation. Subordinate abbeys and priories are similarly grouped after
their mother-houses.)

BENEDICTINES:
l. The Dual Abbey of St Bartholomew of Lipari and St
Savior of Patti 77
l. The Priory of St Mary of Caccamo 100
'l.. The Priory of the Holy Cross of Buccheri and of St
John, near Vizzini . 101
8. The Priory of St Sophia of Vicari 101
4.. The Priory of St Mary of Tusa . 10'1,
5. The Priory of St Mary of Butera 108
6. The Priory of St Mary of Mazzarino 108
IX
X Contenta
Page
II. The Abbey of St Agatha of Catania 105
L The Priory of St Leo of Pannachio, and Its Grange of
St Nicholas de Arena 117
2. The Priory of St Mary of Robore Grosso, near Ademo 120
8. The Abbey of St Mary of Licodia . Hl
m. The Abbey of St John of the Hermits in Palermo 128
l. The Priory of St Mary of Adriano . 180
IV. The Abbey of St Mary NU01Ja of Monreale 182
l. The Abbey of St Mary of Maniace 145
v. The Cluniac Priory of St Mary de J ummariis of Sciacca 149
VI. Unconnected:
l. The Priory of the Holy Spirit of Buscemi . 15!l
2. The Priory of St Mary of the lsland of Ustica 152
VII. Nunneries:
l. The ~bbey of St Mary de Scalis, or de Alto, near Mes-
sma 158
!l. The Priory ( ?) of St Mary de Monialilnu of Syracuse 157
8. The Abbey of St Lucy, near Ademo . 157
4. The Abbey of St Mary Magdalene of Corleone . 158
5. The Abbey of St Mary of the Chancellor, or of the
Latins, in Palermo 159
6. The Ahbey of St Mary M arturana in Palermo 161
CISTERCIANB:
Ezcur8U8: The First Cistercian Abbey in the Kingdom of
Sicily . 168
l. The Priory of St Angel of Prizzi 166
II. The Priory of St Christopher of Prizzi . 167
ID. The Abbey of the Holy Spirit of Palermo 168
IV. The Abbey of the Holy Trinity of Refesio . 17~
Ezcur8U8: The Abbey of St Mary of Ligno 178
V. The Abbey of the Holy Trinity of the Chancellor in
Palermo . 180
VI. The Abhey of St Mary of Novara . 182
VII. The Abbey of St Mary of Roccamadore 188
 Contenta XI

Page
AUGUSTINIAN CANONS:
l. The Priory of St Lucy of Noto, and the Other Sicilian
Churches Subject to the Priory of St Mary of Bag-
nara, in Calabria . 184
TI. The Cathedral Church of St Savior and SS. Peter and
Paul of Cefalu 189
ID. The Priory of St Lucy, near Syracuse . !tO!t
IV. The Priory of Premonstratensian Canons of St George of
Gratteri i05

TnE S1c1LIAN CoNNECTIONB oF P ALEBTINIAN MoNABTERIES AND

RDERS:
l. Benedictines:
A. The Sicilian Possessions of the Abbey of St Mary in
the Valley of Jehosaphat i07
l. The Priory of St Anne of Galath, near Tortorici i09
2. The Priory of St Mary of Jehosaphat at Paterno uo
8. The Priory of St Mary Magdalene of Jehosaphat,
near Messina 211
4. The Priory (?) of St Mary of Calatahameth, be-
low Calatafimi . us
B. The Sicilian Possessions of the Abbey of St Mary of
the Latins at Jerusalem:
l. The Priory of St Philip of Agira i14
2. The Priory of St Mary of the Latins at Polizzi . 224
s. The Priory of St Philip of Capizzi 225
4. The Priory of the Holy Cross of Rasacambri, near
Ragusa . i26
5. The Priory of St Mary of the Latins at Messina 227
TI. Augustinian Canons:
A. The Sicilian Possessions of the Augustinian Canons
of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem !ti9
l. The Priory of St Andrew at Piazza Armerina 280
2. The Priory of St Elias the Prophet, near Ademo 280

B. The Sicilian Possessions of the Augustinian Canons

of the Abbey of Our Lady of Mount Sion at
Jerusalem iS 1
 ..
Xll Contenta
Page
m. Military Orders:
A. The Sicilian Possessions of the Order of Knights
Templar . 284
B. The Sicilian Possessions of the Order of the Hospital
of St John at Jerusa.lem:
l. The Hospital of St John the Baptist of Jerusa.lem
at Messina . i86
!!. The Hospital of Ali Saints at Palermo . 289
C. The Sicilian Possessions of the Hospital of St Lazarus
at Jerusalem . 289
IV. The Alleged Carmelite Monasteries of N orman Sicily . !!41
P088E88IoNs OI' SoUTH-ITALIAN MoNASTEBIES IN NoBMAN S1CILY !!48

APPENDIX 01' INEDITED DOCUKENTS . !!45

LIST OI' PBINTED WoBXB CITED !!97

INDICES
Abbeys, Priories, Churches, and Hospita.ls 817

Persons and Places Si!!

Subjeets 886
 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AASS--Acta sanctorum quotot toto orbe coluntur (Antwerp and Brussels,
1648 ff.).
Amico--Notitiae abbatiarum ordinis Sancti Benedicti, Cistercien8'ium et
aliae quae desiderabantur, auctore Vito Maria Amico, in the third
edition of Pirri; see below.
ASS--Archivio storico siciliano.
ASSO--Archivio storico perla Sicilia orientale.
Caspar--Erich Caspar, Roger JI (1101-1154) und die Grndung der
normannisck-sicischen M onarchie (lnnsbruck, 1904).
Chalandon--Ferdinand Chalandon, Histoire de la domination normande
en Italie et en Sicile, !t vols. (Paris, 1907).
Cusa-Salvatore Cusa, I diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia (Palermo,
1868-81).
Doc. ined.--Carlo Alberto Garufi, I documentii nediti dell'epoca normanna
in Sicilia (Palermo, 1899), in Documenti per seroire alla storia di
Sicilia, prima serie, xvm.
JE, JK, JL--Philip Jaff, &gesta pontificum romanorum ab condita
ecclesiae ad annum post Ckristum natum MCXCVIII, !!nd edn. by S.
Loewenfeld, F. Kaltenbrunner, and P. Ewald, !t vols. (Leipzig,
1885-88).
K. A. Kehr--Karl Andreas Kehr, Die Urlcunden der normannisck-
sicilischen Kiinige, eim diplomatische Untersuchung (lnnsbruck, 190!!).
PG, P~Patrologia graeca, 165 vols. (Paris, 1857-86), and Patrologia
latina, !!U vols. (Paris, 1844-64), ed. J. P. Migne.
Pirri--Rocco Pirri, Sicilia sacra, Srd edn. by Antonino Mongitore
(Palermo, 1788). 1 shall cite V. M. Amico's valuable mona.stic
supplement, p. 1151 ff., as 'Amico'; see above.

Xlll
INTRODUCTION
 INTRODUCTION

l. THE LITERATURE

A LTHOUGH since the middle of the sixteenth century, when Thomas

Fazello published his Decades, 1 there has been no lack of competent
historians of N orman Sicily, the modem historiography of the period
began with Michele Amari's Stmia dei musulmani di Si.cia. 2 The great
Arabicist was an isolated genius, hut the interest in Sicilian studies
stimulated by his work was largely responsihle for the founding in 1878
of the Archivio aturico siciliano, published in Palermo, followed in 1904
by the Catanian Archivio storico >el' la Si.cia orientak. lnto these peri-
odicals has been poured a mass of research, a good proportion dealing
with the Norman epoch, which Sicilians rightly consider the Golden A.ge
of their island. The articles of Professor Cario Alberto Garufi of Palermo
deserve special mention both because of their number and of the wealth
of their documentation.
Transalpine scholars, traveling the devious paths of papal and im-
perial history, were slow to reach Sicily. Critical accounts of the south-
ern Normans were generally confined to their activities on the mainland. 1
To Scheffer-Boichorst, working back to discover the antecedents of
Frederick 11, helongs the credit for arousing German interest in the
island and the Normans of the twelfth century. From his seminar carne
two major authorities in the field: Karl Andreas Kehr (brother of the
more famous Paul Kehr), and Erich Caspar. To the former, whose pre-
mature death was a great loss to mediaeval research, we owe the funda-
mental study of the royal chancery.' The latter produced, besides im-
portant short investigations, an imposing study of Roger 11 and of the
Norman Kingdom from 1101 to 1154. 6
Meanwhile the French, proud of the exploits of their Norman com-
patriots, and anticipating the thousandth anniversary of the Duchy of
l T. Fazello. De rebiu liculil dacadei diuu (Palermo, 1558).
S vola. (Florence. lBM-72). The first volume of a new edition. annotated by G. Levi della
Vida and C. A. Nallino, haa recently appeared (Catania. 1980-88). Cf. Centenario dala nGICila di
Miclt.ek .dmari. 2 vols. (Palermo. 1910).
O. Delan; U. nom&Gnd.t m ltalie (Paria. 1888), goea only to 1071, aa does J. Gay'a ~cellent
L'ltalie mbidionale tJt fempir11 bpantin (Paria, 1904). L. von Heinemann, Guclaiclate der Norma.nnm
{Leipsig, 1894), runa to 1085.
Die Urlnmden der """""""ilclwiciliaclum KimigtJ (lnnabruck, 1902).
1 &,11 (1101-1164) und die Grandung der normannilclwiciliacMn Monarchie (lnnsbruck, 1904).

s
4 1rroductwn

Normandy, entered the field. Caspar had expected in a second volume

to continue his history until the fall of Roger's dynasty, but he was fore-
stalled by the publication of Ferdinand Chalandon,s Histoire de la domi-
nation normande en Jtal,ie et en Sicik. 1 Chalandon has treated his vast
subject with such humanity and acumen, and with so complete a knowl-
edge of both the edited and the inedited sources, that another general
history is not to be expected for many years. Caspar turned to papal
history, and scholars in the Norman field are devoting themselves exclu-
sively to monographic studies. 2
One of the chief lacunae in the literature on Norman Sicily has been a
critical examination of the monasteries, both Latn and Greek. The de-
sirability of such a study was recognized in the early seventeenth century
by Rocco Pirri. 1 Born at Noto in 1677, Pirri passed most of his le in
Palermo. Having risen to be the chaplain of King Philip IV, Royal
Historiographer, and commendatory Abbot of St Elias's of Embula, he
crowned his career by refusing the bishopric of Cefalu. He spent years
collecting documents for his Sicilia sacra, which he planned in five books.
The first was to have been a history of the three metropolitan sees of
Sicily; the second, of the extinct bishoprics; the third, of those surviving;
the fourth, of all the monastic foundations of the island; and the fifth,
of the collegiate churches. The first section appeared in 1680, when
Pirri was fifty-three years old. The undertaking was too vast for one
man: he foresaw that his work would never be finished, and began to
add the materials he had gathered on monasteries and churches to his
studies of the extant bishoprics in the form of auctaria, appendices. But
as his forces failed, these valuable codas grew more slender. Pirri's pre-
monitions were justified: in 1647 he published the first part of Book IV,
a series of studies of thirty-three Basilian abbeys of the island; in 1649
he issued notices on three Benedictine houses, two of them N orman; he
died in 1651, at the age of seventy-four, having done nothing further.
Since its publication the Sicilia sacra has been recognized as the comer-
stone of Sicilian historical studies. Its greatest defect, however, is ob-
viously in the treatment of Latin monasticism. Pirri had discussed the
chief regular foundations: the archbishopric of Monreale, the bishoprics
of Lipari-Patti, Catania, and CefalU, the Hospital of Messina, St Mary's
Jehosaphat of Messina, and St John's of the Hermits in Palermo. There
were also numerous casual notices of other monasteries scattered through
t vols. (Paria, 1907).
1
Tbe British have consi.stently regarded Sicily as a winter resort rather than as a subject for
2
historical investigation. Chalandon'1 Dl888ve bibliography ol over six hundred tilles haa only
one tem in English: Gibbon.
a Cf. l. Carini, 'Sulla vita e 1ulle opere di Rocoo Pirri,' ASS, New Series, n (1877), 269-828.
 The Leraiure 5

the work; but there were no auctaria for the three metropolitan sees, and
those for the remaining bishoprics were inadequate. Consequently,
when Antonino Mongitore undertook a new edition of Pirri, he induced
the Benedictine Vito Maria Amico to write the Reliquae abbatiarum in
Sicilia quae in Pirro desi.derantur notiae, which appeared in 1788. 1 This
supplement contained articles on fifty-nine cloisters, of which seventeen
were Norman.
Previously there had been a few monographs on individual monasteries,
but devoid of critical treatment. Three honorable exceptions must be
noted, however. In 1596 Archbishop Ludovico 11 de Torres, writing
under the name of Lello, his secretary, published a history of Monreale. 1
This was reprinted in 1702 by Michele del Giudice, with extensive addi-
tions and a large number of documents. 8 Finally, in 17!tl Mongitore
issued an excellent study of the Magione of Palermo, publishing its full
tabulary.'
In the two centuries since Amico there have been no contributions to
the Latin monastic history of the N orman period comparable to these
earlier works, except perhaps Garufi's register of the charters of Mon-
reale. 11 The field has been strangely uncultivated. The general his-
tories refer frequently to abbeys and priories, but say little about them.
Studies of the ecclesiastical policies of the Normans have dealt almost
exclusively with the bishoprics, the hereditary legation of Sicily's rulers,
and their relations with the papacy. Many investigations in recent
years have thrown more or less fitful light on individual foundations,
but no one has collected all the material available even for a single class
of monasteries. Garufi. has recently attempted something of the sort
for the Benedictine nunneries, e but has not considered a number of the
problems involved.
This neglect may be largely explained by the nature of the sources for
Sicilian monastic history in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The
narratives-Malaterra, Falcandus, Romuald of Salerno--give us very
little. Only once, in the case of St John's of the Hermits, does hagio-
graphy play an important part. Contemporary inscriptions are very
1 Sicilia aacra . a'lldqre Don RoccJw Pirro . . . l!ditio tenia emendata, et continl.latione aucta
cura et mulio Antonini Mongitore. Accuaere additionea et notitiae ahbatiarum ordinia Sancti Benedicti.
Ciltercienaium et aliae qua.e duiderabantur, auctore P. Domino Vito Maria Amico (Palermo, 1783).
1 G. L. Lello, Hiatoria della chiua di Monreale (Rome, 1596).
a Printed al Palermo.
Monumenta hiatorica aacrae Domua Manamia SS. Trinitolil militara Ordinia Theutonicorum
urbia Panormi (Palermo, 1721).
6 Catalogo iUuatrato del eabulario di S. Maria N'UOfXJ in Monreale (Palermo, loot).
e 'Le benedettine in Sicilia da San Gregorio al tempo svevo,' Bullettino delr latituto Stmico
Italiano, XLvn {1982), 255-282.
6 l mroduction

rare. Architectural evidence cannot as yet be used safely. We are left

with very little but charters to work upon.
For nearly a hundred and :6.fty years after Amico there were no major
publications of Norman Sicilian documenta. Then, towards the end of
the last century, three contributions of great importance appeared:
Cusa's collection of the Greek and Arabic charters, 1 Starrabba's publi-
cation of the archive of the cathedral of Messina, 1 and Garu's Docu-
menti inedi gathered from many sources, but chiefly from the tabulary
of Cefalu. These new riches could not be used to their full extent, how-
ever, until the thomy problems of Norman diplomatics had been solved.
In 1902, K. A. Kehr's Urkunden furnished asure foundation for docu-
mentary studies in our period. In the body of the present book every
effort has been made to rest the investigation upon a bedrock of the
extant charters, including those hitherto unpublished. But before we
consider our Latin cloisters individually, it will be useful to trace the
history of the monastic life in the island before the Norman conquest,
and to consider in general terms the place and functions of both the
Greek and the Latin monks in Sicily during the late eleventh and the
twelfth centuries.
1 Salvatore Cu.. I diplmM grw:i l ara6i tli Sioilia (Palermo, 1868-81). Unfortunately Cuaa'a
lflOOlld volume. which wu to bave CODtained hia notes, never appeared. Cusa neglected eight
Greek cbartera dating from 1096 to 1194 extant in copies, with Latn tra.nalations, in MS Qq H
187. fol. 1-tt and 417-419, of the Bibliotheca Comunale di Palermo; el. Appeodix. u, XL, and u.m.
'11ae tabulary of St Savior's of MeuD& is likewise inedited; el.. infra. p. 40. Three cbarters from
St Michael's of Mazara were publiahed in 19Si by Hemi Gregoire; el.. i.nfra. p. 4i, n. l. An
original Greek cbarter dated September 6628 (1119). ind. 18, in which Count Roger 11 givea free
puturage to an unidentified abbey of St Philip. recently found in the collection of Mr lohn H.
Scheide of Tituaville. Pemiaylvania, has now been deposited in the library of Princeton University.
1 R. Stanabba. I di.plomi dellaoalllraldi Meu&naraccollitlaAnloftinoAmico (Palermo, 1876-90).
a C. A. Garu8. I.,.,..,,.,. tudi.li dllrllpOCO nonnanaa in BW:ilia (Palermo, 1899).
 INTRODUCTION

11. LATIN MONASTICISM IN SICILY BEFORE THE

NORMANS
~ beginnings of Sicilian monasticism are wrapped in that tene-
J. brous obscurity which the student of the early Middle Ages has
come to consider the normal atmosphere of bis labors. We may safely
pass over the supposed monks and nuns of the first three centuries,
whose fJ'itae were composed or retouched in later times by hagiographers
who saw a monastic tonsure beneath every halo. 1 In 889 St Athanasius,
joumeying to Rome, introduced the ideal of Christian asceticism to the
West. N evertheless the regular clergy did not spread rapidly, at first,
in Latin lands; it is unlikely that there was any organized monasticism
in Sicily before October 868, 2 when St Hilarion, the famous Egyptian
abbot, landed there and gathered about him what St Jerome calls a
'multitudo religiosorum hominum.' 8
During the next two hundred years the number of ascetics in Sicily
probably grew considerably, both because monasticism was increasingly
the fashion in every part of the Mediterranean world, and because the
barbarie invasions of ltaly and Africa drove refugees to the relative
security of the island. In 409 the British monk Pelagius and his friend
Coelestius fied from Rome to Sicily, and later to Africa. Similarly
St Melania the Younger, her husband Pinianus, her mother Albina, and
her grandmother Melania (also revered as a saint), ali members of the
1 'Tranalatio S. Agrippinae,' in O. Caietanus. Viltu aanclorum riculorum (Palermo. 1647). 1. 7~.
and AA.SS, June v, 896-401 'Acta SS. Libertini et Peregrini,' Caietanus, 1, I0-28, and AASB,
Nov. r. 611; 'Acta S. martyris Niconia,' AASS, March m. l-6; 'Acta SS. fratrum Adelphii. Phila-
ddphii et Cyrini' (4.th part), ibid. May u. 5SM5; 'Acta S. Pancratii martyris,' diacussed in Caie-
taBus, op. cit. r. 9, and AABS. April 1. 287-4.5.
1 Domenico Gaspare Lancia di Brolo. Simia dala cAiua in Bicilia nei dieci primi 1ecoli (Palermo.
1880-84.). 1, 207 and 4.0I.
-Vita S. Hilarionil abbatil, c. 4., AASB. Oct. ix. 55. By the 6.fth centuey at Ieast ,.&igialru was
used in the restricted aense (cf. Ducange). and when applied by Jerome. himaell a monk, to Hilarion'a
diaciplea it would seem to have thia meaning.
'Sucb at least is the almmt universal atatement (e.g. in W. Smith and H. Wace. DictiDna'71 o/
Clan..tian biogropla11 [London. 1887). IV, 288, and ~ of t&alional ln.ovraph11 [London. 1895).
XLIV, hl), although 1 can diacover no documentaey baais for it. The moat careful treat.ment of
Pdagius'a life. by F. Loofs in Realmc1Jklopli.dw f1Jf' -prolutafllilcM TlaJlogie und Kin:M. Srd edn.
(Leipsig. 1904.). xv, 759, maltea no mention of a viait to Sicily.
7
8 l mrod:uct::m

Roman nobility who had retired from the world and set up monasteries
for men and women on their estates in Campania, 1 went to Messina.
There they were joined by Rufinus of Aquileia (who had translated both
monastic rules of St Basil2), and together they watched the burning of
Reggio, across the straits, by Alaric's army. 8 Rufinus died very shortly
after, and his friends, like Pelagius, crossed over to Mrica.' However,
we are safe in assuming, despite the lack of definite evidence, that some
of the fugitives who came to Sicily during the Gothic invasion stayed
there and founded either hermitages or cloisters. 6
The records of monastic emigration to Sicily from North Mrica fol-
lowing the Vandal incursion are equally unsatisfactory. 11 From the
biography of St Fulgentius we learn of one refugee Mrican bishop,
Rufinianus, who lived as a hermit on some island off the Sicilian coast. 7
The same vita mentions that Bishop Eulalius of Syracuse dwelt in a
monastery. 8 Towards the end of the century we find two indications
of ascetics in Sicily: the Palermitan gravestone, dated 488, of 'Munatia
Eul[-alia?] religiosa femina' and Gelasius I's bull of the 11March494 1
ordering the bishops of Sicily to ordain suitable monks, if necessary, to
fill vacancies in churches. In 5!l6 a hermit was living on Lipari. 11 Such
vestiges are of course much too sparse to warrant conclusions; neverthe-
less it may be noted that the aseetics found in Sicily from the fourth to
the sixth centuries seem to have been entirely Latn in tongue, so far as
we can judge, except for St Hilarion, who was a transient.
In the second quarter of the sixth century St Benedict of Nursia gave
an impetus to ltalian monasticism which eventually revived and re-
formed that of all Latn Christendom. We are told that a Roman
patrician named Tertullus endowed Monte Cassino with extensive Sici-
lian estates and sent his son Placidus to follow the religious life under
1 Pinianua had thirty monb with him; el. Palladiua. Hiltain launaqu., ed. A. Lucot (Paris,
1912), 870.
1 PL. XXI, 15.
1 Rufinus writea, 'In compectu . nostro barbarua, qui Rheginam oppidum miacebat incendio,
anuatisaimo a nobia freto, ubi Italiae solum Siculo dirimitur, arcebatur'; PL, XXI, 290.
'M. Rampolla del Tindaro, Santa Melania giuniore (Rome, 1905), 104-5, 201-2.
Lancia di Brolo, 1, 405-412, piare. in the fifth century the numerous sainted troglodytes, 'Santi
Calogeri,' venerated throughoul Sicily. The rta of St Philip of Agira (AA.SS, May m. 28-86,
688-9) cannot be uaed confidently; cf. Lancia di Brolo, I, 209-2H, j()S.
Cf. F. Lanzoni, 'Santi africani in Italia e nelle iaole adiacenti,' Appendix. pp. 607-652, to la
u origini de/Je diocui ant:lu d'ltal.ia (Rome, IHS).
7 Ferrandua. deacon of Carthae. Via de Saint Fvl,ence R.,,._ ed. and tr. by G. G. Lapeyre

(Paria, i929), 55.

1 Ibl., 47, 49.
C"'7flU irucriptionum latinarum, x. (Berlin, 188S), No. 7329.

1 .JK. No. 686.
11 Gr.,,-ii Magrri tlialogi, IV, c. SI, ed. U. Moricca (Rome, 1924), !174.
 Latin M onasticiam in Sicily before the N ormans 9

Benedict. When he reached maturity, St Placidus went to Messina to

found a monastery and to manage the Cassinese holdings in the island.
The new community, dedicated to St John the Baptist. prospered until
in 541, so the legend goes, Spanish Mohammedan pirates, under leaders
named Mamuca and Abdullah, destroyed the Messinese abbey and in-
flicted on St Placidus and his companions an ingenious and lingering
martyrdom.
Despite so edifying an end, St Placidus attracted no wide attention
until on the 4 August 1588 clerical zeal discovered, buried beneath the
church of St John in Messina, not merely the bones of St Placidus and
bis monks, but even the tongue (preserved in a silver vase) which the
Infidels had torn from his gullet. In great enthusiasm, on the IS Nov-
ember of that same year, Sixtus V announced the happy invention of
these relics, but unfortunately mentioned those sixth-century Moslems
Abdullah and Mamuca, 1 who since that day have been a source of em-
barrassment to churchmen and of laughter to the ungodly. 2
But St Placidus is not entirely a child of the pious imagination: on the
contrary he was two persons who, as Caspar3 has shown, did not fuse
into a single figure until the end of the eleventh century. The better-
known was that Placidus who was given by Tertullus to St Benedict as
an oblate. He is chiefly remembered for having fallen into a lake, whence
St Maurus rescued him by a timely miracle. 6 We know nothing of bis
fate, and for five centuries after Pope Gregory wrote bis Dialogues he
was practically forgotten. But at Monte Cassino his memory was kept
fresh by an ancient charter, associated in sorne way with Tertullus and
probably dating from before 568, donating eighteen Sicilian properties
to the abbey. 9
The other St Placidus is known only by an item in the M artyrologium
hieronimianum: 1 'iii nonas Oct. In Sicilia Placidi, Eutici et aliorum xxx,
et alibi Barici, Victorini, Fausti, Pelagi.' Achelis has concluded from
his study of the martyrologies that the latest of the South Italian saints
mentioned in the Jeroniman died in 444, and it is bis opinion that the

1 Text in C. Cocquelines, Bullarum amplvnma collectio, v, i (Rome, 1751), 27-29.

2 With an erudition worthy of hi8 Order, Dom Ursmer Berliere bures the Placidus of legend in
'Le culte de S. Placide,' Rnue bh!Uictine, XXXIII (1921), 19-45. Cf. especially Erich Caspar,
Petnu Diaconm und die Monte Caaainuer Flilschungim (Berln, 1909), 47-72; also Michele Amari,
Simia dei muaulmani di Sicilia, new edn. (Catania, 1988), I, 220-222.
a Petnu Diacoruu, 48-60. .
4 Gregurii dialogi,, u, c. S, ed. cit., 86.
6 Ibid., u, c. 7, pp. 89-90; cf. also u, c. 5, p. 88.

& E. Caspar, 'Zur ILltesten Geschichte von Monte Cassino,' Nma Archio, XXXIV (1909), 198-207.
7 Ed. Henri Quentin and Hippolyte Delehaye, AASS, November n, pars posterior (Brwisels,

1981), 641.
10 I ntroduction

Sicilian source is separate and even earlier. 1 The Sicilian Placidus, then,
lived at least a century before St Benedict's pupil.
How did these two become one? Leo's Chronicle records that under
Abbot Desiderius (1068-86) the Jeronim.an martyrology was copied for
the library at Monte Cassino. 2 The monks would naturally run across
the notice of the Sicilian Placidus, and, by the connecting link of the
ancient tradition of Tertullus's Sicilian donation, would identify the
saint with that patrician's son. The result is found in the Cassinese
martyrology: 'iii non. Octob. Apud Siciliam natale S. Placidi beatissimi
martyris cum sociis suis Eutychio, Victorino et aliis triginta, pro quo
pater eius Tertullus patricius decem et octo patrimonii sui curtes heatis-
simo patri Benedicto obtulit.' 1 However Leo (d. 1116) at least ac-
cepted this identification with some reservation: 'Beatum etiam Placi-
dum,' he writes, 'ori,nio eat quod vir Domini Benedictus tune ad Siciliam
miserit, ubi pater eiusdem Placidi, Tertullus patricius, decem et octo
patrimon sui curtes eidem viro Dei concesserat.''
Such was the history of Placidus until towards the middle of the
twelfth century. In the years 1Ht7-1180Roger11 of Sicily added all of
Southem ltaly to his dominions. Monte Cassino, as the most conspicu-
ous abhey of the Kingdom, naturally expected to receive henefactions
in Sicily (where it then owned no property) from its new sovereign. But
for reasons which we shall examine presently Roger proved reluctant.
There dwelt at Monte Cassino at that time the arch-forger of the Middle
Ages, Peter the Deacon-an imaginative genius of the first order, and
no mean scholar. In a vain attempt to arouse the King's generosity by
impressing on him the extent of the abbey's former possessions in the
island, Peter fabricated that elaborate series of lives of St Placidus and
buttressing documents which for complexity and inventive ingenuity has
no rival in the annals of mediaeval forgery, and which was not questioned
until the time of Baronius. 6
Although the legend of St Placidus cannot be accepted, it is certain
that during the sixth century monasteries spread and prospered through-
out Sicily. In the letters of Pope Gregory 1 {690-604) we find indications
of at least sixteen establishments of monks and four of nuns located
there. Since eleven of these appear only once, we may judge that the
1llana Acbelil, 'Die Mart,rologien. ihr Geachichte und ihr Wert,' .dbladltlftfn der l&gl. GeHll-
~ "'1r WMldqft n ~ plil.-l. Kl., m. s (1900), 100.
1 Clf'Ollico CtJUinn, m. c. 6S. ed. W. Wattenb.di. JIOIUIWUlllG ~ 1aVtori.oa, :ripiara,
m.7t&-7.
L. A. Muratori, ...... ilal""1nna mJll.olw (Milu. 17U), vu. m.
' r, c. 1, etl. cil.. 680.
1 lrifro, p. 81.
1 Cup.r, Pllnu Diocoruu, 47-72.
 Latin M onaaticism in Sicily before the N ormans 11

actual number was considerably larger. Some of these cloisters had evi-
dently been founded long before Gregory's time: in cases involving lands
of St Theodore's in the diocese of Palermo (in 590) 1 and the abbeys of
St Lucy of Syracuse and St Peter of Baias near Syracuse (in 597), 2 the
Pope orders that the disputes be settled on the basis of forty years'
possession. St Vitus's on the slopes of Etna was probably in existence
before 560, 3 while St Christopher's in the diocese of Taormina seems in
598 to have been an old foundation.'
About 574 Gregory the Great endowed his famous ahbey of St Andrew
in Rome, and his contemporary Gregory of Tours (d. 594) tells us that
'in rebus propriis sex in Sicilia monasteria congregavit.' There is no
reason to believe, however, that the six Sicilian cloisters were erected in
574 or even simultaneously. In fact Pope Gregory refers in July 591
to an 'oratorium beatae Mariae quod nuper in cella fratrum aedificatum
est' as though it were one of his projects. 8 lt is probable that they were
founded from time to time to provide for bands of ltalian monks who
had fied to Sicily to escape the ravages of the Lombards. The papal
register shows that such refugees were common. In March 591 Gregory
orders that Bishop Paulinus of Taurianum (in Calabria) and his 'mona-
chos occasione dispersos barbarica' be settled in St Theodore's of Mes-
sina, with Paulinus as abbot. 7 Again we :find a monk named Trajan
fleeing from the region of Lake Fucino ('provincia Valeria') with manu-
scripts and other possessions. He eventually became abbot of an un-
named monastery in Syracuse huilt by a certain Capitulina. 8 In 598
Gregory is trying to apprehend two Lucanian fugitives, one an ex-nun,
'cum propter inruentem ltaliae cladem Siciliam refugissent' taking with
them considerable stolen monastic treasure. 11 This same year the Pope
1 Gngom 1 papae regidrum epialolarum. 1, 9, ed. P. Ewald and L. M. Hartmann, Mon. gtmn.
Ttid., epialolu, I (Berln, 1891), 11. For t.hia abbey el. also Ep. v, 4, Vol. I. p. 2M.
J Ep. VII. S6, Vol. 1, p. ~. The editon, p. 11, n. 4, indicate that the 40-year period ia taken
from Justinian's Nooeh, cnxi, c. 6. For St Lucy's el. Epp. 1, 67, and m, S, Vol. i. pp. 87 and 160.
Adolf Holm. Ouclaicla Bicilienl im .dllrium (Leipzig, 1898), m, S04, wrongly refen to it as St
Mary's.
8 Epp. XIV, 16, 17, Vol. u, p. 486, refer to a privilege concerning St Vitus's in the days of a Pope
Pelagius and Bishop Elpidius of Catania. Pelagius 1 (456--60) sanctioned Elpidius'a election in
568; el. 1K. No. 982. There ia no evidence that Elpidius was alive under Pelagius 11 (578-00).
The asaertion of P. B. Gama, Bmu epWooponim (Ratiabon, 1873), 944i, that Elpidius died c. 480
resta on the miataken attribution of the bull of 568 to Pelagius 11 by Pirri, 5'1:/.
'Ep. a. 75, Vol. u, p. 9S.
1 BUtmia /rt!.ftCOrUtn. x. c. 1, ed. W. Arndt and B. Kruscb. Mon. germ. Ain., icript. rer. ""''

1 (H&nover, 1884), 407.

Ep. 1, 54, Vol. 1, p. 79. He orden its dedication 'quatenus coepta noma debeant con-
.,
IUlllDlal'l.
T Epp. 1, 38, 39, Vol. 1, p. 41.
1 Ep. x., 1, Vol. u, p. 287
Ep. IV, 6, Vol. 1, p. 288.
 l!l I ntroductwn

charges his Sicilian rector to collect all sacred vessels held by 'diversos
sacerdotes Siciliam confugientes' and to return them to the bishops of
their proper churches. 1 Five years later Gregory is still concemed with
the same matter, 2 while in 599 we find the abbot of a Neapolitan house
attempting to recover the codices and altar-cloths of his monastery which
had been taken to Sicily for protection. 8 Certainly in the late sixth
century the island received a considerable infiux of Latin monks from
the mainland, and doubtless some of them found permanent homes in
Gregory's new cloisters.
Only three of the Pope's own abbeys can be identified. St Hermas's
in Palermo he calls 'monasterium meum.'' The 'monasterium sancto-
rum Maximi et Agathae quod Lucuscanum dicitur' is likewise called
'monasterium nostrum.' 6 1 have referred above to Gregory's patronage
of the oratory of St Mary, which was probably identical with the 'monas-
terium Praetorianum.' 8 The exact location of these abbeys is unknown. 7
New monasteries were being established frequently in Gregory's time
by wealthy laymen. We have already noticed Capitulina's foundation
in Syracuse. Another unnamed abbey was built by a certain Bonus;
while a citizen of Catania, Julianus, having found himself unable to
endow adequately a cloister which he had erected there, appealed to the
1 Ep. IV, 15, Vol. 1. p. 248.
1 Epp. vm, 26, and a. 19, Vol. n. pp. 'l'/, /JS.
1 Ep. a. 172, Vol. n. p. 169. Landa di Broto. op. eit., 1, f20, believea tbat the penitent Marcellua
'Barunitanae ecclesiae' (Ep. 1. 18, Vol. 1, p. 24) was a Calabrian refugee. but there is no aupport
for auch an idea. Ep. v, 28, Vol. J, p. 808, speab of Ccero, a monk of Misenum. as in Sicily, but
he appears to have been a fugitive from justice rather than from the Lombarda. Cf. a1so Ep. v.
SS, Vol. 1, p. Sl4, for three moob 1e11t to Sicily on business by their abbot, but who rehued to
return to the Campania.
''Urbicus moll&'lterii mei praepositua,' Ep. v, f, of Sept. 59', Vol. 1, p. 284. St Hermas'a is not
named in thia letter, but in July 596 Urbicua was ita abbot; cf. Epp. VI, S9, f7, Vol. 1, pp. ns. 422.
1 Epp. ix, 20, 21, 66, Si, Vol. n , pp. 54, 55, 86, 97.
Or 'Praecoritanum,' as it is called in Ep. JX, 18, Vol. u, p. /JS. In July 691 (Ep. 1, 5f, Vol. 1,
p. 79) Gregory orders bis Sicilian rector, Peter, to dedicate bis monaatery of St Mary 'ubi Marinianua
abbas praeesse dignoacitur.' Marinianus appears u abbot in another letler (Ep. IX, 7, Vol. u,
p. '5), and is probably identical with 'Martinianus abbas de Panormo' (Ep. m, 27, Vol. 1, p. 184).
In July 592 (Ep. n, SS, Vol. t, p . ISS) the Pope writes indignantly to Peter the rector: 'Martiniano
abbate indicante cognovi quia fabrica in Praetoritano monasterio nec ad medietatem quidem adhuc
perducta est.' Apparently St Mary's and the Praetoritanum were the same, and the dedicatioo
had not taken place because the structure was unfinished. Gregory then commands that the
work be completed at once so that (in the Ewald-Hartmann le:rl) 'ad me Privati abbatis querela
non redeat.' Hartmann, Vol. u, p . 504, is doubtful whether 'Privatua' was really abbot of the
Praetoritanum. Certainly the conte:rl points towards Martinianua as abbot, and the name Privatua
is very unuaual. The reading of the Maurine edition here aeema preferable: 'privati abbatis querela.'
7 On the attempt to identily St Hermaa'11 with Sen Giovanni degli Eremiti in Palermo, cf. infra,
p. HS.
1 Ep. a. 20, Vol. u , p. 54.
 Latin M onasticism in Sicily before the N ormans 13

Pope f or aid. 1 Again, we find Gregory encouraging a pious lady,

Adeodata, who wished to convert her mansion in Lilybaeum (Marsala)
into a nunnery hospitably dedicated to SS. Peter, Lawrence, Hermas,
Paneras, Sebastian, and Agnes. 2 But we have no indication of the
origin of most of the houses mentioned in the papal register: a men's
cloister in Lilybaeum, 8 another in Lentini, 4 St Andrew's above Mascali
in the diocese of Taormina, 6 St Hadrian's in Palermo, 0 St George's 'in
massa . . . Maratodis,' 7 the nunneries of St Martin in the diocese of
Palermo, 8 of St Stephan in that of Agrigento, 9 and of an unidentified
nunnery 'in fundo Monastheo.' 10
lt is improbable that these abbeys followed any single monastic rule.
We know that elsewhere at that time the greatest variety was found:
several different rules might even be used in the same monastery. 11 We
may surmise, however, that the Italian refugees and the infiuence of
St Gregory, particularly in the six abbeys which he himself had erected,
propagated the Benedictine observance in Sicily. Maximianus, bishop
of Syracuse from 590 to 594, had been abbot of Pope Gregory's own
monastery of St Andrew in Rome. 12 Caesarius, the abbot of St Peter's
of Baias near Syracuse, had been a monk with Gregory in Rome. 13 In
writing to Urbicus, abbot of St Hermas's, regarding the administration
of the Lucuscan monastery, the Pope speaks of 'regula monachorum' in
a context which points to c. 54 of the Benedictine rule. 14 Since these
are the only indications we have of the observances of our abbeys, we
may assume that at the end of the sixth century Benedictinism was con-
spicuous, if not dominant, among the Sicilian churches.
Gregory's register, then, shows us a fiourishing monasticism in Sicily
during his pontificate, and a monasticism which was under strong Bene-
1 Ep. xm, 28, Vol. u, p. 589.
'Ep. ix, 288, Vol. n, p. 228.
3 Ep. m, 49, Vol. 1, p. 206.
Ep. xn, 15, Vol. n, p. 862.
a Ep. m, 56, Vol. 1, p. 216.
Ep. 1, 18, Vol. 1, 24, and possibly Ep. xm, 5, Vol. u, p. 870.
7 Ep. u, 29, Vol. 1, p. 125.
8 Ep. v, 4, Vol. 1, p. 284.
"Ep. vm, 28, Vol. u, p. 24.
10 Epp. 1, 42, n, SS, Vol. 1, pp. 68, 184. Can thia have been in the diocese of Taormina, where a
woman suffered excommunication for leaving a nunnery without the bishop's permission? Cf. Ep.
IX, S, Vol. u, p. 42.
11 J. Mabillon, Acta anctorum Ordinil S. Benedicti, 'Pf'aefatio in MUC. IV (Venice, 17SS-S}, 218.
11 Cf. the note of the editors of the Regilfrum. Vol. 1, p. 15.
11 Ep. vn, 86, Vol. 1, p. 485: 'Caesarius venerabilis abbas quia noater olim fuerit . .'
u Ep. lX, 20, Oct. 698, Vol. n, p. 55. ID his Dialoguu, u, c. 86, ed. Moricca, p. 181, written
probably in 594, Gregory says that Benedict 'scripsit monachorum regulam.'
14 1ntroduction

dictine influence. Was it completely Latin, or did it contain Greek ele-

ments? The names found in the letters would lead us to believe that
both Sicily and its abbeys were overwhelmingly Latin in race and
tongue. 1 The only indications of Greeks permanently settled in the
island come where we might expect them: in Catania and Syracuse2 on
the Ionian Sea, where Greek merchants would naturally be found, and
in the imperial administration-the Pope replies to a Greek communica-
tion from Zitta, magi.ater mitum in Sicily. 3 Since over two hundred
of Gregory's letters refer to our island, this was formerly regarded as
conclusive proof that Sicily was Latin to the core about the year 600.
The excavations of recent decades, however, have supplied much new
material, and have forced us to modify this opinion drastically.' The
inscriptions from Messina, Catania, and Syracuse show that as late
as the fifth century everywhere along the east coast of the island a
majority of the people spoke Greek. As one approaches its southern
tip, the proportion of Greek inscriptions increases: in the catacombs of
Syracuse, then the most important city of Sicily, they outnumber the Latin
ten to one. The astonishing number of Latin names on these Greek
tombstones 11 shows how easily we may be misled regarding the ordinary
language of the 'Latins' found in Gregory's letters.
Except along the east coast the epigraphic material is as yet too scarce
to warrant conclusions. But there is evidence that at the end of the
l I..tin D&lllea of Sicilian monb or patrom of abbeya mentioned by Gregoey are: Adeodata.
Adeodatua. Bonua. Caeaariua. Capitulina, Domina. Domitiua. Julianua. Lucifer, Marcdl111, Maicia.
Marcianua, Marinianua. Paulinua. Trajan, Urbicua, and Victoria. Jobn and Paul indicate nothin.
Only three 'Greek' namea are found: Agatho, Ewiebiua. and Gregoryl
1 Ep. a, 26, Vol. n, p. 69. The &ginrum hu two mentiona of oriental tranaienta in Sicily: a
debt-ridden Syrian merchant D&llled Coa111&11 (Ep. IV, '8, Vol. :r. p. 278), anda group of Mono-
phyaitea from Alexandria (Ep. xn. 16, Vol. u, p. 861). The I..tin tombcrtone ol an Aleundrian
doth-merchant in Palermo ia dated 60i; el. Coryru in.mptionum lalaanim, x, ii, 7SSO.
Ep. x, 10, Vol. u, p. UIJ.
The admirable recent work of Gerhard Rohlfa, 8caft linguimci Mlla JIGfl'l4 Gncia (Rome.
1988), esp. pp. 119-181, maltea it 1Uperfluoua to eumine the archaeological evidence here in any
detail. Rohlf'1 central thesia. that the Greek tangue wu uaed continuoualy in Southern ltaly and
Sicily in Roman times, ia now generally accepted, at leut u regarda Sicily. Unfortunately hU
reaction apinat the older theory that Southern ltaly wu completely Romaniud for aeveral cm-
turiea hu led him to minimir.e the importance of the oriental immigratioo of the early Middle
Ages (p. H7). ComequenUy hia attempt to account for the remarbble reviva! of Hellenlm in
theae regioDI during the seventh century (cf. p. 186) ia unaatisfactory.
1 Eleven of the aeventeen 'Latn' D&1Dea liated above in note l can be matched in the Greek
inda of Vincemo Struzulla, Jlweum epigraphicu nu irucription,um chrimanan"'' f1141 in -rr--
cuan catocumb repmu 1111'11 cornuculum (Palermo, 1897), in Documenti per --Vs alla .torll
di B:ilia, Sa serie, m. Similar ambiguity preventa ua from drawing any concluaion from the
namea in three I..tin papyri of the late fifth century which concern Sicily, in Gaetano Marini.
I papiri diplomalici (Rome, 1806), Noe. 78, 81, 88, and in Biagio Pace. '1 barbari ed i bisutini in
Sicilia,' ASB, UXVJ (1911), 6M8.
 LaJ,in Monaaticiam in Sicily befare the Normana 15

sixth century the Hellenic population had maintained itself on the south
coast as well; for at Agrigento, the ancient ilragas, we find a Greek
bishop, St Gregory of Agrigento, from before 591 until 608. 1 lt seems
most improbable that this leamed Greek exegete, whose commentary
on Ecc'leaiaatea is extant, 2 would ha.ve been elevated to such a post
unless his flock had included a considerable Greek element. Does his
penetration into the upper stratum of the secular hierarchy imply that
Sicily also hada Greek-speaking regular clergy at that time? Probably,
but of this we ha.ve no proof, either in the Registrum or from other
sources. 3 ltalian monks fleeing the Lombards, Pope Gregory's own
patronage of the Sicilian abbeys, and the natural tendency of church
officials, who were directly responsible to the Pope, to favor Latin mon-
asteries above Greek, would all tend to obscure the latter in the records
of the time. The existence of a Greek bishop at Agrigento and the
archeological evidence from the east coast indica.te that Gregory l's
letters do not give us an accurate picture of the contemporary Sicilian
population. The Pope was corresponding with the bureaucrats, the
papal agents, the bishops, and abbots, and wealthy laymen of the island.
This ruling class was probably far more Latinized than were the com-
mon people. The foundations of Sicily, at least in the east and south,
were Greek;' only the superstructure was Latin. lt is this persistence
of the Hellenic element in Sicily which explains the astonishing rapidity
and permanence with which the island and its monasteries were Byzan-
tinized in the first half of the seventh century by immigrants from the
Levant.
1 1 have di8cu.ued the problem of thia St Gregory in 'The Byzantinization of Sicily.' mmcan
Aidorical rmew, XLn (1956), U.
1 Sandi Gregorii 11 agrigentinorum lpilcopi ezplanationu Eccluiaattu libri 4:n&, ed. Stephano
Antonio Moroelli {Venice, 1791), reprinted in PG, xcvm, ools. 742-1181.
1 However before 609 St Zosimus, a native Greek of Syracuae. entered St Lucy's in that city
cf. infra, p . U, n. 4.
' Additional evidence of the oontinued use of the Greek tongue in the island is to be found in
the manuscript tradition of the New Testament. The 11atest criticism ascribes both the Codex
Bezae and the Codex Claromontanus (both fifth-sixt.h century) to Sicily; cf. James Hardy Ropes,
The tm of Acta, Vol. m of TM beginning1 of ClarVtianily, Part 1: TM c of tM Apoltlu, ed. by
F. J. Foakes Jacbon and Kinopp Lake (London, 19i6). pp. lix-lxvili.
 INTRODUCTION

111. THE BYZANTINIZATION OF SICILY 1

HE history of the mass migrations which disturbed the Mediterra-

T nean in the century following Gregory I's pontificate remains to be
written: an account of the great shifts of population from East to West,
the displacement of Greeks by Semites and of Latins by Greeks. In
the study of this latter movement Sicily is of the greatest importance.
Almost blocking the narrow passage between the eastern and western
basins of the Mediterranean, the island received the full impact of that
wave of Greeks and Greek influences which swept westward, temporarily
submerging the Latinity of North Africa, Southern ltaly, and of Rome
itself, and completely ousting the Latin element from Sicily and Lower
Calabria.
The documentation of this Byzantine inundation is as yet most in-
adequate, and the chances of error regarding it are great. The discus-
sion has already passed through severa! stages. The first scholar to
attract general attention to the 'second Hellenization of Magna Graecia,'
Franc;ois Lenormant, asserted that its agents were refugees, particularly
lconodulic monks, fleeing the wrath of the Iconoclastic emperors of the
eighth century. 2 Unfortunately Lenormant's most striking 'proofs' of
monastic migration to ltaly at that time were derived from an eighteenth-
century forgery designed to enhance the reputation of a miraculous icon
in Bari. 3 Moreover the researches of Charles Diehl ~ refuted Lenor-
mant's contention 5 that, despite Byzantine rule, ltaly was almost un-
affected by oriental influences for two hundred years after Justinian's
conquest of the Goths. Louis Brhier 8 and Paolo Orsi 7 then decided
that the process of Hellenization dated back to the middle of the sixth
century.
This view in turn is being modied. Naturally there had always
1 See my more extensive article of the same tille in the American htorical reuiew, XLII (1986), 1-21.
2 La Grande-Grece (Pars, 1881), 1, vii; n, 871-400.
a P. Batiffol, L'abbaye de Rossano (Paris, 1891), p. v.
&tudes wr l'administration bywntine dans l'ezarchat de Raoenne (668-751) (Pars, 1888), espe-
cially pp. 241-288.
6 Op. cit., n, 882.
e 'Les colonies d'orientaux en occident au commencement du moyen-Age,' Byzantinu~ Zeit-
achrift, xn (1908), 8.
7 'Byzantina Siciliae,' ibid., XIX (1910), 475.

16
 The Byzantinization of Sicily 17

been oriental commercial colonies in the West, and eastern pilgrims had
frequented the shrines of SS. Peter and Paul. But no proof has yet
been offered that, outside the exarchal capital of Ravenna, ltaly or
Sicily was profoundly affected by Byzantinism before the seventh cen-
tury. Under Pope Gregory 1, after fifty years of Greek domination,
Rome was a very Latn city. Two generations later it was truly 'une
ville bizantine/ 1 and Sicily, which in Gregory's day contained a consid-
erable Latin element, had become completely Greek in language, rite,
and culture.
The cause of this metamorphosis was an infiux of Greek-speaking im-
migrants, both lay and clerical, from Syria and Egypt. From 614 on-
ward the Levant suffered a series of fearful convulsions any one of which
would have forced thousands of refugees across the sea. 2 The first dis-
aster was the Persian invasion under Khusrau 11. The Sassanid armies
spread terror throughout Syria. The churches particularly suffered.
In the famous abbey of St Saba, on the road between Jerusalem and
Jericho, forty-four monks were tortured to death; Antiochus, one who
escaped, tells how he and other survivors fled from place to place seeking
safety. 3 Alexandria was filled with Syrians living on the bounty of
Patriarch John of that city. 4 But the relentless Persians advanced
southward to the Nile, and destroyed a great many of the monasteries
of Egypt as well. 11 We know the name of one monk, John Moschus,
who had retreated from Palestine to Antioch, then from Antioch to
Alexandria. When in 617 the invaders besieged Alexandria itself, he
fled westward to Rome, where he died in 619. 8 Presumably he was
only one of many who did likewise.
lt is noteworthy that the migration to the Occident in the seventh
century seems to have included almost no refugees habitually Coptic- or
Syriac-speaking. 1 It was a purely Hellenic movement. This is ex-

1 Brhier, loe. cit.

2 See especially the brilliant sketch or Jules Gay, 'Notes sur la crise du monde chrtien apres
les conqutes arabes,' M~lange1 rlarc/iJoJgi.e et rlhltlJre, XLV (19i8), 1-7.
a PG, LXXXIX, Hii-28. cr. also Englilh hiltorical rer.>iew, XXV (1910), 502-17.
'Cf. the excerpt from John Moschus's life or John the Almoner in H. Gelzer, Leantioa ron NeaHJlia
Leben du Miligen Johan11U du Baumhenigen, Enbchof1 ron Alezandrien (Freiburg i. B., 1898),
112; Hippolyte Delehaye, 'Une vie indite de saint Jean I'Aum~nier,' Analecta bollandiana, XLV
(1927), U-22.
11 The hiatory of the -patriarchl of the Coptic church of Alezandria, ed. and tr. by B. T. A. Evetts
(Paria, 1907), 485-90; The churchea and mtma1teriu of Egypt, attributed to Ab ~a/,ilf the Armenian,
ed. and tr. by B. T. A. Evetts and A. J. Butler (Orlord, 1895), 168; A. J. Butler, The Arab conquut
of Egypt and the laat thirty yeara of the Roman dominion (Orlord, 1902), 74-5.
o Karl Krumbacher, Gm:hichte der bpanlinilchen LiUratur, hd edn. (Munich, 1897), 187.
7 The heretical nUDB from Alexandria found at Carthage in 641 by St Maximus Conlessor (PG
XCI, 459, 468, 466) may have been Greek-speaking Monothelites rather than Coptic Monophysites

18 1rroduction
plained by the religious situation in the Orient at that time. The Greek-
speaking population of the larger cities, particularly along the coast,
had clung to Chalcedonian orthodoxy. The indigenous Copts and
Syrians tended to adopt the Monophysite heresy. Politics and religion
were inseparable: the orthodox party was also the imperialist (Melkite)
f action; the Monophysites were by reason of their heresy traitors to
Byzantium. In faith, language, and political allegiance the schism be-
tween the two groups became increasingly sharp. 'The key to the whole
of this epoch is the antagonism between the Monophysites and the
Melkites.' 1
Mter the first tempest of war had passed, the Persians used these
divisions to strengthen their hold on the newly-conquered provinces.
Michael the Syrian tells us that 'at the command of Khusrau ali the
Chalcedonian bishops were driven from the whole region of Mesopotamia
and Syria. The churches and monasteries were given to the Jacobites.' 1
The object was purely political, and persecution of the Melkites was
directly instigated by the heretics: al-Makln says that Khusrau 'had a
Jacobite physician, John by name, who persuaded him that so long as
[the Melkites] followed orthodoxy, they would incline towards the Ro-
mans'; so Khusrau offered the Chalcedonians the altemative of Jacobit-
ism or death. Evidently a similar policy was followed in Egypt, which
the Persians ruled for more than a decade. All this would doubtless
stimulate emigration by the Greek minority. 11
When in 6ft9 the Emperor Heraclius finally drove back the Persians,
he determined to unify the orthodox and heretical churches at all costs.
To this end he espoused Monothelitism as a theological compromise.
The Jacobites and Copts, whose antipathy to the Empire was as much
political as religious, would have nothing to do with it, and were ruth-
lessly persecuted in retum. But worse: Heraclius split the Greek-
speaking Melkites. The extreme orthodox group, having suffered such
tribulations for the f aith under Khusrau, was adamant against this new

A real exception may be the Syrian Neatorian monb diacovered in Rome by Pope Donua (676-8);
el. Liber fK1'1JificaJu, ed. L. Ducheme (Paria, 1886), 8'8. U Monophysites went west to eacape
the Heraclian peraecution, they aeem to bave returned eut alter the Arab conquest; el. infr4, p . 19.
l Butler, Arab conquut, 29.
1 Chrcmique, ed. and tr. by J. B. Chabot (Paria, 1901), n. 879; el. 880-81.
Htoria 1aracenica, ed. and tr. by T. ErpeniUI (Leiden, 1625), 11.
'Michael the Syrian, op. cit., 881, Ays 'at tbat time the biahops of Syria who had been ~ed
by the Cbalcedoniam and had fted to Egypt returned to their seea in Syria by order of Khuarau:
Thia would indicate a comistent Persian policy throughout the conquered regiona. Cl. Butler,
op. cit., 90.
1 J. B. Bury, Hinory of tlw lam &man 1m&pir1 (896-800) {London. 1889), n. "9, and L . Caetani.
Annali dtJll' lllam, n (Milan, 1907), UM8, &g1ee in estimating the Egyptian Melkites under Heracliua
at about thirty thousand, aa compared with between five and six million Copta.
 The Byzantinization of Sicily 19

attempt to dilute the Christology of Chalcedon. Led by the monk

Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, it bitterly opposed the Emperor's
heresy, and suffered a persecution which sent another wave of refugee
clerics to R:ome, the traditional bulwark of orthodoxy. The Roman
synod of 649 which definitively condem.ned Monotheletism was largely
controlled by immigrant monks. 1
Heraclius's fanaticism spent itself chiefly, however, on the Mono-
physites. For ten years he oppressed them brutally, particularly in
Alexandria. He reaped his reward when the armies of Islam, advancing
through Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, were greeted as liberators. 2 The
invaders clearly understood the advantage they might draw from in-
ternal strife: the contemporary history of the Coptic patriarchs informs
us that 'the Muslims kept their hands off the province and its inhabi-
tants, but destroyed the nation of the Romans.' The Arab commander
'Amr requested-and received !-the prayers of the Coptic patriarch for
the speedy conquest of Cyrenaica and the rest of N orth Africa.' In
fact many Monophysites who had fled to the Pentapolis and even farther
west to escape the persecution of Heraclius now returned to live in peace
under Moslem masters. 6
The Greek-speaking inhabitants of Egypt, retreating before the mili-
1 E. Caspar, 'Die Lateransynode von 6419,' Zeichrift fO.r Kirclungud&ich, LI (1982). 118-HO.
Theae refugees likewiae brought the Syrian lorm ol the crucifix to Rome, and populariud ita UBe
in the West aa the moat adequate aymbol ol the orthodox doctrine ol the lncarnation; cf. L. Brhier,
Lu uriginu du crucifiz dam l'arl rBligieuz, 8rd edn. (Paria, 1908), 59.
'The contrary opinion ol Butler, Arab coruuut, 298. 857, Mi. is not acceptable. In the late
aeventh century Bishop John of Nikiu, Ohronitpu. ed. and tr. by Herman Zotenberg (Paria. 1888),
Mf. saya: 'Seeing the wealme1111 ol the Romana, and the hoatility of the inhabitanta towarda the
Emperor Heracliua becauae of the peraecution he had infl.icted on all Egypt against the orthodox
(i. e. Coptic) religion . the Moslems became holder and atronger in battle'; p. 464i: 'Everyone
aaid that the expulaion {of the Romana) and the victory ol the Moalems had been brought about
by the tyranny ol the Emperor Heracliua, and by the afBictiona he had viaited upon the orthodox
(Copta)'; cf. alao pp. "8, 449-60, 446; reprinted in Noticu d eztraiU du MSS, XXIV (1888), i,
662-8, 669-70, 684-6. One may alao conault The Ohronicls of John. IM/wp of Nilciu, tr. by R. H.
Charles (London. 1916).
The cl&BBic Blatement of the Jacobite attitude towarda the lalamic conquest gains greater weight
becauae it comes lrom the twellth century, when the full effecta ol the Arab domination were visible.
Michael the Syrian. ed. Chabot. n, 412-18, saya: 'The God of vengeance . beholding the wicked
nea of the Romana, who, wherever they ruled, cruelly pillaged our churches and moll&8teries and
condemned U8 without merey, brought from the southland the som of Ishmael to deliver ua by
them from the banda of the Romana.' Barhebraeua, Ohrcmxm ~icum, ed. J. B. Abbeloos
and T. J. Lamy (Louvain, 1872), 1, 274, expreues identical aentimenta in the thirteenth century.
Cf. abo E. Amlineau, 'Fragmenta coptes pour servir A l'hiatoire de la conqute de l'Egypte par
les arabes,' Joumal tuiatique, 8me arie, XII (1888), 861410, and Caetani. Annali, n, 1049; m,
818 V, 894.
a Ed. by Evetta, 494.
'lbid., 41J6..7.
11 lbid., 497.
!lO l ntroduction

tant Arabs and hostile Copts, huddled in Alexandria. 1 In 64~ the city
capitulated. Under the terms of the treaty, a large part of the popula-
tion departed with its goods. 2 lt seems probable that some of these
exiles reached the West, although there is no clear evidence on the point.
The Mohammedan histories show that a large proportion of the Greeks
left the conquered regions,' but it is difficult to distinguish the refugees
in the Occident who retreated before the armies of Islam from those
who had previously sought safety from the Persians and the persecution
of Heraclius. The clearest data come from Carthage, where in 641 St
Maximus reports immigrants from Syria, Egypt, and Lybia. 6 Many of
these were monks, 11 and in 649 we find Palestinian monks in Rome who
had probably fied from Africa to escape the Saracen raid into Byzacium
in 647. 7 We know definitely that Sicily received some of these North
1 Jbitl 494: 'Thoae of the Romans who eacaped fled to Aleu.ndria.'
Butler, Conquut. 858, S66.
a 'Ihe oldeat MS of the AleX&Ddrian Liturgy of St Mark comea from Menina (that of the Antio-
chene Liturgy of St James was found at R0118&1lo); cf. BatifFol, op. cit., p. n. H. W. Codrington.
'The anaphora fragment in the ROBB&Do euchologion,' llerue bbaldidiru, xi.vm (1986). 182-6, be-
lieves that Alexandrian influence i11 traceable in South Italian liturgy. A. Vaccari, La Grecia
nell' Italia meridmali, in OrUntalia chrimana, No. IS (I925), SI, ooncludes from a 11tudy of Biblical
tem copied in the Byzantine monasteries of Southern ltaly that 'i monaci greci, che popolaroao
la Sicilia e poi le Calabrie nell' alto medio evo, ci venivano dalla Palestina e dall' Egitto.' Myrtilla
Avery, 'The Alexandrian style al Santa Maria Antiqua, Rome,' T'M art lndletin of the College Art
Aaociation of America, vu (1925), I81-H9, ascribes the seoond of the five layen of fresco in Santa
Maria to Aleundrian artista of the first half of the aeventh century. Since the third layer can
be dated c. 650, it is improbable that the second layer was the work of refugees fleeing the Moalema
in 642. Although Miss Avery'11 attribution of the second fresco to the Alexandrian school is atill
under debate, the sharp oont.rast between the first and second frescos is admirable evidence of the
arrival in Rome before 650 of eastem immigranta.
'E. g . al-BA.ladhu, OrigiM of tlu llamic .tate, tr. by P. K. ffitti, ColMmhia Uniterlity druliM U&
Jttorr, econmnic.t and pu.blic latD, i.xvm (New York, 1916), 180, 11&y11 that Mu'lwiya aent Semitie
eoloniata from the interior to settle placea along the seacoast ol Syria deserted by the Greeka. Pp.
196-5 tell how. when the Greeka evacuated Tripoli, a large colony of Jews took their place. Greek:
refugees are alao mentioned from Damascus (p. 189), Antioch (p. 227), Alexandria (p. M8), and
other citiea (p. 282). The area of abandoned land in Syria was evidently oomiderable (p. 284).
1 PG, XCI, ~9. '66. On the date cf. C. Diehl, L'Aftu by:rantiM (Paria, I896), 6'8, n. l.
PG, lot:. cit., and 891. W. Seston, 'Le monastere d' Aln-Tamda et les origines de l'architecture
moautique en Afrique du Nord,' M8.angu d'arcliiologie et d'hutoire, LI (1984), 79-118, describes a
IDOD&llter,y in Caearian Mauretania having a ground-plan which originated among the 11mall abbeya
el South Syria. and which became t;ypical of the Occident. as distinct from the Byzantine lande.
which adopted the Egyptian arrangement. Seston pointa out that the channel by which the South-
Syrian plan reached the West has not been traced. With great hesitancy he dates Aln-Tamda
in the fifth or sixth century, becauae he believes that a trident incised on two coluDlIIB of the nave
is a Trinit&rian symbol aimed at the Arian Vandals. But it might equally be an anti-Monophyaite
or anti-Monothelite symbol. Since the Moelems did not reach the region of Aln-Tamda belore
888 (cf. Diehl, op. cit., 678), the monuter,y may have been built by Syrian refugeea in the 6nt
part of the aeventh century.
7 ' et priua quidem; they ay, 'dum Afrorum habitaremua provinciam'; Mami, Coneili.orv.

colkctio, ~ 906. Al-Balaf. 'Deacription de l'Afrique aeptentrionale.' tr. by the Baron de SJane.
 The Byzantinization of Sicily 21

Mrican fugitives: in 648, when the Saracens seized Sabrantha in the

Tripolitana, a small group sailed to the island for safety. 1
Mter order had been restored in the provinces seized by Islam, the
volume of the westward movement seems to have diminished greatly.
Unlike the rulers of Persia and Byzantium, the early caliphs showed
almost no religious f anaticism. Little pressure was exerted to convert
Christians to Mohammedanism, f actional strife was repressed, and ali
sects were treated with even-handed justice. 2 lndeed there was no in-
ducement to migrate. The seventh and eighth centuries were artistic-
ally and intellectually a golden age not merely for the Monophysites of
Syria and Egypt, but also for the remaining Melkites, as witness St John
of Damascus.
However it is certain that f or thirty years at least, f ollowing the Per-
sian invasion, Greeks kept arriving in North Mrica, Sicily, Southem
ltaly, and Rome, and that as the Moslems advanced along the Mrican
coast the refugees in t.hat region joined those in the islands or in Europe.
The size and importance of the Greek colonies formed by this migra-
tion is clearly seen in Rome. By the middle of the seventh century
there were two, and probably three, oriental abbeys in the city; by 678

Joumal ~. lime arie, xu (1858), 1125, saya that the Romans pf Africa O.ed before the Arab
attaclt to the island of Pantellaria, between Sicily and Africa. M. Amari, Simia dtJi mU.tUlmani di
Sicilia, new edn., I (Catania, 1988), 287, puta this in the year 669, but Diehl, op. cit., li61, n. 1,
datea it 64.7. Since the Moslem conquest of North Africa was not completed until the early eighth
century, emigration continued long from that region. A letter of Pope Gregory 11 dated the 1
December 722 shows that African refugees were then common in Thuringia; cf. JE, No. 2161;
PL, LXXXIX, 502; Uon Godard, 'Observations critiques sur quelques points de l'histoire du chris-
tianisme en Afrique: I, Quels sont les Africains que le pape Grgoire 11 dfendit en 728 d'lever au
aacerdoce?,' &oue a/maine, v (1861), 48-58. We should not be astonished to 6nd such expatriatea
north of the Alps. By 664. the Greek-speaking African Abbot Hadrian had sought safety in the
Campania; four ye&r11 later he, and his friend Theodore, a Cilician monk, were sent to England by
Pope Vitalian: cf. Bede, HUtmia eccluiaatica, Lib. IV, c. 1, ed. J. Stevenson (London, 1888), pp.
MM. An lrish litany of the tenth-eleventh century mentions seven Egyptian monks buried
together at Disert Uilaig, who may likewise have been fugitives of the seventh century; cf. C.
Plummer, Iriah litaniu (London, 1925), 64.. The martyrolovy of Den.gua tM Culdu, dating from
about 800, ed. Whitley Stokes <London, 1906), 86 and 80, remembera an Egyptian monk named
MOle8 who seems, from the context, to have died in Ireland.
1 Alphonse Roll88e&u, 'Voyage du schelkh Et-Tidjani dans la rgence de Tunis,' Joumal ~.
lime arie, 1 (1858), 125-6. On at-TijADI's credibility, cf. Amari, op. cit., I (1988), 288, n. l .
The linguistic and cultural efJect of such North African immigrants in northem landa is uncertain.
St Muimus's lettera (cf.npra, p. 21, n. li) would indicate that by 64.1 the classes which could migrate
most easily were strongly Byzantinized. The Byzantine period furnishes a large number of Greek
inscriptions, few of which can be dated exactly; cf. Paul Monceaux, 'Enqute sur l'Epigraphie
chrtienne d'Afrique,' &oue archlologique, 4me srie, n (1908), 65; and Walter Thieling, Der Hellm-
iamw in KleiMfri.lca (Leipzig, 19ll), liM. Godard, op. cit., 50, believes that 'l'iglise d'Afrique,
durant le dernihe periode de son exist.ance . . tait devenue en quelque aort greco-latine, par IP
mlange des byzantines avec le population africaine et par la langue de ses crivaim.'
1 Butler, op. cit., "47-8.
 I mroduction

there were four. 1 From 678 to 752, or until alter Ravenna had fallen
before the Lombards, out of thirteen popes, eleven were orientals. Diehl
supposed that this astonishing series was due to pressure exerted by the
Byzantine emperor or his exarch upon the Roman electors, 2 but Gay
has shown that there is evidence neither of such official inf:luence nor of
any unusual subservience on the part of the immigrant popes to imperial
wishes. 8 Gay himself explains the election of so many foreigners on
the ground that the Latin clergy realized that it was too ignorant of
theology to carry on subtle disputes and negotiations with heretical em-
perors.' But admitting that the Latin clergy was indeed less leamed
than the Greek, it is incredible that for three-quarters of a century the
native Romans should have practiced such exemplary self-abnegation
in the interest of an alen minority. 6 One is driven to the conclusion
that in the later seventh and early eighth centuries the orientals actually
formed a majority of the Roman clergy, and presumably of the more
inf:luential laity as well-a thesis which seems amply substantiated by
the remains of the Rome of that period. 11
Certain of these 'Greek' popes were Sicilians, and their hiographies in
the Liber JK>nlifa:al:ia are particularly valuable to us. The first of them,
Agatho (678-81), is called simply 'natione Sicula.' 7 His successor, Leo Il
(682-S), was likewise a Sicilian, 'greca latinaque lingua eruditus.' 8
Conon (686-7) carne originally from the east coast of the Aegean but
was educated in Sicily before he went to Rome. 9 The biography of
Sergius (687-701) is even more informative: 'Sergius, natione Syrus,
1 F . Antonelli, 'I primi moauteri di moucl orientali in Roma,' Billl di arcAeologia cnmaraa.
V (1918). 105-111. One of theee. the .Renafutn. wu Latn in the daya of Gregory I.
1 &-na, 257-00.
1 'Quelquea remarquea IUI' lea papes greca et ayriem avant la querelle des iconoclutea (678-715).'
JIMangu Selilumbtirg,,. (Paria. leM). I, ""46.
'lbid., "6.
1 A note of bitter raentment apinst the Greek immiranta and their popes has been left ua
from tbe late .eventh centuey by a Latn Roman, who lamenta the departed glory of his city. and
tbe
'Vulgua ah extremia destractum partibua orbis;
Servorum aervi nunc tibi sunt domini.'
Publiahed in L. A. Muratori, .4.ntiquitatu alicat1 mlii ani (Milan. 1788), u. 147; for date el.
F. Gregwvvim. ~ dn Sladt R.om im Mitlalr, 6th edn. (Stuttprt, 1908), u. 158. n. l.
1 'Tout ce quartier de Rome, 11111' lea flanes du Palatin, et jusqu'au pied du Capitole, eat plein
encore de monumenta et de souvenin. qui rappellent non aeulment lea tempa de la domination by-
santne, maia l'importance que garde, apres la chute de l'exarchat. cette colonie orientale. do.i
ecmt aortia lea papea r'flCI et syriem.' Gay. op. cit. as: el. Diehl. llaNnu, 178-8.
' Liber pontiftealV, ed. Ducbame. i. 850. Tbe worda 'ex monachi1' found in earlier editiOD1 are
interpolated.
1 Did.. 869.
1 'Conoo (IOIDe texta add "natiooe Grecue"), oriundua patre 'I'hrace9eo. edoctus apud Siciliam.
postmodum Rom&ll 'ftDelll , ' ibid., 868. Tbe la.ter 'Thraceeian theme centered at Epbesua.
 The Byzantinization of Sicily

Antiochiae regionis, ortus ex patre Tiberio in Panormo Siciliae Ro-

mam veniens sub sanctae memoriae Adeodato pontfice (i. e. between
67!! and 676) inter clerum Romanae ecclesiae connumeratus est.' 1 Here
we find clear indication of what we guessed from the analogy of Africa
and ltaly: that by the middle of the seventh century Sicily was flooded
with Greek-speaking refugees from the East.
The information from the Lber pontificalis is welcome: the sources
f or the history of Sicily are meager after the Registrum of Pope Gregory
fails us in 604. 2 But the Latn atmosphere of the island was certainly
changing rapidly: c. 648 St Maximus Confessor, abbot of Chrysopolis
near Chalcedon, visited Sicily and addressed a Greek letter 'to the holy
fathers, hegumens, monks and orthodox laity' resident there which im-
plies in its recipients a certain acquaintance with oriental theology. 3
Fortunately we have one sure example of the Byzantinization of a
Sicilian abbey which at the end of the sixth century was Latin and
probably Benedictine: in 597 St Peter's of Baias near Syracuse had as
abbot Gregory's Roman friend Caesarius;' in 681 it had passed to the
Greeks, since its abbot, Theophanes, was made Patriarch of Antioch.
How and when did such changes take place? Lancia di Brolo main-
tains that the island passed to the Greek rite and tongue during the six
1 Ibid., 871. The last of the Sicilian popes, Stephan 111 (768-72) went to Rome as a small hoy

in the pontificate of the Syrian Gregory m (781-41); ibid., 4.68.

1 JE, No. !Wt8, a letter of Pope John IV (640-42) to a Bishop Isaa.c of Syracuse concerning the

ordination of monks, is probably a forgery. No Bishop Isaac appears in the episcopal lista of
Syracuse. According to a contemporary t7ita (AASS, March m, 888) the Bishop Peter addressed
by Honorius 1 (625-88) (JE, No. 20i9) was succeeded by Zosimus under Pope Theodore (642-49).
The forgery was incorporated in the canon law; cf. Decretum Gratiani, secunda pars, causa XVI,
quest. , c. 1, ed. Emil Friedberg (Leipzig, 1879); 1, 786. It may be related to JE, No. 1996, au-
thorizi.ng monks to minister in parish churches, which was fabricated in the early eleventh century,
according to U. Berliere, 'L'exerclce du ministre paroissial par les moines dans le haut moyen-Age.'
1levue bnldictine, XXXIX (1927), 2SM.
a PG, XCI, 112 ff.; cf. ibid., xc. 84..
' Cf. mpra, p. 18, n. 18.
a Liher por., 854. That Theophanes was not simply a Greek in a Latin abbey is indicated by
the fact that, when in 678 the Emperor requested that monka be sent to a general council from the
four 'Byzantine' monaateries of Rome, Pope Agatho (another Sicilian) included Theophanes in the
group; cf. ibid., 855, n. 8; Mansi, XI, 200.
Cosmas, the learned monk who was captured by Saracen raiders in the later seventh century
and taken as a slave to Syria, where he became the tutor of St John of Damascus, was perhapa a
Sicilian. St John's late tenth-century biography merely speaks oC Cosmas as 'from ltaly'; PG,
XCIV, 441. Amari, op. ciJ., 1 (1988), 808, thinka he was Sicilian or Sardinian. An Arabic lile of
St John composed in 1084. calla Cosmas a Calabrian; cf. G. Gral, 'Das arabische Original der Vita
des hl. Johannes von Damaskus,' Der Katlwlik, XCIII (1918), , 178. However, what may be
the earliest extant biography, dating from the first half of the tenth century, has no mention of this
Cosmas, but only of St John's school-boy friend of the same name. Cf. M . Gordillo, Damaacenica:
1, Vita Marciana, in Orientalia chri.mana, VIII, fase. 2 (1926), 64, 66. M. Jugie questions the date
and importance of this t7ita in &hoa d'orient, XXVIII (1929), 88-41.
 1ntroduction
years (668-8) when Constans 11 made Syracuse his residence and the
capital of the Byzantine empire. 1 Certainly the presence of the imperial
court in Sicily's metropolis would greatly stimulate such a transition.
To uphold bis contention Lancia di Brolo points out that during his
stay Constans appointed as bishop of Syracuse a noted Greek hymnog-
rapher named George, who had studied at Constantinople. 2 But the
church of Syracuse, ruled in Gregory l's time by a Roman Benedictine,
Maximianus, 8 had elected Greek-speaking bishops for twenty years at
least before Constans appointed George to that see. In the .first decade
of the century Zosimus, the scion of a Greek family of Syracuse, entered
the monastery of St Lucy." Thirty years later he succeeded Faustus as
abbot-an indication that, whatever may have been the earlier situation
at St Lucy's, the dominant group of monks was then Greek. Under
Pope Theodore (642-49), himself a Palestinian Melkite, 6 Zosimus became
bishop of Syracuse, and gave to bis cathedral a Greek-inscribed haptismal
font which still exists. 11 Mter thirteen years (or between 655 and 662),
he was succeeded by Elias, under whom the Greek biography of St
Zosimus was probably composed. 7 Constans' appointment of a Greek-
speaking bishop at Syracuse was therefore no novelty. The Byzantini-
zation of Sicily was not the result of an emperor's residence there, but
of a gradual process which was practically completed by Constans' time.
There is evidence that in Rome by the year 700 the native Latn ele-
ment was beginning to reassert itself, or at least to Latinize the descend-
ants of the oriental immigrants. 8 Wherever the Levantine refugees of
1 Lancia di Brolo, n, !U.
' lbi.d., n, 22, 824.
1 Formerly abbot of St Andrew'a on the Coelian; cf. note of the editora of the Regimum, Vol. 1,
p. 111.
4 The Greek original of Zosimua'a vita is not ertant. The I..tin version in AASS, March m,
SS.S-9, saya that he became an oblate al the age of 7, Fauatus being abbot. that he waa a simple
monk for SO yeara, and then ruled as abbot for 40 years before being elected biahop under Theodore
(642-9). According to thia chronology, Faustus was abbot of St Lucy'a in 479 at the latest. and
died in 602 al the earlieat. But we know from Gregory'a &,imum. Epp. 1, 67, m, S, vn, 86, Vol. I.
pp. 87, 160, and 484, that an Abbot John ruled St Lucy'a from 491 to 497 al leaat. It is evident
that an error has crept into the tranalation: the figure 40 yeara includea Zosimua'11 whole resideooe
at St Lucy'a, SO yeara as oblate and monk, and 10 yeara as abbot. No suspicion is caat on t.hia
biography by its reference to raiding Saracens as 'Vandali': the 8&llle expression is uaed in the au-
thentic tenth-century vita ol St Leo Luke of Corleone referring to the Sicilian Moalema; cf. AASS,
March 1, 99.
6 Lber pont., 881.
Strazzulla. MUH11m ~aplaicum, 206-7, disputes Lancia di Brolo, Storia della chiua, 11. 84,
note, regarding thia font.
1 AASS, March m, 8811, 887.
1 The later fre8COll of Santa Maria Antiqua illuatrate the revival of I..tiniam: 'The steady decay
of Greek form is accompa11ied by a change from Greek to Latn in the imcriptiom. The imcrip-
 The Byzantinization of Sic-ily

the seventh century found an essentially Latin population, their influ-

ence was merely temporary. On the contrary in Sicily (and probably
in Lower Calabria) where, as we have seen, they found a vigorous sub-
stratum of Hellenes, the conjunction of these immigrants with the in-
digenous Greeks completely eliminated or Byzantinized the Latin group
which had been dominant for several centuries.
When did Latinism finally disappear in Sicily? As 1 have shown else-
where, 1 the last vestige of it is a letter written by Pope Vitalian between
669 and 67!? to Benedictines in or near Syracuse who had survived a
Saracenic raid. Although this epistle is extant only in a retouched ver-
sion 2 as a part of Peter the Deacon,s forgeries in support of the Placidus
legend, its substance appears to be authentic. It will be remembered
that under Pope Greogory 1 Syracuse had a Benedictine bishop and
that at least one of its abbots was a Roman and probably a Benedictine. 3
We may assume that if two generations later Syracusan monks were
still clinging to St Benedict's rule, they were not yet completely Byzan-
tinized in tongue or culture.
Vitalian's letter is the last trace of Latinism to be discovered in Sicily
until the coming of the Normans, four centuries later. 4 For at least
two generations after 669 the island remained a part of the western

tions of Martn 1 (c. 650) are in Greek; tho,,e of John VII (705..()7) are in Greek and Latin; and
that of Paul 1 (757-67) is in Latin only'-Avery, crp. cil., 187.
1 American hUWrical retlelD, XLU (1986), 16-20.
1 JE, No. !U02.
a Supra, p. 18, nn. 12 and 18. The &giltrum also mentions an abbot Eusebius of Syracuse
(Epp. n, SI, 85, Vol. 1, pp. 127, 181) who,,e monastery is not named, and St Lucy's in that city
(mpra, p. H, n. 4; also Ep. XII, 82, Vol. n, p . 895).
'Isidoro Carini, 'Sopra un sugello siciliano inedito del Museo Britannico,' Ntltlfle e.ffemerl.e
liciliane, prima serie, 1 (1869), 214-22, 268-76, ascribes a badly damaged seal with a Latin inscrip-
tion to the Bishop George of Catania who appears in 679 (cf. A. W. Haddan and W . Stubbs, Cuuncila
and eccluiaatical documenta relating to Great Britain and lreland, 111 [Oxford, 1871), 181). But
W. de Gray Birch, CaJ.alogue of aeala in the Department of Mantucripta in the Britiah Mtueum, v
(London, 1898), 87, No. 17689, neglecting Carini's views, assigns it to Bishop Leo 11 of Catania,
whom he wrongly dates c. 778 rather than c. 725; cf. B. Pace, '1 barbari ed i bizantini in Sicilia,'
A.SS, XXXVI (1911), 22, n. l. Probably the seal is hopelessly illegible. Certainly by c. 786 Bishop
Theodore of Catania had a Greek seal; cf. G. Libertini, 'Miscellanea epigrafica,' ASSO, XXVII
(1981), 50.
J. Gay, 'Notes sur l'hellnisme sicilien de l'occupation arabe a la conqute normande,' Byzantion,
1 (1924), 228, quite properly rejects the theory of Amari, crp. cil., I (1988), 821-4, 11 (1858), 898-9,
111 (1868-72), 204-6, 874-80, that a Latin element was present in Sicily when the Normans landed
in 1060. Amari himself, II (1858), 899, recognizes the weakness of his position. Similarly Paolo
Orsi, in ASSO, XII (1915), 449, declares unproved the theory of N. Maccarrone, La cita del latino
in Siciliafino all'eta normanna (Florence, 1915), that a part of the Sicilian peaaantry spoke a vulgar
Latin under Moslem rule. Rohlfs, Scaui lingui1tici, 85-6, is convinced by an examination of the
modem Sicilian dialects that their roots lie not in the Latin brought to the island by the Romam,
but in the new Latinization of Sicily in Norman times.
26 1ntroduction

patriarchate, but its interests and connections were almost entirely with
the Byzantine East. In 78~, because of Rome's stand against Icono-
clasm, Leo the Isaurian confiscated the papal estates in Sicily and
Southem Italy . 1 There is no evidence that Leo transferred the bishop-
rics of those regions to the jurisdiction of the patriarch of Constanti-
nople, 2 but inevitably, as the pope found new political support in the
Frankish kings, the church of Magna Graecia drifted towards the New
Rome. 3 By 787 the ecclesiastical shift was completed, when the Sicilian
bishops called the Byzantine Patriarch 'universal.''
In ali else Sicily. had become oriental more than a hundred years
earlier. As in no other part of the west, the presence of a large indigenous
Hellenic population in the island enabled the Byzantinism brought by
refugees fieeing Persians, Monothelites, and Moslems to strike deep
roots, to obliterate the Latn elements, and to produce a purely Greek
culture which fiourished until Saracenic conquest crushed it in the late
ninth century.
1 Theophanes, Chrcmographia, ed. K. de Boor (Leipzig, 1888), I. HO. Without other evidencie
the polllle88ion of these estatea until 7Si cannot be U8ed as proof of continued Latinity in Sicily.
In ~7 the rector of the papal properties was no longer a Roman. but a Sicilian named CoDBtantine.
deacon of the churcli of Syracu.se and probably a Greek; cf. Uber pomifical, SCl9.
1 Cf. P. Lajolo, 'Sul paasagio delle chiese sicule sc>tto il dominio del patriarca bizantino,' ASBO.
XI (1914), S69.
a In the early ninth century .Baail the Armenian remarks that the churclies of Sicily and Calaba
were united to Conatantinople alter 'the pope of Old Rome fell under the power of the barbari&ns;
cf. George of Cyprus, DucriptW orbia romani, ed. B. Gelzer (Leipzig, 1890). 'n.
'Manai, XII, 1161, cf. 98S, 99S, 1000, and Lancia di Brolo, op. cit., n, 166-7. Shortly afterward.
the Byzantine Patriarch sent a letter directly to the Sicilian biahops (thus ignong papal claima to
jurisdiction in the ialand), and addressed them as 'v1i'A'A&T'o11nol,' that is as using the liturgy ol
Colllltantinople; cf. J. B. Pitra. Juria eccluiamci grucorum hiatoria et monumenta (Rome, 1868).
u, S09.
 INTRODUCTION

IV. THE BASILIANS 1 OF SICILY UNDER THE LATER

BYZANTINES AND MOSLEMS

O RSI has justly remarked that although the Basilians must have re-
mained numerous until the Moslem conquest, 'la storia del mona-
chismo in Sicilia sotto i Bizantini e un' incognita.' 2 Indeed the materials
for such a history have almost entirely vanished: from the entire eighth
century not a single name of a Sicilian monk or abbey has survived.
Y et a hundred years after the coming of the Melkites fleeing Khusrau,
Heraclius, and Islam, a new upheaval brought more immigrants to Italy
and Sicily, particularly Basilians driven from their abbeys by that 'cal-
vinisme anticip,' 3 Iconoclasm.
The Iconoclastic emperors soon discovered that the chief opposition
to their policies centered in the monasteries. They therefore entered
on a persecution of the Greek monks which lasted, with fluctuating in-
tensity and periods of respite, for over a century. Communities were
scattered and their properties confiscated. 4 The fiercest persecution
occurred in Western Asia Minor about 772: Michael, the strategos of
Thracesia, looted the abbeys and routed out both monks and nuns. If
we can believe Theophanes, 6 not a single ascetic remained in Michael's
jurisdiction; and for this he received the congratulations of the Emperor !
In the early ninth century, when persecution broke out again in Con-
stantinople, St Stephan advised his monks to seek safety in Southern
ltaly or on the Syrian coast; since the Patriarchs of Rome, Antioch, and
Alexandria were supporting the cult of images. 6 'Then Byzantium
seemed bereft of the monastic order, as though it had been led into cap-
tivity. For one sailed for the Euxine Pontus, another went to Cyprus,
1 H. Delehaye's objection, in A.nalecta bollandiana, XXXIII (1904), 488, that the use of the word
'Basilian' in a mediaeval context is an anachronism, seems a needless purism.
2 'Chiese bizantine del territorio di Siracusa,' Byz. Zeickr., VII {1898), 17. Amari frequently
goes beyond the aacertainable facts in speaking of monasticism in this period, e. g., o-p. ci.t., 1 (1988),
182, 80', 848.
Lenormant, o-p. ci.t., n, 886.
41 E. J. Martn, Him1ry of tM lconoclastic wnlr01HJ'T'11 (London, 1980), 68-4.

1 Ckronograpkia, ed. de Boor, 1, 445; PO, CVID, 900.

e PO, e, 1117.
'J.7
 Introdudm
ami yet anotber depari.ed for &me. And so having left their own
nwnasteries. they became strangers and pilgrims., 1
)fany ahbey were estahlished in Italy and especially in &me to
care f or these fugi:tives. 2 We are specifically told in one oriental source
that Ic.onodulic monks f ound refuge in Sicily. Lancia di Brolo goes so
far as to credit the exceptional vtality of Siclian letters and poetry in
the nntb century to the influence of Stodite fugitives. In any case
t is cert.an that Studites reached the island: in the late d~enth century
the rule of the Stuclion was ohserved at St Philip's of Pragala. 5 and we
find St Theodore the Studite (d. 82"6) corresponding with a Sicilian monk
name.d. Theophanes. 11 The native population, like that of ltaly, was
stanchly orthodox, and doubtl~ received and protected the refugees as
hest it could; indeed, as a reprisal for such sympathies, Leo the Isaurian
raised tbe tax-rate in Sicily and Calabria by one third. 7 However the
Byzantne emperors did not lose military and political control of Sicily,
as they did of so many parts of the mainland. On the contrary they
used itas a place of detention for recalcitrant monks: St Theodore men-
tions that Nicephorus (8~-811) imprisoned sorne on Lipari 8 -an inspi-
ration revive.el. in modero times!
As an agent of Hellenization, this Iconodulic immigration, so largely
monastic, was much less effective than the mixed lay and clerical influx
of the fust half of the seventh century. The monks could propagate
Greek culture n Italy, but not the Greek race. In Sicily they were
absorbed. into a society already solidly Byzantine. Elsewhere in the
West they seem to have exerted no great influence in bolstering the de-
clining oriental element: the succession of Greek popes ends just when
the lconodules begin to arrive in Rome. The importance of this move-
men t has certainly been exaggerated.
For the monastic history of Sicily almost nothing can be gleaned from
1 lbid., 1120.
2 Cf. Diehl, Ra1Je11ne, 254, n. 10, and P. P. Rodot&, Dell' origine, progreno e 8ta1.o pruente del
rito gruo in Italia (Rome, 1760), n, 52-79.
a Vita S. J08ephi hymnographi, c. 16, AASS, April 1, p. xxxi; PG, cv, 958. The confusion be-
tween Leo the Isaurian and Leo the Armenian in this passage does not lend con1idence.
' Storia della chieaa, a, 843-4.
6 Cr. Abbot Gregory's testament of ll05, Cusa, 896 and 700; G. Spata, Le pergamene greche ~

tenti nel <Jrande Archivio di Palermo (Palermo, 1861), 199. Spata, 204, asserts that Gregory's
testament is modelled after that of St Theodore the Studite.
e Ep. n, 190, PG, XCIX, 1577.
7 Chronographia, ed. de Boor, 1, 410. Cf. P. Lajolo, 'L'editto di Bisanzio del 7U. Tuattamento
della Sicilia durante la persecuzione iconoclasta,' ASSO, XIX (1922-!lS), 155-166.
8 Ep. I, 48, PG, XCIX, 1072. The careers or St Methodius, patriarch of Constantinople, or St
Joseph the Hymnographer, and of St Athanasius o Catania throw no light on our subject, since
ali three became monks after leaving Sicily; cr. Lancia di Brolo, op. cit., II, 217, 298, 426
 The Baail:ians of Sicy

the records of the later ninth century. Photius sent a letter to an ascetic
named Metrophanes living in the island, 1 but nothing else is known of
him. The oriental hermit Gregory Decapolita stayed for some time in
Syracuse, ensconced in a tower of the city wall. 2 Evidently the mon-
astic life fiourished in Syracuse: an account 3 of the storming of the city
in 878 by the Saracens comes from the pen of the monk Theodosius,
who was captured, but who speaks of monks slain in the looting. Some,
however, escaped; for in the tenth century we find an abbey of fugitive
Syracusan Basilians in Calabria.'
The landing of Moslem troops at Mazara in 8~7 was an event in
Sicilian history comparable to the arrival of the oriental refugees in the
early seventh century. That immigration had changed Sicily from a
superficially Latinized into a completely Hellenized land. This new in-
vasion was to make Arabic the dominant tongue of the island, and to
force the Greeks into the position of a tolerated minority, practicing its
religion on suffrance. According to the Byzantine chronicles the com-
ing of the Saracens was caused by the violation of a nun: Euphemius,
commander of the Sicilian militia, abducted a religious from her mon-
astery and married her; 5 the Emperor ordered drastic punishment;
Euphemius raised a rebellion and called in help from North Mrica.
Within four years (881) the Moslems had captured Palermo; in a
decade more they controlled the entire western end of Sicily, the Val di
Mazara. The southeast, the Val di Noto, proved more difficult, but
the fall of Syracuse in 878 ended Byzantine resistance in that region.
The Val Demone, the triangle of land between Etna, Messina, and
Caronia on the northem coast, 11 became the last stronghold of the Chris-
tians. The land is rugged and defensible; the indigenous Greeks must
have been reenforced by refugees from the west and south. Even after
the fall of Taormina, the last imperial fortress, in 902, the Hellenic com-
munities of the mountains struggled to retain their independence. Not
until 965 was Rametta, the last of these fastnesses, reduced to submission. 7
1 PG, en, 898.
1 Lancia di Brolo, op. cit., o, 295, note.
1 Latin version in Caietanus, VitGe Nnetorum liculorum, n, 9:'Ti-7. The extant fragment ol the
Greek te:rl is most rerently edited by C. O. Zuretti in Centenario della naacila di Michele Amari
(Palermo, 1910), 1, 165-178.
' ' Vita S. Sabae junioris,' ed. G. Cozza-Luzi, Studi e documenti di doria e diritlo, XII (1891), HO.
5 This may be simply an 'atrocity story' for propaganda purposes. Pace has shown, A.SS, xxxv
(1910), 822, that this detall is not found in the Arabic or Italian accounts. The Chronick of Salema,
ed. G. E. Pertz, Mon. gnm. ht., Kript, m, 498, givea the lady's name as 'Homoniza.' A. A. Va-
siliev, Byzance et lu arabu, 1: La dynanie <lAmorium (820-861), tr. and rev. by H. Grgoire, etc.
{Brussels, 1985), 68, n. S, suggesta that this may be a corruption of M,umenia1a or mona.auaa.
On its linllts until the fourteenth century el. Amari, op. cil., 1 {1988), 607, n. l.
1 If>.id., n, (1858), 9:10.
80 1ntrodudion

Under Moslem rule there was a large immigration from Mrica, 1 and
a considerable number of native Sicilians must have been converted to
Islam in the regions where the crescent was well established. 2 This
Saracenic settlement and infiuence was naturally strongest in the west
of the island and along the south coast facing Mrica. lt was negligible
in the Val Demone, where the Greeks held their position linguistically
and religiously, despite their political subjection to the invaders. Of
the 828 Sicilian towns and villages having Arabic or Berber names, 209
are in the Val di Mazara, 100 in the Val di Noto, while only 19 are
found in the Val Demone. 3 These last probably originated with garri-
sons. But even in the areas where Moslem penetration was greatest,
there long remained a large Christian group: Amari calculates that in
988 the Mohammedans still formed less than hall the population of the
Val di Mazara. 4 Although during the next hundred years the Saracens
seem to have gained a clear majority outside the Val Demone, 6 the
records of the early N orman period show Greeks scattered in ali parts
of the island.
Paradoxically we are far better informed about the Basilians of Sicily
under Moslem rule than about those of the Byzantine period. 6 Our
ignorance of the latter is due to the destruction of the records of the
Sicilian churches during the Saracenic conquest. The distraught condi-
tion of the island sent a stream of monks, sometimes going as individuals,
sometimes as communities, across the Strait of Messina into Calabria.
Besides the abbey of Syracusans already mentioned 7 we find a monas-
tery of refugee Tauromenians there. 8 Spurred by their tribulations to
deeper meditation on the ways of God, and incited to a more rigid
asceticism, these Sicilian fugitives made the Calabria of the tenth cen-
tury une nouvelle Thebaide,' to which devotees flocked even from
1 llnd., n, 217, 361, 372-3.
1 For a probable caae ol a learned Greek turned Moelem, cf. ibid., u, 119.
llnd., n, "35.
' lbl., U. 216, 167, n. l.
1 In their account.a of the Norman conqueat. neit.her Malaterra nor Ainatua mentiom Greeb
outaide the Val Demone-a clear indication that elaewhere they were too emall a minority to lend
the Normam aid.
1 Aa we shall see, nothing could be farther from the truth than the &llertion of Bat.iftol, Rouarlo,
p. ix, that '1 la fin du ix" ai~le il n'y a plua en Sicile ni mOll&Irel ni ai~ piecopaux. la propri6t.6
eccl~tique y a ~t supprimtt . . .' On Greek bishope found at Palermo and pouibly Taormina
by the Normana, el. infra. p. 38, u. 6.
1 Supra, p. 29, n. 4.
1 Studi ' tlocurnenli, XII (1891), 156, 157; Coda vaticanua 1673 may be from this abbey: it wu
copied in Calabria by a relugee from Taormina alter 90!; el. Bat.ilJol, Rouano, 87.
Gay, ltal mbid., 164.
 The Basilians of Sici/,y 81

Egypt. 1 The lives of the more saintly of them were recorded in tritae
written by contemporaries: no less than seven of these valuable biog-
raphies have survived. 11 From these, and from incidental sources, we
can get some notion of monastic conditions in Sicily, and of their evolu-
tion from the late ninth to the eleventh century.
There seems to have been no systematic persecution of the Greek
monks by the Moslems. Nevertheless during the four generations and
more of hostilities-from 827 to 965-the former would naturally suffer
greatly. In 881 a monk named Philaret and some companions, while
attempting to escape from Palermo to Calabria, were captured and exe-
cuted. 3 The terror of the Infidel which possessed monkish hearts during
the early years of the conquest is seen in a hymn to St Caloger by Sergius,
of that saint's abbey near Sciacca.' In the spring of 906 an official
newly arrived from Mrica started a local persecution in Palermo, tearing
down churches, destroying manuscripts, and imprisoning priests. On
the iO August of that year a monk named Argentios was martyred in
Palermo. 6
The earliest of our Siculo-Calabrian saints was Elias the Younger (c.
829-908), often called, from his birthplace, St Elias of Enna (Castro-
giovanni). Having been captured as a hoy by Saracens, he was sold
as a slave to a Christian in Mrica, but gained his liberty. He went
from Mrica to Palestine and Sinai, where he became a monk, and
journeyed likewise to Alexandria and Antioch. About 880 he retumed
to Palermo to visit his aged mother. It is significant that this Basilian
seems to have enjoyed perfect freedom of movement in Moslem Sicily. 8
1 E. g., Ore.tes, Patriarch of Jeruaalem, brother of the favorite wife (a Christian) of the Fatimid
Kalif al-'Am, and maternal uncle of the mad Kalif al-1;11.kim; cf. Guatave Schlumberger, L'rJOJJ
bpmnu (Pars, 1900), u, iOI.
a Vita 1. Elitu funWril, AASS, Aug. m, 489-509. Yita 1. Elitu S~. AASS, Sept. m, 848-
887. Vila 1. Lmia LVCM Corilionia, AASS, March 1, 98-102. Vila 1. LUCIU Armenli, AASS,
Oct. VI, 887-841. Vila 1. Vitalia riculi, A.488, Mareh u, 16-36. Vita 1. Babal junioril, ed. by
G. Coua-Luzi, Studi e docummati, XII (1891), SS-56, 136-168, Sli-828. Vita 1. C/irtoplwri d 1.
Macarii, ed. by the same, ibid., XIII {1892), 875400.
Karl Krumbacher aeverely criticizes Cozza-Luzi's editiona in B11B. Zttlclar., 1 {189i), 636, and m
(181M), 211. Variants from a Bruasels MS will be found in Analttda bollandiana, XI (1892), 184,
aod XII {1898), 817.
a Vita 1. Pliilardi, AABB, April 1, 749; Caietanus, II, 41.
' AABB, June IV, 41M; Caietaous, 1, 118. Amari, 1 (1988), 848, dalel it c. 850, when Sciacca
waa probably tributary to the invaden. Alter the destruction of Triocala in 860, the biahop of
that city tramferred his aeat to the monaatery of St Caloger; cf. l. Scaturro, 'Del vese.ovado trio-
calitano e cronienae,' ABS, XLI (1916), 586.
1 La cronaca liculo-1araM10 di Cambridge con t>'ppio luto grtc0, ed. by G. Coua-Luzi, Doc. 1m1
.tm. Sic., 4a serie, II (Palermo, 1890), 40.
The monk Theophanes's account of the fall of Syracuae in 878 describes the public grief of the
Chriatians of Palermo al the light of the Syracusan captives; Caietaous, u, 276.
 I mroduction

He had less good fortune in Greek lands: after he had acquired a monastic
companion, Daniel, in Taormina (which was still in Byzantine hands),
the two sailed for the Peloponnesus and then to Epirus, where they
were arrested as Moslem spies. Liberated, St Elias w~nt to Calabria,
Rome, Taormina again, and died in Thessalonica in 908 while on his
way to Constantinople. 1
St Elias of Enna's most famous disciple was St Ellas Speleota (c.
865-c. 960), a native of Reggio who came to Sicily to practice asceticism
at a church of St Auxentius on the mountain of San Nicone near Taor-
mina. A marauding band of Saracens, who by this time were pressing
on Taormina, killed his companion; so St Elias removed to Calabria,
where he joined St Elias of Enna and Daniel.
More instructive is the career of St Christopher, a native of Collesano.
Christopher was a married man who retired from the world in the :first
decades of the tenth century, receiving the monastic habit from St
Nicephorus, abbot of St Philip's of Agira. After a period spent in the
monastery of Agira, St Christopher received permission to repair the
ruined church of St Michael of Ctisma, and set up a priory there sub-
ordinate to Agira. Bis sons, St Saba (d. 990) and St Macarius (d. 1000),
joined him and took their vows at Agira, together with many friends
and relatives. 2 His wife Cali took the veil, and established a retreat
for women near Ctisma. In 940-941 a fearful famine swept over Sicily,
causing a general exodus of Greeks, both lay and clerical, to Calabria.
St Christopher, his wife, his sons and a large number of people from
Collesano, joined this movement, and left the island never to retum.
St Philip's of Agira was the chief center of Basilianism in tenth-
century Sicily, and sent many of its sons across the Straits. One of
the most conspicuous was St Luke of Armento (d. 984),' a native of
Demena, and a friend of both St Saba and of the (now aged) St Elias
Speleota. 1 Another was St Vitalis (d. 994) of Castronuovo, in the Val
di Mazara. He received an excellent Christian education in his native
city (which, of course, was under Islam.ic rule), and then entered the
1 Aa Jule. Gay hu pointed out. in Bpndion. 1 (19"), llS. and Jfllangu Bc/tlumber,.,-, 1, 58,
the cout&nt contact of Sicily and ltaly with the Greelr: ea.st during the Carolingian period il ol
crucial importance in evaluating the late Henri Pirenne'11 famo1111 thesia (cf. 'Un contrute 6conom-
ique: Merovingiens et Carolongiem,' Rene btilge !U p~ d tl'lautcnre, n [1928), HS-a5) that
the Medilerrallean wu cloeed late in the Merovingian age by the hlamic conquesta.
1 Lancia di Brolo, n,u. n. l, mggests that the Sicilian brothen St John and St lli1ary of ~
lauo,' found u monb in Calabria later in the century, were from Collesaao and frienda of St Chria-
topher. Cf. A.A.SS, March o, 29, and Oct. VI, SS'T, sst note.
1 Amari, o (1858), IN; Shuli e doc., XII (1881), ~; XIII (1892), S85-e.
Not llOS. u ay the Bollandiats, A.A.SS, Oct. VI, MI. Cf. I..n.cia di Brolo, o, t17, D. l.
1 ID Calabria he wu joined by bis mter Catherine and her ICllllt Ant007 and Tbeodore. who
became ~; cf. AABB. Oct. VI. MI.
 The Baailiana of Sicily 33

abbey of Agira, where he stayed five years. Having made a pilgrimage

to Rome he returned to Sicily and lived for twelve years as a solitary
hermit on the slopes of Etna 1 before joining St Luke of Armento in
Lucania. 2 Still another emigrant monk of Agira was St Leo Luke of
Corleone, who became St Christopher's successor as abbot in Calabria. 8
It is evident that the central fact of Sicilian monastic history in the
tenth century is wholesale migration to Calabria and Lucania. 4 It is
equally certain that this movement arose not from any deliberate de-
struction of monasteries by the Saracens, but rather from the generally
unsettled condition of the island. The largest single refugee group of
which we have any record, that led by St Christopher, was forced to
move not by the Infidels, but by a famine resulting from civil war be-
tween Mohammedan factions. The spirit of these migrants is well re-
flected in the vita of St Leo Luke: an aged monk at Agira advised the
novice to go to Calabria, since Sicily was too disturbed by Saracen raids
to permit the contemplative life. 5 So the young man departed, leaving
the older behind. Likewise the novice St Luke of Armento left Agira
for Calabria 'secum deferens abbatis preces.'CI The monastic migration
to Calabria was more a matter of convenience than of absolute necessity,
and many ascetics stayed behind in the island. 7
Such being the case, we should expect the drift to Calabria to end as
soon as Moslem Sicily attained a relative stability. There is, in f act,
no evidence of further migration after hostilities ended in 965. 8 There
1 Amari, 11, 408, n. 1, attempts to date St Vitalis's Roman pilgrimage c. 959, and asserts that
lince he did not return to Agira, but lived nearby on Et.na, the abbey of St Philip must have been
destroyed by the Moslems in the expedition of 960. But we have just seen that St Christopher
received permiasion from the abbot to live at Ctisma. There waa no rule of stability in Sicily al
this time. St Philip's is mentioned so frequently in these contemporary biographies that the
argument from silence is particularly atrong against ita violent destruction. More probably it
simply decayed.
1 His nephew Ellas followed him from Sicily; AA.SS, Ma.rch u, SI.
1 Lancia di Brolo, n, 418 notes a third St Luke, a native of Taonnina and abbot of a monastery

on Et.na, who died in Corinth while returning from Byzantium. Unfortunately we have no indi-
cation of bis period. Cf. Caietanua, 11, 41.
4 A curioua case of migration to Calabria is ofJered by St John Terista. Bis pregnant mother

waa captured in 9M by Saracena in Calabria, and he wu bom in Palermo. Although educated

as a Moslem, John was inftuenced by bis mother to flee to Calabria, where he entered a monaatery.
Cf. Lancia di Brolo, u, 4ts-5; AA.SS, Feb. m, 485.
11 AASS, Ma.rch I, 99.
AA.SS, Oct. VI, SS7. The Greek text is not extant.
7 We learn from the contemporary biography of St Nicephorus of Mileto (which C. B. Hase
believes was written by a Sicilian) that in 964. many hermits were living on the promontory of
Meslina where St Savior's in Lingua Plrari wu later erected. The most famoua was named Pro-
linakios. Cf. extract from Vita S. Nicrplwri in Base's note 6i to Lmia diaooni oaloer&lia hiatoria,
PG, CXVII, 756.
8 Cod. vat. 2188 and 2020, copied at Capua in 991 and 99S respectively by Cyriacus, a monk
84 1ntroduction

are indications that relations thereafter between the Basilians and their
Saracen masters were normally quite cordial. As early as 964 a monk
was instrumental in negotiating a treaty between the Islamic and the
Byzantine forces. 1 When, later in the century, three of St Nilus's
monks were captured by Moslem raiders in Calabria, the famous abbot
sent a ransom to the emir of Palermo, and wrote to the emir's chief
notary (a most devout Christian!) requesting his good offices in the case.
The emir refused the ransom, liberated the monks, and sent a remark-
able letter to St Nilus: the abbot had only requested it, he, the emir,
would have sent the monastery a grant of immunity from damage by
raiding parties. Further, the emir invited St Nilus to settle in Sicily,
promising that he might dwell freely there in honor and veneration. 2
From the eleventh century comes a description by the Arabic poet lbn
~lamdls of how. in his youth the young bloods of Syracuse used to go
by night to a nunnery of that city where they were served old wine the
color of gold by an aged sister. If the vitality of Basilianism declined
in the century following the fall of Rametta, it was not from persecu-
tion, but because the Greeks as a whole were losing their morale in the
face of the increasing Islamization of the island.
However we must not exaggerate the isolation and degradation of the
Hellenic population of Sicily in this period. Connections were main-
tained with Greece and Italy, and even a certain literary culture seems
to have been preserved. In the late tenth century St Simon of Trier
from Mili (cf. BatifJol. R.ouan.o, 88. 156), cumot be CODlidered coatn.ry evidencie in view of the
death-dates of Sicilian sainta mentioned above. Cod. vat. 1660, copied at Regio in 1037 b7 a
Sicilian cleric (ibid., 87, 155; L&ncia di Brolo, JI, W, n. 1) ia nota aerioua exception. lt is signjfi-
eant that when the abortive espedition of Manialces in l~ momentaril7 restored the political
ClCllldiliona of the early tenth century, a new wave ol. emigranta start.ed &Cl'OU the Strait. The
coatemporary Vita 1. Plrilarm (AASS, April 1, GOS-415) indicates that Philaret'1 family moved
to Calabria. where he became a monk., ahortly alter Maniakes'1 failure.
1 Cnmaca liculo-6Gl'acena. ed. Coua-1..uzi, 77.
1 Vita 1. Ni. c. 71, AASS, Sept. VII, S02; PO, cu. 111.
M. Amari, BihliAeca arobo-1-icula (Turin. 1881) Cap. ux. 1, p. SlO. Such relationa were
not aceptional. A curiou.e p&r&llel ia found in the poem of lbn Abi 'Afim al-Miarl prailing the wine
of the abbey ol Tamwaih on the Nile:
O that 1 could drink at Tamwaih of the bright juice, which brinp COQtempt
on the winea ol Hit and Aal
Ba.pitable chamben in which 1 have been I01'ely tempted in heart,
when 7ou were formerly my wineahope and my hoateli;
Behold! 1 shall not cease to beg for the moming draught,
when the clappen strike, in my !ove for the monasteries.
CI. Tu c\walu arad ~ of Egypl. attributed to Aba !?ilil]. the Armenian. ed. and tr. by
B. T. A. Evetll and Alfred J. Butler (Odord. 1895), Sli-lS. Abu !?&li.I]. tella us that a 10D of Ibo
TQIQD, who erected the famOUI moeque in Cairo in the late ninth century, greatly admired a IDOl&ic
ol. Our Lad7 in the Egyptian Mellte abbey of al-~Uf&ir. and that 'he even built himlelf a _ , . .
for himlelf at thia lll0D&ltel7, that he might come there for recreatioo'; cf. ibi4., 1*'80.
 The Basi,liana oj Sicily 35

was bom in Syracu.se ola Calabrian mother anda Gl'e("k father. When
Simon was seven years old the family moved, under no compulsion, it
seems, to Byzantium. 1 From Anna Comnena we learn that John ltalus,
a native of South Italy who became the leading dialectician of Con-
stantinople in the later eleventh century, spent considerable time in
Sicily during his youth. 11 One is tempted to identify him with the
'axo).CMmc.o~ 'Icu&wr~' who, about the middle of the century, joumeyed
from Sicily to Rome to visit St Bartholomew of Grottaferrata, and later
retumed to Sicily. 3 Perhaps most significant of all is the statement in
the contemporary life of St Philaret {1020-70) that although his father
was a peasant the hoy learned bis letters from a priest in Sicily.' We
shall not be too rash, therefore, if we assume a certain continued intel-
lectual activity in the monasteries of the island.
We know that when the Normans crossed the Strait of Messina in
1060 they discovered several of the Basilian houses still inhabited,
though in a dilapidated condition. Roger 1 found the monks of St
Mary's of Vicari praying for his success against the lnfidel; 6 while St
Philip's of Fragala, St Barbarus's of Demena, and St Angel's of Brolo
were also occupied. These abbeys had held their lands legally under
Saracen rule: in 1109 we learn that because the charter of St Barbarus's
had been destroyed during the Moslem depredations the lands of the
abbey had been usurped by neighbors. 8 Since Roger ordered that the
limits of the abbey's possessions be determined by an inquest of aged
men, it seems more probable that the charter was lost during the con-
fusion incident to the Norman conquest rather than in the period before
965. H so, it is clear that these Basilians had been able to maintain
their rights before 1060 by presenting their charter to the Moslem au-
thorities. This is confirmed by a reference to lands which the monks
of Brolo 'tenebant et possidebant tempore impiorum agarenorum.' 7
1 AASB, June 1, 86. Sl Simon became a mon.k al Sinai, journeyed to Nonnandy in 1026, and

died al Trier in 1086.

1 Alezu, v, 8, ed. by Auguat Relerscheid (Leipzig, 1884), 1, 177. lt is ditlicult to know how
much we may trust Anna's account of John ltalus, since she was consciously denigrating a heretic.
Her story of the relation of ltalus's father to the expedilion of Maniakes in 1088-40 is unintelligible.
Vita a. Bartlwl.omaei crypto/erraUnail, PG, cxxvu, 488. Not in AASS
AASS, April I, 605.
a Cusa, 4 and 697; Pirri, 294.
8 Cusa, 408 and 707; G. Spata, pergameru1 greclr.e ui.rtenti na Grande Archiro di Palermo (Pal-
ermo, 1861), !U6; Caspar, No. 9.
7 Pirri, 1021. Under the Normana law was personal: a charter of 1168 from Catania provides
'Latini, greci, iudei et saraceni unusquisque im[ta suam legem iudicelur' (cf. infra, p. 115, n. 1).
Presumably, therefore, the Sicilian Greeks had used the Byzanlino-Roman law under Moslem rule.
For an exhaustive bibliography on this point cf. A. Finocchiaro-Santorio, 'Gizyah e kharag: Note
sulla condizione dei vinti in Sicilia durante la dominazione mllllSUlmana con speciale riguardo alla
proprieta fondiaria,' Archiro giuridico, 8a serie, x (1910), 198, n. l.

- .
86 1ntroduction

Even new donations were permitted: the longer of the two testaments,
dated 1105, of Abbot Gregory of St Philip's of Fragala 1 asserts that he
took the monastic vows at Fragala before the coming of the N ormans,
when the abbey was almost falling in ruin, and at that time transferred
to it all his inherited possessions, including lands.
Apart from St Michael's of Ctisma, established in a rebuilt church
by St Christopher before 940, and the nunnery set up by his wife Cali, 2
we have no evidence of new monasteries being founded in Moslem Sicily.
However it seems likely that new churches were erected for existing
communities. 3 The rural Basilian churches of Norman Sicily are gen-
erally very conservative in architecture. While in the cities, above ali
in Palermo, a brilliant style was being developed out of Romanesque,
Byzantine, and Saracenic elements, the Greek monasteries isolated among
the mountains tended to follow older forms. In the ruins of the Graeco-
N orman abbeys of the Val Demone scarcely a trace of Moslem infiuence
can be found;' their architecture probably carries on the types found in
the island under Byzantine rule. This is what we might expect in that
part of Sicily where there had never been a large number of Mohammed-
ans. In the western region, where Islam was dominant for over two
centuries, Basilian architecture would be more exposed to Mrican infiu-
ences. A few kilometers from Castelvetrano, in the Val di Mazara,
stands the church of the Holy Trinity of Delia, 5 which seems to date
from the early part of Roger Il's reign. It was probably monastic,
and fairly inaccessible: here we should expect to find the same con-
servative tendency so conspicuous in the Val Demone. But this tiny
edifice is a perfect fusion of the Byzantine and the Saracenic: it is one
of the treasures of European architecture. Its ground-plan is a Greek
cross, but it is surmounted by a little red Moorish dome, while its pointed
windows are filled with plaster filigree in elaborate geometrical patterns.
Apart from the windows the church is almost devoid of ornamentation.
The structure depends for its effect upon perfection of proportion. There
is nothing experimental about its combination of Greek and Saracenic

1 Cusa. S96 and 700; Spata. op. cit., 198-9.

1 Supra, p . S!i.
1 lt is now reoogniud that the so called &lict of 'Omar, which forbids Chriat.iana to build new
churchea or monaateries, or to repair old ones, is an apocryphal document of the middle of the
eleventh century; d. L. Caetani, Annali dell' lalam, m (1910), 957. On the erection of new churchea
and abbeys in mediaeval Islam cf. A. S. Tritton, Tlae caliplu and IJ&eir non-Mrulim ,,J,jec, a critical
dwly of tM C""11anl aj 'U mar (London, 1980), 87-60; alao T. W. Arnold. Preaclaing of lalam, tnd
edn. (New York, 191S), 66-7.
4 The largest collection of photographs is appended to F. Valenti's lecture 'L'arte nell'era nor-
manna' in Il rrpw normanno (Messina, 1982), figs. SS-56.
6 G. Pstricolo, 'La chiesa della Trinit& di Delia,' ASS, v (1880), 51-66; cf. Valenti, figs. 78-4.
 The Baailiana of Sicily 87

features: the architect is sure of his tradition. lt is unlikely that so

satisfying a structure was the product of a new Norman fashion. lt is
even less likely that a small community of rural Basilians would have
accepted any very startling innovation in the style of their church.
There is one simple solution: for two hundred years before the Holy
Trinity was erected, the Christians of Western Sicily had been building
small churches, and had slowly absorbed and assimilated forms brought
from Mrica by the conquering Moslems. Such an hypothesis would
account for the architectural differences between the Val Demone and
the rest of Sicily in the twelfth century, and would give the 'typical'
Norman ecclesiastical architecture of Palermo, Cefalu, and Monreale
more continuity with the preceding era than has hitherto been recognized.
 INTRODUCTION

V. THE GREEK MONASTERIES OF NORMAN SICILY

W HEN the Normans crossed the Strait of Messina they found a

land which was not European but Levantine: the conquest of
Sicily was a dress-rehearsal for the Crusades. The north-eastem por-
tion of the island-the region of Messina-was largely Greek. The
southem coast and the west were overwhelmingly Saracenic. In lan-
guage, religion, and civilization the inhabitants looked either to Byzan-
tium or to Cairo: there was not the smallest Latin element.
Chalandon has computed 1 that in the early period of bis Sicilian
conquests Count Roger could not put more than six hundred men in
the field at a time. The attitude of the indigenous Christians towards
the Normans was therefore the key to his success. Its importance may
be judged by the fact that while the Val Demone, where the Greeks
predominated, was subdued in less than four years, the expulsion of
the Moslem forces from the Val di Mazara and the Val di Noto required
twenty-six years more.
At first the Greeks received the Normans as liberators. 1 The Chris-
tian inhabitants of Troina delivered that city to the invaders. 8 But
Roger was soon to learn that the loyalty of the Sicilian Byzantines had
to be purchased. Certain Normans mistreated women of Troina, the
population rose against them, and Roger and his garrison were blockaded
in the citadel during the whole winter of 1062-68. Thenceforth the
Count made every effort to ensure the support of the native Christians.
The most certain way to win their hearts was to favor their religion, so
long decayed under Islamic rule.
When Roger 1 and Robert Guiscard captured Palermo in 1072 they
found a Greek archbishop named Nicodemus maintaining the cult in
an obscure suburban church. The Normans restored him in triumph
to the ancient Byzantine cathedral, which had been used as the chief
mosque of the city. 6 Nicodemus seems to have retained his office until
1 Dominalion, I, 208.
1 Malaterra. u, 1'6, ed. E. Pontieri (Bologna, 1927), SS.
lbid., 11, 18, p. 35.
lllid., ll, 29, p. 40.
1 lbid., u, U, p. 58; d. Pirri, 82. For a possible Greek bishop at Taormina, d. infra, p. 109, n. G.
88
 Greek M onasteries 89

his death; 1 the first Latn archbishop of Palermo did not receive the
pallium until 1088. 2 To be sure, Roger Latinized the Sicilian bishoprics,
but such action may not have caused great offence among the Greeks.
The definitive breach between Rome and Constantinople had come only
in 1054, and it is doubtful whether the Sicilian Christians felt it very
bitterly.
As though to compensate for subordinating his Greek subjects to a
Latn hierarchy, Roger showered favors on the Basilian monks, usually
exempting them from episcopal jurisdiction. It is strange that the part
played by the Greek abbeys of Sicily in the development of the so called
'Sicilian Legation' has not received more attention. Jordan has shown 3
that the extraordinary powers exercised by Roger 1 in the establishment
of bishoprics and the delimitation of dioceses, and his control over his
clergy's freedom of movement, were not unusual in that age: the kings
of England, Germany, Scandinavia, Hungary, and Spain shared them
in sorne degree. Indeed such a usurpation of spiritual authority by
secular rulers was almost inevitable in any region where the church was
still expanding its organization. But the activities of the Count of
Sicily were unique in one respect: no instance has yet been discovered
elsewhere of a lay power subtracting a monastery from the jurisdiction
of the local bishop. It is now recognized that Urban II's bull of 1098
conferring an hereditary apostolic legation (or at least an appointment
'IJce kgati"') upon the Count was merely the recognition of existing condi-
tions in Sicily. Roger's first meeting with Urban 11 occurred in April
1088 at Troina, 6 and it is evident that the Pope there gave him permis-
sion to exempt monasteries. 8 However the Count had already granted
1 A Greek charter of Roger 1, dated October 1097, ind. 6, refers to gifts made to the Ba.sillan
abbey of St Mary of Vicari, in the diocese of Palermo, while Nicodemus was still alive; cf. Cusa,
4 and 697; Pirri, !W8; V. Mortillaro, Catalogo ragionato dn diplomi uimnti nel tabulario della cattedrak
di Pal.ermo (Palermo, l&H), Nos. 6 and 7.
1 JL, No. 6258. H .W. Klewitz, 'Studien Uber die Wiederherstellung der riSmischen Kirche in
Suditalien durch das Reformpapsttum,' Quellen und Forachuf11Jen, xxv (1988-4), 181, asserts that
Alcher, Nicodemus's successor, was also a Greek, but on questionable grounda.
a E. Jordan, 'La politique ecclsiastique de Roger 1 et les origines de la "Legation Sicilienne," '
Moyen dge, xxxm (1922), 262-7, and XXXIV (1928), 64, n. 2.
'lbi.d., xxxm, 260.
a Malaterra, IV, 18, p. 92.
11 Cf. Roger's charters of December, 1090, ind. 14, for St Mary's of Mili (Pirri, 1025); of April,
1092, ind. 16, for St Angel's of Brolo (Doc. ined., 8); of September, 1092, ind. 1, for SS. Peter's
and Paul's of Itala (Pirri, 1086); and of October, 1097, ind. 6, for St Mary's of Vicari (cf. mpra,
n. 1). The ch.artera ol June, 1090, ind. 18, for St Philip'a of FragalA (Cusa, 888 and 708; Spata.
Perg. greche, 246; Pirri, 1027; cf. Caspar, No. 191 and Cusa, 889 and 696), of September, 1092,
ind. 1, for St Michael'11 of Troina (Pirri, 1016), of December, 1092, ind. 1, for St Savior'11 of Placa
(Doc. ined., 7), and of 1098 for St Angel's of Brolo (Pirri, 1021), make no reference to Urban's
delegation of papal authority to Roger.
40 1ntroduction

such privileges on his own authority: in 1084, ind. 7, he had declared

the Greek abbey of St Angel of Brolo 'liberum et exemptum ah omnibus
episcopis, archiepiscopis et omni ecclesiastica et saeculari persona.' 1
Four years later Urban merely sanctioned a power already seized and
exercised by Roger. The Count had constituted himself a buffer be-
tween the Greek and Latn factions of the Sicilian church, and master
of both.
To judge the significance of the Basilian abbeys of Norman Sicily we
must know something of how many there were, and when and by whom
they were founded. But the history of Greek monasticism in the island
has been as obscure as that of the Latn. The tabulary of the archi-
mandrita! abbey of St Savior in Messina which exists in a sixteenth-
century copy in Codex vaticanus 8!l01 1 is still unpublished. When it
appears eventually in Teati e Bf:udi, edited by Dr Giannelli of the Vatican
Library, a more or less definitive study of the subject will be possible.
The most recent, and by far the best, list of the Greek houses of ltaly
and Sicily is in Cirillo Korolevskij's 'Basiliens italo-grecs et espagnols'1
which appeared in the autumn of 1982. Korolevskij enumerates !65
altogether, of which 68 were in Sicily. Unfortunately, however, his work
leans heavily on two broken reeds: A. Lubin's Abbatiarum Italiae breu
notitia (Rome, 1698), and the second volume of P. P. Rodota's Dell'
origine, yrogruao, e ataJ.o yruente del rito greco in Italia (Rome, 1760).
lt is not surprising, therefore, that in compiling our list of the Basilian
houses of N orman Sicily we must eliminate not simply 11 monasteries
of which there is no trace before 1196, but a1so 9 duplications through
variants of title, i houses which were not Greek but Latin, and one

The euct atent ol the immunity from epiloopal control enjoyed by theae Builian abbeya is in
doubt. The preaence al FragaJ1 in May, 1105, of la ').01111:ir 'n-T11C01ros 'm).w., (Cua, 402;
Spata, op. cit., 218; G. Coua-Lusi, 'Del testamento dell'abate fondatore di Demenna.' ASS, xv
(1890), 89), which might be tranalated 'Luke, biahop of the immunitiee' (d. Spata, 214. n. 11).
rouaes visiona of a Greek chorepi.acopua caring for the sacramental needa of ali the exempt moau-
teries. But in Byzantine times we find in Calabria a biahopric of lsola (' 6 T'WI' 'Aur>.111.,; el.
L. Duchesne, 'Les ~echbi de Calabria,' M&zngu Paul Fabn [Paria, 190i], 10) which aeems to have
CODlinued obecurely through Norman times (cf. G. Minui. 1A chieu di Calabria [Naplea, 1898].
~). Some light may be t.hrown on the relation of the privileged abbeya to the dioceaan by
RCllJel' 1'1 charter of April, 1096, ind. 4i (Cusa. 289 and 696; Starrabba, MO; Pirri, 888) to Biahop
Robert of Troina-Meuina permitting him to diecipline delinquent monka. but forbidding him to
touch the abbeya' properties.
1 According to a Latn veraion of H8'7 of a confirmation of 11415; Pirri, lotl; Caapar, No. 181.
1 Cf. P. Battifol, 'L'archive du Saint-Sauvem de Meaaine d'aprm un regiatre in~t.' RMru. ti#
fllMioiu liwt.oriqvu. XLD (188'7), f>M.4J'7, and R. Starrabba, 'Di un codicie vaticano conteoente i
pvilegi dell'archimandritato di Meuina.' A.SS. XII (188'7), 4GM.
ID ~ tl'iloirl"' d. """8pit ~ vr. 1180-1288.
 Greek M onaateriea 41
which was not in Sicily but in Calabria, leaving a total of 85 for the
Norman period.
To these it has been possible to add 88 new names, bringing the total
to 68. The following list is merely tentative: it may still contain dupli-
cations, and a very careful sifting of the records would probably lengthen
it somewhat. The date given for each monastery is that of its first
appearance in the documents, ora time when it must have existed be-
cause of its connection with sorne personage whose death-date we know.
The name of the founder or rebuilder is added. Three monasteries,
St Nicholas's of Mazara, St Savior's of Palermo, and the Holy Trinity's
of Delia, have been admitted on architectural rather than on document-
ary grounds. In the course of our study we shall mention six ancient
and probably ruined Basilian houses subordinated to Latin cloisters:
St Philip's of Pantano, St Savior's of Cerami, St Stephan's of Castro-
nuovo, St Basil's of Naso, and St Nicholas's and St Angel's of the Val
Demone. 1 Only one, St Basil's of Naso, 2 is included in our list, since
there is no evidence that the others were occupied by Greek mon.ks in
Norman times. a.-ante.

BABILIAN MoNABTERIEB IN NoRMAN S1CILY

St Anastasia in Mistretta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1l!ti (M. of Creun)

St Andrew of Bebene, Palermo . . . . . . . . . 1187?
St Anne of Messina (nuns) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1178-9 (Ola Grafeos)
St Anne of Monteforte . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1181
St (Michael) Archangel of Brolo . . . . . . . . 1084 (Roger 1)
St Barbarus, near San Marco . .. . . ...... a.1109
St Basil of Naso . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1080
St Basil of Troina............ ... . ... .. 1181
St Constantine of Malet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1181
St Cosmas of Gonata . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114i-8
St Elias of Embula . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1094 (Roger 1)
St Elias of Scala Oliverii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1181
St Felix of San Marco . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . .. 1181
St George of the Kemonia, Palermo . . . . . 1148 (107i, Guiscard?)
St George of Triocala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1098 (Roger 1)
St George in Agrigento .. . ............ . . a.1154
St Gregory of Gypso ....... ... . . ...... . a.1101? (Roger I?)
St Honufrius of Calatabiet . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1181
1 Infra, pp. lU, 186, 191, u. l.
1 Pirri. 1061.

,,,.-
 I ntroducli.on

St James of Calo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1un

St John of the Greeks, Messina (nuns) . . . U>M? (Roger 1)
St John of Psichro...... . .............. 1181
St Leo in Messina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1181
St Mary of Ambuto ................... a.1101 (Roger 1)
St Mary de Alto (de Jummari), Mazara .a.1144
St Mary of Bordonaro . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1178-9 (Ola Grafeos)
St Mary of Campogrosso ............ . . a. llM
St Mary de Crypta, Palermo .......... . . a.llSS (1072, Guiscard?)
St Mary of Gala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1105 (Adelaide)
St Mary of Mallimachi, dioc. Patti . . . . . . 1 un
St Mary of Mandanici, dioc. Messina . . . 1100 (Roger 1)
St Mary de Grotta, Marsala ...... ... . .. a.1107-8 (Christodoulos?)
St Mary of Massa, near Messina ........ a.1114 (Nicholas Grafeos)
St Mary of Mili . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1090 (Roger 1)
St Mary de AdmiraJ (Cme, la Pinta?),
Palermo (nuns) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1140 (George of Antioch)
St Mary of Scala, near Patemo ......... a.1166 (Stephan, hermit)
St Mary of Vicari (Biccari, Boico) ....... a.1097 (Roger 1)
St Mercury of Troina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1181
St Michael of Mazara (nuns) . . . . . . . . . . . 11~ (George of Antioch) 1
St Michael of Ficcara (Fulgerino,
Filarino?) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1181
St Michael of Troina...... ... . . ...... .. 1081 (Roger 1)
St Nicander of Messina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1181
St Nicander of San Nicone . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1098 (Roger 1)
St Nicholas of Butana, in Val Demone . . 1080
St Nicholas of Canneto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1181
1 A note on this moll88tery may be forgiven, since 1 have been particu)arly concerned with it.
At the Belgian abbey of Maredaom the late Dom Unnner Berli~ discovered tbree Greek eharteis
al St Michael's which were publi.shed with facaimilea by Henri Grgoire, 'Documents greca de
lrfazara, Sicile,' Annuair1 de rin#itut de Philo/,ogie et d' Hinoire OrWntalu of the University of
Brauela (1982-8), 79-107. 1 publi.shed a fourth, extant only in abad Latin version, in 'The charlen
al St Michael's in Manara,' Rei1ue bh&Mictine, XLV (19SS), 234-41, and showed il to be a forgery
el the Angevin period, based partly on a donation by Frederick Il to St Michael's (cf. E. Wmkel-
IDNID. Ada imperii inedita [lnnsbruck, 1880), 77) and partly on the longest of the tbree charten
edted by Grgoire. C. A. Garufi, 'Tre nuove pergamene greche del monastero di S. Michele di
Muan.' ..488, Lill (19SS), U9-2H, showed that this latter is also probably a forgery. Evidently
.-.- are dealing with two strata of forgery in the cartulary of St Michael's: one. amazingly skillful,,
lll'llllg out of the troubles following William Il's death, anda second, much more clumsy, following
tbe .Allgevin oonqueat. Filippo Napoli, 1 diplomi del moruutero di S. Midiele di Masara (Maura:
1'pgg. Grillo, lDM), 84 pp., must be in error in locating the two chief casalia of St Michael's. Ramelia
a1>d Minulalbu.lbir, twelve kilometers apart, since the descriptions of their boundariea found in
ti.<.- chut.en both mention the spring of Ullic. Cf. also Grgoire in B111Gntion. vm (19SS), 705-G,
and G . Greco in .ASSO, XXIX (1984), 868-5.
 Greek M onasteries 43

St Nicholas of Fico, near Racuja . . . . . . .a.1101 (Roger 1)

St Nicholas of Gurguro ................. a.1141 (Theodore of Antioch)
St Nicholas near Paterno .............. a.1174 (Geoffrey Secretus)
St Nicholas of Pellera ....... .. ........ a.lla (Adelaide)
St Nicholas de Regali, at Mazara .. .. ... .
St Nicholas of Ysa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1181
St Paneras near San Fratello . . . . . . . . . . . 1181
St Pantaleon (St Savior) of the
Presbyter Scholarios ..... ... ....... a.1098 (Scholarios)
St Peter of Deca, near San Marco . . . . . . . 1181
St Peter de Largo Flumine . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1181
SS. Peter and Paul of Agro . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1115 (Roger 11)
SS. Peter and Paul of ltala... ...... .... 109~ (Roger I)
St Philip of Fragala (Demena) . . . . . . . . . 1090 (Roger I)
St Philip the Great . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1100 (Roger I)
St Philip of Santa Lucia, near Milazzo ... a.11O1 (Roger 1)
St Savior in Lingua Phari.... . ... .. .... 1181 (Roger II)
St Savior in Messina (nuns) .. . . ...... . . a .1101? (Roger I?)
St Savior in Palermo (nuns) .. .. . . .. . . . .
St Savior of Placa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109~ (Roger I)
St Stephan of Messina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1184
St Theodore of Milazzo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 un
St Theodore of Mirto .. . . .............. a .1180
Holy Trinity of Delia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
St Venera of Vanella. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1181
Despite the provisional nature of this list, we can probably draw re-
liahle conclusions from it. The comparative statistics of Roger l's mon-
astic patronage are revealing: the Grand Count erected, with any cer-
tainty, only four Benedictine abbeys in Sicily (Lipari, Catania, Patti,
and St Mary's de Scalia); we know that he either founded or restored
fourteen Basilian houses, and it is said that he rebuilt three others.
The necessity of securing the support of the island's Greek popula-
tion, while probably the chief, was by no means the only reason for
Roger's generosity to the Orthodox abbeys. Although the Normans
were Latin in rite, the Pope was powerful, and a little too near for
comfort. The Patriarch of Constantinople, on the contrary, was dis-
tant, ineffective, and eager to regain the lost provinces of Magna
Graecia. The political tension between Rome and Sicily was very nearly
chronic. 1 One of the most effective ways of winning concessions from
1 Despite the occa.sional cooperation between Urban and Roger 1 which Jordan'a ' Politique

ecclsiutique' has demonatrated.

44 I ntroduction

His Holiness was to flirt with the Byzantine church and perhaps even
to toy with the idea of renouncing the papal jurisdiction altogether. It
is not improbable that some such veiled threat was used to extort from
Urban 11 the grant of hereditary legatine rights which gave to Roger
and his successors much the same power over the Sicilian church as the
Eastem emperors exercised over that in their dominions. It is true, as
we have seen, that the church was at times forced to tolerate the usurpa-
tion of spiritual powers by kings in various parts of Europe. But only
a unique danger to the papacy could have forced Rome, engaged at that
moment in a general European struggle to free the church from lay
control, to cede to the Count of Sicily, in formal documentary manner,
prerogatives unparalleled in Latin Christendom. It is probable that
the acquisition of legatine rights, and their successful application by the
Norman rulers, was largely due to the strong tradition of Byzantine
Caesaropapism which permeated the Sicilian church, and of which the
Greek monks were the chief propagators. It was a Basilian archi-
mandrite, Nilus Doxopatrius, 1 who at the request of King Roger 11
wrote the Hi.stmy of the five patriarcha8-one of the most vigorous at-
tacks ever penned against the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome.
Still a third motive may be discovered. The Normans could not
spread their dominion northward because of the papal state. The coast
of Africa, although possibly more inviting then than it is today, offered
little inducement to conquest. (The Normans did, however, maintain
a foot-hold there for many years.) The logical place for expansion lay
to the east, in the Byzantine Empire. In 1080 Robert Guiscard launched
an attack in that direction which was to continue, by arms or diplomacy,
as long as Normans ruled the south. The task of winning Greece would
be greatly simplified if the religious prejudices of the people could be
overcome, and their fears of persecution by the Latin Normans assuaged.
The propaganda value of the great Basilian monasteries of Sicily and
Southem ltaly for such a purpose is evident.
Count Roger l's patronage of the Greek monks may therefore be re-
garded as one of the most important and far-reaching of his policies.
It assured the stability of bis rule in Sicily, and greatly strengthened bis
position in dealing with his two most powerful neighbors, Rome and
Byzantium. During the delicate eleven years of her regency, the Count-
ess Adelaide wisely followed her husband's example. In that time she
founded two Basilian abbeys, and only one for Latin monks. Three
years alter he had assumed the govemment Roger 11 built his rst
monastery: the Greek SS. Peter's and Paul's of AgrO.
1 On Nilua cf. Ca.par, &,. 11, MCJ...S54.
 Greek M onasteries 45

This policy of the ruling house seems to have led to an over-expansion

of Basilianism in the island. Very early we find evidence that the un-
avoidable deflation was commencing. Under Adelaide's regency, that
is by 11 H, the monastery of Ambuto, apparently restored by Roger 1,
was again deserted, and its lands were given to the nunnery of St Mary
de Scal near Messina. 1 Under William 1 St Pancras's of San Fratello
had become a simple benefice of the Cappella Palatina in Palermo. 2 In
1180 St Philip's of Santa Lucia was still inhabited, and ruled by an abbot;
eight years later it was the living of Master Benedict, the royal chaplain. 8
And in 1196 Constance speaks of St Mary's of Marsala, founded and
endowed by Admira! Christodoulos, as 'ah abbate et monachis penitus
destituta.' In contrast there is no evidence that a single Latin mon-
astery was abandoned in the Norman period.
An additional indication of the artificial inflation of Greek monasticism
is the sharp decline in the number of new foundations as the twelfth
century progressed. Of the 65 da.table Basilian houses of N orman Sicily,
21 appear by 1101, while 58 are mentioned by the year 1184. Of the
remaining H, half may well belong to the earlier period-we know them
only through casual notices. The other 6 were, significantly, founded
by prvate persons: the Antiokites family, the Grafeos-Sekretos family,
and by a certain Stephan. The emphasis in the patrona.ge of the house
of Hauteville had shifted from Greek to Latin monasticism.
The foundation of the great abbey of St Savior in Lingua Phari at
Messina by Roger 11 in 1181-84, and the organization of most 5 of the
Greek houses of Sicily under its archimandrite into a sort of congrega-
tion, has generally been regarded as the climax of the Hellenic renaissance
in the Norman realm. But it was actually a desperate effort to check
the dissolution of Count Roger l's work of restoration. Evidently, as
we ha.ve seen, the Byzantine inhabitants of Sicily were unable to popu-
late so great a number of monasteries; the churches were gradually
falling into neglect and decay. Roger II's daughter, the Empress Con-
stance, tells us that her father gave to St Savior's 'multas abbatias fere
desertas' in order to reorganize and rejuvenate them.
1 lnfra, p. 166.
Pirri, 1059.
:11
a K. A. Kehr, 456, and infra, p. 99.
4 K. F. Stumpf-Brentano, Acta imperii (lnnsbruck, 1881), m, 596; R. Riea, 'Regesten der Kaiserin
Constanze,' Quellen und For1cAungen, XVIII (19i6), No. 87.
1 At least ten monasteries known to have been inhabited by Greek monka between 1080 and
USO are not enumerated in Roger II's charter llirting the hoU8e8 connected with St Savior's (Pirri.
975; Caspar, No. 95). 1 have discovered no feature common to these ten which would account
for their exclwrion : some had been endowed by Roger 1, othen bv prvate benefactors.
o Supra, n. 4. lt cannot be maintained that the eighteen abbeys made directly obedient to St
Savior's were simply ancient ruim deserted since Moelem times: at least four of them, St Barbarua'1
46 l rroduction

The scheme was successful: in 1866 there were still 24 Basilian houses
in Sicily. 1 But by 1184 the vitality was rapidly seeping from the Greek
churches. The institution of the archimandrite embalmed and preserved
what had once been vigorous :ftesh. The charters of the Basilians in-
creasingly were confirmations of ancient rights rather than new dona-
tions. One can detect no symptom of disfavor towards them-there is
no proved case of the Latinization of a Basilian abbey in Norman
Sicily. 2 The interest was merely directed elsewhere. At the very mo-
ment when King Roger was salvaging the work of his father by the
erection of St Savior's, he was lavishing energy and wealth on the new
Augustinian church of Cefalu, the first major Latin foundation of the
Hautevilles in the twelfth century. Thereafter the royal family con-
tinued to support the Greek monasteries, but never established another.
The Benedictines of San Giovanni degli Eremiti, Maniace, and Mon-
reale were the chief objects of its generosity.
The reasons for this change are not far to seek. The increased Ro-
manic element in Sicily's population diminished the danger of Moslem
rebellion, and consequently lessened the political importance which the
Greeks had once hadas the chief bulwark of the Norman dynasty. The
Anacletan Schism and the treaties of Mignano and Benevento gave the
king a hold on the Sicilian church and an independence of Rome which
made the support of the Byzantine clergy less necessary than formerly.
Finally, the Basilian abbeys of the island, headed by the superb archi-
mandra, one of the landmarks of the Mediterranean, located as it was
on the spit protecting Messina's harbor, were quite sufficient for propa-
ganda in the Byzantine Empire. The support of the Greek monks by
Latin rulers had always been somewhat artificial. The necessity for it
passed when Roger 11 was firmly seated on his throne. Thenceforth
the piety of the kings of Sicily found a more natural expression in aiding
the religious of their own rite.

of .Demena. St George's of Triocala, St Nicander's of San Nicone. and St Nicholu's of Pellera, had
been inhabited under the Normam.
1 Cf. Korolevakij, 'Ba.siliens talo-greca.' 165.
ll St Philip's of Agira and St Mary's ol .Maniace were probably deaerted when the Benedictines
colonized them; cf. infra, pp. tl6 ud 145. St Mary's of Ligno, Cistercianized in 1188, wu prob-
ably not in Sicily but in Calabria; r,fra, p. 178.
a cr. r,fra, pp. as ff.
 INTRODUCTION

VI. MONASTIC MIGRATION FROM NORTHERN EUROPE

TO THE NORMAN REALM

W HEN the roving N orthmen at last settled in the lower valley of

the Seine, and became Latinized and Christianized, their patron-
age of the monastic life more than compensated for the ravagings of
their piratical ancestors. Abbeys and priories sprang up ali over N or-
mandy, richly endowed, and drawing novices frequently from the
nobility. 1
After the Norman adventurers succeeded in carving out principalities
for themselves in the south, their clerical relatives were not slow to join
them. For more than a century the contact of Southem Italy and
Sicily with the realm of the Normans and Plantagenets was intimate. 2
The chief monastic migration took place in the late eleventh century.
Invariably it reached Sicily by way of Calabria. Ordericus Vitalis has
fortunately left us a detailed account of one of these movements. 3
Robert of Grantmesnil, abbot of St l1;vroul-en-Ouche, became involved
in a conspiracy against Duke William of N ormandy. He fled for his
life, and the Duke forced a new abbot, named Osbem, upon the reluctant
monks. Robert appealed to Pope Nicholas 11 against this action, and
while in Rome went south 'ad parentos suos in Apulia, ubi urbes et
oppida quamplura vi armorum obtinuerant.' Undoubtedly he was urged
to remain; but he retumed to Normandy, with two cardinal legates, to
retrieve his abbey. The Duke swore to hang him 'ad altiorem quercum
vicinae sylvae' if he laid hands on him, and Robert discreetly retreated
to Paris. Thence he hurled excommunication at Osbern, and com-
manded the monks of St l1;vroul to follow him into exile. We are told
that all the ablebodied obeyed. Ordericus names nine of them, includ-
ing a fine scribe, a cantor, and a grammarian. Robert reached Rome
with eleven. After a short delay, the Benedictines journeyed on to
1 There is no critica! h.iatory of early Nonnan monasticism. A partial list or abbeya older than
1060, with tentative datea of their foundation, is given in C. H . Haskins, Norman irutittdion.
(Harvard, 1918), 10.
, cr. c. H. Haakins, 'England and Sicily in the twellth century,' Englh htorical TetMw, XXVI
(1911), 488-47, 641-65.
3 OTdnici Vital eccluiamca htoria, ed. A. Le Prvost (Paris, 1888-55), u, 82-91.

47
48 1ntroduction

Calabria, where, in 106~, Guiscard founded and endowed the abbey of

St Euphemia for them. 1
The new monastery rapidly grew in wealth and infiuence. When
Guiscard,s mother Fredesenda, the second wife of Tancred of Hauteville,
died, she was buried there, and Duke Robert made a lavish donation in
her memory. About 1068 Guiscard subjected the monastery of the
Holy Trinity at Venosa, 2 in Apulia, to Abbot Robert. Grantmesnil ap-
pointed as its abbot one of the monks who had followed him from St
Evroul: a cert1tin Berengar fitz Arnald, an expert in reading, writing,
and singing. He was abbot of Venosa for nearly thirty years. Vitalis
tells us that he started with only twenty monks in bis ah bey, and ended
with one hundred.
Before 1080 the Count of Sicily, brother-in-law of Grantmesnil,
founded another great cloister, that of the Holy Trinity and St Michael
Archangel of Mileto in Calabria, 3 and subordinated it to St Euphemia's.
Robert appointed another of his Norman monks, William fitz Ingram,
to be its abbot.
But the greatest colony of St Euphemia,s was in Sicily. In 1091
Roger I induced its prior, the Breton monk Ansger, to become the head
of the new abbey of St Agatha in Catania. The Catanian church re-
ceived a fabulous endowment, including the city itself. It is probable
that a good proportion of the original colony was from beyond the Alps
-the chronicler Geoffrey Malaterra was almost certainly a N orman.
From St Agatha's went the founders of three new Sicilian monasteries--
the great-grand-daughters of St Evroul in Normandy. It may be that
the slopes of Etna as well as the valleys of Calabria resounded with
the 'cantus Uticensis.' 4
A single charter preserves for us the memory of another early settle-
1 Cf. E. Pontieri, 'L'abbazia benedettina di Sant'Eufemia in Calabria e )'abate Roberto di
Grantmesnil,' ASSO, xxu {19i6), 92-115. On the foundation charter of 1062. cf. H. W. Klewits.
'Studien Uber die Wiederheratellung der nsmischen Kirche in SUditalien durch daa Reformpapsttum:
m, Normanniache KlostergrUndungen und ihre berlieferung,' Quellm und FarlCl&ufllJm. xxv
{1983-4), HS.
Cf. G. Crudo, La SS. Trinil di Vmoaa (Trani, 1899).
a The tabulary of this abbey, largely unpubliahed and rich in Norman documenta, is in the archive
of the Greek College in Rome. Cf. Pierre Battifol, 'Das Arch.iv des greichiachen Colleg's in Rom,'
ROmcM Quarlachrift, 11 {1888), 217-Hl; also bis 'Chartes byzantines indites de Grande Grece,'
M"'1f11Ju d'arch. et d'ht., x (1890), 98-111; K. A. Kehr, 409; P. Kehr, 'Papsturkunden in Rom,'
GottingiM!M Nachric/Uen (1900), pp. 152, 157, 177, and 186; KlewiU, op. cit, 155-7.
4 'In bis itaque tribus monasteriis ltaliae [St Euphemia's, Mileto, and Venoea] Uticemis cantua

canitur, et monasticus ordo usque hodie, prout opportunitas illius regionis et amor habitantium
permittit, observatur,' Ordericus Vitalis, n, 91. Cf. 1'roparium abbatiae Sancti Ebrulfi in Nor-
mannia,' in E. Misset and W. H. J. Weale, Analecta lituryica, 11, Pt. 2 (Lille and Brugea, Ul9i),
218-22. The Gallican rite, with Norman peculiarities, waa used in Sicily until the Council el
Trent; cf. G. di Giovanni, De divin ftculorum offici (Palermo, 1786). For a manuscript of USC).89
 M onastic M igration from N orthern Europe 49

ment of northern clerics in Calabria. In 1085 Roger 1 induced certain

'uiros religiosos clericos, qui nuper a transmontanis partibus uenerant
causa adeundi sepulchrum Ierosolimis' 1 to stay permanently in bis realm.
For their benefit he endowed St Mary's of Bagnara, where they formed
a community under the Augustinian rule. Bagnara possessed many
churches in Sicily, and colonized both the priory of St Lucy of Noto
and the great cathedral of CefalU. We may be sure that its original
inhabitants were, if not Normans, at least from the region of modern
Fl-ance, for in 1108 the prior of Bagnara was a certain Geoffrey of
Poitou. 2
A third wave of colonization was led by St Bruno of Cologne, the
founder of the Carthusian order. Bruno spent bis younger years at
Rheims. In 1081 he was elected archbishop, but fled the honor, retired
to a wild valley near Grenoble, and founded the Grande Chartreuse
about 1084. Six years later he was called to Rome by Urban 11, who
had studied under the saint. Shortly thereafter he was offered the arch-
bishopric of Reggio in Calabria. Although Bruno refused the miter for
a second time, he was attracted by Southern Italy. With Lanvinus,
prior of the Chartreuse, and a band of bis hermits,' he searched the
south for a suitably ascetic site, and finally, in 1091, settled at La Torre
in Calabria, receiving an endowment from Count Roger 1 for the monas-
tery of St Mary. The success of the new abbey was so great that before
1099 the daughter-house of St Stephan del Bosco was founded not far
away. 6 This St Stephan's had a priory in Sicily, St Christopher's of
Prizzi, given to it in 1160 by Matthew Bonell.
Still another Calabrian settlement, which opened the way to the great
expansion of Cistercianism both on the mainland and in Sicily, was
containing a liturgy of Rouen, but coming from the Norman kingdom, el. L. Deliale, 'Un livre de
choeur normano-sicilien conserv en Espagne,' Joumal du aat1an, VI (1908), 4M9.
0n Roger l'a alleged policy ol filling the Sicilian cathedrae with monka from St Euphemia's,
el. infra. p. 105, n. 6.
1 K. A. Kehr, 411.
1 Cf. in/ra, p. 185. There are ined.ited Norman charters for Bagnara in the archive of St John'1
Lateran, and copies of the same in Cod. vaticanus 8084.
a Cf. H. Usbbel, Der Stij'f du Carthail#r-Orden.a, cr laeilige Bruno aiu KOln, in KirclimguclrieM-
licM Studim, V, l (Mllnster, 1899).
'Roger Borsa in 1098 tells us that 'Bruno et Lanuinus . cum BOCiis suis in terram Calabrie
a Galliarum partibus .. uenerunt'; AASS, Oct. m, 626.
6 One of the numerous duiderata in the history of Calabrian monasticism is a critical reexamina-

tion of the cartulary of St Stephan's. Al present its documents can be used only with the greatest
reserve. They are largely printed in the ten volumes of B. Tromby, Storia ~ e
diplomali.ca da patriarcha S. Brunmu: e del 1UO Ordine Carltuiarw (Naples. 1778-79), and are altacked
by F. Vargas-Macciueca, EmrM delle t1antale carie e diplomi della Cmo.a di S. Stefano da BOMJO in
Calabria (Naples, 1766). A beginning has been made by Chalandon, Domination, 1, 804-807, note;
Doc. ined., p. xv, n. l; and K. A. Kehr, 871-86.
50 I ntroduction

St Nicholas's of Filocastro. which. as we shall see, was founded by

Cistercians from Clairvaux in 1140-41, and endowed by King Roger Il.
No doubt the paucity of our sources keeps us in ignorance of other
similar monastic migrations to the new Norman domains of the south.
The movements of individuals are even more difficult to check, particu-
larly since we know that vocations to the regular life did not cea.se
among the other northem immigrants. 1 The amount of information on
South Italian and Sicilian affairs found in the chronicles of Normandy
and England would alone assure us that there was an active intercourse
between the abbeys of the two regions. 2 Fortunately we have a little
specific evidence. Ordericus3 tells us of a monk of St :evroul who made
two trips to Calabria and Apulia, remaining almost three years at St
Euphemia's, and bringing back a rich present from its abbot William
to his N orman monastery. In 1097 the Benedictine St Anselm of Can-
terbury conversed at Capua with Roger I,' and in 1187 St Bemard of
Clairvaux met Roger II at Salemo. 11 We also know that Robert of
Cricklade, the leamed prior of the Augustinian canons of St Frideswide's
in Oxford, visited Catania and Syracuse about 1156, and probably be-
came acquainted with Henry Aristippus, archdeacon of Catania. 1 In
1167-9 the Benedictine William of Blois visited Sicily, and for a short
time was abbot of a church in Calabria. 7 And in 1169 a Cluniac. Prior
Theobald of Crpy-en-Valois, carried a letter from Louis VIl of France
to William 11 of Sicily. 8
It is evident that northem European monasticism exerted a powerful
influence upon that of the Norman Kingdom. However, this influence
1 Ordericua, u, 91, tells ua that William. the first abbot of Mileto, although ordained in Normandy,
took the Benedictine habit at St Eupbemia's.
ll Cf. Haskins in Engli.ala Ai.atorical revi.ew, XXVI, 486.
1 'Bia in Apuliam permissu Rogerii abbatia propter utilitatem Uticenaia ecclesiae perresit [R&in-
aldus), ibique Willermum fratrum 1uum. aliosque multos ex parentella BU&, qui in ext.era regioae
divitiia abundabant, invenit. Cum Willermo abbate S. Eufemiae filio Unfridi de Telliolo fere
tribUB annis in Calabria 11UU1Sit, et inde remeana preadicti abbatia, cujUB ipse coaaobrinUB erat.
dono cappam ex alba purpura S. Ebrulfo detulit,' u, 110.
' Jnfra, p. 48, n. S.
1 lnfra, p. 168, n. S.
Cf. HaskinB, Mediaetial leienca, tnd edn. (Harvard, 19!7), 169-70. 1 bave not diacovered
whether the altar to St Lucy in CbriBt Cburcb (St Frideswide's) ia in any way connected with this
Syracuaan trip.
7 Cf. my 'For the biograpby of Wtlliam of Bloia,' Eng. Ailt. reri., L (1986), '87-90.
u
8 Collecnon docummta inldiU iur l'Aimlire u u
Fra"", Brie m, No. 1: Lettru roia, reinad
avtru -pm-Mmnagu du coura u France et d' Angleterr" depuia Lou VII juaqu' a Hmri IV, pub. b7
l. l. Cbampollion-Figeac, 1 (Paris, 1889), 4. Possibly Tbeobald visited bis fellow Benedictinea at
Catania, for Biblioth~que Nationale MS latn 18817, fol. u, lists among tbe reliC9 of St Arnutr1
of Crpy 'OB cum dentibus S. Agathae et de velo eius.' Tbeobald was probably on a busineu trip
to the Holy Land: Louia 1&y1 that. 'procurat autem neceasitatea nobilia eccleaie Cluniacenm in
Oriente.' For eastem connectiom of the priory of Crpy cf. my note in SptJCUlum, IX (1984), 4M-7.
 M onaatic M igration from N orthern Europe 51
was mediated to Sicily through Calabria, and was diluted in the process.
Just as the Norman adventurers who conquered Southern ltaly fused
with the older Lombard nobility, so the immigrant monks mixed with
the indigenous Latin clergy in Apulia and in those portions of Calabria
which were not solidly Greek. We may be sure that the colonies which
went out to build the new Sicilian cloisters were very diverse, and that
their monks continued to be of the most varied origin throughout our
period. For example, a Breton, a Norman, and an Amalfitan were
among the pioneers of Catania. Towards the middle of the twelfth
century St Agatha's seems to have hada Latinized Slav named lvan as
abbot, and about the same time a 'lohannes Alemannus' appears at one
of its colonies. A decade latera Salernitan, John of Agello, was abbot.
No further proof is needed of the thoroughly cosmopolitan character of
the Latin monasteries of Sicily.
The most puzzling feature of the migration of northern monks to the
Norman domains is their concentration in Calabria, whence they spread
into both Apulia and Sicily. We have no record of a transalpine going
from his homeland directly to a Sicilian abbey to live. The reason for
this is probably two-fold. After the success of the first crusade, migrant
monks who wandered to Southern Italy or Sicily would probably not
settle in the Norman realm, but would be drawn onward to Palestine.
The transplanting of groups of regular clergy from north to south seem.s
to have been confined to the second half of the eleventh century. Until
1091 Sicily was a battlefield, with almost constant raids and skirmishes.
Moreover, until alter the death of Roger 1 Mileto in Calabria was the
real center of Norman activity: only under Roger 11 did it move to
Palermo.
But there was also a political consideration. We have seen that in
Sicily, where there were no Latins, the N ormans based their power on
the Greek element, and particularly on the Basilian monks. In Calabria,
on the other hand, these very monks were a peril to the N orman domi-
nation. For centuries they had been the chief agents of the Basileus in
his attempts to Byzantinize Southern Italy, and after the conquest of the

There are other minor evidences of monaatic relatioos between the Norman kingdom and the
north. Alboldua, a clerk who later became a monk at Bec and abbot of St Edmund's, was once
i.n Bari; d. 'Miracula S. Nicolai [barensis} conacripta a monacho beceensi' (itseH a significant title),
i.n CalalOflU codicum liagi,ographicorum latinorum BiblWthacaa N ationalia Pariaienfta, n (Brusaels.
1890), H. According to Eadmer, Hialoria ft0&10l'Um in Anglia., ed. M. Rule (London, lSS.), Rolla
mu, No. 81, p. 96, the Roman-bom Abbot John of Telese (c. 1098) had studied at Bec under
St Ameim. that is, before 1092. We alao hear of 'Warin, a former medical student at Salemo.
becoming a monk at St Alban'1; d. Thomaa Walsi.ngham. Gula abbatum mona.cerii S. Alban
ed. H. T. Riley, &lU mu, No. 28, Pt. (London, 1867), 1, lM l!.
52 1 ntroduction

land by the Hautevilles they kept alive a loyalty to the Eastem Empire
which expressed itself in sporadic revolts. The danger was particularly
great in southern Calabria, which at that time was solidly Hellenie-
there are still Greek-speaking villages in the region. Sorne attempt was
made to break the power of the Basilians by depriving them of their
properties; 1 but such action naturally stirred dangerous resentment.
The Normans chiefly counteracted their influence by introducing power-
ful communities of Latn monks. The Lombards of Southem ltaly were
scarcely less given to revolt than were the Greeks. For their Calabrian
foundations, therefore, the Normans secured northern European monks,
on whose loyalty they could depend. That these new abbeys were de-
liberately intended as agents of Latinization is indicated by their geo-
graphical positions: ali were located in southem Calabria, below the
Sila, where the Byzantine element was dominant. 2 Seen in the light of
the political difficulties of Count Roger 1, both the concentration of im-
migrant monastic groups in Calabria and their absence from Sicily be-
come intelligible.
1 A eomiderable number of Builian monasteriea were subjected to Latin abbey1. Cf. Batiftol.
RouoflO, p. nv. Whereas in Sicily there I nota trace of friction between Greelt and Latin chureh-
men, in Calabria the occidental monks were vigorous opponents of the Greeks. Thus in 1095
St Bruno took an active part in the Latinization of the bishopric of Squillace (Usbbel, op. cit.,
160), and the Benedictinea of Mileto brought charges of heresy against the begoumenos of ROIS&llo
(Batift'ol, op. cit., 8). Litigation between the Greek and Latn house1 was chronic (E. Pontieri.
'I primordi della feudalit& calabrese,' N"'1M riflim 8torica, v (1921), 687-9). The infiltration of a
Romanic element into the Basilian abbeys seema to have begun very early; a Latn inscription Oll
the magnificent mosaic pavement of the Patirion of Rossano (which P. Orsi, chiue btuilimw
dllla Calabria [Florence, 1929), 184, dates in the twelfth oentury), infol'Dlll WI that 'Blasius Venera-
bilia Abbas Hoc Totum Jusait Fieri.' The hostility of the Normana towarda the Basilians of Cala-
bria persisted until alter the final conquest of Sicily had released for continental service the armed
fOlttll concentrated in the ialand, and bad thus greatly reduced the danger of a Byzantine counter-
attack. 'Solamente quando la potenza normanna fu cosl aaldamente costituita. da non temen:
pi1l l'inaidia del biu.ntiniamo, da euere anzi in grado di prendere l'otfen.siva contro Biaanzio, veno
la fine dell'undecimo eecolo ci~ l'atteggiamento dei principi nonnanni di fronte all'elemento re-
ligioeo greco nei loro territori cambio sensibilmente,' E. Buonaiuti, Gioa.c/rino 4a Fiare (Rome, 1981).
89-90.
1 Julea Ga;y, 'JWIQU' o1l 1'~d, 1 l'~e normande, la zone hll~ de l'Italie m&idionalei'"
Jl&mgu Berlauz (Paria, 191-1), 110-128, usumea the preponderance of Greeb in Calabria eouth
of the Val di Crati, and deal.e with the mi:sed Graeco-Latin region or Lucania and Apulia. G.
Rohlf1, Sean lingutici rwlla Jlagna <hecia (Rome, 1933), 9 and 66, believea that the Nicutro-
Catansaro liae marked the divilion between Greelt and Latin-epealdng eectiona of Calabria.
 INTRODUCTION

VII. THE ROYAL POLICY TOWARDS THE LATIN

MONASTERIES OF SICILY

A S we have seen, Greek monasticism survived in Sicily even under

the Moslem sway: the task of Roger 1 was not so much to found
abbeys as to restore them. lts Latin counterpart, on the other hand,
was an alen thing introduced by the conquerors.
In contrast with the mushroom growth of Basilianism, and its subse-
quent decay, the expansion of the Latin monks was steady and healthy,
corresponding with the increase of the Roman Catholic population. Al-
though a Benedictine abbey was erected on Lipari before 1085, there
were no Latin communities in Sicily proper before 1091. The first, St
Agatha's of Catania, was founded eleven months after the fall of the
last lslamic stronghold on the island. In the next 108 years, which is
the period of our study, we know that no less than 50 Latin abbeys and
priories were erected in Sicily. The dates of the foundation of !l8 of
these can be given exactly; another 16 can be placed within limits. Six
may be ascribed to the reign of Roger 1; 8 were established between the
death of the Grand Count and the coronation of his son in 1180. Al-
though only 8 foundations can be definitely placed in the !l4 years of
Roger II's reign, sorne S!l of our cloisters had appeared by the time of
his death in 1154. In the brief Hl years of William 1 we find 5 founda-
tions; under William 11, prohably 9. Even in the short and turbulent
reigns of Tancred and William 111 8 new monasteries were erected.
Naturally such statistics are only partial. Undoubtedly many of the
churches suhordinate to the monasteries were served and inhabited by
monks, and should be ranked as priories.
Another computation throws into clear relief the difference hetween
the growth of Latin and Greek monasticism in the island. Omitting
dubious cases, we know that the counts, k.ings, and regents of Norman
Sicily erected or restored U Basilian, and only 11 Latin houses. On the
other hand, private patrons founded only 11 Greek cloisters, and !l5
Latin. Here again we have proof that, while the Basilian expansion
was largely the result of puhlic policy, the spread of the occidental orders
was the product of spontaneous piety.
However, it must not be thought that the rulers of Sicily were indif-
58
54 1ntroduction
ferent to the Latins: their foundations were few, but they were the most
important. With the exception of four minor houses (St Mary's of
Sciacca, St Mary's of Ustica, the Holy Spirit's of Buscemi, and St
Michael's of Petralia) ali the communities of black-clad Benedictine
monks on the island were either colonies of, or subordinate to, the four
great abbeys erected by the Hautevilles: Lipari-Patti, Catania, St John's
of the Hermits, and Monreale. Queen Margaret's church at Maniace,
subject to Monreale, was, as we shall see, enormously wealthy. Of the
Latins other than Benedictines, the most powerful were the Augustinian
Canons of Cefalu, the favorite church of Roger 11. Elsewhere in Europe
the monastic foundations of feudal lords competed in grandeur with
those of their suzerains. lt is indicative of the unique position of the
Sicilian kings that their churches completely overshadowed those en-
dowed by their subjects.
It is a flattering commentary upon the importance of our monasteries
that the rulers of Sicily took every precaution to assure their loyalty.
As hereditary papal legate, the king had complete control over ali the
religious establishments of the island, including the election of abbots
and bishops. The canonical form was respected by obtaining royal ap-
proval of the nominee before the actual election took place. 1 Of course,
in monasteries founded by the Hautevilles the king would a1so have the
iua patronatua over the election of abbots. 2 Only once is there any trace
of friction between the electoral body and the royal power. In 1167
the Benedictines of Catania appear to have chosen as their abbot-bishop
John of Agello, in opposition to William of Blois, the candidate of the
regent, Queen Margaret. However, we know very little of the circum-
stances: Matthew of Agello, John's brother, was powerful at court, and
probably secured approval of the election. In any case the politieal
conditions of 1166-68 were too abnormal for such an episode to set a
precedent.
As a consequence of the king's legatine status, all appeals to Rome
were prohibited, and no Sicilian prelate could visit the pope or attend
a papal council without the royal permission. 1 But in addition the
1 It ia 80 provided by the Treaty of Benevento of 1158 between William 1 and lhdrian IV; el.
the ten in G. B. Siraguea. ll t''f'IO di Guglidmo l in Sicilia, 2nd edn. (Palermo, 1929). 386. Cf.
al80 the approval of the nomiuee of Celalu, infra. p. 198.
1 On the s Oct. 119.S, ind. 14, Constance complaina to Celeatine m in very strong terma agam.t
hie interference in the abbatial election at St .John'a of the Hermitl which impuped her rigbt ol
patronage; cf. P. Kehr, 'Daa Brielbuch des Thomaa von Gaeta. .Juatiti.ani Friedricha ll,' QMeUea
tmd ForlC!lufllJm. vm (1906), 61, and Ries. 'Regesten Comtam:es,' ibid., xvn1 (19i6), No. lS.
1 On the atriking dilrerence between the libertie. of the South ltalian hierarchy u compved
with the Sicilian cf. the provilliona of the Treaty of Benevento. ed. cit., and P. Kehr, 'Die Belehnang
der aUditalieniachen Nornwmenfllraten durch die Plpete (1059-1191),' ..tbiGUl..,_ "'1r ,_.,..
clatm .dlcadnaW U.. Wv-Juiftm, pll.-lrill. Kl. (19M), No. l. p .O.
 Royal Policy f,owards the Latin M onasteries 55

rulers of the island maneuvered to reduce monastic contact with the

Apostolic See to a minimum. At the end of the eleventh century two
Sicilian abbots received consecration at the hands of the pope; a hun-
dred years later, only one, despite the great increase in the number of
monasteries. The first abbots of Lipari were consecrated at Rome, but
the connection was broken in 1180 when the abbey became a suffragan
see of the church of Messina. The abbot-bishop of Catania was like-
wise consecrated by the pope until the Anacletan scbism; about 1166
the custom was renewed, but in 1188 Catania was subjected to Monreale.
In 1174 Margaret endowed the church of Maniace with domains so vast
that normally it would have been made an exempt abbey; but tbe Queen
immediately subordinated it to Monreale. The abbot-archbishop of
Monreale was therefore the only monastic prelate of Sicily dependent
directly on the pope at the end of the N orman period. 1 He was likewise
the only one to pay a cenaua (Lipari's cenaua, first paid in 1091, was
transferred to Messina in 1094).
The Norman kings did not merely maintain absolute control of their
abbeys: they also prevented monastic colonization in Sicily from alien
or disaffected sources, and with good reason. The island was the bul-
wark of their power, their donjon-keep. The continental portion of the
kingdom, torn by papal, imperial, and Byzantine factions, and disturbed
by tbe ambitions of the great feudatories, was in almost constant ferment.
In Sicily, on the contrary, fiefs had been distributed in such a way as to
reduce the power of the nobility to a minimum, 2 there was no tradition
of imperial intervention, the favor of the Greeks had been cultivated so
assiduously as to extinguish any desire for reunion with Constantinople,
and the Apostolic Legation had almost eliminated papal influences. The
king could cross the Strait of Messina to subdue Calabrian and Apulian
uprisings certain that he would not be stabbed in the back.
The necessity for keeping Sicily free from subversive elements was
decisive in the royal monastic policy. Wherever we are able to trace
the colonization of an abbey or priory, its inhabitants came from a
church in the continental dominions of the ruler of Sicily, with one minor
exception. 8 The earliest cases of which we have definite knowledge, St
Agatha's of Catania and the cathedral of CefalU, were colonies from two
Calabrian communities of whose absolute loyalty there could be no doubt,
1 E. Jonlan, 'La politique eccl&iaatique de Roger I,' M"lltm dge, XXXIV (1928), SM.S, traces a
.millar growth ol the metropolitan syatem in Sicily from 1180 to 1188 whereby papal inftuence was
diminished and royal power augmented.
1 Cbalandon, 11 209-!UO.
The relugee Cistercians from Syria at the Holy Trinity'1 of Relesio and St Michael'1 of Prizzi;
in.fea, pp. 176-77.
56 1ntroduction

St Euphemia's and Bagnara. Both had been founded by Roger 1 and

settled by transalpine immigrants.
In 1 H7-80 Roger II extended his sway over the whole of Southem
ltaly, but for nearly two decades he did not tap this new reservoir of
monks for Sicily. At last, between 114!! and 1148, he built San Giovanni
in Palermo, and called hermits from Montevergine to inhabit it. The
foundation of St John's is particularly useful for a study of Roger's
policy. During the Anacletan Schism his chief opponents had been
Bemard of Clairvaux and Peter of Cluny. Mter Roger's reconciliation
with lnnocent 11 in 1189, his :6.rst task was to put himself in the good
graces of the two great abbots. The obvious method was to endow
Cistercian and Cluniac monasteries. However, despite Peter the Vener-
able's broad hint that the foundation of a Cluniac abbey in his domains
would be most acceptable, 1 there is no evidence that Roger acted on the
suggestion. He did indeed found a Cistercian house in Calabria in
1140-41, 2 but he had too recently felt the power of the white Benedictines
to permit them to settle in Sicily. The disciples of Bemard were notori-
ously pro-papal; Roger's relations with Rome were generally too cool for
him to run the risk of planting French Cistercians in the island, where
they might become a nucleus of ecclesiastical opposition in time of crisis.
Roger chose between preserving intemal stability and augmenting his
intemational prestige. The sacrifice involved in his selection of the
more conservative course must not be underestimated. H an abbey as
conspicuously located and as. lavishly endowed as St John's of Palermo
had been given either to the Cistercians orto the Cluniacs, Roger's fame
would have resounded from one end of Europe to the other.
But why did Roger pick Montevergine as the object of such special
favor? Probably because it was politically the most innocuous monastic
community in his newly-acquired domains. About 11!!0 William of
Vercelli, a saint of the most rigid pattem, had begun to gather about
him a group of austere and other-worldly ascetics. They had no tem-
poral interests, and no political tradition. They were admirably suited
to Roger's purpose.
What little we know of the origins of other Sicilian cloisters confums
the impression that the Norman rulers strictly excluded any foreign
monastic influence dangerous to their power. The Cistercians were ad-
mitted only alter prohation at Fossanova, Sambucina, and St Stephan
del BOBCO (which ceased to be Carthusian about the middle of the twelfth
century). Bagnara colonized not simply Cefalu, but St Lucy's of Noto.

1 Jrtfra. p. 150.
lnfra. pp. 168 ff.
 Ruyal Policy towards the Latin M onasteries 57

The nunnery of St Mary's de Scalis seems to have been an offshoot of

St Euplus's in Calabria. From La Cava came monks for St Michael's
of Petralia and William II's abbey of Monreale.
An inevitable consequence of this policy was the complete exclusion
from Sicily of Monte Cassino, the most famous abbey of the Norman
kingdom. On the ~1 May 1191 1 Henry VI issued a vast confirmation
of ali its possessions. In the published edition two and a half folio
pages are required to enumerate them. The mother-abbey of Benedict-
inism ruled an ecclesiastical empire, concentrated for the most part in
Southern Italy, including Calabria, and in Sardinia. But its only claim
in Sicily was 'terras quas Tertullus S. Benedicto dedit' seven centuries
earlier, 2 and which the abbey had probably lost during the Arab inva-
sions ! The Cassinese monks, with their ancient tradition of independ-
ence and cordial relations with both Empire and papacy, submitted with
bad grace to the firm rule of Roger 11 when he conquered the Duchy of
Apulia. In 1187, when Lothair invaded ltaly in support of lnnocent 11,
the abbey appears to have sided with him. 3 In any case there was a
strong anti-Norman party among the monks. The kings of Sicily re-
ciprocated by generally withholding their favor, and even by encroach-
ing on Monte Cassino's properties." They recognized that no more dan-
gerous influence could be introduced into Sicily than the Cassinese; and
the Cassinese were kept out.
From what has been said it will be seen that the monastic situation in
Sicily was very different from that in the continental half of the Kingdom.
On the mainland the Normans were faced with a complex accumulation
of centuries, and could only treat the abbeys individually, favoring those
which supported the dynasty and repressing the others. No particular
policy is detectable, save the tendency to play northern monks against
Basilian in Calabria. In Sicily, on the contrary, Latin monasticism was
a new growth, transplanted into virgin soil. The Norman rulers con-
trolled its development carefully, prevented the introduction of any anti-
royal element, and trained it to be a strong support of the central power.
1 E. Gattola, Ad hittoriam abbatiae caalinenm accurionu (Vencie, 1784) 1, 269-74; T. Toeche,
Kaiaer Heinrich VI (Leipzig, 1867), No. Hl.
1 E. Caspar, 'Zur llltesten Geschichte von Monte Cassino,' Neuu Archio, XXXIV (1908), 195-207,
has shown that there is an authentic nucleua in the present forged donation.
a R. Palmarrocchi, L'abbazi.a di Mcm-Caanno e la conquta normanna {Rome, 1918), 162-6,
attempta to show that the account of this incident is a distortion of the truth by Peter the Deacon.
a partisa.n of the imperial faction. Caspar, 181-4, and Chalandon, o, 59 fl. accept Peter'a account,
which is contemporary, as authentic.
'Palmarrocchi, 171.
 INTRODUCTION

VIII. THE LATIN MONASTERIES AND THE LATIN-

IZATION OF SICILY

W HEN the Normana entered Sicily the population was about one-
third Byzantine and the rest Saracenic. A century later the
Moslem element was in full retreat, and the Greek reduced to a small
minority. At the end of another two generations the Mohammedans
had been eliminated altogether, and the Greeks were negligible. The
chief result of Norman rule was the Latinization of Sicily.
There is an amazing lack of evidence showing how this fundamental
change occurred. There was very little persecution of Islam: 1 the royal
court and administration were filled with Saracens, and only relapsed
converts or apostates were troubled because of religion 2 until towards
the end of the century. lndeed we may surmise that the N orman kings
discouraged active evangelization-it will be remembered that in 1097,
at the siege of Capua, Roger 1 quenched St Ans~lm's zeal for proselyting
among his Moslem troops on the ground that it would stir up unneces-
sary trouble. 8 And the Archbishop of Canterbury would surely have
been distressed at the sight of his fellow Benedictine, the abbot of Mon-
reale, permitting three Mohammedan serfs to swear obedience on the
Koran!'
Nevertheless there was undoubtedly considerable conversion from
Islam to Christianity, in a quiet way. The simple fact that so large a
Moslem population, consisting in great part of serfs bound to the soil,
was absorbed and Latinized, would warrant the assumption. There is
some evidence for it in the documents. For example, of ten serfs given
in 1188 to Cefalu, three were baptized Saracens: 'Iohannes filius dele-
gandi, Philippus filius bulfadar, Basilius filius abdesseid. Isti sunt Chris-
tiani.'6 Thousands of Mohammedans were subject to our monasteries
and we may be sure that the monks exerted pressure, if only thatfof
a On tbe one G1llo dafl, el. U. Epilanio, Ruggiero 11 e Filippo di Af Mahdia,' .A.88, :ax (1905).
471-601.
1 Cf. art.idea :Di and :Dii ol Cod. nt. 8781 in F. Brandileone, ll tlirillo f'OlllaftO Mlle llJggi ~
, ...., tUl &,Ro di Bit:ilia (Turin. 188'), 101-i.
Eadmer, Vilo ..t.-tni, in PL. a.vm, 102. and ed. M. Rule, in R.oll. ,..,.W, No. 81 (Londoa,
188'), 395.
' lrifro. p. HO
Doc. '-' 187.
58
 The Latinization of Sicily 59

favoring apostates from Islam, 1 to secure converts. At times indirect

coercion may have been used: thus we find the abbot-bishop of Catania
tuming a mosque of that city into the church of St Thomas Becket. 2
At Lipari we even :find a proselyte in the black habit of St Benedict:
'qAC1t1t0~ J.OV~O~ &pcx~o~.' 3
lt might be claimed that the Norman counts and kings intended their
abbeys to be instruments for evangelizing the Moslems. Out of 9 bish-
oprics on the island, 4 were in the hands of regular clergy: 8 Benedictine,
and 1 Augustinian. Neither Normandy nor ltaly fumishes precedent
for this; one must go to England and Northern Germany to find so large
a proportion of monastic cathedrals. And in those regions the predomi-
nance of the monks was dueto their activity as missionaries. However,
a study of the origins of the Sicilian monastic sees dispels any analogy.
Of the 6 bishoprics established by Roger 1, only 1, Catania, was monastic,
and that for no evident reason. Roger 11 secured miters from his
Pierleone antipope for the Benedictine dual abbey of Lipari-Patti, and
for his Augustinian church at Cefalu, to give the new archbishop of
Messina some suffragans, and in the latter case to lend luster to what he
hoped to mak.e the mortuary chapel of bis dynasty. William 11 secured
archiepiscopal honors for Monreale simply to add to the splendor of his
pet foundation, though probably he was incited by the enemies of Arch-
bishop Walter Offamil of Palermo. The conspicuous role of monks in
the Sicilian hierarchy was therefore a result not of consistent policy, but
of casual circumstances.
The scarcity of Latin monasteries along the south and west coasts of
the island, where the population long remained almost solidly Moslem, 11
supports the belief that they were not intended as agents of Latinization.
Indeed probably no Latin abbey in those regions could rival the Basilian
foundations of St George of Triocala, St Michael of Mazara, and St
1 Converta advertized their new statua: 'Ego Iacobua nouua christianua testor'; ibid., 56. Monldah

diatress at failure to convert aubject lnfidela haa left ita trace on the plaUa given to Lipari-Patti
between 1181 and 1145 (ed. by Garufi, ASS, XLIX [1928], 95-6): a hand of the later twelfth centuey
hu added alter the nam.ea of certain Moelem serla 'anima et corpore obt' (and alter otben.
'fugiit' !) .
lnfra, p. 115.
1 Cuaa, 5H; Spata, Di-pl. gr. ftcil., H.
41 Chalandon, r, 3'6, believea that in hie interview with Count Roger in 1088 Urban ll refuaed

to 1&Dction the erection of biahoprica at Cat&Dia and Agrigento, and that in creating an abbey at
Cat&Dia and then aecuring the episcopal dignity for it Roger got hia biahopric 'par un moyen d6-
toum6.' But on the 26 April 1092 the Count explicitly tella ua that Urban haa approved the Cata-
I&D project 'ore auo aanctiuimo'; cf. infra, p. 107, n. 1, and E. Jordan, 'La politique eccl&iutique de
Boger I,' MOJ!rl' cfge, xxxm (1922), 248 ff.
'We are told in 1250-60 that 'pauci Christiani [erant in Agrigento] uaque ad mortem regia Guil-
lelmi lleClllldi' cf. Garufi, 'L'Archivio Capitolare di Girgenti,' ASS, XXVIII (1908), H7-8.
60 I ntroduction

Mary of Marsala, at least in the earlier period. But the very fact that
the Norman abbeys were not obvious centers of propaganda probably
made their penetration of the Moslem population the more effective.
Here, as in the case of the Greeks of Calabria, we have what Kirsopp
Lake has admirably called 'an object lesson in the quiet conversion of a
conquered nation to loyalty. Consciously or unconsciously [the Nor-
mans] proceeded on the theory, paradoxical yet often profoundly true,
that it is easier to change essentials than appearances.' 1 By maintain-
ing a policy of tolerance towards ls1am, the conquerors f acilitated the
conversion of their Moslem subjects.
The gradual Latinization of Sicily, however, was due not simply to
conversion, but to another phenomenon equally obscure: the settlement
of large colonies of 'Lombards' (which meant simply 'mainlanders') in
the mountains of the east-central portion of the island. 2 This immi-
gration reached huge proportions. Hugo Falcandus, 3 who is not given
to exaggeration, tells us that in 1168 the 'Lombard' cities offered Stephan
of Perche an army of twenty thousand men. This would indicate that
the colonists, at a conservative estimate, numbered at least a hundred
thousand, and probably more.
The Latin clergy of the island, and particularly the monks, naturally
had every incentive to increase the Romanic element in the population.
lt is therefore significant that the first hint of deliberate colonization of
Latins-'homines . . . lingue latine'--comes in the C01U1titutum of Abbot
Ambrose of Lipari for settlers at Patti, dating between 1094 and 1101.'
In 1188 we have a reference to the 'vulgar,' that is, ltalian, tongue of
these immigrants. 6 In 1 H4 Count Henry of Paterno gave to the abbey
of La Cava near Salerno the church of St Nicho]as near Paterno. 8 This
became a priory, later called St Nicholas de Lombardis, but whether the
Lombards were brought there by the monks of Cava or by Count Henry
himself we do not know. In 1145 we find the abbot-bishop of Catania
ceding certain revenues from a community called 'Lombardia' to the
Cappella Palatina in Palermo. 7 The charter is somewhat ambiguous at

1 'The Greek monasteriea in Southem ltaly.' Joumal of theological ltudiu, v (l!MM), 88-9.
To the lit.enture on these coloniea given in Chalandon, l, M9, n. 6, add Amari, m (1868), ilt-
288; Garu6, 'Gli aleramici e i normanni in Sicilia e nelle Puglie,' Cmtenario Aman (Palenno, 1910),
1, 69-63; F. Piaua, Le colan 1 i dialetti lombardo-ftculi (Catania, 1921); and G. Pardi, 'La popola-
zione della Sicilia attraverao i aecoli,' ASS, XLIX (1918), 166-7.
a Lwr tk regno SiciliatJ, ed. G. B. Siraguaa (Rome, 1897), 165.
' lnfra, p. S.S.
Infra, p. 90. Had the language been Greek or Arabic, the expression would have been 'grece'
or 'arabice,' rather than 'uulgariter exposita.'
Infra. p. 185, n. 5, and p. 115, n. 6.
7 [A. Garofalo], Talmlarium &gUu ac Impniali.t Capelltu (Palermo, 1885), 19.
 The Latinization of Sicily 61

the crucial point: it may be simply a more exact definition of a previous

grant. However, since the Royal Chapel was endowed only in 1140, 1
it is probable that 'Lombardia' was colonized under the auspices of the
Benedictines of Catania. An undated rescript of Roger 11 (therefore
before 1154) shows us that a community of 'Lombards' was located at
St Lucy's, south of Milazzo, a casale belonging to the monks of Lipari-
Patti. 2 Our best proof of monastic interest in Latin colonization comes
less than two years alter the fall of the Norman dynasty: in January,
1196, ind. 14, Abbot Amatus of St Mary's Jehosaphat made an agree-
ment with a group of Calabrians who had come to Sicily to settle at
Meseph, near Paterno. 8
This evidence gains in importance when we consider that it constitutes
practically all we have from the twelfth century bearing on the question
of whose initiative brought the Romanic colonists to Sicily. Granting
that the archives of the local nobility have almost entirely vanished,
nevertheless we are fully justi:fied in asserting that our monasteries played
a major part in the Latinization of Sicily, not merely through the con-
version of indigenous elements, but through the colonization of conti-
nentals. We may repeat of the island what Brandileone has said of the
mainland: 'Come gia . . . erano stati i Basiliani i precipui fattori della
grecizzazione . . . , cosi con la dominazione normanna incomincia un
periodo novello in cui gli ordini religiosi occidentali . . . intraprendono
e compiono la nuova latinizzazione.''
The Sicilian documents, it may be added, confirm the evidence from
other regions 1 that the rural population of Europe in the twelfth century
was on the move. In 1188 we find on the estates of Monreale 7~9 Mos-
lem serfs who had run away from the royal domains. 11 This explains
how the enterprising churchmen of Sicily were able to recruit so many
colonists from the mainland for their settlement projects.
1 Jbid., 11.
2 lnfra. p. 68, n. 5, and p. 85, n. 2.
1 'Ego Amatus ecclesie uallis losaphat Abbu una cum conuento meo huiusmodi pactum et conuen-

tiones habemua cum hominibua qui de Calabria ienmt in Siciliam ad construendam caaale in terra
nostra in loco qui dicitur Mesep iuxta Paternionem,' Garufi, 'Un contralto agrario in Sicilia nel
aecolo xn,' ASSO, v (1908), 19.
4 F . Brandileone, 'Il diritto greco-romanno nell' Italia meridionale BOtto la dominazionenormanna,'
Arc/aivio giuridico, XXXVI (1886), 287.
6 Cf. J. W. Thomp&on, Fwdal Gmang (Chicago, 1928), M6, n. l.
o lnfra, p. 1411.
 INTRODUCTION

IX. THE LEGAL, ECONOMIC, AND CULTURAL POSITION

OF THE LATIN MONASTERIES OF NORMAN SICILY

1 N 1185 the Spanish Moslem traveler lbn Jubair exclaimed at the

glory of the abbeys of Palermo: 'How many monasteries around the
city belong to the king, who has adomed their buildings and endowed
their monks with great fiefs!' 1 Well he might exclaim; for our Latn
cloisters were-indeed they remain today-the most imposing monu-
ments of Sicily. Their functions in the expansive life of the Norman
era are no less striking. To be sure, in sharp contrast with the secular
bishops, the ahbots did not mix in the perpetua! intrigues of the court.
The monks, however, mingled intimately with the ordinary activities of
the people. Their dependents were numbered by thousands, their parish
churches by hundreds, 2 and their lands occupied no small portion of the
island-those of Monreale alone were a principality.
On what terms did the monastic communities hold their properties?
Were they free to receive all donations? The discussion of these ques-
tions has often been diverted from an examination of the surviving di-
plomas to speculation about a Norman law, no longer extant but revived
by Frederick 11, forbidding the sale or gift of 'possessiones hereditarias
uel patrimoniales . . . cuilibet loco religioso de quo nostre curie certum
seruitium minime debeatur.' 1 Brandileone' helieves that this was a
Norman revival of the Byzantine laws forbidding the acquisition of real
property by monasteries. However, Frederick's defense against papal
accusations asserts that only property bearing feudal obligations was
involved in this statute. 11 Our N orman charters show clearly that such
was the intent of the original measure, which, although it cannot be
dated exactly, 8 was probably enacted by Roger 11 before 1148 to defend
his rights against gradual corrosion.
1 In M. Amari, BiblWt/uoa arabo-ftcula, 1, 160, and JournaJ cuMdiqu, me .&ie, VD (1818), 80.
The Norman-Sicilian chartera oler nothing of interat on the miniltry of.pariah churches owned
b7 monuttties. On this 1111bject el. U. Berlim, 'L'exerciae du miniat!re paroiaial par~ moines
du Xll9 au xvm ai~e,' & - blnltlictiu, lCCCIX (1H7), ~.
'J. L. A. Huillard-B~olles, Htoria diplorAalica F""'1ftci 11(Paria.185Ml), IV, ti'7-8.
Op. eit., 171-7; cf. infra, p. 70, n. l.
Cf. Matthew Paria. ed. H. R. Luarcl (Londoa, 1878), m, MS. and Huillud-BrQaolles, op. eit.,
v, 151-S.
Cf. H. Niese,o.,,,,,,.,,.,,., tlM flOrtllannidn ~ i .. &,.".. SicililMI (Halle, 1910), 115.
62
 Legal, Economic, and Cultural Position 68

Count Roger l, not forseeing the enormous extension of church lands

in Sicily, undoubtedly intended that all ecclesiastical property should be
free of service. In bis very generous endowment of the church of Catania
in 1091, 1 at the request of the abbot, he provides a nominal recognizance
of bread and wine ('et non amplius') to himself and his heirs when they
visited St Agatha's. The abbey could receive and hold freely donations
of allodial land, which was common in Sicily. 2 Three years later, in
founding St Savior's of Patti, the Count explicitly tells us that 'ecclesias
quoque ah impietate nefanda saracenorum dirutas . . . in pristinum
statum restitu . . . liberas ah omni seruitute constitui.' He then gives
the new abbey of Patti to Abbot Ambrose of Lipari 'in ius proprium.'
In two subsequent charters, of 1094 and 1098, Roger I confirmed dona-
tions made by barons to Lipari-Patti, and freed them of service.
It must soon have become evident that the Hautevilles could not
maintain their power if they permitted this process of converting feudal
holdings into ecclesiastical allods to continue. There were two alterna-
tives: either to allow churchmen to accept such lands provided they
rendered service for them; or to forbid such transfers entirely, save in
rare instances when the count or king of Sicily was willing to renounce
bis right to service. In general the latter course was followed: no great
ecclesiastic of Norman Sicily became deeply involved in feudal obliga-
tions. However there are traces of experimentation with the former
plan. In 1177 we find William II relieving the church of Lipari-Patti
of its burden of maintaining twenty sailors in the fleet-a service due
from its tenement of Santa Lucia. 6 Similarly in 1186 William II re-
mitted to St Leo's of Pannachio the maintenance of one sailor. 8
1 Pirri, 528; infra, p. 100, n. l.
1 Cf. G. Battaglia, I diplmni inediti relatin all'ordinanwnto della ~ fondiaria in Sicilia
IOlto i normanni e gli 8llelli, in Doc. enJ. 8'or. Sic., prima serie, XVI (Palermo, 1895), 86 ff.
1 Pirri, 770; infra, p. SS, n. l.
' lnfra, p. 81, n. 3, and Appendix, m.
6 lnfra, p. 98. lt is impossible to 8&Y when this obligation waa aasumed by the abbey. The
chureh of St Lucy waa donated before 1094 by Geoffrey Burrel (infra, p. 82), and freed by Roger 1
of ali service. In IIOO-IIOl the 8&me baron gave the casale of Santa Lucia to Lipari 'cum mandato
domini mei comitis' (Appendix. zv), but there is no specific mention of exemption from service in
this charter. In Roger II's great confirmation of IIM, in which eatatea aeem to be included in the
enumeration of the obedient churehea through which they were administered (infra, pp. 93-94.), we
find the 'eccleaia S. Lucie in campo Milatii' (Pirri, 7741; infra, p. 77, n. 3). The terma of this diploma
appear to show that ali of the abbey's property at that time waa free of service. A charter of II79
(ed. Garufi in ASS, XLIX [19t8), 97) shows that Geoffrey's donationa were merely the nucleua
around which the monb accumulated other propertiea. doubtleaa including the landa from which
the twenty marinera were due.
11 lnfra, p. 119. Since in bis foundation charter of l137 for St Leo's (infra, p. II8, n. S) Count
Henry ol Paternb had freed ita landa lrom ali service, this aailor muat have been due from eome
later gift. Naturally, unleaa auch an exemption were confirmed b;y the king, the baron would be
64 I ntroduction

By 1148 Roger 11 had settled definitely on the second altemative;

indeed it is probable that the law revived by Frederick II was promul-
gated about that time. The endowment charter of CefalU, dated 1145,
frees the holdings of that church from service, but has no specific restric-
tions on the acceptance of gifts. 1 Three years later, in the foundation-
charter of St John's of the Hermits, the king states his policy in most
unambiguous terms: the abhey may receive any lands 'exceptis feudis et
possessionibus que sunt alicui seruitio obligate, que nec ipsi recipere, nec
illi offerre absque nostra nostrorumque heredum licentia presumant.' 2
For properties received from the king the abbey is to pay a recognizance
of bread, food, and wine on the pattem of that formulated in Catania's
charter. This recognizance is likewise provided in the foundation-
charter of Monreale in 1176, and the identical restriction on the accept-
ance of baronial lands is repeated. 3
But the relation of Monreale to the Sicilian feudal organization was
unique. In the vast area granted to the ahbey, ali lands formerly be-
longing to the royal domain were to be held allodially. Those held
feudally by barons were to continue to render service to the king; the
abbot, probably in his capacity of royal justiciar, was required to see
that they fulfilled their obligations. If a baron died without heir, his
lands were to revert not to the royal fisc but to the abbot, and to be
incorporated in the monastic free-hold. The abbey was thus in no way
involved in the feudal system,' although its ahbot was a royal official.
The Hautevilles had retumed to Roger I's principie that ecclesiastical
property should be 'libera ah omni seruitute.' Two of the last charters

forced to add the burden of the donated lands to that due from hia remaining fiefs. For other
barona! gilta of exempted land d. infra. pp. 112. n. 4, ilO, and iSO. lt will be noticed that the
laat of th~ is dated l H8.
1 Infra. p. 19', n. S. On the unuaual option held by thia church over land in Cefali} d. infra. p.
19', n. 4.
1 Pirri, 1111 infra, p. H6, n. 6.
8 lnfra, p. 186, n. 6. There ia no evidence that the Norman law contained the provision. found
in Fredericlt Il's version of it, that il property owing service to the king were willed to a m011&8t.er7
it had to be aold by the monastery within a year, on pain of confiscation to the fisc. One of the two
aurviving deeds of sale by a Latn abbey of our period records the reason for the transaction: the
neighborhood of the house to be sold 'monachis per multum eral indecens et inhonesta.' lnfra.
Appendix, xxv, and cf. p. 205, n. 9.
' On the aummit of Monte Caputo, riaing above Monreale, is a massive cast.le, evidently Norman.
but not mentioned in the documenta of the twelfth century. The size of the chapel indicates that
it was designed to ahelter a monaatic community (cf. ll regno normanrw, figs. ill-ili). lt waa
probably constructed by the abbot of Monreale as a prvate precautionary measure. Similarly
the abbot of Lipari-Patti required certain of hia tenants to defend hia church from danger (infra.
p. 86), although he owed the king no military service. In the Middle Agea every freehold tended
to become a little feudal system in itself.
 Legal, Economic, and Cuural Position 65

of the Norman period show the workings of this rule: in 1194 William m
and his mother, at the request of two vassals, freed two tenements, held
in service from the fisc, from ali obligations, so that they might be given
to the nunnery of St Mary in Palermo. 1
Over the inhabitants of their lands the abbots exercised judicial power
in varying degree. The earlier documents are ambiguous as to its ex-
tent. In 1091 Roger 1 granted to the abbot of Catania 'omnia illa
iudicia terrena in tota terra monasterii, et in portibus, et in littoribus
maris.' 2 The word 'terrena' probably implies the normal jurisdiction
of a baron: civil cases-if indeed the distinction between civil and crimi-
nal offenses was clearly understood at that time in Sicily-and low justice
in criminal trials. High criminal justice was presumably reserved to
the courts of Roger himself. In any event, since St Agatha's possessed
both Catania and Aci and all their dependencies, the jurisdiction of its
abbot was immense. The exact extent of the authority of the abbot of
Lipari-Patti is equally uncertain. In l IS3 we have a reference to fines
inflicted by his court, 3 but the offences subject to it are not specified.
A badly damaged document of 1190' records a judgment by the abbot-
bishop in a case conceming the theft of falcons and rabbits. From it
we leam that the bishop hada prison, and could exile an offender. In
a charter of 1148 Count Simon of Paterno grants lands to St Mary's of
Licodia: 'Damus tibi etiam et potestatem congregandi et faciendi ibidem
casale, et esse in eo homines qui non constringantur ah aliquo, nisi
tantum ah ahbate monasterii.' 6 N evertheless, it is improbable that the
abbot of Licodia exercised high criminal justice.
The later documents are much more definite. In his endowment of
the Augustinian church of Cefalu in 1145 Roger 11 gives the jurisdiction
of the whole city to the bishop, 'saluis tamen regalibus nostre maiestatis,
fellonia uidelicet, traditione et homicido.' It is also provided that the
church may imprison no citizen of Cefalu if he can provide sufficient
bond among his friends, except in cases involving the three crimes re-
served to the royal courts. 11 The charter of 1148 for St John's of the
Hermits states that the abbot, personally or through his officials, shall
judge civil cases (queationes ciuiles) arising between his subordinates, and
1 lnfra, p. 162; Appendix, XLVI.
'Pirri, 528; infra, p. 106.
1 JnjTa, p. 91.
4 Appendix, XLI.
a Amico, 1158; injTa, p. 121.
Pirri, 800; injTa, p . 194, n. S. One other relerence to the biahop of Cefahl'a court occun in
two documenta of Counteaa Adelicia of Colleaano (injTa, p. 192, nn. S and 4) providing that, if
anyone owing aervice to the church of St Peter in Collesano fail to render it, the biahop ahall try
the caae.
66 1ntroduction
that he is to keep the whole of fines levied by his court. 1 This clearly
excludes criminal cases 2 and civil cases involving anyone not dwelling
on the abbey's lands. This last provision is eminently just, since in
cases involving his man against an outsider the abbot's judgement might
well be influenced. A similar reservation is the only check placed on
the powers of justice granted in 1176 by William 11 to Monreale. The
abbot was to be the justiciar in all his extensive lands, dispensing low
and high justice, but only in cases between his dependents. However,
unlike the ordinary royal justiciars, he was to keep the fines of his court.
This concession of the royal prerogative, although serious politically
and financially, at least did not undermine the quality of justice obtain-
able. But the fatuous piety of William the Good went even further.
His charter of 1178 for the Cistercians of the Holy Spirit's in Palermo is
generous to the abbot but careless of impartiality: 'Si aliquis de homini-
bus uel seruentibus prefate abbatie fuerit appellatus de aliquo, non
cogatur respondere, uel ad iusticiam stare, nisi coram abbate aut conuentu
ipsius.'' However, criminal cases punishable by loss of life or Iimb were
reserved to the king's courts. 6
Inevitably the Latin monasteries played a considerable part in the
economic life of Sicily. Their importance was increased by certain priv-
iliges and exemptions which they enjoyed. We must not, however, ex-
aggerate the extent of these: Ciccaglione goes beyond the evidence when
he asserts11 that they were so sweeping as to make private enterprise
unprofitable, and that they gradually crushed the Sicilian commercial
class. With few exceptions 1 such privileges were granted by the kings,
1 Pirri, 1112; ifl/ra. p. 126, D. 6.
1 Pirri, un, wrongly aaerta t.hat, in hia donation of the caaalia of Quercia and Sabuchi in 117S
to St John'a, William 11 gave ita abbot 'omn.imodam juriadictionem civilem et crimialem.' Pini'a
OW'Il text, p. 7'1, merely commanda: 'hec caaalia, cum iuribua IU8 et uillania moranboua in eia,
aubciantur abbati aeu priori S. Ioama de Eremitia.'
1 Pirri, 456; ifl/ra, p. 186, D. 6.
'Amico, 1296; ifl/ra. pp. 169-170.
1 Thia laat proviaion wu in harmony with a law, promulgated by 1171 at leaat, providing t.hat

any accuaed cleric ahould be tried by the church to which he belonged, and in ita court, according
to canon law, 'excepto si de proditione aliquia fuerit appellatua uel de alio magno huiuamodi male-
ficio, quod spectat ad maieat&tem noatram. Quod ai acciderit, uolumua et precipimua ut de hoc
quod spectat ad curiam noatram D curia noatra iudicetur'; text preaerved D Frederick 11'1 Coruli-
tt.dionu , . . Siciliu, 1, 46; cf. Huillard-Brhollea, op. cit., IV, 48 and 40, n. 1; Nieae, Guds(/"1uf1f,
191-6.
Federico Ciccaglione, 'La vita economica aiciliana nel periodo norm&DDo-evevo,' A.880, x (1919),
Ut-8.
7 Count Tancred of Syracuae exempted the ahipa of Bap.ara from all exactiom in hia landa; cf.
ift/ra, p. 185; but Roger 11'1 confirmation of 1114 ezplaina t.hat thia privilege appliea only to bu.me.
neceseary to maiDtaiD the church; cf. Pirri, 1248; Caapar, No. 46. In llM Cowiteu Adelicia gave
St Agat.ha'a freedom to buy and aell D her landa, (ift/ra, p. 112), and D 1160 (P) lheestended tbe
ume conceuion to the canODB of the Boly Sepulchre; Appendiz. XXI.
 Legal, Economic, and CuUural Poaition 67

who made a consistent effort to apply exemptions only to goods destined

for the use of the monks themselves. This is seen most clearly in Roger
II's letter patent of 1184 1 exempting from port-taxes and tariffs ali
grain, butter, and cheese produced on the estates of Lipari-Patti, or
given to the dual abbey, and transported in the vessels of the monks for
their own use. But the King enjoins his officials in no uncertain terms
to levy taxes on the products which the abbey is buying or selling or
transporting as a commercial transactin. The exemption in 1U5 of
St Agatha's ships from tolls when going only between Catania and
Mascali 9 shows a similar determination to limit monastic privileges to
strictly intra-mural activities, since Mascali belonged to the abbey of
Catania. Equally explicit is the charter of 1182 exempting the vessels
running between CefalU and its mother-church of Bagnara in Calahria:
'omnia quecumque de propriis monasteriis siue casalibus et rebus propriis
et de propri,is laboranciis et f ructibus animalium uel de calabria in
siciliam deferent uel de sicilia in calahriam ad opus Ba/,nearie et Cephaludi
pro his nullam iusticiam neque anchoraticum uel portagium in nullo
loco .. . tribuant.' 8 This clearly excludes any exemption from taxes
on ordinary buying and selling carried on by the two churches. In
order to prevent any temptation to indulge in extensive trade, these
privileges did not apply to the churches' ships if they sailed beyond
Amalfi.
In 1148 Roger II's charter endowing St John's of the Hermits some-
what broadened the exemption: purchases made by the monastery for
its own use, and all sales of the produce of its own estat~s, were to be
tax-free; similarly products of its estates might be transported freely, as
could timbers for the construction or repair of the church.' These priv-
ileges were substantially repeated in William II's great charter for Mon-
reale in 1176. 6 This is still not a general exemption on ali commerce
conducted by the abbey. The King's intent is clarified by his charter
of 118211 freeing Monreale's monks and their horses from tolls when
crossing the Strait of Messina on strictly monastic matters. Willy Cohn
remarks 7 that only once did the Sicilian kings grant to any monastery
'ein vollkommenes Handelsprivileg'; that is the charter for the Hos-
1 lnfra, p. 98, n. 6.
1 lnfra, p. 111.
3 Spata, Perg. grecM, 480; infra, p. 190, n. 4.
'Pirri, 1111; infra, p. 128.
6 Pirri, 454; infra, p. 187. Cf. alao the charter of 1177 for the Holy Spirit's of Palermo freeing
from tariBs and tolls the gooda bought, eold or transported 'ad opus eiusdem abbatie'; Amico,
1296; infra, pp. 169-170.
e lnfra, p. 140, n. 2.
7 Die GuchichU der nqrmanniach-Bicilchen FloUe (1060-1154) (Breslau, 1910), 86.
68 1ntroduction

pitalers dated 1186, which, as we shall see, is a forgery !1 That such a

fabrication was necessary proves that the Normans, and probably their
Hohenstaufen successors as well, interpreted their charters of exemption
very narrowly.
Commercial privileges granted to Palestinian churches and orders were
of particular importance, but were consistent with the royal policy of
restricting these liberties in such a way as to disturb the normal ftow of
trade as little as possible. Monastic relations between Sicily and the
East were most intimate. For geographical reasons nearly every Pales-
tinian foundation eventually set up a way-station at Messina to facilitate
its communications with Westem Europe. Sicily was likewise nearer to
the Holy Land than was any other region ruled by men of the Latin rite;
oonsequently it was the ideal base of supplies for the Levantine mother-
houses. Such commodities, exported from Sicily to the Orient for the
use of the abbeys there, were generally tax-exempt.
There were, however, interesting limitations on this privilege. For
example, a charter of Roger 11 (or William 1), known to us only through
a confirmation by the Emperor Henry VI, 2 permits St Mary's of the
Latins to export annually !lOO salmas of grain freely 'pro substentamento
fratrum ecclesie sancte Marie de latina.' Evidently any grain shipped
beyond that amount paid the normal taxes. In 1168 William 11 and
bis mother exempted the Latina from all tolls on exports to Palestine of
cattle, wool, cheese, ftax, and wine, without limitation on quantity.
Another charter of Roger 11 or William 1 known only through a confirma-
tion permitted the knights of the Hospital in Sicily to huy, sell, and
export freely 'pro utilitate et necessitate domorum, et subsidium Terre
Sancte.'' Our most important information, however, comes from an
inquest held in 1185 to establish the privileges granted to the monks of
St Mary's Jehosaphat by Roger Il, whose charter had been lost in a
Calabrian earthquake. 6 On the testimony of five customs officials of
Messina it was determined that the abbey could export a great variety
of goods 'ultra mare' without duty; that when the monastery's own ship
'onerata uictualibus, lignaminibus, uino et baconibus uel aliis rebus'
came to Messina it might anchor and traflic without charge; likewise
goods from the priory of Jehosaphat at Paterno might be transported
and sold freely. There was, however, a most important limitation on
1 lra.fra, pp. 286-7.
1 Pirri, 1132; infra, p. HS.
Injra, p. m .
Delaville le Roulx, Carlulaire glnlral de rOrdre du HOl'pitaliera (Paril, 1894), I, 382; infra.
p. 237, n. l.
1 Doc. iJUd., 200; infra, p. 212, n. 5.
 Legal, Economic, and Cultural Position 69

the exemption from the export tax: it could not exceed a total value of
l!lO taris each year. As Garufi has pointed out, 1 after 1160, when the
ad valorem tariff was reduced from 10% to 8%, this perrnitted the abbey
to export 4000 taris worth of goods each year to the Holy Land duty-
free. N evertheless the fact that a lirnit was put on its activities shows
that the generosity of the Hautevilles did not blind thern to the econornic
consequences of such exernptions.
Cornrnercial privileges, then, while they gave to the rnonasteries an
abnorrnally cheap supply of staple products for their own use, did not
bring thern into serious cornpetition with private rnerchants in the open
market. The sarne rnay be said of the privileged rnonastic fisheries.
Because of the nurnber of fasts, the consurnption of fish by the monks
was considerable. Therefore Catania, St John's of Palermo, Cefalu, and
Monreale were permitted to rnaintain tax-exernpt fishing boats; but in
each case they were 'ad opus conuentus.' 2 It is doubtful whether any
part of the catch was normally sold.
H the privileges of religious foundations exerted any depressing influ-
ence on prices in N orman Sicily, it was not beeause of exernptions frorn
taxation u pon cornrnercial transactions or frorn tariffs: it carne frorn the
reduced costs of production enjoyed by the rnonasteries. Practically
every abbey and priory had sorne special rights of free pasturage, gland-
age, irrigation, rnilling, or wood-cutting either in the royal dornains or
in the lands of sorne great noble. While wood gathered and flour milled
under such privileges would probably not be sold, undoubtedly sorne
surplus cattle, hogs, and grain would be thrown on the rnarket. Even
if a sales-tax were paid on the deal, this produce rnight be sold by the
rnonks for less than a layrnan, subject to normal irnposts on his feed
and water, could afford to accept. But since we have no records of
such sales, and no rneans of knowing how large a factor the rnonasteries
were in the total production-for-sale in Sicily, we can reach no conclusion
as to the results of these special exemptions.
With the rapid expansion in the twelfth century of the lands, the
jurisdiction, and the econornic power of the Latin rnonasteries, we rnight
expect their influence increasingly to penetrate every aspect of the cul-
ture around thern. Not the least interesting exarnple of this is the
'Benedictinization' of the Basilians. In the Orient abbeys were gen-
erally cornpletely independent of every other rnonastic foundation, and
ecclesiastically subject to the bishop in whose diocese they lay. More-
over, after the tenth century at least, the ernperors discouraged the

1 Doc. ined., p. xxxiv.

2 lnfra, pp. 111, HS, 187, and 190.
70 1ntroduction

accumulation of great landed endowments in monastic hands. In Sicily

the Byzantine cloisters under the Normans tended towards the western
type. They were endowed as were their Latin neighbors; they were
often immune from episcopal jurisdiction; and they were formed into a
congregation under St Savior's on the pattem of Cluny, Cava, or the
other great monasteries of the Occident. lt is true that there were
'stauropegic' abbeys in the Levant, subject directly to the patriarch of
Constantinople, and that as early as the tenth century one finds the
germs of a confederation among the various communities on Mt Athos. 1
lt is also undeniable that certain of the Basilian houses of Calabria .and
Apulia held property in land before the Norman conquest. 2 But despite
these intimations of the later development, it can hardly be denied that
the structure of Sicilian Basilianism was Benedictine.
In view of their numbers and prosperity, the cultural activity of the
Latin monasteries of Sicily is most disappointing. The only literature
produced came from Catania: Malaterra's history and Abbot Mauritius's
charming account of the translation of the relics of the church's patroness.
We know also that St Agatha's hada scriptorium, but nota single manu-
script has survived which can be ascribed to a Latn monastery of the
Norman period. Nor is there indication that the Latin churches of the
island possessed any but strictly liturgical book.s.
The situation was very different in the contemporary Greek cloisters.
We know that one of them, St Savior's of the Presbyter Scholarios, had
a library of 800 volumes in 1114, 3 and there were certainly good collec-
tions in other abbeys. When Bartholomew founded St Savior's of
Messina in 1181, he took with him half the library of the great monastery
1 Cf. K. Lake, The early do.111 of monadici.tm on Mount Athoa (Oxford. 1909), 75 and ~95; more

reoently C. Korolevakij, 'Athoa,' Dicti.onnaire d'htoire el di glograpla Cliallitue, v {19Sl), 7'-6.

1 Batilfol, Ro.MJno, xiv and 5, and Gay, ltal mlrid., 284, think that these estates were smaU.

and held indireetly, through protectors. Gertrude Robinson, Hiltory and carlulary of 1114 Gre
moriaaUry of St Eliaa and St Anaatanua of Carbon4, in Orientalia chriatiana (Rome, 1928), No. "4.
p. 286, n. i, and E. Buonaiuti, Gioachino do. FiM~. 86, n. i, following Brandileone, 'Diritto greco-
romano,' 178-4, UBert that under Byzantine rule the economic development of the Basilian.s wu
hindered by their inability to acquire real property. E. Pontieri, '1 primordt della feudalit1 cala-
breee,' NuorJa riviata ltorica, IV (1920), 670-71, on the contrary attempta to prove that the imperial
edicts against monastic property were not enforced in Magna Graecia. The arguments of both
aides are defective: the abaolute prohibition of the acquiaition of land by monuteries was law ooly
from 9M to 998, and was merely a momentary check on the accumulation of endowmenll; but
Pontieri hu produced no evidence of the gift or sale of land to an abbey during th08e thirty-four
years.
1 Pirri, IOOS. J. L. Heiberg in Bp. ZeiUclar., :un (19IS}, 160, deals rather roughly with F. Lo
Parco, 'Scolaro-Saba, bibliofilo italiota. vissuto tra l'xi e il xu tee0lo, e la biblioteca del monutero
baailiano del SS. Salvatore di Bordonaro, presso Meaaina,' Atti tUa R. Accadnsia tli A~
Leture e Btlk Arti di Napoli, 1 (1910), i0?'-86.
 Legal, Economic, and Cu'ltural Position 71

of Rossano. 1 Sorne 177 manuscripts from the archimandra are extant,

and the greater part of them seems to be of the eleventh and twelfth
centuries. 2 At least two codices can be credited definitely to Basilian
scribes in Norman Sicily. 3 Naturally in later centuries Greek manu-
scripts would be less used than Latin, and might therefore have a better
chance of survival; but making ali allowances the intellectual activity
of our Latin monks compares most unfavorably with that of the Greeks.
Under Norman rule Siculo-Byzantine culture developed generally on
traditional pattems, and the monastic element in it was large. The
vigorous new Latin culture, drawing inspiration from both Greece and
Islam, centered in the royal courts rather than in the monasteries.
In sharp contrast to their poverty of literary remains, architectural
survivals of the Latin abbeys are numerous and often spectacular: St
John's of the Hermits, Cefalu, Monreale, the Magione, the Holy Spirit's
of Palermo, St Mary's of Messina, St Mary's of Refesio, the Holy Spirit's
of Caltanisetta, and the massive east end of St Agatha's in Catania.
Doubtless investigation would reveal many minor fragments of the Nor-
man structures of our abbeys and priories hidden beneath baroque
plaster. But Sicily awaits its Bertaux: a critica! history of the art of
the N orman period is still to be written. Indeed the reliable mono-
graphic ground-work for such a study is almost entirely lacking. Mean-
while our opinions can be only tentative.
Much has been written of the happy fusion of Greek, Latin, and
Saracenic features in the ecclesiastical architecture of the island. How
much of the western element in this synthesis can be ascribed to the
1 Batiffol, RoaaaM, 88.
1 S. R088i, 'Spoglio e catalogo di codici greci del SS. Salvatore esistenti nella Biblioteca Uni-
versitaria di Me.cJSna,' Archivio nori.co muaineu (1901-05) n-v, paaaim; and H. Delehaye, 'Cata-
logua codicum hagiographicorum monasterii S. Salvatoris,' Analeda bollandiana (Brusaels, 1904),
XXIII, 19-75. Theae MSS survived the earthquake of 1908; el. M. C. Caputo, 'Il selvataggio della
R. Biblioteca Universitaria di Me.cJSna,' Zentralblat fr Bibliatlukat.ouen. XXVI (1909). Hl-7.
For other Sicul<Hireek monastic librarles, el. Batiffol, op. cit., 1!6-151. Batiffol, 'Deu manu-
scrita greca de l'Italie mridionale,' Bulletin de la SocilU Natimwl du Anti.quairu de Fra~ (1890),
87-8, publishes a French translation of a liat at Messina of 85 books belonging to a church of St
George, presumably subject to St Savior'a. A passage in the text eliminates the Baailian cloiater
of St George in Palermo; St George'a of Agrigento was quite incoD8picuoua; the catalogue probably
comea from the abbey of St George of Triocala, near Caltabellotta, an obedience of the a.rchimandra.
There ia a copy of it in MS Qq H !87, foil. H-ffT of the Biblioteca Comunale di Palermo. The
8&1Ile MS,ron. 15'-19T and 417'-419T, has a copy and translation of the inedited Coundation charter
of St Mary'a of Bordonaro, dated 1179, containing a liat of ten books, including aermonic. theo-
Iogical, and grammatical material. Cf. alao Frans RUhl, 'Bemerkungen Uber einige Bibliotheken
von Sicilien,' PlailologUI, XLVD (1889). 577-88, and G. Sola, 'Codici biJ:antii di Sicilia,' ASSO,
XXV (1929), 407-H.
Oxon. bodleianu11niac. 178 waa copied in 1141 at St Savior'a of Measina by Brother Bartholomew
of Reggio; Cod. vaticanua !HS waa made in 1165 by another Bartholomew for Abbot Antony of
St Mary's of Mili; el. Batiffol, Rol1GM, H. and Vaccari, La Grecia 'Mll'llalia mmdionalll, 40-41.
72 1ntroduction

Latin monks? The arcaded cloisters, certainly, since no other form of

clergy would use them. The unusual position of the fountain in the
comer of the cloister both at Cefalu and Monreale may enable us even-
tually to trace its introduction to a definite source, but as yet 1 have
found no example of a comer fountain outside Sicily. In other matters
monastic influence is more uncertain. In general the abbeys of Sicily
were built for, rather than by, monks. Monreale was well under con-
struction when its inhabitants arrived from La Cava; the austere hermits
of Montevergine were surely not responsible for the Moorish domes of
San Giovanni, nor the Austin canons from Bagnara for the purely Con-
stantinopolitan mosaics of the apse at CefalU. 1 The Latin basilican
ground-plan was used from the very first by both secular and monastic
churches. The great west towers set forward from the facades of Cefalu
and Monreale may indeed be a Northern French or Norman feature
brought by transalpine monks. Freeman 2 acenses the Cistercians of
having caused the abandonment of the Byzantine cupola, 'to the great
destruction of the externa! effect,' and the adoption of a choir rising
high above the nave. But this peculiarity appeared in Sicily at M~ina,
Catania, and CefalU long before the Cistercians reached the island. It
seems, in fact, to have been a style set by the Desiderian baslica at
Monte Cassino, dedicated in 1071. 3 However, as we have seen, 4 Monte
Cassino had no monastic connections with Sicily.
lt may be added that the two surviving Cistercian churches, the Ma-
gione and Santo Spirito, show no new influence entering the island with
the white Benedictines. The northern conquerors of Sicily, both tem-
poral and spiritual, succumbed almost completely to the delights of
Byzantine and Moslem art, even when they themselves were architects
and builders. Over the doorway of the Basilian abbey of SS. Peter
.and Paul of Agro is a Greek inscription declaring that the church was
constructed for Abbot Theosterictos by 'Gerard the Frank.' Although
the edifice has severa! unusual features, its architecture is essentially
Siculo-Byzantine. 6
The almost complete lack of cultural productivity in the Latin abbeys
1 Cf. Victor LasarefF, 'The m08&c8 of Cefahl,' TM arl bulldin of the College Arl Asaociation of
America. xvu {19S5), 184-282.
1 E . A. Freem~, Hiatorical u1aga, third aeriu (London, 1879), 468.
a Cf. the drawings of Kenneth J. Conant annexed to Henry M. Willard's 'A project for the graphic
reconstruction of the Romanesque abbey at Monte Cassino,' Speculum, x (19S5), 144-6.
'Supra. p . 57.
a Cf. Valenti in ll regno normanno, pp. 206-8, and 6gs. 85-41. S. Bottari, 'Nota 11111 tempio nor-
manno dei SS. Pietro e Paulo d'Agr0,' Archiuio atorico munnue, XXVI-xxvn (1925-6), 281-90, and
'La genesi dell'architettura siciliana del periodo normanno,' ASSO, XXVID (1982), 828, attempts to
find 'nordic elements' in this exotic structure.
 Legal, Economic, and CuUural Poaition 78
of Sicily in itself has a certain significance. The constant contact of
Roman and Greek Catholics, of Moslems and Jews, bred a relative toler-
ance in matters of religion which developed into the easy agnosticism of
Frederick 11 and his entourage. lbn al-Athir records that Roger 11 pre-
ferred the conversation of leamed Saracens to that of Christian monks. 1
There was an increasing secularization of intellectual and artistic activity.
In former centuries culture had been the almost exclusive possession not
simply of the clergy, but of the regular clergy. Because of the peculiar
religious conditions in N orman Sicily, it was there that the lay mind
first achieved superiority over the clerical mind. This development,
temporarily retarded by the mendicant friars in the thirteenth century,
spread steadily over Europe, and still continues, for good or ill. The
sterility, therefore, of our Sicilian abbeys is an augury that, in the future,
monasticism would play a role of decreasing importance in the general
life of the occident.
l In Amari. Bib. arabo-lic., 1, 118.
THE LATIN MONASTERIES OF NORMAN SICILY
 BENEDICTINES

l. THE DUAL ABBEY OF ST BARTHOLOMEW OF LIPARI

AND ST SAVIOR OF PATII

T HE date of the Norman occupation of the Eolian Islands is un-

known. The inhabitants of the archipelago, if there were any,
cannot have remained independent after the fall of Palermo in 107~,
which gave the conquerors control of the entire northem coast of Sicily.
The islands were defenceless, and the sparse population of fisherfolk,
cultivators, and pumice-gatherers which may have existed there offered
so little opposition that the records of the time do not mention it. ln-
deed the ease of the conquest may have been a warning to the invaders:
Guiscard and Count Roger could not have adopted a more effective
means of increasing the wealth and security of the Eolians than the
foundation on Lipari of the Benedictine abbey in honor of St Bartholo-
mew, whose body, legend said, had rested there before the Saracenic
invasion. 1
Roger has always been given the sole credit for this foundation, 2 and
certainly he had the chief part in it. N evertheless a confirmation in
1134, ind. H, 3 by King Roger Il of the goods of the monastery, includ-
ing the seven islands of the group, mentions Robert Guiscard as one of
its benefactors. These islands, or Lipari at least, must have been do-
nated at the very beginning to St Bartholomew's. But the Eolians have
always been intimately connected with the Val Demone, which, it will
be remembered, Guiscard took as his portion, together with Palermo
and half of Messina, when the brothers divided Sicily between them.'
The task of determining Robert's part in starting the abbey of Lipari
is complicated by our ignorance of the date of its foundation. We can
say with certainty only that it occurred before Guiscard's death on the
17 July 1085. Our earliest document relating to St Bartholomew's is
1 C. A. Garufi. 'Le laole Eolie a proposito del "Constitutum" dell' Abate Ambrogio del 1095,'
ASSO, IX (1912), 162; cf. JL, No. 5448.
2 E.g. Erich Caspar, &ger Il (lnnsbruck, 1904), 100: 'Das Bistum Lipari-Patti wuchs &118 zwei
getrennten Kl&tem zusammen, die beide von Gral Roger 1 . . . gegrllndet waren.'
a Garufi, op. cit., 17S-7, elaborately delends the authenticity ol thiA document against G. C.
Sciacca, Patti e famminiatrCJZaM del comune nel medio ero (Palermo, 1907), 17-21. Ten in Pirri.
774, who wrongly suppoaes it to be a translation lrom the Greek; cf. K. A. Kehr, Die Urkunden der
normannch-aicilclien Kiinige (lnnsbruck, 1002), 16, n. 2. and Caapar, No. 'cYI.
u
'F. Chalandon, Htoire la domination nonnan!U en llalie et en Sicile (Paria, 1907), 1, 209.
77
78 Benedictinea
a charter of the 26 July 6596 (1088), ind. 11, 1 in which Roger 1 reeords
that 'postquam cum filiis (fratribus?) meis ex Francia ueni in Militum,
dedi abbati Ambrosio pro monasterio S. Bartholomei Liparensis terragia
. . . que . . . sunt prope faciem Castri Militi.' The implication is
strong that Count Roger was at Mileto in Calabria when he made the
donation, and Garufi's suggestion 2 is plausible, that the gift may date
from 1085, when the Count was in Mileto and gave the church of Bagnara
to certain clerics on pilgrimage to Jerusalem. 8
Attempts to prove the existence of St Bartholomew's before 1085 are
inconclusive. Garufi believes that the islands were given to it about
1088, because he holds with Amari 4 that 'Ruggiero pot divincolarsi del
tutto dalla sovranita di Roberto Guiscardo qualche paio d'anni prima
che questi morisse.' 6 But Chalandon 8 has shown that Amari's conclu-
sion that Roger was sole lord of Messina before Robert's death is un-
warranted by the evidence. It is true that after the 16 April 1088,
when, at Guiscard's request, Gregory VII confirmed Bishop Alcher of
Palermo, 7 we find no trace of Duke Robert's rule in Sicily. More im-
portant still: in 1082 Roger's bastard Jordan revolted and seized
Mistretta and San Marco from his father 8-two castles in the part of
Sicily which Guiscard had taken as bis own. However, it appears that
after 1081, when the Duke of Apulia undertook his wars with the Greek
Empire, he left the rule not simply of Sicily, but even of Calabria and
Apulia, to bis brother.' lt is unlikely that Roger performed these serv-
ices without compensation, and probably such places as San Marco and
Mistretta were given him. But while there was doubtless sorne transfer
of lands in Sicily from Robert to Roger, 10 there is no reason to believe
that the latter gained the sovereignty of Lipari before bis brother's death
in 1085. lt is therefore probable that Robert Guiscardconfirmed Roger's
endowment of the abbey, and thus became one of its patrons.
1 Pirri, 95t; Ughelli-Cole, Italia 1GCra (Venice, 1717) 1, 775; originally in Greek. d. Garufi,
op. cil., 166, n. S.
1 Loe. cil.
Kehr, 10, and Garufi, 'Adelaide nipote di Bonifuio del Vuto,' R.md:oraA e tnnwrie tltlla R.
Accadinnia di Scielue, Ltttre M Am d8i Zelaltti di .A.cinale, claue di lettere, (1905), Sa lttie. IV,
196-6.
' Bloria d8i munlmani di Sicilia (Florence, 1868), III, 181.
1 ABBO. a. 187.
1 Op. cil., I, SM, D. t.
1 JL. No. 5158.
1 Geofrrey Malaterra. De rebul gmw, ed. E. Pontieri (Bologna, 19t7). Lib. m. c. se. p. 78.
1 ibid., Lib. m, c. M, p. 71; ChaJandon, 1, SSIS.
10 Chalandon, loe. cil. In 1086 Roger Bona. Guilcard'a heir, atill held Palermo and Mililmeri.
d. ibid., 1, t89. Romuald of Salenio, CAroniam, ed. Garufi (Bologna, 19!8), tlS, uaerta that Duke
William of Apulia (llll-1H7) aold to Count Roger 11 'mediam ciuit.atem Panormi, que ei iure
hereditario pertinebat.'
 St Bartho'lomew'a of Lipari 79

The first Liparitan abbot was Ambrose, who appears in the charter
of 1088 cited above. 1 N othing is known of his previous history save
that, in common with a goodly portion of our race, he had a brother
named John, who once attested a diploma. 2 Garufi would have us be-
lieve that Count Roger, wishing to set up bishoprics in Sicily, decided to
found monasteries and then induce the Pope to elevate the abbots to the
episcopacy, and that about 1088-85 he went to St Euphemia's in Calabria
and took thence Ambrose to head St Bartholomew's, as well as Ansger
to be abbot of St Agatha's of Catania and shortly bishop of that city.
But there is no evidence that Ambrose was ever a monk. of St Euphemia's.
The only connection which can be shown between him and Ansger of
Catania is that in 1094 the latter signed a comital donation to Lipari'-
a duty which might have fallen on any high ecclesiastic who happened
to be at court.
Garufi considers it significant1 that, while the two bulls of Urban Il
in 1091-9i to Lipari 11 and Catania7 respectively both mention the fact
that before the Moslem invasion these places were episcopal seats, never-
theless the Pope restored only Catania to its ancient dignity, pleading
that he could not confer the same honor on Lipari 'quia tamen episcopi
dignitatem nunc ipsius loci exiguitas et accolarum raritas non meretur,'
thus dashing Roger's hopes of having another bishop in his domains.
But is this wording really an indication that Roger had asked that Lipari
be made a bishopric? There is a simpler explanation: it would have
been strange if the Pope had not mentioned the former glory of Lipari
in his first privilege to St Bartholomew's;8 it would have been even
1 8u'J11'a. p. 78, n. l; called primua abbtu in his conmtutum for Patti. in R. Gregorio, Cmuideraaioni
M>'Jll'tl la ltoria di Sicilia (Palermo, 1881), Lib. 1, c. IS, n. 4, I, 196.
ll Garufi, 'Memoratoria, chartae et inatrumenta divisa,' Bull. ltlt. Stor. ltal., xxxn (1912), 119.
The expression fr~ abbatia would seem to indicate more than a monastic relationship. Garufi,
ibid., 79 asserta that Ambrose wu a Cluniac; but on what evidence, save the assumption that he
had been at St Euphemia'sP And indeed St Euphemia's, while possibly influenced by Cluny, wu
certainly not technically a Cluniac house. Cf. infra, pp. 107 and 150.
a ASSO, IX, 165, 169, and cf. 'Memoratoria,' 80.
'Pirri, 770.
6 ASSO, IX, 169, and 'Memoratoria,' loe. cit.
11 JL, No. 5448; Pirri, 952; Ughelli, 1, 775; PL, CLI, 829.
7 JL. No. 5460.
8 The ancient see of Lipari is not so obscure u one might expect. Duchesne thinks it was estab-

lished u early as the fourth century (cf. his letter to Garufi in A.880, IX, 160). Augustus episcopus
ecclesiae Liparitanae' subscribed to the canons of the Roman synods of 501 and 502 (Cassiodorus,
Yariae, ed. T. Mommsen, Mcm. gema. hitlt., auct. ant., XII, U7 and 455) . Gregory 1 (Ep. m, 58,
ed. P. Ewald in Mcm. gema. hitlt., epiatcltu, 1, 210; JE, No. 1285) mentions a former Bishop Agatho
of Lipari in July of 598 (Epp. n, 19 and 51, ed. cit., 1, 115 and 154; JE, Nos. 1171 and 1172). Bishop
Peregrinus of Lipari is listed among those who attended the Lateran synod of 649 (Mansi, Colkctio,
x. 867), but there may be some confusion with the bishop of Messina of the same name. In the
eighth century all ~ of the see vanishes; cf. F. Lanzoni, 'La prima introduzione del cristianesimo
80 Benedictinea
stranger if he had not explained why the new status must be somewhat
humbler. And surely Count Roger would have forseen the objections
fatal to any plan to restore the miter immediatly to Lipari-he had
better reason than the Pontiff to know that the island was 'eremi instar
reducta.' A sense of the ridiculous alone would have prevented bis re-
questing in the same breath that one bishop be set over a city as populous
as Catania, and that another be set to minister to the spiritual wants
of the gulls and cormorants of the Eolians. Had Roger's purpose been
to obtain another bishopric, he certainly would have attempted to revive
the extinct seat of Tindaris, where land and population were quite suffi-
cient for a decent see 1-a scheme indeed which was later realised in the
bishopric of Patti, as Garufi himself has noticed. 2 We must conclude
that, insolar as practica! motives were mixed with spiritual in Roger's
mind, the object of St Bartholomew's was not to establish a bishopric,
but to mak.e the desert bloom.
Finally we know that Ambrose was abbot of Lipari at least as early
as 1085, whereas Ansger is first mentioned on the 9 December 1091, in
Roger's first donation to the new Catanian cloister. There is good reason
to believe that this charter was given at St Euphemia's immediately
after Count Roger had induced Ansger to accept the abbacy of Catania. 1
Therefore the attempt to connect Ambrose of Lipari with St Euphemia's
and with Ansger must be rejected as unsupported.
The incumbency of Ambrose was long and prosperous, covering nearly
forty years. In that time his monastery was favored with donations
and privileges from the Pope, the bishop of Messina, Robert Guiscard,
the two Rogers, Countess Adelaide, and a large number of Norman
barons.
We have already mentioned the probable gift of the Eolian Islands by
Count Roger 1, its confirmation by the Duke of Apulia, and Roger's
confirmation in 1088 of an earlier donation of 'terragia . . . que . . .
sunt prope faciem Castri Milite.'' These lands 'over against Mileto'
are a bit puzzling. Not until a confirmation of 1184 do we find further
evidence that Lipari held Calabrian properties: 'Ecclesiam S. Parasceue,

e dell' epiacopato nella Sicilia e nelle isole adjacenti,' ASSO, XIV (1917), 65-6, 59-60, and Garufi,
ibid., IX (19H), 159-168.
1 Garufi on the conlrary (ibid., 172, n. 1) t.binka that the Tindaria region waa uninhabited, be-

cawie the Patti donation of 100. (infra, p. 88, n. 1) mentions no inhabitanta. But in another charter
of that very year Roger presented to Lipari 'centum uillanos in Pactis' (Pirri, 771), the largest
IUch gift in ita hiatoryl
t Op. cil., 177.
a Cf. infra, p. 106.
4 Supra, pp. 77-8.
 St Bartholomew's of Lipari 81

et Ecclesiam S. Nicolai de Valle, et Ecclesiam S. Nicolai de Salter

(Salutu?) in territorio Stili.' 1 The context implies that they were all
near Stilo, wbich is nearly twenty-five miles from Mileto.
Having received endowment from the lords temporal, St Bartholo-
mew's was next enriched by the lords spiritual. On the 8 June 1091,
ind. 14, pont. 4, 2 Urban Il issued a bull wbich regulated the ecclesiastical
status of the monastery until the Anacletan schism. Considering him-
self the rightful owner of Lipari 'quia religiosi lmperatoris Constantini
priuilegio in ius proprium beato Petro eiusque successoribus occidentales
omnes insule condonate sunt,' the Pope presents the monastery with
'totius insule amhitum,' quite regardless of the fact that it already pos-
sessed the island by a Norman grant. Urban then takes it under bis
special protection, and confirms ali its belongings, lavishing praise upon
the monks who 'diuine seruitutis studio eandem ingressi insulam, mo-
nastica illi domicilia construere curauerunt, et plurimos in eandem in-
sulam colonos sua industria constituerunt.' To clinch his hold on the
island, the Pope decrees that the abbots, after canonical election, must
come to Rome for consecration, and that a yearly census of an ounce of
gold must be paid to the Lateran Palace.
Tbis signal mark of papal favor proved excellent advertising for St
Bartholomew's: its prayers were naturally much sought by the Norman
nobility. A diploma of 1094, ind. !l, 8 has survived containing Roger I's
confirmation of numerous donations-all in Sicily-to Lipari by his
barons: Roger of Barnavilla gave St Bartholomew's the church of St
Peter near Castronuovo, with its lands and !lO serfs; and in the region of
the Sicilian Geraci, that of the Holy Trinity, with its properties and 6
serfs; 4 William Maloseporarius, with the permission of Bishop Robert
of Troina, gave the church of St Philip in Monte Agira 11 with its lands
and 5 villains, and also hall (partem) the tithes of bis lands in the regions
1 lnfra, p. 98, n. 7. Garufi in ASSO, IX, 166, n. 8, and 176, omita St Nicholaa de Saltar (?).
1 Supra. p. 79, n. 6. Contrary to the uaertion of O. J. Thatcher, Studiu conceming Adrian IV (Chi-
cago, 1908), 165, the original no longer ensta, but there are six copies, for which eee P. Kehr, 'Papat-
urkunden in Sicilien,' G6tt. Naclar. (1899), 292, 808 and 806. Cf. Garufi, op. cit., 167 ff. Thia
bull is of particular intereat in that it marks the first attempt of a pope to exert that authority over
islands supposedly given him by the Donation of Constantine. Twenty-five days later Urban gave
Corsica to the bishop of Pisa; cf. JL. No. 5449.
8 The text in Pirri. 771, is defective; cf. Garufi in ASSO, 1X (19H), 174, and ASS, XLIX (1928),
19, n. 8, whence 1 have rectified it.
4 Appendix, VIII is a delimitation of the boundaries of St Peter's made the 17 March 1108 (wrongly
dated the 7 March Ill8 by Garufi in ASSO, IX, 175). In 1086 Roger ol Barnavilla attested at
Palermo Roger Borsa's donation to La Cava of the monastery of the Holy Trinity of Bari; cf. P .
Guillaume, E11ai kiltorique "'" l'abbare CaM (Cava. 1877), xiv. Also in 1094 he attested the
foundation of the monastery of Patti (infra. p. 88, n. 1), and in 1095 a privilege of Roger 1 to Pal-
ermo (Pirri, 76). Bis daughter Rocca married William of Creun (Pirri, 698).
6 Cf. injra, p. 216.
82 Benedictinea
of Monte Agira and Notia (?), a Jew in Naso with his children, anda
serf in Fitalia; Geoffrey Burrel gave the church of St Lucy in Milazzo,
with its lands and 7 villains; 1 Amellinus Gastellinus gave 8 villains near
Geraci; Robert of Bruccato, 2 in Bruccato; Geoffrey of Sageio, 8 more
in Caccamo; Roger Marchisus gave 2 serfs, 1 in Fitalia, the other at St
Philip's of Monte Agira; Richard Bonell gave the church of St Lawrence
in Carini, with its holdings and 10 villains; 2 Adoald of Calascibetta, 1
villain; and Roger of Sardavalle, the same.
So much for the properties confirmed by Count Roger: 5 churches,
62 serfs, not counting their f amilies, and an indefinite quantity of lands,
vineyards and tithes. It will be noticed that they are scattered ali over
Sicily, even as far as Carini, west of Palermo. But the Count of Sicily
was not to be outdone in generosity by his vassals: in confirming their
donations he added the castles of Fitalia, Panagia, and San Salvatore,
with all their appurtenances, half the castle of Naso, 'id, scilicet, quod
in dominio meo tenebam,' property above Torma, and the whole tithe
of the city of Termini lmerese. As if this were not enough, he also
presented to St Bartholomew's 100 villains in Patti, 6 in Mazara, and 8
in Termini. lncluding SI serfs given by Robert of Aucetum, Roger I's
son-in-law, in the following year,' the total number of souls owned by
our abbey about this time was 207.
In 1094 Count Roger also initiated a project which he had been con-
sidering for at Ieast a decade, the foundation of a monastery in Patti:
'Primo quam omnium Northmannorum prior factus est Sicilie comes et
Calabrie, dominum Robertum Traginensis ecclesie primum episcopum
interpellauit, et ah eo super hoc negotio consilium et laudationem que-
siuit, uti uidelicet liceret illi in episcopatu suo, in Pactes scilicet, monas-
terium de suis constituere beneficiis.' 6 He therefore built and endowed
the monastery of St Savior in Patti, uniting it with St Bartholomew's
1 On the Burrel family, cf. Garufi, 'Adelaide,' 189, n. i.
1 In March 1207Frederick11 con.firmed in detail thia donation of St Lawrence's; cf. K. A. Kehr,
'Staufiache Diplome im Domarchiv su Patti,' Qtullen untl Foraclaufl{/en, VD (1904), 174; J. F. &hmer
and J. Ficker, Dia &gutm ti.u KaerTeiclia, 1198-1171 (lnnabruck. 1881-1001), No. 591.
a Omitted in Pirri's text.
4 Appendix, r.
6 Charter of the 6 March 1094; Pirri, 771; cf. Garufi, 'Memoratoria,' 79, n. l . Garufi, 'Addaide.'
198, saya that thia is Roger'1 charter, apparently because it wu drafted by 'Falco capellan111 et
medicua . comitis Rogerii,' who drew up Roger'1 confirmation and donation of the same year
(npra, p. 81 n. S). But alter the passage quoted above, 'Ego .. predictus Robertus Messanemia'
commencea speaking in the first penon. The form or Latin charters in Sicily at thia time is Vf!r7
fluid: e.g., thia ia the e.arliest Sicilian charter to discard the Roman 1yltem of enumerating da7L
Garufi in ASS, xxxv (1899), 675, and Chalandon, r, 844, n. 2. correct Cupar, 600, and deter-
mine that Robert wu made bilhop of Troina in December 1080. Pirri, 771, auertl that Roger 1
was made a count by Guiacard about 1081.
 St Bartholnmew'a of Lipari 83

of Lipari, making Ambrose abbot of both cloisters, and giving to him

and bis successors in ius proprium the ancient Tindaris and a very con-
siderable region around Patti. 1 Although the two abbeys were under
one head, their administration was not completely fused. A charter of
1117 names two priors under Ambrose: ~&i:po~ ~poul..'I)~ 1..~&p&w~ and
<i><YY'I); poaco; ~poul..'I); i:<7>v Hx.i:6>v' 2
The ecclesiastical position of Ambrose was now ambiguous. Accord-
ing to the privilege of Urban 11, 3 as abbot of St Bartholomew's on Lipari
he and his successors were subject directly to the Pope, to be conse-
crated at Rome, and to pay an annual census to the Holy See. But now
he was also abbot of St Savior's in the diocese of Messina. The Middle
Ages, with their tangled feudal interrelationships, were adept at main-
taining legal :fictions, but such a situation as that of Ambrose was sure
eventually to cause friction. Some arrangement seems to have been
made between Rome and Messina. lt is significant that the Liber cen-
BUum of the Roman Church, compiled towards the end of the twelfth
century, fails to mention the ounce of gold due from Lipari4-the curia
did not overlook such items. Now Bishop Robert of Messina's charter
to 'Ambrosio abbati Liparensis cenobii' of the 6 March 1094 6 expressly
provides: 'daturus est mihi, meisque successoribus, predictus abbas,
eiusque successores, unam unciam auri per singulos annos.' In the mat-
ter of spiritual jurisdiction Robert provides that 'si abbatia Liparensis
quandoque in Pactas ecclesiam conuersa fuerit, ego predictus episcopus,
et mei successores, abbates omnes eiusdem abbatie Pactas consecrabimus;
ex hac autem hora monachos eiusdem ecclesie, si consecrandi erunt, con-
secrabimus; oleum et chrisma a nobis consecrabuntur; presbyteri, qui in
partibus Pactas erunt, ad nostram uenient synodum, quos instrueremus
et a delictis corrigemus secundum Dei iustitiam, et nullum terrenum
lucrum ah illis querentes.' lt appears, then, that Ambrose made no
attempt to keep bis two legal personalities separate, and that the Pope
surrendered the census to Messina, reserving the right of consecration
so long as the seat of the dual abbey remained at Lipari. ~f, however,
1 Pirri, 770; d. Garufi. 'Adelaide.' 197-8, and in ASS, XLIX, 17, n. l. The latest possible date
for this charter is the 6 March (cf. p. 82, n. 6). Garufi's a.ssertion ('Memoratoria,' 79), that the 1
January is its earliest pouihle. seems questionahle since both the September epoch and Nativity
Style were used, as well as the Circumcision, at this time.
This diploma is of the greatest importance in determining the nature of ecclesiastical property
in Norman Sicily. In its exordium Roger says: 'Ecclesias quoque ah impietate nefanda Saraceno-
rum dirutas . . in pristin.um statum restitu, ditaui munerihus, ampliaui possessionibus, et spe-
cioeis decoraui omamentihus, liberas ah omni aeruitute constitu.' Cf. Garu6 in A.BBO, et, 190-1.
1 Cusa, SH and 708; G. Spata. Diplomi grt:ei riciliani (Turin, 1871), H .

a Supra, p. 79, n. 6.
' Ed. by P. Fabre and L. Ducbesne (faris, 1910), 1. 19.
Supra, p. 82, n. 5.
84 Benedictines

the abbot were to remove bis headquarters to Patti, the consecration of

his successors was to belong to Messina.
Following the example of Count Roger and the minor magnates, Bishop
Robert added to the endowment of the two cloisters the tithes and rev-
enues of ali their churches in the diocese of Messina, including St Lucy's
of M.ilazzo (the gift of Geoffrey Burrel), and St Nicholas's near Geraci
(of which we have no previous notice). But the bishop was by no means
bursting with generosity: he expressly retained the tithes of ali the abbey's
villains, and of ali to be given it in the future, and specifically kept ali
the tithes of Naso and Fitalia. 1 N or had he any intention of letting
the valuable fines from the courts Christian slip through his fingers,
even in trials concerning the clergy and laity of Patti.
lt is evident that by 1094 the abbot of Lipari-Patti had become one
of the great ecclesiastics of Sicily, with wide possessions. To the devel-
opment of these Ambrose next tumed his attention. Two documents
survive showing the arrangements he made with the 'plurimi coloni' who
carne to cultivate his domain.
The first-the oldest charla divisa in Italy-is dated the 9 May 1095, 1
and regulates the colonization of Lipari. In it Ambrose decrees that
anyone living on Lipari at the time may own the land he holds from the
monastery, and his heirs after him, free of ali tribute and obligation,
save the tithe dueto God and St Bartholomew. For newcomers, Am-
brose provides that if they stay for three years, they will have complete
ownership of the land, and may sell or give it away as they wish. But
if a colonist remain only one year, he may not sell bis land, 'quod datum
fuerit sibi causa habitandi,' but only the improvements on it which are
the legitimate product of his labor.
These liberal conditions do credit to Ambrose's generosity, but per-
haps also they show to what terms he was driven to attract settlers to
the inhospitable Eolians. Evidently St Bartholomew's was not doing
the proverbial land-office business. This impression is strengthened by
an examination of the much less attractive offer to colonists at Patti in
a similar charla divisa issued by Abbot Ambrose sometime between the
spring of 1094 and Roger l's death on the i i June 1101. Here also a
1 Fitalia 8 omitted in Pirri'a ten.
'Ten in Garufi, 'Memoratoria,' 119, with facsmile, Tav. 1; d. 76 ff. and ASSO, a. 178-80.
The date ia clear: 'milleaimo nonagesimo quinto, indictione septima'; the correct indiction wu the
third. Thia diploma ia doubtle88 the 'bonum conatitutum' to which Abbot John refers in llSS;
cf. Gregorio, Comider<Uioni aopra la atona di Sicilia, 1, 199.
a The ten survivea in a royal judgment of 1188: Gregorio, <Yl' cit., Lib. 1, c. 6., n. 4, 1, 196, and
Sciacca, <Yp. cit., 218 and 220, n. 1; Caspar, No. 80; cf. Garufi, 'Memoratoria,' 78-9, and in ASSO,
IX, 180 ff. In Doc. ined., xuili, Garufi confusea thia memoratorium witb that of 1117 for Libriui;
cf. injra, p. 86, n. l.
 St Barthowmew's of Lipari 85

colonist might gain proprietorship of land held from the abbot, but only
by remaining on it his entire life, rather than merely three years, as on
Lipari. If he wished to depart, he was obliged to give his lands back to
the monastery, retaining only 'hoc tantum sibi quod inde lucratus fuerit.'
Moreover, when he died his heirs could not sell the land for three years,
and even then the abbot had a right of preemption. There were also
minor stipulations: the abbot's swine had the right of glandage wherever
there were acoms; those which they left were common property, except
in the defensum, a restricted area reserved exclusively to the abbot.
Finally the men of Patti were required to serve without pay in the
defence of St Bartholomew's of Lipari, the abbot supplying transport
and victuals.
lt should be clear that these two sets of conditions for homesteaders
show a marked difference between the two parts of Ambrose's territory.
In Lipari he was glad to get anyone who would come, and was generous
accordingly. In Patti, where the land was more fertile and the popula-
tion larger, he could drive a harder bargain .
He could also be more selective. The constitutum for Patti applies
only to 'homines . . . lingue latine.' In Lipari the primary purpose of
encouraging settlement was economic: to attract workers, whether Latins,
Greeks, or Saracens. In Patti there was a second object: the ecclesi-
astical. The Latin CQ.urch had had no hold in the island since the days
of Leo the Isaurian. What could be more natural than that the newly-
instituted Roman hierarchy of the Normans should try to build up the
Latin element in the population, to erect a bulwark against the possible
insubordination of Moslems and Byzantines? This is evidently what
Ambrose attempted. He or his successor succeeded also in attracting
Romanic settlers to the casale of Santa Lucia, south of Milazzo, 1 for an
undated diploma of Roger 112 grants to the 'Lombards' of Santa Lucia
the privileges enjoyed by those of Randazzo.
The two colonization schemes for Lipari and Patti confirm our belief
that the monastery owned its properties allodially-absolutely and un-
conditionally. Ambrose could not have given away what was not his
to give; and in Lipari, at least, he gave the colonists complete proprietor-
ship of their land. In Patti indeed he retained rights of preemption,
glandage, and military service. But even this last does not mean that
the abbot was bound to Iend the Count military aid for his lands, par-
ticularly since, as we have seen, Roger's foundation of Patti clearly states
that its possessions were to be free 'ah omni seruitute.'
1 Santa Lucia remained in the abbey's hands until the 17 June 1H9; cf. K. A. Kehr, 'Staufische

Diplome,' 179.
2 Caspar, No. Hl; Gregorio, op. cit., Lib. 1, c. 4, n. 26, 1, 167; ASS, XXIV (1899), 4, n. l.
86 Benedictinea
lt must not be thought that everyone tilling the lands of the dual
abbey enjoyed the ownership of them. These constituta refer only to
free settlers, not to the serfs, who, as we have seen, had been given to
Ambrose in considerable numbers. We may mention here that there
survives a document1 from Ambrose's later years which shows some-
thing of their condition. In 1117 the people of Librizzi complained of
the burden laid upon them. On the !tO July the abbot decreed that the
villains need labor for the monastery only one week in the month, having
the other three to themselves. In retum the people promised a special
service of forty days a year at sowing and plowing with their own oxen,
one da.y at harvest, and three days at vintage, or any other time. Cer-
tain men of Librizzi were named as responsible for the performance of
this service.
Despite his great success in procuring endowments, Abbot Ambrose
was still land-hungry. In November 1100, ind. 9, 2 he visited Roger in
Palermo, complaining that on account of the sterility of Lipari the beasts
of the abbey could not subsist there, and begged the Count to give him
sorne little place where he might build a farm, and find pasture, glandage,
and arable fields. Whereupon the Count presented to the cloisters the
tenement of Melvisum near Patti, with the injunction to pray without
ceasing. It is difficult to know what interpretation to give this plea of
beggary. Possibly Roger, feeling the approach o( death, was in a sensi-
tive condition, and the canny Ambrose took advantage of his state. But
more probably it means that our abbot's colonization schemes had been
rather too successful, particularly on the Sicilian mainland, and that in
his zeal to attract settlers he had let most of the monastery's properties go.
Shortly alter Roger's gift, Ambrose also received additional endow-
ment in lands and serfs at St Lucy's of Milazzo from Geoffrey Burrel,
who had originally given him the church. 3 However, Ambrose does not
seem to have bestirred himself greatly to remedy the disintegration of
the holdings of St Bartholomew's and St Savior's for another three years.
From then on we have a steady stream of donations.
The first of this series, a charter of 1104, ind. H, of Bishop Robert of
Messina, has been Iost, but we know of it from a later litigation.' lt
appears to have been a gift of the tithe of the tuna fisheries of Oliveri
and a third part of the same at Milazzo.
1 Cusa, 512 and 708; G. Spata, Diplomi f1'eci. H, and Milc. nor. ital., xu (1871), 18; Gregorio,
op. cit., Lib. 1, c. 5, n. 8, 1, 200; cf. Ganlfi in ASBO, IX, 181.
1 Ganlfi in ABB, XLIX, Sl, n. 1, correcta the date given by Cusa, 509 and 697. Pirri, 771, hu a
Latn venion of the late thirteenth century. Cf. Garufi in ASBO, IX, 188-4. On the 6 May lHS
Roger U confirmed thia donation; cf. Pirri 775, Cup&r, No. 151.
Appendix, rv; cf. npro, p. 81.
' Pirri, SDS, of February 1H8; cf. infra, p. 98, nn. 1 and l.
 St Bartlwlcmew'a of Lipari 87

In February 1105, ind. 18, 1 Hugo of Creun gave Ambrose 10 villains

and lands at Sichro, receiving partial compensation at Geraci, but stipu-
lating that a church should be built at Sichro.
In November 6614 (1105), ind. 14, 2 Achi of Vizzini gave our abbeys
ali the lands of Licodia Eubea which he had received of Roger 1, and 6
Moslem serfs.
Probably in the summer of 11078 the Countess Adelaide gave Ambrose
the tithes of the Jews of Termini. Perhaps four years later' she added
10 Moslem serfs 'in pertinencia Monte Mensidusto' and the casale of
Abdeluchate near Mazara.
In September, ind. 5, of what would seem to be 1111, 11 a certain Gidel,
son of Kaprioulos, gave Abbot Ambrose his serf Theophilak.tos, with his
children and immovable goods, including plowed lands and vineyards.
Probably also in 1111 11 Rainald Avenell, with the consent of his wife
Fredesenda, granted to Ambrose in perpetuity a church in a casale below
Partinico, a mili near it, 10 villains with their goods and families, 2
culturae, and a vineyard. Jfredesenda, Guerneric, and Sanson each
added a villain. A codicil after the signatures of the witnesses provided
that after Rainald's death St Bartholomew's was to have the casale of
Mirto. Nevertheless it appears that the abbey did not have to await
that sad event 7 to gain sorne control over Mirto. In 1114, ind. 7, 8
George, Viscount of Jato, was instructed by the royal curia to determine,
1 Appendll:. v.
2 Appendll:. VI. Garufi in ASS, XLIX. 12, n. 4, and in 'Gli aleramici,' in Centenario di Micl&ele
Amari (Palermo, 1910), 1, 69. n. 1, wrongly dates this charter 1106. Cf. infra, p. 101.
8 Appendll:, VII. The conflicting elements of the date nos. ind. 15, may be reconciled by the
use of the PiB&n style, which is rendered the more probable since the scribe is 'Ioannes tuscanus.'
The charter may therefore be placed between the 25 March and 1 September ll07. CI. Cbalandon,
I, 868, n. 7.
'Cusa. 511 and 701. Cf. Garufi in ASS, XLIX. 48, n. 2, and 'Adelaide,' 199. Caspar, No. 19,
thinks because of its form that it is an interpolation in a charter of Roger l. The date 6219, ind. 4,
must be an error for 6619 (1111), the only ind. 4i in Adelaide's regency.
1 Cusa, 581 and 701.
1 Pirri, 772.-8, 958. Cf. Garufi in ASSO. IX, 845, n. 2. The original in the Patti archive, Forul..
1. no. ant. 40, mod. 78, is dated 1111, ind. 8, which may also be calculua panua. Alter Fredesen.da's
death, Rainald Avenell married Adelicia of Adernb, granddaughter of Roger I, the great patroness
of monaeteries; el. Garufi, ibid., MS-4..
7 The date of Rainald's death is uncertain. but probably was November 1182; cf. ibid., 8#-5.
1 Pub. by Garufi in ibid., 849. G. La Corte, in A.SS, XXIV (1899), 8H, n. 1, and A.SS, XXVII
(1902). 840, raises the question of how Mirto came to be included among Monreale's pouessions
in the great description of its landa of May 1185 (Cuaa, 179 and 780). V. E. Orlando, 'Contributo
al1a 11toria di Partinico,' ASS, XLIV (1922), IS, does not mention the problem in his discussion of
Mirto. (There is a Mirto south-west of Patti, but ours is evidently the Mirto near Jato, in the
Val di Mazara.) It may be that Lipari-Patti, under pl'CSllure from William 11, surrendered its
holdings near Monreale to the new royal abbey, as did the bishops of Palermo, Agrigento, and
Mazara. and that the record of the transfer has periahed.
88 Benedictines

by an inquest of Christians and Saracens, the houndaries of that casale

for Roger of Pappavilla, 'monachus qui tune temporis iussu abbatis sui
eidem ohedientie preerat.' At the sacrifice of chronology, it may be
noted that nineteen years later, on the 26 February 1138, ind. 11, regni
S, 1 Roger 11 confirmed Ambrose's successor in the possession of Mirto.
On the ~6 April 1118 the Countess Adelaide, mother of Roger 11, died
at Patti after her return from Jerusalem the preceding year, her marriage
to King Baldwin having been annulled. She was buried in the abbey
church of St Savior, anda chapel was constructed to house her remains. 2
To pay for it Roger 11 presented to Patti the casale of Rahalzuchar,
with 80 villains and their 85 children, all with Saracenic names, save
for 2 Jews, in April 6640 (118i), ind. 10. 3 We have seen Adelaide's
benefactions towards the abbey; on her death-bed she asked her son to
give it the region of Focero (Phiciro or Sichro). For sorne reason there
was a long delay, and not until December 6651 (114~). ind. 6,' was the
property transferred. Roger's charter carefully exempts the Basilian
cloister of St Angel of Brolo and its lands from the jurisdiction of Patti.
The last appearance of Abhot Amhrose occurs in a charter dated, in
the original, 1121, ind. Ht, 6 and therefore either of 1119 or 1121, since
the two elements cannot be reconciled. In it he receives from Robert
of Milia the church of St Sophia at Vicari, near Palermo, which became
a priory. His successor, named John, is first mentioned in 1Ht8, ind. l,
when Rainald, son of Arnald, gave him certain lands near Tusa.
John's early years seem to have been quiet. He is not mentioned in
a donation of 11~5, ind. 3, 7 to the priory of St Mary of Butera, an obedi-
ence of his abbey, and in fact does not appear again until the 9 March
1180, 8 when Count Henry of Paterno issued a charter to the same priory.
However, with the year 1180 hegan the most turbulent period in the
history of the church of Lipari-Patti. Ali Latn Europe was disturbed
1 Cusa, 515 and 707; Pirri, 77M; Caspar, No. 81; Cf. K . A. Kehr, 16; Orlando, o-p. cit., H; Gre-

gorio, op. cit., Lib. 1, c. 8, n. 6, 1, H9.

1 The presenl lomb ia modem.
1 Cusa, 618 and 707; Cupar, No. 75; cf. Garufi in A.SS, XLIX. 49, n. l.
' A bilingual charter; Greek text in Cusa, 525 and 711; both in Spata, Diplomi vri. te, and Mc.
dor. ital., xu, 80; Caspar, No. 160, and cf. No. H9 for Focero; cf. Garu6, o-p. cit., 81, note. In
ihid., 90, is published the Latn record of the same date made by Philip, strategoe of the Val Demooew
of Focero's limita.
For St Angel's of Brolo, cf. Pirri, 1020 fl.
1 Appendix, IX. Cf. infra, p. 102.
1 Appendix, x. Cf. infra, p. 102. Nothing is lmown of John'a earlier hislory. He once (Cusa.
517) appean aa 'wcl"lt iic ncl..-r'-pouibly Bergamo. A 'Ioannes monachua' of Lipari ap-
pears in 1111 (Pirri, 778) but the name ia too common lo warrant a connection. Appendis. xrx.
a purchaae of land at Scala, near Patti, by Abbot Jolm. is unfortunately not dated.
7 Appendix. XI. Cf. inJra, p. 108.
1 Garufi, 'Aleramici,' 71. For another appearance early in the ume year, cf. mfra. p. 89, n. 7.
 St Bartholomew'a of Lipari 89

by the schism between Anacletus 11 and Innocent II. The Count of

Sicily, now also Duke of Apulia, was fishing in troubled waters, to the
advantage both of his dynasty and of his clergy. The bull of Anacletus
II, issued on the 'l7 Septemher 1180, 1 which granted Roger the royal
title, also contained a clause permitting the archhishop of Palermo to
consecrate the hishops of Syracuse, Agrigento, and either Mazara or
Catania. But King Roger wished the Sicilian Church to share his new
grandeur even further, and on the 14 Septemher 1181 the Pierleoni Pope
issued three hulls: Lipari was made a bishopric; 2 the same honor was
conferred on Roger's new church at Cefalu; and the hishop of Messina
was made an archbishop, with Lipari, Cefalll, and Catania as his sufl'ra-
gans. In the hull to Lipari, Anacletus said that 'Liparitanum monas-
terium unum fuisse hactenus ex maioribus Sicilie monasteriis, et ad
Romane ecclesie ius pertinere dignoscitur,' but that henceforth its bishop
was to be consecrated by the metropolitan of Messina.
The diploma of October 1181, ind. 10, 6 is also extant in which Arch-
bishop Hugo of Messina permitted the election of Abhot John as bishop,
and guaranteed him full episcopal authority over Lipari, Patti, and their
possess1ons.
But J ohn was not to enjoy his new dignity for long. Early in 1188
the Antipope (Antipope more by reason of the ahbot of Clairvaux than
of canon law) died in Rome, and his chief supporter, Roger 11, was forced
to make terms with St Bernard's protg. However, by great good for-
tune the King managed to capture His Holiness on the Garigliano, and
thus was ahle to extort the favorable treaty of Mignano on the 'l5 July
1189. lnnocent permitted him to retain the regal title conferred by the
schismatic Pontifl'; but naturally Roger had to make some concessions
to save the papal face, and Anacletus's ecclesiastical arrangements in
Sicily sufl'ered. To be sure, the stubhorn Jocelmus of Cefalu (Roger's
favorite foundation) clung to his episcopal style, under the form of elec-
tus;" but thereafter the metropolitan of Messina appeared in the hum-
hler guise of hishop, 7 while John of Lipari forsook episcopus for abbas. 8
1 JL, No. 8411; Pirri, p. xvi.
JL. No. 8422; Pirri, 887; Ughelli-Coleti, 1, 777; R. Starrabba, Diplomi della cattedrale di Me1aina
(Palermo, 1876), 6; cf. P. Kehr, 'Papsturkunden in Sizilien,' in Gim. Nachr. (1899), 808.
a JL, No. 8421; Pirri, 888; cf. P. Kehr, op. cit., 287.
'JL, No. 8428; publ. by P. Kehr, 'Nachtrllge zu den Papsturkunden ltaliens, r,' in GOtl. Nachr.
(1906), 882.
a Pirri, 778, 888; Starrabba, op. cit., 8. lbid., loe. cit., has another document of the same date
signed by 'Iohannea Lipariensis Abbas' and 'Gaceaius Prior Liparie.'
lnfra, p. 191.
7 Pirri, 890.
8 A Greek diploma of the 5 May 6650 (1142), ind. 4 (P), in Cwia, 528 and 7H, and Spata, Diplomi
greci, H, and Mc. or. ital., xn, 28, calls lohn "ll"Y"'li.ivas.' A bilingual document of December
90 Benedictinea
John cannot have taken the humiliation easily. He was proud, and
ever ready to pick a quarrel. lndeed he seems to have been one of
those strange persons who revel in litigation. In Ambrose's long abbacy
we know of nota single lawsuit; under John the records mention little
else. Almost our first glimpse of him is in a court of law squabbling
with the archbishop of Palermo; the last notice of him is in connection
with a dispute with the elect of Messina, eighteen years later.
John's debut as a litigant was made in Palermo before Count Roger 11
and a group of bishops and barons in 1180, ind. 8. 1 Unfortunately
Roger 1 had given the tithes of Termini both to Lipari 2 and to Palermo,
in which diocese it lay. Finally it was decided that the abbot of St
Bartholomew's should surrender his claim to Archbishop Peter of Pal-
ermo, and receive back from him, and hold of him, hall the tithe of the
city, together with the church of St Giles in Termini, and that of St
Sophia of Vicari. 8
That John could drive a hard bargain is shown by two events of 1188.
We have a document of that year, the 10 January, ind. 11,' in which
Roger tells us that while he was resident in Messina the greater part of
the men of Patti came to him complaining that Bishop John was increas-
ing the burdens laid on them by the comtitmum of Abbot Ambrose. 6
The King ordered an inquest to be held, but when the judges asked the
Pattians to produce their hall of the charla difJ'isa of Ambrose's constitu-
tion, they regretted that it had been destroyed in the burning of a house,
but asserted that John still had the other hall. The bishop said it was
in Patti, and was given three days to produce it. He did so, and it was
'uulgariter exposita,' to the great confusion of the Pattians, who saw that
they had no case. However, Ambrose's wording of the clause on gland-
age was too vague to ofler a settlement, and the thomy matters of pas-
turage and forest rights were not mentioned in bis charter. So the two

11'2, ind. 6, in Cusa, 625 and 712, Spata, op. cit., 26, and xu, 80, callahim 'abbu' and 'irdnoii.iaor' ;
cf. iupra, p. 88, n. 4. Cusa' aummary, 71S, calling John 'Veacovo della Chiea di Patti' is alto-
gether misleading.
1 Pirri. 84; Cupar, No. 66 (not 69); cf. Garufi in .4880, a. 176, n. S. Since Roger departed

for the mainland in the spring of 1180, not returning until ind. 9 (itinerary in Cupar, p. 506), thia
tria1 mwit be dated very early in the year, or even late in ll29. Cupar, No. 61, cites a charter
dated al Palermo in '1180, ind. 8, S kal. Jan. anno tertio ducatwi,' i.e. 80 December 1129; cf. K. A.
Kehr, 805.
1 Supra, p . 82. andel. Appenclli, vu.
a lnfra, p. 102.
4 Gregorio, Lib. 1, c. , n. 4, 1, 195; Sciacca, 217; Cupar, No. 80; C. A. Garufi, 'Un contralto agra-
rio in Sicilia nel secolo xu,' ASSO, v (1908), 1!-13. Thia is doubUe1111 the quarrel with the burghera
olPatti (6' {Jo11P'Y'lt1loi Hnw) to which John refen in 11"5 (Cusa, 536 and 71S); cf. i'\(na.p. 96.n.10.
a Supra, p. 84, n. S.
 St Barthowmew's of Lipari 91
judges secured a more specific arrangement: the Pattians were to share
the woodland pastures (but not the meadows) in common with the in-
habitants of the bishop's casalia; they were to use the dead wood in the
'defensum' in common; the wood 'extra defensum' was to be used, when
necessary, for such things as vine-stakes, and the making and repairing
of plows, but without needless waste; as for glandage, the bishop was to
set off a quarter of the woods 'extra defensum' in which to run his hogs,
the Pattians using the other three quarters; finally, the bishop was to
collect only half the fines infcted by his court, remitting the rest. This
document of 1188 is of special importance as revealing the legal procedure
of the time, and the relation existing between a great ecclesiastic and
the free population within his jurisdiction.
That John's niggardly policies had roused the greatest opposition to
him not simply in his Sicilian lands, but also in Lipari, is made clear
by a decree of the 4 March 1188, ind. 11 1-less than two months after
the settlement of the disturbance at Patti-in which Bishop John makes
new regulations of land-tenure in the Eolian Islands. Of necessity he
confirms the rights of those who have already acquired lands under
Ambrose's constitutum of the 9 May 1095. 2 But evidently these col-
onists have been rebellious, and John desires more control over the
islanders. Henceforth no one is to receive land to be held in perpetua!
or hereditary right, but only precariously, so long as he serves the abbey
faithfully and humbly. 'Cum uero aliqua superbia uel rebellione contra
ecclesiam repugnauerit aut resisterit, aut certe episcopo aut monachis
ecclesie non placuerit ut ipsam terram habeat, auferatur ah eo, et iuri
ecclesie restituatur.' And if anyone who has received his lands on these
terms shall wish to leave them, he may not sell or mortgage them, or
leave them to bis heir, but must leave them to the Church, to which
they belong. But if his son be a faithful subject, and the bishop and
chapter wish, he may hold the landas his father did, precariously. We
have no record of how the hardy peasants and fishermen of the islands
received this new constitution. It may be surmised that their enthusi-
asm was not great. The implication that there were still unsettled lands
on the sterile Eolians confirms our impression that the colonization of
Lipari progressed much more slowly than that of the Patti region.
Eleven months later, in February 664!t (1184), ind. l!l,' Bishop John
1 Gregorio, Lib. 1, c. 6, n. 6, 1, 199.
ll Supra, p. 84, n. t.
1 Garufi concludes (ASSO, IX, 186) from al-ldrlsl's description of the Eoli&DB (in Amari, Bib.
arabo-lic., I, 61), that towards the middle of the twelfth century Lipari was inhabited only at certain
eeasons by a migratory population. But surely the abbey was never deserted.
Cusa, 619 and 708; Pirri, 776; Caspar, No. 96.
 Benedictinea

and his monks again appeared before Roger 11 in Palermo a~using a

certain Walter of Garres 1 of infringing the rights of their monastery in
Naso, half of which, it will be remembered, had been given to St Bar-
tholomew's by Count Roger 1 in 1094. 2 Walter vigorously denied the
accusation, and Roger 11 commanded the bishop of Lipari to prove it
with witnesses. However, an agreement was reached out of court, which
King Roger confirmed. The abbey was to possess half of Naso, and
receive a third of the tolls collected at the city gates. As for the gland-
age: at the fattening season the bishop's men living in Naso might run
those hogs of their own which they wished to fatten. Walter's hogs were
to take whatever remained. Evidently there had also been dispute over
the lands along the river near the city; for it was agreed that both the
bishop's and Walter's men should keep those which they then held, en-
joying the rest in common.
Evidently the King was a bit weary of Bishop John's aggressions and
accusations: in confirming the agreement he added a most explicit and
sharp warning to John against breaking it. There is no similar admoni-
tion to Walter: our bishop hada reputation!
The snub does not seem to have had immediate efl'ect. The following
year John carried to the King another quarrel, over the status of the
monastery of St Philip at Agira, which, although it appears to have been
given to St Bartholomew's as early as 1094,' was also united with the
abbey of St Mary of the Latins in Jerusalem. The controversy was
again settled out of court: St Philip's was freed entirely from Lipari-
Patti, which received in compensation the church of St Venera in Tusa.
For thirteen years thereafter Bishop (alter 1189, Abbot) John kept
out of the judicial records. But in old age his nature once more reas-
serted itself. A long quarrel ensued between John and A.rnald, elect of
Messina, over certain rights in the northem seacoast towns of the diocese
which Bishop Robert of Messina had given to Abbot Ambrose of Lipari-
Patti in 1104, ind. 1~. We do not know the exact nature of this conces-
sion, but it was doubtless loosely worded, and we may be sure that
Abbot John stretched its meaning outrageously. For instance, he ap-
pears to have interpreted the gift of the deci:ma tonnarie of the city of
Oliveri as including the whole tithe of the place. Finally in February
l Gualteriua de Garrexio atteated charlen in 1116 and lli5; el. Garufi. 'Aleramici.' 88. and Ap-
pendix. :u. The other half of Nuo remained in this family until the days of Henry VI, who seised
it from 'abbas de Guerras.' In 1200 it wa.s given in Frederick II's name to Bishop Stephan o1.
Patti as eecurity for a loan; el. Pirri., 776; Huill&rd-Briholles, Hiatoria diplorraaNa Frlici 11
(Paria, 185!), 1, 68; Bubmer--Ficker, No. 649.
1 Supra, p. 8!.
1 Appendix. xm; ixfra, p. 2111.
4 Supra, p. 81.
 St Bartho/,omew' s of Lipari 93

1148, ind. 11, Arnald of Messina appealed to Roger for justice, and the
case was tried in Palermo.
We are fortunate in having not merely Roger's verdict, 1 but also a
parallel document of the Bishop-elect of Messina. 2 Apparently the
King's old enmity towards the trouble-making abbot revived: he an-
nulled and tore in pieces the donation of Bishop Robert on which John
had based his aggressions, 8 and made an adjustment of the rights of the
two churches from which there might be no appeal. Abbot John re-
ceived two-thirds of the tithe of Fitalia, half the tithe of the church of
St Peter in Ficarra, half the tithe of Solaria, the whole tithe of the tuna
fishery of Oliveri, the church of St Mary in the port of Milazzo, and a
third of the tuna fishery of that city. As for the elect of Messina, he
received the whole tithe of Oliveri, and a third part of the port of Milazzo.
Nevertheless, Abbot John's reign was not composed entirely of law-
suits. A reasonable number of donations and confirmations of property
to the dual abbey are recorded, besides the gifts to its dependent priories,
which we shall discuss separately. The compensation given by Roger
in US!l for the cost of bis mother's mortuary chapel' and his confirma-
tion of Mirto in 1188 6 have already been mentioned. Early in the next
year (20-81 January, a.m. 664!l, an. heg. 528) 8 a Greek and Arabic
letter patent issued by the King exempted the monastery of Lipari from
port and export taxes on all grain, cheese, and butter, either from its
own casalia or given to it, shipped in its own vessels for its own use.
On any produce which the monastery shipped for commercial purposes,
duties had to be paid.
Three months later, on the !l8 April 1184, ind. H, regni 4,7 Roger TI
gave a confirmation which is our most complete Iist of the possessions of
Lipari-Patti. It purports to confirm 'omnia illa quecumque pater noster
magnifice memorie Rogerius comes, et bone memorie Robertus Guis-
cardus, seu alii principes, duces, comites, et harones, seu utriusque sexus
predecessores prenominato S. Bartholomei Pactensi et Liparensi monas-
terio dederunt.' It appears that the holdings of the cloister in various

s K A. Kehr, 429; Caspar, No. 214.

1 Starrabba, op. cit., 14; Pirri, 891 and 776; Caspar, No. 215.
a '. . . quod cauatum et infirmatum et ruptum in regiis ecriniia detinetur': ao Kehr, 480, Star-
raba, 81, and Gregario, 1, M9. But Amald'a version, in the text of Pirri, 898, and Starrabba, 15,
reada, 'quod collatum, confirmatum et acceptum . . . ,' whence Caapar doubta ita authenticity.
However, a aeventeenth century copy of Amald's diploma in the Patti Archive, Ftmd., 1, no. ant.
189, mod. 176, has 'casaatum et infirmatum,' which is probably the original version.
' Supra, p. 88, n. 8.
1 Supra, p. 88, n. l.
Cuaa, 517 and 707; Caapar, No. 98; Sciacca, HO, has a Sicilian translation.
7 Pirri, 774; Supra, p. 77, n. 8.
94 Benedictines

regions were generally grouped for administrative purposes under

churches, each managed by a prior; for while only three casalia are men-
tioned by name, there are eighteen churches enumerated, besides Lipari
and Patti.
Most of the items we have met before. The seven Eolian Islands 1
head the list; then come Patti with its churches, 2 St Lucy 's of Milazzo, 3
St Mary's of Butera, the casale of Mirto, 5 the church of the Holy
Trinity of Focero, 11 St Mary's of Tusa, 7 the church of St Lawrence, 8
St Giles's in Termini, 9 St Peter's in Castronuovo, 10 St Nicholas's of Comi-
tini, 11 the church of the Holy Cross near Buccheri and St John's near
Vizzini, 12 the Calabrian churches of St Parasceve, St Nicholas of Valle,
and St Nicholas of Salter, 13 that of St Sophia of Vicari, 14 and finally
St Philip's of Agira. 15
The confirmation mentions, however, severa] new items: St Elias's
near Gratteri, 111 St Mary's of Mazzarino, 17 St Angel's of Gedesceri, near
N icosia, 18 and the casale of Rablis near Mazara, which can hardly be
identical with that of Abdeluchate in the same region (a present from
the Countess Adelaide), 19 although it may have incorporated it.
If it is true, as we have assumed, that as a rule the landed possessions
of our monasteries were administered by the nearest obedience, we can
understand why there is no specific mention of Naso, Fitalia, Panagia, and
San Salvatore, 20 of Melvisum, 21 of the lands of the serf Theophilaktos, 22
1 While probably these were posse&Sed by St Bartholomew's from the beginning, our first refer-

ence to the 'insulis [Lipparie] subiectis' comes in 1138; cf. nipra., p. 91, n. l.
2 Supra, p . 88.

a Supra, p. 82, and Appendix, rv.

4 lnf'ra, p. 108.

5 Supra, p . 87.
e Supra, p. 88, and Appendix, v.
7 lnfra, p. 102.
s Supra, p . 82.
9 Supra, p. 90.

1 Supra, p. 81.
11 lnfra, p. 108.
12 lnfra, p. 101.

1a Discussed, nipra, pp. 8(}.l.

14 lnfra, p. 101.
16 lnfra, p . 219.

ie Garufi, in ASSO, IX, 175, <loes not identify it.

17 lnfra, p. 108.

is Garufi, op. cit., 176, n. 6, and 192, attempts to connect this church with Robert of Milia's dona-
tion of 1121 (Appeodix, ix) and Roger II's gift in 1182 of the casale of Rahalzuchar (nipra., p. 88,
n . 8), but without proof.
19 Supra, p. 87.

' Supra, p. 82.

21 Supra, p. 86.
22 Bupra, p. 87.
 St BartlwWm.ew'a of Lipari 95

or of the casale of Rahalzuchar; 1 but where is the priory of St Mary

of Caccamo, 2 and what has become of the church of the Holy Trinity
near Geraci, with its lancls and vineyarcls, presented by Roger of Bar-
navilla in or before 1094?8 For geographical reasons it can hardly be
identical with the Holy Trinity of Focero (or Sichro), near Brolo. Per-
haps it had been exchanged, or sold, or given away, and the record is
lost. N aturally our knowledge of the holdings and dealings of the dual
abbey of Lipari-Patti is not complete. For example, we have nomen-
tion of any acquisitions in Messina; yet a Greek deed of sale, having no
connection with the monll."tery, mentions houses in that city belonging
to the monks of Patti in 1187.'
Besides Roger's con.firmation of 1184, another document gives us a
gli.mpse of the extent of the cloister's wealth in human beings about this
time. It is an undated platea, perhaps compiled on the orders of Bishop
John after the troubles with his dependents in Patti and Lipari in 1188. 11
It contains the names of 844 villains on the domains of the church. The
Saracens number 58, scattered about. The remaining i91 ali have Greek
names, as we might expect on estates chiefly in the Val Demone. There
were IOi living in the half of Naso which the abbey owned, 61 in Fitalia,
69 in Panagia, and 59 in Librizzi. 11
Small donations continued to be made. In February 114i, ind. 8
(sic),7 a certain Martin Curator gave sorne land near Oliveri to the hos
pital of St Bartholomew's, which, although a part of the dual abbey,
seems to have become almost like a subsidiary priory. Thus in May
1194, ind. H, 8 we find a deed of sale to this hospital of St Bartholomew
in the person of Brother Peter, Hospitaler.
In May 6651 (1148), ind. 6, 0 George, 'Archon of Archons, Emir of
Emirs' gave the abbot of Patti a villain, Hassan of Mazara, in exchange
f or others he had received.
On the sixth day of the same month, 10 at John's request, Roger Il
1 Supra, p. 88, n. S.
1 lnfra, p. 100.
1 Supra, p. 81.
' Cusa, 621 and 710.
11 Publiahed by Garufi in A.SS, XLIX (1928), 91. In A.SSO, a, 178, Garufi referred to thia plaa
as 'Ira il 1094 e il 1101,' but he himself later ahowed (A.SS, XLIX, 96, nn. i and S) that it must
be subaequent to the donationa of Achi of Vizzini in 1106 (not 1111) (Appendix, vi) and of the
Countesa Adelaide in 1111; cf. aupra, p. 87.
Supra, p. Si. 1 find no mention ol Librizzi before 1117 (aupra, p. 86, n.1), but perhapa it wu
included in the region around Patti given by Roger 1 in 1094 (aupra, p. SS, n. 1).
1 Appendix, XVII.
8 Appendix, XLIV.
' CUBa, 6M and 71.
10 Cusa, 686 and 718; Cupar, No. IH; cf. aupra, p. 86, n. i.
96 Benedictinea
confirmed the monastery's possession of Melvisum, which Roger 1 had
grante<I in 1100.
Our Iast notice of Abbot John is his quarrel in February 1148, already
mentioned, 1 with Amald of Messina. However he seems to have Iived
for six or seven years more; for the election of his successor, Gilbert,
may be placed definitely in 1154. A charter of December 1157, ind. 6, 2
in which Manfred, son of Count Simon, gives our dual abbey sorne houses
in Butera, adds to the usual date 'W. Rege gloriosiEsimo regnante, quarto
uero anno electionis Gilliberti Luparie et Patarum electi.'
The term electus indicates that Lipari-Patti was once more regarded
as a bishopric. Our knowledge of the relations between Sicily and Rome
at the middle of the century is not extensive. lt may be that Roger 11
attempted to use the political embarrassments of the Pope to extort
concessions for the Sicilian churches, particularly Lipari and Cefalu. 3
But that his negotiations did not succeed is shown by Eugene IIl's
bull of the !ll April 1151, ind. 14,' which includes both CefalU and Patti
in the diocese of Messina. Despite this check, the occasions on which
we find Gilbert's tille used show clearly that both William 1 and the
Sicilian ecclesiastics recognized Lipari-Patti as an episcopal seat. In
September 1156 6 the King restored to 'Gilbertus uenerabilis electus
Pactensis monasterii' certain lands of the church of the Holy Cross of
Buccheri which had been given to Lipari-Patti by Count Henry of
Paterno and seized by his son Count Simon.
More significant is the fact that 'Ghilibertus Pactensis electus' as well
as 'Boso Chephaludensis electus' witnessed a charter 11 during the follow-
ing year in company with a body of archbishops and bishops, including
Robert 111 of Messina, of whose diocese these churches were nominally
a part. Possibly Robert thought that the best way to regain his metro-
politan title was to recognize the episcopal pretentions of churches sub-
ordinate to him.
Again on the !lO January 1159, ind. 7, 7 Rainald of Tusa, a royal justi-
ciar, at the command of William 1 settled a 'contencio inter dominum
1 Supra, p. 98, n. l.
11 Garufi, 'Aleramici,' 88. The original in the Patti archive, Fond., 1, no. ant. 46, mod. IS., is
dated 1158, ind. 6, and Garufi, loe. cit., n. 1, asserta that the Roman, rather than the Byzantine.
indiction is u.sed. A simpler explanation is the use of the September epoch or the style of the
Nativity, both found in Sicily; cf. Chalandon in M01Jm dge, XVI (1908), 807.
a Cf. Chala.ndon, Domination, u, 117-121.
'Pirri, 898; not in JL. There is no re&80D to doubt its authenticity. Starrabba's text. 15, haa
it addreased to Bishop 'Gaufridus,' but Pirri properly has 'Robertwi.'
a K. A. Kehr, 488.
1 Pirri, 98. The exact date is uncertain; cf. E. Jordan in Moym dge, xxx1v (1928), 41, n. 2.
7 Doc. irud., 81.
 St Bartho"lomew's of Lipari 97

Bosonem cephaludensis ecclesie electum et inter dominum Gilibertum

pactensis ecclesie electum' about sorne lands at Pollina.
Gilbert's style is still el.ectus when he last appears in October 1164,
ind. 18, regni 18 (sic), 1 selling a hou~e in Palermo for three hundred
taris. lt is evident that his episcopal rank was universally recognized
in Sicily. We may speculate that in the complex negotiations of 1150-
51 Eugenius 111 had promised to set bishops in the churches of Patti
and CefalU, but because of the sudden break with Roger 11 in the spring
of 115!2 had never done so.
We do not know whether Gilbert lived to become the first legitimate
bishop of Lipari-Patti in 1166. lndeed not even the record of the final
elevation of the abbey to the dignity of an episcopal see has survived.
But its fate in this matter is so intimately bound with that of Messina
and CefalU that we are justified in drawing conclusions from their ar-
chives. The bull exists in which Alexander 111 in 1166 3 made Nicholas
of Messina an archbishop, with suffragan bishops at CefalU. and Lipari-
Patti. That Nicholas delayed somewhat in establishing his two sub-
ordinate sees is indicated by a charter given after the 1 September 1166,
ind. 15, 4 in which he uses the archiepiscopal title, while Boso is still
'electus cephaludii.' But on the 15 December of that year, ind. 15, 6
Boso proudly signs himself 'primus chephaludi episcopus.' We may
therefore surmise that sometime between the first of September and the
middle of December of 1166 the abbot of Lipari-Patti was consecrated
bishop.
Strangely enough, this new honor does not seem to have roused the
church from the lethargy into which it had fallen. The documents for
the later years of the N orman dynasty are fairly numerous, but concem
matters of no great importance, and serve chiefly to establish the list of
abbot-bishops.
The first of these was named Peter, who appears in a charter of 1171,
ind. 4, 8 in which Anfusus of Luci gives to the monastery of Lipari-Patti
the church of St Michael of Petrano, near Termini, with ali its posses-
sions. He is also found in a donation of N ovember 117~, ind. 6, 7 by

1 Appendix, xxv.
2 Chalandon, u, 121.
a Starrabba, U; not in JL; cf. infra., p. 196, n. 2.
' Doc. ined., 95. The indiction 'xvi' ia na.turally a misprint.
5 lbid., 94, and n. 1 on the date. Cf. infra, p. 196, n. 4.
e Appendix, xxvu; among the poue88otl8 of thia church wu presumably included the ho\llle in
Termini 'quam Anfusll8 de petrrano construxit,' and which in May 1194, ind. 12, regni 1 (cf. Ap-
pendix, XLV), Bishop Stephan gave to the Admira! Eugene for an annual cenaus of an ounce of gold.
7 Appendix, XXIX, cf. injra., p. 108.
98 Benedidima

Sibil, widow of Bartholomew of Garres, 1 of a mili to the obedient

church of St Nicholas of Comitini, and in a charter of the next month 1
for the priory of the Holy Cross of Buccheri.
Peter's successor, DaHerius or.Dauferus, is fi.rst mentioned in August
of 1176, ind. 9, 1 when a Genoese priest named Bartholomew entered the
church of Patti bringing his belongings with him. Dauferus appears
only once more: in a document of 1177 which is interesting for the light
it casts on the basis of the Norman naval power. In November of that
year, ind. 11, regni 12,' at the bishop's request William 11 freed the see
of Lipari-Patti from its burdensome obligation to supply twenty sailors
for the royal fleet. It must not be thought that this implies that eccle-
siastical property was held on condition of military service. On the
contrary a confirmation of this concession by Frederick 11 in September
li08 6 shows clearly that the obligation rested on only one tenement
held by the church: 'condonamus tihi [Anselme] et eidem Pactensi ecclesie
uigenti marinarios quos curia nostra de casali tuo sancte Lucie Vallis
Melacii annis singulis consueuit habere.' William Il's exemption seems
to have caused some confusion as to the lands involved; for in September
1179, ind. IS, 8 we find Simon of Garres, a royal justiciar, determining
the boundaries of St Lucy's of Milazzo justas Geoffrey Burrel had given
them, 7 'ne aliquid super eis de demanio domini regis occupatum fuisset.'
In 1180 we find a new abbot-bishop of Patti, Stephan, who ruled the
church perhaps a quarter of a century, and whose successor, Anselm,
does not appear until March 1~07. 8 In 11809 Stephan granted certain
rights of his church to N., the abbot of the Basilian cloister of St Philip
at Santa Lucia, just south of Milazzo.
In December of the same year 10 he reached an agreement with Arch-
bishop Nicholas of Messina over the moot question of the tithes of
St Peter's in Ficarra. It was entirely based on the compromise between
1 Su'P' p. 92, n. l, for thia family.
1 Appendix, xxx, cf. infra. p. 101.
a Appendix, XXXII.
K. A. Kehr, 444; Scia.cca, Hl-2.
6 P. Scheffel'-Boichorst., 'Daa Geaets Kaiaer Friedrich'1 II "De resipandis privileps",' 8illnf'6.
d. lcgl. prnua. Alead. d. W.mueh. su Berln {1900), 14M and 161; cf. Willy Cobn, Guclricld. U,
lisiliaclien FlotU unter Frilrich 11 (Bl"elllau, 1926), llll, n . ll, and K. A. Kehr, 'Staufische Diplome.'
180, for Manfred'11 confirmation of 1265.
ASS, XLIX, 97.
1 Cf. Appendix IV. Garufi in ASSO, IX, 19.5, say1 wrongly that thi1 casale waa the gift of the
Counteu Adelaide.
1 Kehr, 'St.aufiache Diplome,' 17.
Pirri. 770 and 1067.

1 Starrabba. 80-82.
 St Bartholomew'a of Lipari 99

Abbot John and Arnald of Messina of 1148. 1 Apparently friction be-

tween the two sees was chronic, and the transfer to Messina of the
energetic Englishman, Richard Palmer, from Syracuse shortly thereafter
did not help matters. On the 9 February 1188 2 Pope Lucius ID wrote
from Velletri to the bishops of Patti and CefalU urging due reverence
and obedience towards the metropolitan of Messina-with so little effect
that a similar letter was sent from Verona on the il5 July 1184-85. 8
In March 1188, ind. 6,' Bishop Stephan purchased from a knight
named Constantine two pieces of land near a wood called Rospila in the
Valley of Milazzo, free of ali service or obligation.
In October of this same year, ind. 7, regni !l8, 5 William 11 settled a
quarrel between the bishop f Lipari and Benedict, the royal chaplain,
over the properties of St Lucy's of Milazzo, which, as we have seen, be-
longed to the former, and St Philip's of the same Val di Milazzo, which
the King had given as a prebend to the latter. Stephan was forced to
pay Benedict twenty-two hundred Sicilian taris, as well as the income
from a mill belonging to St Philip's which the church of Lipari-Patti had
wrongfully been using. The ghost of Abbot John had been abroad in
his cloisters.
We may mention finally a most interesting document of March 1190,
ind. 8, 6 which, if it were not so badly corroded, might throw light on the
nature of our bishop's jurisdiction. It is a judgment delivered in the
episcopal court at Lipari, and seems to involve exile for the theft of
falcons and rabbits.
On the 8 November 1194, ind. 18,7 our Bishop Stephan signed a docu-
ment in Palermo seventeen days before Henry VI entered the city. He
was therefore probably of the faction of Tancred, but evidently quickly
reconciled himself to the new master of Sicily, since he is found at Linaria
with the Emperor in 1197. 8
Of the monastic buildings of the twelfth century nothing is at present
visible at Patti. The exterior of the apse of the cathedral of St Bar-
tholomew on Lipari would seem to be a fragment of the Norman church;
however, 1 could find no reliable information on the subject.
1 Supra, p. 98.
2 JL, No. 14886; Starrabba, 82; Pirri, 898.
JL, No. 15221; Starrabba, SS; Pirri, soo.
Cusa, 528 and 786.
6 K. A. Kehr, Urkunden, 456.
6 Appendix, XLI.
1 Doc. imd., 271.
8 T. Toeche, Kaer Heinrich VI (Leipzig, 1867), 410, n. l; K . F. Stump!-Brentano, ~ ReicM-
kanzler (lnnsbruck, 1865-SS), No. 5068.
100 Benedictines
Summary
Founded by Roger 1 and Robert Guiscard, St Bartholomew's of Lipari before
July 1085, St Savior's of Patti by Roger 1 early in 1094.
Made a bishopric on the H September 1181 by the Antipope Anacletus 11;
was reduced in 1189 to its previous status; its abbot was called electua in
Sicily after September 1156, but was not consecrated bisbop until late
in 1166.
Possessions of the dual abbey included, besides S churches in Calabria, at least
19 churches in Sicily, of which 6 are known to have been priories. lt
owned at least 844 serfs, and a vast quantity of lands, tithes, and im-
munities.
Its abbots, electi, and bishops were:
Ambrose .. . . .. ... . .. .. .. .. . .. .. . . . . .. before July 1085 to 1119 or 1121
John . .. . ...... . . . . . . .. .. . . .. . . before September 1128 to February 1148
Gilbert ............. .. . . . .. .. . .... . .. . .. ... ..... 1154 to October 1164
Peter . .... . ....... . . .. . ...... before September 1171 to December 1172
Dauferus .. . ......... . ... . . . ..... . ... . . August 1176 to November 1177
Stephan ... .. . . ..... . . ... .. . .. . . ... . . . . . . .. . .. ... .. 1180 to after liOO

l. THE PruoRY OF ST MARY oF CACCAMO

The oldest of the priories subject to the Benedictine dual cloister of

Lipari-Patti appears to have been the 'monasterium Sancte Marie' of
Caccamo, Caccabo, or Cacumina, in the diocese of Palermo, to which
in 1098, ind. 6, 1 Roger 1 issued a confirmation. lt appears to have been
founded by Robert Mandaguerra, who had seemingly given it to St
Bartholomew's of Lipari, and endowed it with 81 serfs, lands, a vineyard,
and three houses. Small gifts of 5 other villains are also mentioned.
St Mary's of Caccamo is mysteriously absent from Roger II's con-
firmation of Lipari's properties and obediences in 1184, 2 but no more
than three years later, in 1187, ind. 15, 3 we find William Bonell giving a
vineyard to it at the request of Bishop John of Lipari-Patti. And on
the 5 May 6650 {114~) ind. 4 (?),'Richard of Capua (who is mentioned
in William Bonell's charter) and his wife Olympia gave to John (now
called 'Abbot') a vineyard and sorne arable land in a place named
Cadema for St Mary's. Nothing further is heard of this priory during
the N orman period.
1 Appendix, 111. and p. 244, n. l.
2 Cf. auwa, p. 98.
a Appendix, xv.
CUBa'a text, 528 and 712, doea not mention Caccamo, but only St Mary's; Spata's version,
Diplomi grec, 24, and Miac. ator. tal., XII, 28, has the D&Dle Caccamo, which ia probably an expla-
natory gloas 11lipped into the te:rt.
 St Sophia's of V icari 101

2. THE PRIORY oF THE HoLY CRoss oF BuccHERI 1 AND oF

ST JoHN, NEAR V1zzIN1
The nucleus of the endowment of the dual priory of the Holy Cross
and St John is undoubtedly to be found in Achi of Vizzini's donation on
the 21 November 6614 (1105), ind. 14, 2 of lands at Licodia Eubea, near
Vizzini, to the dual abbey of St Bartholomew on Lipari and St Savior
at Patti. The first mention of these churches comes in 1184 3 when
Roger II confirmed to Bishop John of Lipari 'Ecclesia sancte Crucis in
territorio Broccati et ecclesia sancti Ioannis in territorio Bizini.' lt
seems probable that by this time the two churches were united, although
we have no certain proof of their union until January 1186, 4 when we
find the signature of 'frater Alfanus prior sancte crucis et sancti lohannis.'
In September 1156, ind. 5, 6 William 1 restored to the Holy Cross cer-
tain lands which Count Henry of Paterno had donated, but which Count
Simon had unjustly seized. We know of two charters of Count Henry
for the church of Lipari-Patti, but both seem to have involved lands ad-
ministered by the priory of St Mary of Butera. 0
Towards the end of the century our priory seems to have prospered
considerably. In December 117~. ind. 6, 7 Roger of Tirone, a royal jus-
ticiar, gave to it and to Bishop Peter of Lipari, lands, a vineyard, anda
mili. One of the witnesses was a certain John of Melfi. Ten years
later 8 he took the Benedictine habit at the Holy Cross, from the hands
of Prior Alfanus, and gave it sorne land called Laseria. This document
incidentally mentions the gifts of Roger of Tirone to the Holy Cross.
Alfanus was prior in November 1185, ind. 4, 11 when Bishop Stephan
of Lipari-Patti visited the obedience in company with his claustral prior
and chaplain, and granted certain water rights near Modica to the three
grandsons of Ugutio of Caltagirone.

S. TuE PRIORY oF ST SoPHIA oF V1cARI

The church of St Sophia of Vicari was given to Abbot Ambrose of

1 Garufi, 'Memoratoria,' 88, suggests that this church may be the modem Santa Croce Camerina,
near Modica. However, our Holy Cro!l8 was certainly near Licodia Eubea (not to be confused
with Santa Maria di Licodia, on the slopes of Etna) and Vizzini; Baccaratum is evidently the equiva-
lent of Buccheri.
3 Appendix. VI. Cf. 11Upra, p. 87.
a Cf. 11Upra, p. 98.
' Appendix, XXXVI.
6 K. A. Kehr, 488.
1 lnfra, p. lOS.
7 Appendix, xxx.

s Appendix, xxxm.
Garufi, 'Memoratoria,' l!W; facsimile Tav. 11.
IOi BenedWtinea
Lipari-Patti either in 1119 or in llil1 by Robert of Milia, together
with an endowment of 22 villains and certain lands. Alter Robert's
death the church was also to receive a vineyard. A codicil dated August
adds an annual subvention of 100 taris. We learn that Robert himself
had built the church, from a settlement of a dispute between Abbot
John of Lipari and Archbishop Peter of Palermo early in 1180, ind. 8. 1
In 1181, ind. 9, 1 Robert of Milla sold to Robert of Venosa, prior of St
Sophia's, some land near the church for amule, a horse, and 100 taris.
The priory is mentioned in Roger Il's great confirmation to Lipari-Patti
of 1184.'
Nothing further is heard of St Sophia's until January 1186, ind. 4,
regni iO, 6 when we are told that because of the 'incuria et negligentia
prelatorum et priorum qui fuere hactenus in obedientia ipsa' it is in a
sorry state: that many of its lands and groves have been usurped, and
that its villains have fled. So critical a condition required a drastic
remedy, and Bishop Stephan of Lipari-Patti adopted it: he placed St
Sophia's and its prior Girard under the protection of Kaid Richard, the
royal chamberlain and master of the doana de aecretia. During his life-
time Richard was to receive all the revenues of the priory, on condition
that he reassemble its shattered patrimony and extend hospitality to
the bishop of Lipari when the latter visited Vicari or Palermo. Alter
Richard's death the priory, with ali improvements, was to return to the
control of the abbey of Lipari. We see here a seed of the vicious system
of lay commendatories which devastated monasticism in later centuries.

4. THE PmoRY oF ST MARY oF TuSA

The church of St Mary of Tusa first appears as an obedience of the
Benedictine dual abbey of Lipari-Patti in 1128, ind. 1, 8 when Rainald,
son of Arnald, gave some land called Manescalchia 'Ecclesie Sancti Bar-
tholomei apostoli liparie, et Ecclesie Sante Marie obedientie ipsius.' In
bis great confirmation of the ~ April 1184 7 Roger 11 enumerates 'Ec-
clesia sancte Marie de Tusa' among the possessions of Lipari. Pirri8
identifies this with the priory of St Mary 'de Palatio,' two miles from
1 Appendix, IX; dated 1121, ind. H , rather than H. Robert of Milia appean in lanll&l'J' 1118
in a treaty between Roger 11 and the Count ol Barcelona (el. Amari, Mwvlmani, m. S89, n. 1)
and again in March 1182 (Spata, PergatlleM grt!CM (1862), 26; Cupar, No. 7).
1 Pirri, 84; d. 111pra, p. 90.
Appendix, XII.
'Cf. nipra, p. 98.
Appendix, xxxvt.
Appendix, x. Gandi in ASSO, m, 175, interpreb thia charter u a gift of the church to Lipari.
7 Cf. 111pra, p. SIS.
1 Pirri, 7M and 887.
 St Mary's of Mazzarino 103

Tusa. In February 1170, ind. 8, 1 a 'frater Bonus prior Palatie' attested

a confirmation of Bishop Robert 111 of Catania. lt seems probable that
this Bonus was later made prior of the cloister of Patti, where he is
found in September 1179, ind. 8. 2

5. THE PRIORY OF ST MA.RY OF BUTERA

On the 80 March 1 H5, ind. S, 8 Richard of Bubly, with bis nephew

Henry and the wife of his brother William, gave the church of St Nicholas
of Comitini, near Aragona, in the diocese of Agrigento, to 'Ecclesie
sancte Marie obediencie sancti Bartholomei que est Butherie,' together
with a vineyard, lands, and livestock. A certain Girbaldus also gave
land.
We might judge, from the fact that St Mary's of Butera hada church
subordinate to it, that it was a priory. Our impression is confirmed by
the signature of 'Anselmus Butherie prior' in two charters' of Count
Henry of Paterno, who on the 9 March 1180, ind. 8, gave lands near
Butera to Abbot John of Lipari, and in 1184, ind. H, confirmed the
same. There is no mention of the priory in a donation of sorne houses
in Butera to Lipari-Patti by Manfred, son of Count Simon of Paterno,
in December 1157, ind. 6. 15
St Mary's of Butera and St Nicholas's of Comitini are listed separately
in the confirmation of Lipari-Patti's properties given by Roger 11 in
1184, 8 and it seems probable that the latter church had become directly
subordinate to the mother-abbey, and may itself have been a priory. A
charter of November 117~, ind. 6,7 in which Sibil, widow of Bartholo-
mew of Garres, 8 gives it a mili, has no mention of the priory of Butera,
but only of Bishop Peter of Lipari-Patti.

6. THE PRIOBY OF ST MARY OF MAzZARINO

The mention of St Mary's of Mazzarino in Roger ll's confirmation

of the holdings of Lipari-Patti in 1184 11 is very puzzling. A charter of
1 Doc. ined., IH.
'ASS, XLIX. 97.
8 Appendix. XI.Garufi's analysia of this charter in ASSO, IX, 175 and 176, is defective, whereas
that in ibid., (IDH) 15i, is perfectly correct. Cf. his 'Aleramici,' 68, n. e.
xi
'Garufi, 'Aleramici,' 72-8; 'Adelaide,' 188, n. l .
a 'Aleramici,' 88; d. mpra, p. 96, n. e.
e Cf. mpra, p. 98.
7 Appendix. XXIX.
Cf. mpra, p. 92, n. l.
o Cf. mpra, p. 98.
104 Benedictinea
April 1IM, ind. i, 1 exist.s, in which Manfred, son of Count Simon, with
the consent of Beatrice his wife, gave certain lands 'ecclesie sancte [Dei]
genetricis Marie, quam nuper in Mazarino construxi.' As though to
emphasize 'nuper' to our confusion, the diploma is attested by 'Hieroni-
mus episcopus Ydrontinus, qui hanc ecclesiam Deo auctore rogatu Sira-
eusane ecclesie dominique Manfredi consecraui.' The charter also gives
the name of the prior of St Mary's, 'Leo Caietanus prior presbiter.' Even
if this were merely a rebuilding and reconsecration of an older church,
the failure to mention Lipari's right.s is inexplicable. Manfred's charter
was preserved in the (now destroyed) archive of the Syracusan cathedral,
which might tempt us to think that between 1184 and 1154 Lipari had
lost control of our priory. But that such was not the case is shown by
a donation of Fehruary 1199, ind. i, regni 1, .of a casale near Mazzarino
to 'ecclesie Sancte Marie que coruitructa est in monte Masarini, que est
de obedientia ecclesie pactensis.'
1 Gani. 'Aleramici.' 81-2; Pirri. 621. In A880, a. 178 Garufi omits mention of t.hia charch.
Appendix. :nvm. Amico, HM, correcta Pirri'a (p. 688) atraDge statement that the IDODUteey
o( St Benedict of Militello (founded 1816) waa erected OD the aite of thia prior)'.
 BENEDICTINES

11. THE ABBEY OF ST AGATHA OF CATANIA

T HE city of Catania was treacherously seized by Roger 1 and Robert

Guiscard from their Moslem allies in July of 1071. 1 Nevertheless
we find no trace there for another two decades of any Christian estab-
lishment. The population seems to have been almost entirely infidel,
and in 1081 it revolted unsuccessfully in favor of the emir of Syracuse. 2
lt is probable that in the foundation of the Benedictine abbey of St
Agatha, and its promotion to the status of cathedral, piety and policy
coincided: a powerful Latin ecclesiastic ruling the turbulent city would
be the strongest possible bulwark of the N orman power. 8
Perhaps the long delay in establishing the church of Catania was due
to Roger's hesitation in selecting a suitable man for so responsible a
position. At last, so Malaterra 4 tells us, he decided upon the prior of
St Euphemia's in Calabria, Ansger, 'natione Britonem6 uirum religio-
sum.' The Count journeyed to the monastery, and, after a proper dis-
play of holy reluctance, Ansger accepted the post. Roger probably had
made Ansger's acquaintance during his stop at St Euphemia's in 1087
or early in 1088. 11 However the Sicilian abbey was not founded until
1 Chalandon, Domination, 1, 206; Aim of Monte Cassino, YltoirtJ tU li normant, vn, c. 14, ed.
O. Delarc (Rouen. 1892), 250; G. Malaterra, D" relnu gema Rogmi, 11, c. 46, ed. E. Pontieri (Bo-
logna, 19!ia), 52.
'Chalandon, 1, 855; Malaterra, m, c. SO, p. 75.
a M. Amari, Miuulmani, m (1868), 808, n. S, has noted that the boundaries of the diocese of
Catania, like those of Palermo, Syracuse, Mazara, and Agrigento, approximated the limita of the
older Moslem divisiona of Sicily.
'Lib. IV, c. 17, p. 89.
Garufi, 'Carte e firme in versi nella diplomatica dell' Italia meridionale nei secoli XI a XIII,'
Studi mlieoali, 1 (1905), 111, thinks him French. Pontieri, in his edition of Malaterra, p. S, n. 1,
calla him Norman. But Malaterra was a Norman, and hi.s use of Brito would indicate a Breton:
e.g., the text of the f" Edwardi conf"aor, c. 2S (ed. F. Liebermann, Die Guetu der Angeach8m
[Baile, 1898), 1, 658), promulgated c. 1070 by William the Conqueror, speakl! of 'Britones uero
Armorice.'
e Malaterra, Lib. IV, c. 10, p. 91. Caspar, Roger Il, 616, wrongly asserts that Roger 1 did not
visit Calabria between 1086 and 1091. G. B. de Grossis, Catana aacra (Catania, 1654), 9, puta
Ansger's accession in 1088 because of Urban II's verbal approval of the Catanian project in that
year. Carmelina Naaelli, in ASSO, xxv (1929), 245, gives 1088-89.
H tradition is to be believed, St Euphemia's was a sort of ecclesiastical reservoir whence Roger 1
irrigated Sicily. lt is said that St Gerland of Agrigento, Stephan of Rouen, Bishop of Mazara,
Bishop Roger of Syracuse, and Bishop Robert of Troina were ali from that abbey. Cf. Pirri. 617,
105
106 Benedictines
four years later. Our earliest document for Catania, of the 9 December
1091, ind. 15, 1 in which Count Roger endows St Agatha's and states
that Ansger has been made abbot, is signed by the archbishops of Ta-
ranto and Cosenza, and Abbot William of St Euphemia, 2 which makes it
seem certain that it was given in Calabria, probably shortly after Roger's
interview with Ansger.
In this charter the Count of Sicily gave the abbot of Catania tremend-
ous possessions and temporal powers: 'totam ipsam ciuitatem Catanen-
sium cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, et cum omnibus possessionibus suis,
et cum omnibus hereditatibus suis, quas ipsa ciuitas tune temporis habe-
bat uel olim habuerat, secundum suam nobilitatem, et in terra, et in
mari, et in syluis, et in montibus, et in planis locis, et in aquis dulcibus,
et in lacis uidelicet, ut abbas et monachi huius monasterii ita habeant
prefatam ciuitatem cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, sicut Sarraceni eam-
dem ciuitatem cum omnibus pertinentiis suis tenebant, quando North-
manni primum transierunt in Siciliam.' In other words, this Breton
Benedictine was to step into the shoes of lbn ath-Thumnah, the last
emir of Catania.
This was true not simply at Catania, but at Aci Castello also, which
was given to St Agatha's, together with ali the Saracens and their chil-
dren throughout Sicily who had belonged in Catania and Aci' but who
had Hed 'pro timore N orthmannorum.' The monastery was to owe no
service for its lands, save to give the Count and his heir bread and wine
when they visited it. Finally the abbot received 'omnia illa iudicia
terrena in tota terra monasterii, et in portibus, et in littoribus maris.' 6
Roger says that Pope Urban TI had already approved this concession.
No pertinent papal document is extant, and we may suppose that the
Count refers to verbal encouragement given his scheme by Urban during

695; de Grouis. 51-t; Garufi in A.SS, xxvm (1908), HS l.; Pontieri in A.880, :itXJI (lHG), 107,
and in his edition of Malaterra, p. vi. On Garufi'1 attempt to derive Abbot Ambroae of Lipari
from St Euphemia's. cf. avpra, pp. 79-80.
1 The original, in St Agatha'1 archive, is dated 1()91, probably becauae ol the September epocb.
Matthew Silvagius, De trilnu -peregrinu (Venice, lMI), 166; de Groaia, M; Pirri, 5tt-S; M. A.
Bonadiea, CollecteantG nonullorvm priftkgionlm d aliorum 'f*14M1'1n ad llCCluiam oataft8lllftl
(Catania. 188!), 5; cf. Garufi in A.SSO, IX (19H), 165, n. t, 191, n. 1; in 'Adelaide,' 196-7and110;
and in A.SS, XLIX (1928), IS, n. ! .
William appean alao in an inedited chuter of Duke Roger of Apulia ol May 1087 for St Angel'
of Mileto, now A. x of the archive of the Greek College in Rome.
On which cf. S. Raccuglia, 'Jachium,' Rmdieonti memorie tWla R. .Aecad. di Bci., JIL, etl
Am degli Ztlanti di Acreak, IV (1905), 57 ff.
' On lista of villaim, defaari or ~ cf. Garufi, 'Cemimento e cata.to della popoluiooe lel'Vile.'
ASS, XLIX (1928), 1-87. A plaa of St Agatha'1 villaiDI at Aci mrvivea. dated the to February
6609 (1096); cf. ibitl., 9, n. t, 18 and IS.
1 De Gromil' ten il badly int.erpolated here.
 St Agatha's of Catania 107
their meeting at Troina in 1088. 1 We leam from a bull of 1168 2 that
the Count sent Ansger to Urban to be consecrated abbot, and that Urban
also made him bishop 'ut Catanensis ciuitas duplici honoris prerogatiua
fioreret.' It was undoubtedly u pon this occasion that the bull of the
9 March 109~, ind. 14, pont. 4, 8 was given at Anagni commanding that
'quicumque in predicta ecclesia a monachis electus fuerit in abbatem,
idem populo quoque preesse debeat in antistem.' The bishop was al-
ways to be consecrated by the Pope.
Garufi has said that the abbey of Catania was Cluniac. Abbot
Robert of Grantmesnil, who in 106~ founded St Euphemia's in Calabria, 11
Catania's mother-house, had recently come from Normandy, where in
1059 he had submitted his abbey of St :f:vroul-en-Ouche to the Cluniac
reform. 11 It is possible that when Duke William of Normandy's dis-
pleasure forced him to seek refuge in Calabria, he took his enthusiasm
for Cluny and its customs with him. And it is equally possible that the
zealous Ansger may have transferred the same to Catania. However, 1
have found no trace of Cluniac influence at Catania, and in a letter of
1189-40 Peter the Venerable definitely asserts that in the whole Norman
realm Cluny had only one 'monasteriolum' 7-a word which could cer-
tainly apply neither to St Agatha's nor St Euphemia's!
Seven weeks after Urban's elevation of Ansger to the episcopacy, that
is on the 26 April 109~, ind. 15,8 and probably on the occasion of the
new bishop's retum to Sicily, Roger assigned him a diocese including
Catania, Aci, Paterno, Ademo, Sant' Anastasia, Centuripe, and Castro-
1 Malaterra, IV, IS, p . 92; Roger's ch&rter of the 26 April 1092 shows that they disCl188ed Catania:
'ore suo sanct.issimo . . . precepit.' E. Jordan, 'La politique ecclsiastique de Roger 1 et les origines
de la "Legation Sicilienne",' Moym dge, xxxm (1922), 249-50, believes that Roger 1 placed the
church of Catania in a peculiarly intimate relation with t.he papacy by ofJering t.he abbey to St
Peter. The later documenta, however, show no more papal intluence at Catania t.han at any of
the ot.her Sicili&n churches wh011e bishops were consecrated at Rome.
ll JL, No. 1Hl5; cf. infra, p. 114, n. 10. Pirri's text, 680, careleasly omita the reference to Anager's
consecration as bishop.
3 JL, No. 6460, dated 1091 becalllle of t.he Florentine style; Pirri, 521; Bonadies, 4-6; cf. Caspar,

595, n. l. The original is missing. P. Kehr, 'Papsturkunden in Sicilien,' 805, n. S, suggesta that,
since it has v&Dished relatively recently, it may be in the reliquary of St Agatha.
''Memoratori,' Bull. lit. Stor. ltal., mn (1912), 80.
a Cf. Pontieri, 'Sant' Euphemia.'
e L. Hommey, Htoire ghibal de dial*e de Ska (Alencon, 1899), u, 61.
7 Ep. m, S; PL, CLXXXIX, 281; Caspar, No. 125. The little monastery is identifiable aa St Mary's

of Sciacca; cf. infra, p. 150.

In its extant form erroneously dated 1091. The parchment in t.he Cat&Dian archive is a con-
temporary copy, with no trace of a seal; Pirri, 520; de G1'088is, 50; Bonadies, 1-2; cf. Caspar, 618,
n. 4, &nd 617-18; Garufi, 'Memoratoria,' 80, n. 2, in 'Adelaide,' 197 &nd 211, &nd in A.SS, XLIX
(1928), 14, n. 2.
Omitted in Garufi'a text, p. 14, but included by t.he ot.hen, &nd in Alexander IIl'a bull of 1168,
JL. No. 11416.
108 Benedictinea
giovanni (Enna). In another donation, possibly also of 1092, 1 Count
Roger gave to Abbot-Bishop Ansger and St Agatha's some property 1
and serfs in Messina, and a tract of land near Taormina on which 40,000
vines were planted.
With such wealth available, the erection of a magnificent monastery
and cathedral was not long delayed. On the outside of the north wall
of the nave of St Agatha's there still exists a fragment of an ancient
inscription recording that in 'MXCIV, indict. 1 . . . Dominus Ansgerius
Cathaniae abbas et episcopus coepit hoc aedificare monasterium et
ad. . . .' Fazello :fi.nished it, probably arbitrarily, 'et ad :fi.nem usque
complevit, adiuvante Domino nostro Iesu Christo.'1 lt is doubtful
whether the inscription is contemporary, since 1094 was indiction i.
Moreover, despite the universal statement that St Agatha's was com-
menced in 1091 and completed in 1094,' in its present form at least our
inscription would clearly indicate that it was commenced in 1094. The
church of St Agatha, in which Ansger justly took pride, 6 was the first
great architectural achievement of the Latin monks in Sicily. lt is of
1 1 did not &nd the original. Pirri, 611; de Gl"OlllJia, 52; Bonadies, 1-S ali have 1091, which ia
impouible in view of Amger'1 episcopal title. The mention of Biahop Geoffre7 of Mileto (cf.
Gama. 896; not Malta, deapite Melileru), and Count Geoffre7 (cf. Chalandoo, 1, 353) do not help
date the document.
ll Pirri. 521, identifiea thia aite with the 'ecdeaia S. Byacynthi quae eat Catanemia ecdelliae'
mentioned in Oct. 66SS (1144); cf. Caapar, No. 1741, and Pirri. 978. There is no evidence in the
Norman period of the emtence of the priory ol St Agatha in Messina.
Fuello, De relnu liculu, Dec. 1, Lib. m, c. 1; edition of 1558, p. 67.
4 Pirri, 528; de Gl'Ollllis, 59; moat recently in R . Pennisi. 'Notizie atoriche sWJa cattedrale di Ca-
tania e sull' aft'reaco della grande abside,' A.880, xxm-XXIV (1928), 156. Penniai's 8peCUlation
(p. 161) that Ansger may himseU have been the architect is improbable. No northem inBuenee
is discernible in the three surviving apses. (Cf. ibid., Plate 1, p. 1116, and n regno normanno [Mes-
sina. 1982), fig. M). However S. Bottari, 'La geneBe dell' architettura siciliana del periodo nor-
manno,' ASSO, xxvm (1982), 828, thinb St Agatha's had transept towers. The cathedral portal,
removed to the Santo Carcere. is probably thirteenth-century; d. G. Libertini, 'Un nuovo frammento
del portale catanese del S. Carcere.' ASSO, xxm-xxxv (1928), !M. The cathedral of St Agatha
has suffered many calamitiea. In lHO and 1169 it was partially destroyed by earthqualces, and
in 1197 (not 1194, as aays Pennisi, 258) the lroops of Henry VI bumed it. The superb Norman
cloister and moat of the church were annihilated in 1698 by another aeismic diaturbance. Cf.
Pennisi, op. cil.; France9CO Valenti in Il rlfJIO """""" 2H; T . Toeche. Bnricla VI (Leipsig.
1867), 4iM.
In bis rhymed will he sa71:
'lltius Ecclesie primus fundamina ieci.
Muros, et turres. faciendaque cetera feci';
in M. Silvagi111o De lrilnu -pnegrinu, 167; de Gl'OllS!I, 67; Garufi, 'Cartee firme.' 110. The auertion
of C. Ardiuone, l diplmni uiatni nella Bibliala. Comunale ai Bentidettini: ~ (Catania. 1917),
S8, n. 1, 48, n . 1, and 285, that the Catanian cathedral was origi.nally dedicated to St George ia
coatradicted by Urban ll's reference to 'beate Agathea mater eccleaia Cathane.' There ma,.,
however, have been a chapel of St George connected with the cathedral: cf. Cua, 566 and 711;
Aim~ ed. DeJarc. 156; and the Counteas Adelicia'1 charter ol 1184', infra, p. 111, n. 4.
 St Agatha'a of Catania 109

special interest as showing the use from the very beginning of the Sara-
cenic pointed arch, and of the habit of decorating external walls with
tall panels.
In the last decade of the eleventh century the monastery produced
another monument more enduring than its cathedral: Geoffrey Mala-
terra's De relrua gestia Rogerii Oauibrie et Sicilie comitia et Roberti Guiacardi
ducia fratria eiU8. 1 Geoffrey was a Benedictine f rom St tvroul-en-Ouche
who may have migrated to Calabria with Robert of Grantmesnil, and
thence to Catania with Ansger. His history, which he dedicated to his
abbot, was undertaken at the request of Count Roger. The date of its
composition is roughly indicated by the fact that, while it mentions the
grant of the apostolic legation to the Count of Sicily on the 5 July 1098,
there is no account of Roger's death on the !l!l June 1101. 2 Written
largely on the basis of information gathered from eye-witnesses, Mala-
terra's work has the greatest value for the study of the second half of the
eleventh century. The fame of his history spread to his native Nor-
mandy, and to England beyond, where Ordericus Vitalis cited his
'elegantem libellum' in the middle of the next century. 8
No sooner was St Agatha's established by the Pope and endowed by
Count Roger, than donations from lesser dignitaries began to flow to it.
In June 109!?, ind. 15, two months after Roger's donation, Count Tan-
cred of Syracuse, and Muriel his wife, gave Bishop Ansger certain water-
rights and pasturage. This donation was expanded ten years later on
the 10 July 6610 (llO!l), ind. 10. 6 The next year, on the !lO May 6611
(1108), ind. 11, 11 an unknown Bishop James gave Ansger the churcb of
1 Ed. by E. Pontieri in Vol. v of the new Muratori (Bologna. 1927-SO). Ansger's will refers to
St Agatha's scriptorium:
Libroe deacribens multos satis eloquiorum,
Qui redolent plene flores et thura sacrorum.
Catania is the only Latin monastery of Norman Sicily where there is the slightest hint of intellectual
activity. WilliamofBlois' abbeywasinCalabria, (cf. in/ra,p. lH,n. 7.),andithasrecenUybeenshown
that the Vita ol William of Vercelli is a product of the mainland. Cf. E. de Palma, Intorno alla
legenda De rlita et obitu 8. Guilielmi, Ch. 8.
2 Cf. Pontieri's introduction, pp. iv-viii. The first edition of Malaterra's history (Saragoasa.

1578), was dedicated 'Georgio Catanensi Episcopi,' which must be an error, since Ansger ruled until
llU, and no Bishop George is known in our period.
~ Hiltoria eccluiaatica, ed. A. Le Prvost (Pars. 1840), n, 88.
'De Grossis, 58-9; Bonadies, 7-9. The names of the witnesses indicate that the present version
is a translation from a Greek original.
6 Cusa, 549 and 699. Latn translation of HIO in de Grossis, 61, and Bonadies, 9-10, with date
8 June and no mention of serfs; Pirri, 524, with date June 1106.
Cusa, 552 and 699. The bishop's signature is evidently mutilated: 'l6.1e1.t1flos '"''"""''
l>.l1.t1
0oroii p.1., o~ 'for'. A Latin version in MS Qq Hli6, No. 8, of the Biblioteca Comunale of Palermo
renders it 'Jacobus epiacopus menunge,' but of course there is no such see. A perusal of Gams fails
to show any bishop named James in Sicily or Southern ltaly in nos. Probably Lancia di Brolo.
110 Benedictines

St John of Fiumefreddo (near Taormina), which he had restored, and

land belonging to it, which had been given him by Count Roger, together
with a mili and lands between Fiumefreddo and Fiumesecco. On the 3
July 1106, ind. 14, 1 in a strangely redundant charter, Bishop Robert of
Messina surrendered St John's to Abbot Ansger, but without making
any reference to the previous donation. On the 16 December 1120,
ind. 13 (sic), pont. Calixti 11 anno 2, 2 Count Geoffrey of Ragusa, son of
Roger I, gave to the monks of Catania, and to Prior Hugo, a confirmation
of an earlier Greek donation to Ansger of lands, serfs, vineyards, and
milis at Ragusa.
So great an ecclesiastic as Ansger naturally had many relations with
other churches. In 1094 he was present at the dedication of the church
of St Bruno's Carthusian abbey of St Mary della Tarre in Calabria. 3
As early as 1095 he may have made an extensive donation to the abbey
of St Philip of Agira. 4 He also appears to have founded the priory of
St Mary of the Valley of Jehosaphat at Paterno, 5 but when, we do not
know.
Abbot Ansger last appears in Roger ll's donation in l lH of the town
of Mascali and minor rights and properties. 6 His successor, Mauritius,
appears with any certainty only at the end of the following year. 7 In
December of 6634 (1125), ind. 4, 8 when Mauritius had complained that
St Agatha's lacked pasturage for its herds, Roger 11 granted the monas-
tery considerable land between Catania and Lentini. In addition, the
Count forbad bis foresters to run hogs in the woods of Mascali in detri-

Storia della chiua, II, 448, is correct in believing that James was a bishop of the Greek rite whom
the conquering Normans found, like Nicodemus of Palermo, maintaining the cult under Moslem
rule. Possibly his see was Taormina.
1 Original in St Agatha's archive; Pirri, 885; de Grossis, 68; Bonadies, 10.
2 Pirri, 525; de Grossis, 66; and Garufi in 'Adelaide,' 200. On Count Geoffrey cf. Caspar, 20.

Pirri, 578 and 688, asserts that this charter united the priory of St Mary in Ragusa to St Agatha's.
However, since there is no reference in the Norman period to this priory, de Grossis, 66, more con-
servatively speculates that St Mary's may ultiniately have grown out of this donation.
a De Grossis, 60; Pirri, 528.
4 lnfra, p. 218.

6 Infra, p. 211 .
e Pirri, 525; de Grossis, 68, says the original was Greek; Caspar, No. 44. In his will (cf. 8Upra,
p . 108, n. 5) Ansger set aside revenue to maintain fifty paupers, for the peace of his soul, and of those
of his monks.
7 The charter purporting to have been given by Mauritius on the 14 July 1124 to the priory of

Jehosaphat at Patem is certainly a forgery; that dated 1124, ind. 2, for the same house is suspect.
Cf. infra, pp. 209 and 210, n. 6.
8 Cusa, 554 and 704; Pirri, 525, and Bonadies, 11, with 1124; de Grossis, 79, with 1126; Caspar,

No. 48. D e Grossis, 79, says that in 1126 Mauritius dedicated the church of St Catherine of AJex-
andria in Catania. However, the inscription which he quotes refers simply to the 18 August. and
to Mauritius's participation, without mention of the year.
 St Agatha's of Catania 111

ment of the rights of the monks, and exempted the ships of the abbey
plying between Catania and Mascali from duty, giving their sailors fish-
ing rights. However, timber was not to be cut at Mascali save with
Roger's personal consent, and the manufacture of tar remained an official
monopoly, except for one caldron which the monks were permitted to
operate.
The 17 August 1l!l6, ind. 4, was the greatest day in the history of the
church of Catania: the relics of St Agatha, the patroness of the city,
were brought back from Constantinople, whither they had been taken
in 1040 by Maniakes. Bishop Mauritius himself has left us an account
of the blessed event, 1 an exhaustive study of which was published eight
hundred years later.' According to Mauritius, a Frenchman named
Gilbert, living in Byzantium, was commanded by St Agatha in a dream
to steal her relics, and return them to her native city. With the assist-
ance of a Calabrian named Gascelmus, Gilbert broke into the church
where the remains were kept, and furto la:udal>i'le made away with them
concealed in two baskets. The news of this inspired burglary naturally
infuriated the Greek Emperor, who ordered a strict watch at the gates
of Constantinople. Sed quid t7a'let humana custodia contra divine dispo-
sitionis induatriam? Gilbert and his friend escaped with their loot, and,
spurred on by appropriate visions and natural phenomena, reached Ca-
tania by way of Corinth, Taranto, Messina, and Aci. Mauritius's ac-
count seems to have been written sorne years alter the translation, for,
besides narrating many miracles worked by the relics in Catania, it men-
tions the death of a priest who had established a shrine to St Agatha
during the halt of her remains in Taranto. Another contemporary
named Blandinus, probably a monk of St Agatha's, wrote a supplemen-
tary account of miracles shortly after the middle of the century. 3
It will be remembered that according to Urban Il's bull of 109~,
Catania was subject directly to the Roman See. Anacletus Il, the anti-
pope, endeavoring to win the support of Archbishop Peter of Palermo,
subjected the church of Catania to him on the ~7 September 1130; 4 but
Peter staunchly adhered to Innocent 11, and refused the honor. Where-
upon, on the 14 September 1181, 6 Anacletus made Catania a suffragan
of the new archbishopric of Messina. Mauritius appears to have sub-
1 Caietanw, Viku 1anctorum liculorum (Palermo, Ul57), I, 65-60; Pirri, 626-8; de Grossis, 70-76;
A.ASS, February 1, 687-648.
2 G. Scalia, 'La Traalazione del corpo di S. Agatha e il suo valore storico,' ASSO, xxm-XXIV
(1928), 88-167. Cf. also C. Naselli, 'Una redazione volgare dell' epstola del Vescovo Maurizio
aulla traslazione delle reliquie di S. Agatha da Costantinopoli a Catania,' ibid., XIX (1922-28), 1-28.
8 Caietanw, 1, 60-68; A.ASS, February I, 648-5; d. Scalia, 74 and 97-99.
'JL, No. 8411; d. Pirri, SS.
6 JL, No. 8428.
112 Benedictines
mitted to this degradation of his status; we find his subscription on the
charters of Archbishop Hugo of Messina of October 1181, ind. 10, 1 mak-
ing Lipari and Cefaf bishoprics. This acquiescence cost Catania dear:
when Roger's anti-popes had been routed, and the 'legitimate' line re-
stored to the fisherman's throne, the abbot-bishops of St Agatha's were
in disfavor at Rome. Mauritius's successors did not receive consecra-
tion for nearly thirty years after Roger's reconciliation with lnnocent
II in 1139, but remained mere e'lecti.
On the SO November of an uncertain year, 2 Raynald Avenell, the hus-
band of Roger l's granddaughter Adelicia, died and was buried in the
cathedral church of Catania. 3 In memory of him, in April 1184, ind.
H, 4 the Countess gave St Agatha's monastery the churches of St Mary 6
and St Philip in Aderno, with their lands, villains, and water-rights, free
of all obligation. Also the cloister was to have throughout her lands
'uenditiones, emptiones, libere absque omni iure platee,' and free pas-
turage and glandage.
Seven years later we find a new abbot-bishop, or rather e'lect:us, at
Catania, over whose name there is considerable dispute. He is prob-
ably identical with the 'l. Prior Catanie' and 'loannes Prior Cat. e
found in three documents of Messina of 1181. Pirri7 offers the name
'Joannes,' but prefers 'Julianus,' in which he is followed by Caspar. 8
De Grossis gives 'Yvenus.' Garufi 10 reads 'Suanus.' This elusive per-
son appears first in a Greek document of October 6650 (1141), ind. 5, 11
when Count Simon of Butera and Policastro gave him the church of
St Mary of Patrisanto with its possessions. If Cusa's reading is to be
trusted, the form of the name is 'i<vY'l'J; . intoljl~qico; xcx~<v'l'J;.'
Our problem is complicated by the bishop's habit of signing himsell
simply with his initial. In 1144 the Basilian archimandrite of St Savior's
in Messina wished to build a mill on the property of one of his obediences
next to the mili of Mascali belonging to Catania. In June of that year
1 R. Starrabba, Di-plomi della ca.ttedral~ di Mulina, 8-9; Pirri, 388-9; de Gl'088is, 81.
2 Pirri says 1126, but d. Garufi in ASSO, IX (1912), M4.
a Pirri, 528, prints the inscription.
4 Pirri, 528; de Grossia, 81; Bonadiea, IS; ASSO, IX (19lft), Mi.
6 Pirri, 57i and 595, attempts to identify thia with St Mary'a of Aidone, near Piazza, although

there is no evidence that it was a priory in Norman times. On the contrary, thia St Mary's would
seem to be the priory of Robore Gl'0880, infra, p. lftO.
9 Starrabba, loe. cit., and Pirri, 974. The spelling 'Ioannes' is not common in Latn documenta of

Norma.n times, and is probably a copyist's expansion of a simple 'l.' in the vanished original.
7 Pirri, 628.
Caspar, No. 199.
9 De Groasis, Si.
10 Doc. ined., 58; d. Caspar, No. 198.
11 Cusa, 557 and 711; d. Garufi, 'Aleramici,' 51, n. l.
 St Agatha's of Catania 113

permission was given, according to the document preserved at Catania:

'Ego l. Catanensis electus . . . concedo.' 1 And, as 'l. Catanensis elec-
tus' in June of the following year, ind. 8, regni 15, 2 at the request of King
Roger, he granted to the Royal Chapel in Palermo a third part of the
tithes and land-taxes of the barons of Castrogiovanni and Aidone not
having castles (but not including legacies or alms), all without obligation
or serv1ce.
This donation was made while the elect of Catania was in Palermo in
litigation before the King with Archdeacon Aschetillus of Catania re-
garding the endowment of the archidiaconate. Fortunately the agree-
ment of the same date has been preserved, 3 showing, incidentally, that
the latter's office was worth twelve hundred taris ayear. The published
version of this diploma gives the bishop's name as 'Suanus.' However,
MS Qq H 5, foil. 117-118, of the Biblioteca Comunale of Palermo, which
1 have examined, whence the editor drew bis text, clearly has 'Iuanus.'
It is interesting to note that Blandinus, a contemporary, mentions an
'Yvenus electus.'' The matter is clinched by the unpublished text (pre-
served in a copy in the Vatican Library), from the archive of St Savior's
of Messina, of our bishop's permission given to the archimandrite in June
1144 to build the mill at Mascali. 6 The name is 'Iuanus.' It may be
that the elect of Catania was a Slav named lvan, who used 'luanus' in
Latin documents, and the equivalent 'iw&vvy<; in Greek. 11
Two very interesting plateae for the church of Catania survive from
this period. The first is dated Monday, the 1 January 6658, an. heg.
589 (1145). 7 lt revises the old plateae given to Ansger by Roger 1 in
1095 (which are not extant), and enumerates the descendants of the
villains on the earlier list. lt contains 5'.l5 names of serfs and their
brothers, 94 widows, '.l8 negro slaves, 'l5 Jews, and 8 blind men: a total
of 675. Simply to avoid endless litigation, the church of Catania sur-
rendered any claim it might have over any villain inscribed on a platea
made by royal officials during the two years past. The second platea is
similar, recording the villains of the church of Catania at Aci, and con-
1 De GI'OMis, 88; Pirri, 529.
2 Pirri, 529; de GI'OMis, SS; Bonadies, H.
3 Doc. ined., 68; Caspar, No. 198. Aschetillus is clearly distinguished from the three monka

representing the bishop, and was evidently not a Benedictine. His successor, Henry Aristippus,
famous both as a politician and for his translations from the Greek (cf. C. H. Haskins, Studiu in
mediaerol acience, 2nd edn. [Harvard, 1927], Ch. 9) was also of the secular clergy.
Caietanus, 1, 62; AASS, February 1, 644; whence probably de GI'OMis' preference for this form.
a Appendix, xvrn.
8 Guiscard had 60 Slavic mercenariea in his forces in 1064; cf. Malaterra. Lib. 1, c. 16, p. 16.
Much information conceming the relations between Southem ltaly and Dalmatia in the teDth to
twelfth centuriea is given by E. A. Lowe, The Beruroentan acript (Oxford, 1914), 6()-66.
7 Cusa, 668 and 716; Caspar, No. 185; Garufi in ASS, XLIX (1928), 62, n. 2.
114 Benedictines

tains 266 names, including 53 widows. Although it is undated, it IS

almost certainly of 1145. 1
About this time another electus is found at Catania, Bemard by name.
It was probably he who led William I's embassy to negotiate with
Hadrian IV in 1156. 2 He first appears by name, however, in a diploma
given by the King at Palermo in December 1157, ind. 6. 3 On the 15
May 1158, ind. 7, 4 he permitted Archbishop John of Bari to consecrate
the nunnery of St Lucy in Aderno for the Countess Adelicia. On the
11 September, probably of 1160, 6 he also consented to Adelicia's dona-
tion of the church of St Elias at Ademo to the Holy Sepulchre in Jeru-
salem. Bernard last appears in April, 1162, ind. 10., as the witness of a
charter. 6
From the letters of Peter of Blois we gather that in 1167 bis brother
William was nominated for the vacant see of Catania, probably by the
influence of the Francophile Queen Margaret. 7 Apparently, however,
either by corrupt means (as Peter claims), or more pi;obably carried on
the tide of anti-foreign feeling which was sweeping Sicily, and which
soon caused the expulsion of Stephan of Perche and his French friends,
the monks of St Agatha's elected John of Agello, the brother of Matthew
of Agello, the leader of the anti-French faction. Rugo Falcandus indi-
cates that John was bishop (more exactly electus) of Catania at least as
early as November 1167. 8 He first appears in the documents in Febru-
ary 1168, ind. l, regni 2, ~ when, with his archdeacon, Roger, he attested
a judgment between Bagnara and St Euphemia's. On the 26 July 1168,
ind. 1, pont. 9, 10 Alexander III declared him canonically elected, to be
subject only to the Pope, and granted him the pallium. Yet Bishop
John's position in Catania must have been insecure; for on the 20 De-
1 Cusa, 586 and 716; Caspar, No. 186; Garufi, op. cit., 68, n. 2.
2 Chalandon, u, 21t5; Pirri, 529; de Grossis, 84; cf. Baronius, Annalu eccluutici, under the year
1156.
a Pirri's text, 98, gives itas the sixth, rather than the seventh, year of William I, and the second
of Duke Roger of Apulia., who was invested in June of 1156 {cf. Chalandon, u , 268).
Cf. infra, p. 158.
6 Appendix, XXI; infra, p. 280.
e G. B. Siragusa, Il regrw di Guglielmo I i n Sicilia, ltnd edn. (Pa.lermo, 1929), 427.
7 Cf. Petri Bluenm bathonemia archidiaconi opera omnia, ed. J. A. Giles (Oxford, 1847), Epp.
46 and 98, Vol. 1, pp. 140 and 290, and my 'For the biography of Willia.m of Blois,' Englu h hu torical
r elle!D, L (1985), 487-90.
B Ed. Siragusa, 120; Cor the date of the poisoning of Robert of Bellme, cf. Chalandon, u, 826-8.

De Grossis' date 1158 for John's accession {p. 85) is probably a misprint.
9 E. J amison, 'Note e documenti per la storia dei conti normanni di Catanzaro,' Archiuio at.oric-0

perla Calabria e la Lucania (Rome, 1981), 1, 19. We cannot date bis privilege given to the Basilian
monks of St Savior's of Calanna in Calabria, confirmed in May 1169, ind. 2, regni 8, by William II
and M argaret; cf. Doc. ined., 111.
1 JL, N o. 11415; Pirri, 580; de Grossis, 85; Bonadies, 15.
 St Agatha'a of Catania 115

cember 1168, ind. 2,1 he issued a charter of privileges to the citizens of

Catania exempting them from various sorts of taxes and banalities. This
concession must have had a very serious eft'ect on the episcopal income,
and can only be interpreted as a desperate eft'ort to win the support of
his subjects. Whatever may have been his success, evidently the patron-
ess of the city had no liking for him. On the eve of St Agatha's feast,
the 4 February 1169, her city was devastated by an earthquake, thou-
sands of inhabitants were k.illed, and Bishop John of Agello and forty-
f our monks were crushed in the collapse of their church. 2
John's successor was Robert, who signed the charter of 1168 as prior
of Catania. He appears as electua in February 1170, ind. 8, 3 confirming
to the priory of St Philip of Agira the old donation of Abbot Ansger.
On the 20 August 1171, ind. 4, pont. H,' Alexander confirmed Robert's
election, and gave him the pal/,ium also. We find several subsequent
references to him. In June 1178, ind. 6, 5 Basil, son of Michael the
Admiral, gave him sorne fields 'in agro Symbacara.' In May of the
next year 11 he confirmed to the Basilian abbot Sabba the church of St
Nicholas across the river from Paterno, which had been given to Sabba
by Geoft'rey Secretus. The abbots of the monastery were to owe obedi-
ence to Catania, and their election was to be approved by the bishop.
In February 1177, ind. 10, 7 he signed the wedding documents of William
Il and Joanna of England. In January 1179, ind. H, 8 he gave a certain
John of Messina permission to convert the mosque of Catania into a
church of St Thomas of Canterbury.
On the 4 and 5 February 118811 Pope Lucius 111 subordinated the
monastic bishopric of Catania to William II's new archiepiscopal abbey
1 De Grossi.s, 88-9; Bonadies, 17-18.
'CI. Hugo FalcandUB, 16'. A contemporaey poem saya:
'. Pert para maxima gentis
Proh dolor, et monachi quatraginta quatuor et plua,
Et periit pastor patrie, Pater ipae lohannes,
Pontificalis honor, lux regni aic periere'
-in Silvagiua, 168; de Grossia, 91; PL, ccvn, 186 (but note 4o wrongly datea it ind. l.)
a Doc. ined., 120; el. infra, p. 218. Signed by Prior Sanzon of Catania, and 'Prior Bonua
Palatie.'
'JL, No. 11901; Pirri, 581; de Grossia, 95-6; Bonadies, 19.
11 Pirri, 581.
11 De Grow, 97; Bonadies, 21-2, with ind. 6. De Groaaia thinka this waa the church of St Nicholas
u Lombardia at Patern, but that waa an obedience of La Cava, and therefore Benedictine; d.
infra, p. 185.
7 Pirri, 110.
8 De Gl'OSlls, 98. The original of this most interesting diploma is in St Agatha's archive. There
ill a Norman mosaic of St Thomas at Monreale, placed there by the eon-in-law of Henry II. Cf.
Tancred Boreniua, St Tlumuu Becket in art {London, 1982), IS.
' JL, Nos. 14o881 and 14o884o; d. infra, pp. HMS.
116 Benedictines

of Monreale. Unfortunately the Pope does not give us the name of the
bishop of Catania thus humiliated. There is the greatest confusion con-
cerning the incumbents of that see from 1179 to the !lS April 1195, when
a creature of Henry VI was set over it. Pirri, 1 followed by de Grossis, 2
asserts that a certain Leo of Ravenna was bishop of Catania from 1180
until ousted by the German Emperor late in 1194. However a Bishop
Simon or Simeon of Catania, omitted from ali the lists, is found in
charters of the !lS April 1189, ind. 7, 3 and of September 1191, ind. 10.'
More important: I have been unable to find Leo's name in any contem-
porary document. Gams 11 has Robert surviving until 1184, and gives
only the date 1195 for Bishop Leo. It is notable that Toeche, the most
careful student of Henry VI, has no mention of a Leo. We must there-
fore regard Leo of Ravenna as a mythical figure.
St Agatha's was the first Latin monastery to be established in Sicily
proper by the N orman conquerors, and is the only one in which we can
trace any personal connection with the homeland of the invaders: its
first ahbot was a Breton, and Geoffrey Malaterra a Norman. In its first
sixty years, before the delights of Sicily had sapped the vigorous monastic
tradition of the transalpine immigrants, the abbey of Catania was the
scene of great activity. It erected the first of the monumental monastic
churches of Norman Sicily, and produced the only literature to come
from the Latin monks of the island in our period.
Even more significant were St Agatha's colonizing activities. The
sure sign of a healthy monasticism is a spontaneous tendency to send
out shoots. An eager ascetic will rebel against what he interprets as
laxity, and will lead forth a band of disciples to serve God more austerely.
It is perhaps indicative of a general lack of vitality that only three in-
stances of this are to be found in twelfth-century Sicily-and two of them
occurred at Catania (the third at St John's of the Hermits in Palermo,
among immigrant monks, only a decade after its colonization from
Montevergine). In 1187 John of Amalfi led a group to found St Leo's
of Pannachio, and in 1148 Jeremiah started St Mary's of Licodia, both
1 Pirri. 581-2.

' De Gl'OSllia, 99.

Ardizzone, No. 21.
'G. C. Sciacca, Patti e l'amminiatra:rione del comune nel medio no (Palermo, 1907), 2H.
a Seriu epiacoporum, 944.
e Theodor Toeche. Kaiaer Heinricl& VI (Leipzig, 1867), 852, strangely asserta that Bishop John
of Agello was overthrown by Henry, having previously (p. 186, n . 1) noted hia death by earthquake
in 1189 (sic). Hans Niese, 'Das Bistum Catania und die sizilischen Hohenstaufen,' GOtt. Nach.r.
(1918), 60, speak:s ofBishop Leo in 1194, but on Pirri'sauthority, withoutfurtherproof. V. d' Avino.
Cenni atorici. 176, mentions a bull of 1180 in which Alexander III grants Leo of Ravenna the palli11W1.
No such diploma is known; cf. P . Kehr, 'Papsturkunden,' 805, n. 2. It may be noted that a Bishop
Leo Thaumaturge of Ravenna ruled Catania in the early eighth century; cf. infra, p . 118, n. l.
 St Leo'a of Pannachio 117

on the slopes of Etna. Elsewhere in N orman Sicily we find numerous

priories and abbeys springing up, but in quite different ways. Either
sorne wealthy patron founded a monastery for the good of his soul, and
brought monks to it, or else a church donated to an abbey would have
monks stationed at it for administrative purposes, and gradually would
develop into a priory. The inevitable result was that most Sicilian mon-
asteries were hardly more than imposing institutions. It is St Agatha's
distinction that, at least in its earlier years, it was a worthy custodian
of the finest Benedictine tradition.

Summary
Founded by Roger I, on the 9 December 1091, with monks from St. Euphemia's
in Calabria.
Made a bishopric on the 9 March 1092, subject directly to the Roman See;
subjected to Messina by the anti-pope Anacletus 11 from the 14 September
1181 to 1189; subjected to the Benedictine archbishop of Monreale by
Lucius 111 on the 4 February 1188.
The possessions of St. Agatha's included the entire cities of Catania and Aci,
and much of the surrounding country. Only four churches were presented
to it by individuals during our period. Its abbot received the normal
episcopal revenues from the diocese of Catania. In 1145 the monastery
possessed no fewer than 941 serfs.
Its abbot-bishops and electi were:
Ansger .... . .. .. ..... . ... .. .... .. . .... .... . . 9 December 1091 to 1124
Mauritius . .. . . . ..... . .. . ... .. . . . .. .. .. December 1125 to October 1181
lvanus .. .. . . . .. . .. .. .. . .. . .. .. .. .. ....... . October 1141 to June 1145
Bernard ...... . ................ . ......... December 1157 to April 1162
William of Blois (elected?) ........ . ...... , . . ........... .. 1167
John of Agello . . . .... . .. . .... . . . .. . . November 1167 to 4 February 1169
Robert . ... .. . . . ...... . .. .. ..... . ... . .. February 1170 to January 1179
Simon . . . . . . . . . .. .. ... . . ... .. .. . . . .. . 28 April 1189 to September 1191
Roger . . ... . ... .. ..... . .. . .. ... . . . . . .. .... .. . .. ...... .. 28 April 1195

l. THE PRIORY oF ST LEo OF PANNACHIO, AND ITs

GRANGE OF ST N1cHOLAS de Arena

The Benedictine tradition of Mount Etna says that when Ansger carne
over from St Euphemia's to be abbot of St Agatha's in Catania he brought
with him a young monk named John of Amalfi. 1 In his later years, de-
siring a more ascetic life than the wealthy episcopal monastery of Catania
afforded, John and several companions retired to the slopes of the vol-
1 Amico, 1156; M. Gaudioso, 'L'abbazia di S. Nicolo l'Arena di Catania,' A.880, xxv (1929),
200, n. 2.
118 Benedictines

cano. N ear the ridge of Pannachio existed an ancient Greek church of

St Leo Thaumaturge, 1 which Count Henry of Paterno and Policastro,
brother of the mother of Roger 11, 2 gave to the determined cenobites in
April 1137, ind. 15. 3 He added as much land around the church as the
brethren could cultivate, and a cistern, as well as the mandra of Roccis
nearby and its possessions, anda pariclum (iugum) of land near Paterno.
Finally the Count gave St Leo's free herbage and glandage for all its
animals, and renounced all obligation and service from its lands.
Such a donation did not exhaust the generosity of the counts of Pa-
terno. In April 1156, ind. 4, 4 Count Simon, Henry's son, added to St
Leo's a little grange of St Nicholas of Arena, which was sorne day to
absorb ali the Benedictine houses of Etna, and grow into the second
largest abbey of that order in the world. 6 This 'hospitalis et ecclesia
S. Nicolai, que dicitur de Arena' may have been an older Greek founda-
tion, for Simon gives it conditionally: 'ita ut post mortem Lethi, custodis
eiusdem hospitalis, stabilia et mobilia que in ipso hospitali inuenta fue-
rint, sint in potestate et gubernatione uenerabilium fratrum eiusdem
ecclesie S. Leonis omni futuro tempore.' Count Simon also confirmed
his father's gifts, and himself added lands, a vineyard, a mill, an unfin-
ished church of St Leonard and water-rights near Paterno, e~emption
from sales taxes, and the right to cut wood for any purpose.
We possess a confirmation by William II of May 1186, ind. 4, 6 to St
Leo's of all these donations of Count Henry in 1137 and Count Simon
in 1156. The former seems identical with the text we possess; but
William speaks of Simon's donations as being in three separate privileges,
all issued the same year, rather than one charter, in the form in which
we have it. The first includes everything in our charter except the gifts
of the vineyard and the mili, and the rest suffers no change, save that
the number of hogs for which St Leo's received glandage is limited to
1 For the most complete guide to the literature on St Leo, cf. Guido Libertini, 'Catania nell' eU.

bizantina,' ASSO, xxvm (1982), 265, o. 18.

2 Cf. Garufi, 'Aleramici,' 49 fJ.
8 Tcxt in Garufi, i l>id., 74; defcctive in Amico, 1156. The original is dated 1186, possibly usiog

the Pllan style. C. Ardizzooe, Diplomi ai Benedettini, No. 9.

'Amico, 1157; Garufi, op. cit., 51, and o . 8; Ardizzooe, No. 14a.
6 ln lWll St Leo's and St Nicholas's were united with St Mary's of Licodia under one abbot.

Shortly after 1859, the commuoity, including St Mary's of Robore Grosso, concentrated at St
NicholM's, leaving ooly two monks at St Leo's and twclve at St Mary's. In thc fifteenth century
St Nicltolas's housc in Catania increasingly became the center of the abbey's lile, and in 1558 the
commuoity de6nitely rctumcd to the mctropolis whcnce Jobo of Amalfi had flcd in 1186. The
largesl Den diclioc abbey was at Mafra in Portugal. Cf. Gaudioso, 201 fJ.; Amico, 1160-62; Pirri,
674; Ardizr,oue, p. 11 ff.; V. di Giovaoni in ASS, m (1876), 587.
8 K. A. Kchr, 4114; d . Amico, l 169; Garufi, 'Alcramici,' 61, and in ASSO, x (1918), 162; Ardiuone.

No. 19.
 St Leo'a of Pannachio 119

three hundred. In the second, Count Simon gives the monastery the
mili of the Lombards, in exchange for that called 'de lnfirmia,' and also
permits the monks to sell freely the produce of their garden of Carruba
and take water for it.
The third charter of Count Simon which William 11 confirmed is not
mentioned in our text of 1156: 'In reliquo autem privilegio continebatur
de concessione Tharosi in loco qui dicitur Daura prope Labanca, et ut
ipsa ecclesia neque de servitio galearum nec de aliquo alio seruitio uel
tributo ullo tempore requiratur.' The prior of St Leo's also told the
King that the lands of the monastery owed only one mariner to the fleet,
which obligation William remitted. There is no mention in William's
confirmation of the vineyard of Carruba, formerly belonging to Flandrina,
Simon's mother, donated by the Count in the text of 1156. This may
imply the existence of still a fourth charter.
Amico 1 tells us that St Leo's was enriched by many benefactors, in-
cluding William 1 and Bemard of Ocra, Count of Butera, 2 'aliisque
quamplures, quos longum esset referre.' We may wish that the leamed
abbot had been more loquacious, for 1 have found little material for the
later Norman period. From a diploma of Henry VI of 7 February 1195,
ind. 18, 3 and from a charter of Bartholomew of Luci, Count of Paterno,
given in December 1199, ind. 8,' we leam that both William 1 and 11
gave two hundred taris a year for the clothing of the monks, but that
Prior Peter (119~-c.1~09) got this exchanged for a grant of a ruined
mili called Ruveto, near Paterno, which he repaired, and for which he
paid the royal curia one hundred taris a year, receiving credit for two
hundred. Of prvate donations only two appear to survive. On the
~8 February 6666 (1158) a certain Anna Basadonna oft'ered herself as
'soror et monialis' 0 to St Leo's, and gives her property to its cusws,

1 Amico, 1167.
2 Doubtless the donation of lanuary 1201, ind. 4, published by Garufi in ASSO, x (1918), 866;
Ardizzone, No. M, with HOO.
a P. Scheffer-Boichorst in Neuu Arclrifl, XXVII (1901), 74; Amico, 1169.
'Garufi, loe. cit., 179. Cf. R. Ries, 'Regeaten der Kaiserin Con.stanze,' Qualen und ForacAungm,
xvm (1926), 64, for Constance's confi.rmation of Bartholomew of Luci's donation to the Cistercian
abbey of St Mary of Roccamadore of the milla of Ruveto which he had got by exchange from St
Leo's. Cf. Ardizzone, Nos. 82 and SS. Cf. also P. Scheffer-Boichorst. 'Urkunden und Fol"9chungen
su den Regesten der staufischen Periode,' Neuu Arckifl, XXIV (1899), 128, and XXVII (1901), 78.
11 Appendix, xx. Ardizzone, No. 16, asserts that the original Greek is extant. 1 did not find it,
nor does CU8&, who examined the archives of Catania, publish it. Ardizzone wrongly reduces the
date to 1178.
' Naturally she was only a spiritual sister of St Leo's, there having been no double monasteries
in Sicily. Similarly, in Appendix, XL we find a reference to a man offering himself to a nunnery.
There were no other monasteries dedicated to St Leo in the neighborhood. Caspar, p. 667,
wrongly locates the Basilian priory of St Leo at Messina on Etna.
120 Benedictines
Brother Henry. Finally on the 5 April 1185, ind. 8, 1 the pest Guido,
being gravely ill, assumed the monastic habit, and gave sorne property
near Paterno to St Leo's.
With such scanty materials, it is difficult to make a list of priors.
According to Amico, 2 John of Amalfi ruled St Leo's for twenty-two years
from 1186 to 1158. According to the same source, he was succeeded by
Michael, formerly a monk of St Agatha's in Catania, who died in 1182.
However, we have just seen that in 1158 St Leo's was in charge of a
certain Henry. Amico may have got bis data from a very early seven-
teenth-century list of the priors of ali the Etnean houses, which names
a 'Fr. Michael 1158' but does not indicate his location. Prior Hervias,
or Erucus, also of the monastery of Catania, who appears in William II's
confirmation of 1186, is said to have assumed the post in 1181 or 1182,
and to have ruled until 1192. He was succeeded by 'Fr. Petrus monachus
Sanctae Agathae,' who secured the mills of Ruveto, and who in 1205
became the mitred abbot of the combined houses of St Leo, St Mary of
Licodia, and St Nicholas of Arena. Although there is no evidence that
St Leo's was more subject to the abbot of St Agatha's of Catania than
any priory in a diocese would normally be to its bishop, nevertheless the
fact that all its priors carne from the Catanian abbey indicates very
close relations.

~. TuE PRIORY OF ST M.ffiy OF ROBORE GROSSO, NEAR ADERNO

The common statement 6 that the Countess Adelicia, granddaughter
of Roger 1 through Emma, 8 was the foundress of St Mary's of Robore
Grosso cannot be substantiated from the documents we now possess.
Such a church seems to have existed before her time; for in the first
notice of her presence in Sicily, in April 1184, ind. l!l, 7 she gives to the
abbey of St Agatha in Catania, besides the church of St Philip in Ademo,
'quandam ecclesiam que sita est in territorio Adernionis in honorem
sancte Marie, cum sibi pertinentibus, et adiacentibus terris, uineis, et
uillanis.' That this St Mary's was indeed the church of Robore Grosso
is shown by a diploma of N ovember l!lOO, ind. 4, 8 issued in the name of
1 Appendix, xxxv. Ardiuone. No. 18.
1 Amico, 1167.
1 MS 119, fol. 92", and &giatrum prifllegiOrum mmuuterii Sancti Nirol.ai de Arenu, fol. 71, in

the Arclvio Provinciale di Catania.

Amico, 1159; Ardiuone, No .O.
a Pirri, 69S; Amico, 1180.
e Garufi, 'Adelicia di Ademe}.' ASSO, a (1912), SU ff.
1 Pirri, 6i8; cf. Garufi, op. cit., Mi.
8 Amico, 1180; Btihmer-Ficker, Regula imperii (Innabruck, 1881-2), No. 550; Ardizzone, No. S6.
 St M ary'a of Licodia 121

Frederick 11: 'Concedimus et confirmamus Catanensi ecclesie iura et

rationes integre sancte Marie de Roboregrosso, que sunt in tenimento
Adernionis, ecclesie spectantes iuxta privilegium donationis inde factum
a comitissa quondam Adelasia.' We do not know when this church
became a priory. It seems probable that ali the churches belonging to
St Agatha's were served by Benedictines, and the transition to the rank
of priory might well be imperceptible.
A further donation by Adelicia exists, dated the 8 January 1156, ind.
4, 1 whereby the Countess gives to the monastery of Robore Grosso 'in
manibus fratrum, scilicet Boni-lohannis et lohannis alemanno sacerdoti
(sic)' lands for growing barley and wheat, free pasturage, glandage and
water-rights, and exemption from sales taxes.
The list of priors compiled in the early seventeenth century 2 makes
John the German the prior of St Mary's, rather than Bonus-Johannes.
We know from a confirmation by Constance given in November 1195, ind.
14, 3 that, at an unknown date, a Prior Albert of Robore Grosso obtained
from one of the King Williams a mili called Torretta, near Paterno.

8. THE ABBEY OF ST MARY OF LICODIA

Just as John of Amalfi went forth in 1187 with his friends to found
St Leo's on Etna, so, six years later, the hive of St Agatha's swarmed
again, a monk named Jeremiah leadngtheway. lnAugust6661 (1148),
ind. 6, Count Simon of Paterno and Countess Thomasia made a lavish
donation to him.
First the Count gave Jeremiah the monastery of St Mary of Licodia,
with ali its properties, and permission to erect a village on them, the
population of which should be subject to the abbot alone, and the right
to cut both green and dry wood freely, and to pasture cattle and swine
throughout the tenement of Paterno. Also St Mary's received the
clausura of St Conus, and two iugeri 5 of land on the Randazzo road,
and four more beyond the river. The pressing problem of water in
that arid land was solved by the donation of the pond of Petelmon, and
the water of St Conus.
Even more important: Count Simon subjected to the abbey of Licodia
two monasteries and two churches, with ali their lands, the cloister of
1 Amico, 1180; Anlizzone, No. 14, reads the 2 or 4 January.
2 Cf. aupra, p.liO, n. S.
8 K. A. Kehr, 467; Ardizzone, No. 28; cf. P. Schefl'er-Boichorst in Neuu Archio, XXIV, 225, and
Res, No. 17.
'Cusa, 558 and 714; Ardizzone, No. 12; Latin version of 1584 in Garufi, 'Aleramici,' 76, and
Amico, 1158.
a fev'Ya.plos = pericia = iugero = about ~ acre.
 Benedictinea
St Philip of Pantano in Patemo, 1 with its obediences, the house of St
Savior at Cerami, 1 and the two churches of St Hippolytus of Butera and
St Nicholas of Canneto near Butera. Finally, Count Simon gave all
these properties to St Mary's unconditionally and freely.
1 In December 10. Biahop Ropr el Catallia relued St Mary'1 of Licodia'1 obliption to pay
an ounce ol. gold annually to St Aptha'1 ol. Catallia for St PbiJip1 ol. Pantano; el. Amico. 1159.
Cf. Amico. 1181.
 BENEDICTINES

111. THE ABBEY OF ST JOHN OF THE HERMITS IN

PALERMO

T HERE is a tradition that San Giovanni degli Eremiti, known to

every visitor to Palermo, stands on the site of one of the six mon-
asteries erected by Pope Gregory the Great in the late sixth century, 1
but perhaps a coincidence of names is responsible for the idea. We pos-
sess two letters speaking of 'Urbicus abbas monasterii sancti Hermae (or
Hermetis) quod Panormi situm est.' 2 That the Pope himself had built
this monastery is indicated by his reference to 'Urbicus monasterii mei
praepositus.'
St Hermas's was probably destroyed under the Moslems. When
Roger Il built the church of St John the Evangelist in the twelfth century,
and colonized it with Benedictine hermits from Montevergine (whence
the name de H eremitia), there is no evidence that he was consciously
reviving the ancient foundation of St Gregory. If there had then been any
tradition of such a connection, it is incredible that the early documents
of San Giovanni should have failed to mention it. The Norman abbey
was indeed built in a region of the city named alter St Mercury,' but it
took the place, not of an ancient Christian church, but of a Saracenic
structure which may have been a mosque. 11
Apart from the similarity of the names Hermas and de Heremitia, the
attempt to show that San Giovanni rests on Gregorian ruins tums on
Carini's assertion 11 that the Basilian monastery of St George adjoining
San Giovanni is identical with 'ecclesiam Sancti Georgii positam in loco
qui ad Sedem dicitur' given by Gregory 1 to 'Mariniano primo abbate
di S. Ermete, e predecessore immediato di Urbico., Pirri7 in the middle
1 On the problem of the Gregorian foundationa cf. Pirri, 21-M, 1068-72; Mabillon, Annalu, r.

147-8; EMtola1Gtegar1, ed. P. Ewald and L. M. Hartmann, Vol. 1, p. 284, n. 2, and 1Vpra. p. lt.
1 Epp. VI, 89 and 47, ed. cit., Vol. i. p. 416 and 422.
a Ep. v, 4, ibid., Vol. 1, p. 284. l. Carini, 'Sul monastero di S. Giovanni degli Eremiti,' A.SS, I
(1878), 66, thinka that the 'monasterium n08f.rum' ol Ep. XX. 20, Vol. n, p. 64, refers to St Hermaa'a,
but it is more probably the 'monuterium LuCUBC&Dum.'
4 Carini, op. cit., 67, and V. di Giovanni, Topografia antica di Palermo (Palermo, 1889-90), 1,
806-8, n, 298.
6 G. Patricolo, 'Il monumento arabo ecoverto in febbraio 1882 e la contigua chiesa di San Giovanni
degli Eremiti,' ASS, VII (1888), 170-188; but d. V. di Giovanni. op. cit., n, 801-18.
Loe. cit.
1 Sicilia iacra, 1068.

128
124 Benedictinea

of the seventeenth century speaks of 'Marinianus, abbas S. Hermetis,'

and in 1890 Vincenzo di Giovanni 1 is still referring to 'l'abate di Sant'
Ermete Mariniano.' Yet there is no proof that Marinianus was con-
nected with St Hermas's. On the contrary, in July 591 2 he was abbot
of a 'cella fratrum' centering around an oratory of St Mary which both
Pirri 3 and Di Giovanni' identify (unconvincingly) with Santa Maria
della Speranza, outside Palermo. As abbot Martinianus he is mentioned
in July 59!l 6 and April 598. Finally, in September-October of 598, if
we can trust the date of the letter, 7 as Marinianus he is given the ruined
church of St George 'ad Sedem' for his monastery. Urbicus is definitely
named as abbot of St Hermas's in July 596, 8 and was still head of the
same monastery as late as February 601. 0 The attempt to identify the
two churches of St George may therefore be dismissed, and with it the
identification of St Hermas's and St John's of the Hermits.
Perhaps as early as l l!lO St William of Vercelli founded a group of
austere hermits on Montevergine, west of Avellino. Piety 10 andgreed 11
have both contributed to the weaving of an elaborate legend about his
relations with Roger 11 and with Sicily. It is said that the fame of
1 Op. cit., n, 808.
2 Ep. r, M, Vol. r, p. 79. The dates of Gregory's letters must be uaed with caution. All the
letters cited in this argument. except Ep. IX, 7, are contained in the regiater publiahed under Bad-
rian 1, the dating of which is dependable. Cf. P. Ewald, 'Studien zur Ausgaben des Registen
Gregors I,' Neuu Archio, m (1877), 485, and Hartmann in ed. cit., n, p. xu:.
1 P. 1069.
' Op. cit., u, 809.
a Ep. II, 88, Vol. r, p. 188; el. mpra. p. 12, n. 6.
e Ep. m, 27, Vol. r, p. 184.
7 Ep. IX, 7, Vol. 11, p. 4.5.
8 Epp. VI, 89 and 47, Vol. r, pp. 415 and 422; cf. mpra. p. 12, n. 4.
e In Ep. VI, 47, Gregory permitted a certain Agatho to become a monk of St Hennu'a if hia wile
conaented. In Ep. XI, SO, Vol. n, p. 800, of Feb. 601, we learn that Agatho's wife has complained
that her husband 'in monasterio Urbici abbatis esse conversum' without her permission.
1 The fantasies of Giovanni Giacamo Giordano, Cronicha di Mont.e Yergiru (Naplea. 1648). are

largely reproduced in the AASS, June v, 112-184.

11 The alleged donations of Roger 11 to Montevergine in 1187 and 1140 (Caapar, Nos. 116 and

185) are probably both spurious. The latter is a crude forgery, based on the former, of a donatioo.
of a churcli of Santa Maria de Buffiniana. This church, so Misa Evelyn Jamiaon informa me, is
near Troia. The charter of 1187 presenta a more difficult problem. C. H. Haskins, 'England and
Sicily in the twelfth century,' Engluh hi.rtorical retliew, XXVI (1911), 439, n. 41, who has atudied it
most thoroughly, reaches the conclusion that the parchment at Montevergine is a copy ol the
original, made in the royal chancery shortly after 1187 and ' brought up to date' by the insertioo.
of the name of W"illiam, Prince of Taranta, in place of that of Tancred, who died the 18 March
1188. Nicola Barone, Per l'archivio di MonHrgiru (Avellino, 1927), who gives facsmiles of both
diplomas, accepts Haskina'a conclusion. Nevertheless 1 believe that auch a 'modernization' of a
charter is very unlikely in the Norman chancery, and, despite the excellent diplomatic form of the
document, am inclined to reject it.
 St John's of the Hermits in Pakrmo 1~5

William's sanctity spread, so that the King invited him to visit the
court, then at Bari. The hermit was somewhat shocked at the oriental
morals of the royal entourage, and vigorously denounced them. King
Roger, according to the legend, was in doubt as to whether William was
a holy man or a hypocrite, but having observed his steadlastness in re-
sisting the wiles of a courtesan, decided that he was indeed a saint. In
his enthusiasm Roger took William back with him to Palermo. There
he built several Monteverginian monasteries, including St Savior's, 1
where his own daughter Constance, later, by papal dispensation, Empress
of the Germans, was the first to take the veil. 2 St William's infiuence
in Palermo was especially felt by a noble damsel named Rosalia, who
became the patron saint of her city. 8 Finally, Roger 11 erected the
1 Even Hlyot, Dictionnairt1 du ordru rtil~ (Pars. 1849), u, ll04, repeata thia. Antonino

Mongitore, in his l1toria 1agra dei monaateri . di Paltirm0 (MS Qq E 7, fol. 1 ff., of Bib. Com.
Palermo), quoted in V. di Giovanni, op. cit., JI, 218-H, shows that St Savior's was Baailian.
2 Constance was bom alter her father's death, in llH. The literature on the fascinating prob-
lem of whether the mother of Frederick: 11 was a nun is largely given in E . Kantorowicz, Frid.ricla
der Z!Dtl'iU, Ergilnnng1band (Berlin, 1981), 10. He neglects, however, an important pa.wage in
Fazello, De relnu 6culI (Palermo, 1558), Dec. u, Lib. vii, cap. 6, which asserta that the universal
tradition of Sicily declares Constance to have been a nun 'quin et diplomata, ac decreta Celestini
Papae, quibus Constantiam votiva virginitate absolutam ad legitimas cum Henrico nuptias admisit,
quae hucusque et in Archivio Romano, et in decretis publicis leguntur, in id consentiunt.' Since
Constance and Henry were affianced at Augsburg the 29 October ll84 (cf. O. Hartwig, 'Su la data
degli sponsali di Arrigo VI con la Costan.za.' M"""1r' della R. Accademie dei Lincei, 8a serie. JI
(1878), 409 ff.) such a dispensation would have been of Lucius lli (1180-1185) rather than Celestine
lli (1191-1198). Nevertheless, Fazello's emphatic testimony has some value, since he was in Rome
in 1588 ata general chapter of the Dominicans (cf. Enci.clopedia uniHraal ilu.atrada (Barcelona,
19i4), xxm, 428), and remained there for some time, commencing his great history of Sicily on
which he labored for twenty years. Fazello, op. cit., Dec. 1, Lib. viii, a1so mentions a Greek breviary
shown by the Basilian nuns of St Savior's as having belonged to Constance. This MS is described
in the rare pamphlet of Agostino Gallo, Di un aacro codict1 membranaM> uiatenu yru10 la mmiacM
baailiane dtil SS. Salrotore in Palt:rmo (Palermo, 1828). lt contains a note, in a hand which Gallo
thinks may be that of the Jesuit Girolamo Giuatiniani, who examined a Greek inscription in St
Savior's in 1699, "Exoo au1 T"17ll' rapa&awn. TOllTO TO fJfJ"Ao flVCU T"17S {JacrAO'~S KoJIO'T'Cllll'T''
'I fll' T'OllT'W T'W IJ."ll'-T"17plW 7'011 Cll'YIOT'CllT'Oll l:wnJpoS 7/11 -ICTJT'/HO..'
Nothing certain ia known about St Roaalia. She is first mentioned by writers about the end
ol the eixteenth century (cf. AASS, September JI, 278). Octavius Caietanus (d. 1620) failed to
find any written records, and compiled a brief t1ita of the saint derived entirely 'ex fama et seniorum
traditione.' This is published in its primitive form by Joannes Stiltingus in AASS, Sept. u, 880.
The Vita S. Roaalie in Caietanus's Vit<u aanctorum 6culorum, published in 1657, is the work of the
editors, and is modified by the invention of St Rosalia'e relica in 1624. Caietanus reporta that
Rosalia was thought to have been bom in Palermo, and that she waa a handmaiden of Queen Mar-
garet, who gave her Monte Pellegrino, where she lived an eremitical lile, died, and was buried. He
indicates that the cult of the saint was of long standing in both Palermo and Bivona. Pietro An-
tonio Tomamira's Idea congietturaltl della t1ita di S. Roaalia f?et'gine, monaca, e romita dell' ordine dtil
patriarca S. BenedetkJ (Palermo, 1668), quoted with astonishing frequency by subsequent writers
asan authority, is, as the title indicates, no more than a leamed historical romance, in which the
author incorporates with his own reveries all the e. rors of his predecessors.
Ut6 Benedi.ctinea
Monastery of St John of the Hermits, and when he returned to the con-
tinent St William left as its abbot bis favorite disciple, St John of Nusco,
who later wrote the vita of his beloved master.
The archivist of Montevergine, Dom Eugenio de Palma, has recently
published an excellent critica} study of this vita 1 which does much to
clear the musty atmosphere of Monteverginian bistory. There is reason
to believe that the first abbot of San Giovanni, whose name was John,
was not the John of Nusco whose inspiration is responsible for a portion
of the vita. 1 There is no adequate evidence that St William of Vercelli
ever met Roger II-the incident of the harlot is a product of the thir-
teenth century--<>r that he ever went to Sicily. And, most important
for our purposes, the vita specifically says that St John of the Hermits
was founded not by St William, but alter bis death, which occurred in
114~. Chapter XXIII, which belongs to the third accretion to the biog-
raphy, and is probably to be ascribed to the reign of Frederick II,'
says: 'Rogerius . . . etiam post eius (S. Guilielmi) obitum, amore et
devotione inductus, de suis discipulis monasterium ad faciem panermitani
palatii in visu aule regie ad honorem Santi loannis construere diligent-
issime studuit, unde usque hodie in memoriam Santi Guilielmi heremite,
monasterium Santi Ioannis heremitarum vocitatur.' 6 Tbis passage is
the only basis for connecting San Giovanni degli Eremiti with Monte-
vergine. Neither the surviving documents of the Palermitan abbey, nor
the rich tabulary of its alleged mother-house has any indication of a
relation between the two. Nevertheless the name 'de Heremitis' and
the fact that such a tradition ex:isted not more than a century alter the
foundation of St John's, is sufficient to establish its ancestry.
Our first document for San Giovanni, Roger's charter dated July 1148,
ind. 11, is one of the most lavish and elaborate donations of the Norman
period, serving, indeed, as the model for William II's endowment of
Monreale a generation later. The colonization cannot have taken place
1 Jntomo ali& legenda De vita el obitu S. Guilielmi oonfeuoris el heremite.' extract from the re-
view lrpinia, rv (19Si). The text of the Plita ia publiahed b7 Celeatino Mercurio. una leggmda
medioevale di San Guglielmo da Vercelli,' Rieta. .torioa ~ 1 ad n (1008-0'7), witb a
tramlation. Vilo di B. GM,lielJRO da Y"'""i (Bome. 190'7).
1 De Palma, op. cit., .SO ud 81.
l Jbid., 64.
'lbid., 29, I-47, and 64. The atant MS ol the Plita, in BeneventaD ICript. ia prob.bl;v of the
middle of the tbirteenth century; d. ibl., 98.
1 lbid., 80. Tbe dating of St John'11 foundation after UH renden unworth7 of credit the note
ol Dom Teofilo di Franco, of 1551, publiahed by Garufi, Tahulario tli Jlorareale, IOS, )'DI that
our abbey wu built by Roger 11 'anno iili dominatua domini Ropr glorioliuimi ducis Apalie
carilllimi filii sui,' that is, 1lss-s9 (d. Chalandon, o, .S).
Pirri, 1109-11; Cupar, No. llCI; Carini, op. cit., 11.
 St John'a of the Hermiia in Pakrmo 1~7

long before, for, although the King implies that he has already given
some property to the abbey, 1 this is a charter of foundation.
St John's was established as Benedictine, and its abbots were to be
elected 'secundum regulam et constitutionem B. Benedicti'; that is, the
King was to approve the candidate elected unanimously, or by the 'sanior
et potior pars' of the monks, and so long as there was a suitable candidate
within the house, no outsider was to be nominated. This provision is
of especial interest because of the doubt concerning the rule followed by
the early monks of Montevergine. Dom Eugenio de Palma, 2 after ex-
amining the indications in the V ita S. Guielmi, concludes that the Bene-
dictine rule was observed from the first. lt seems to me that he has
not allowed sufficiently for the fact that, since the vita was written by
monks under that rule, Benedictine phraseology would inevitably creep
into descriptions of the Saint's activities. The tradition of Montevergine
says that the rule of St Benedict was adopted in 1148-44, under Robert,
the third abbot. In any case, as our charter shows, it was in use by
1148.
The honors and privileges enjoyed by St John's from the beginning
were very great. A papal privilege' had already granted the episcopal
1 ' omnia que a nostl'& munificentia [monasterio] collata sunt . .'. Pirri, 1109 and 1112,
aays tbat Roger had already donated 'casale MediiWli cum juribWI et incolis,' and, 1128, hinta tbat
there waa a priory or hospital of St Mary at Mezzoiuao in Norman times. The notice of a priory
of S. Maria of MezzoiWIO in 1160, given in Anselmo Tranfaglia, 'Montevergine,' in L'Italia ~
de#ina, ed. P. Lugano (Rome, 1929), 886 and 488, is taken from Pirri, with a little confusion added.
There is no material at Montevergine on such a Norman foundation.
1 have found no trace of such a church earlier than a note of c. 1250-60 in the archive of Agrigento
aaying tbat the third prebend of the cathedral included the casale of 'Mizil IWIUfu quod est mon-
aaterii Sancti Iohannis de heremitis Panormi'; cf. Garufi, 'L'Arch.ivio Capitolare di Girgenti,' A.SS,
xxvm (1908), 146. That this was nota priory, but merely a parish church, is demonstrated by
an agreement reached in 1282 by the abbot of St John's and the bishop of Agrigento concerning
St Mary's 'de MirziliW1uph.' Original in cathedral archive at Agrigento; copy in MS Qq H 9, fol.
119, of Bib. Com. Palermo.
1 Op. cit., 82-88.

lbid., 88.
t Not extant. Pirri, 1112, asserts that it was of LuciWI Il, about 1 H4, and cites Otto of Freising.
However, the letter given by Otto (cf. Philip JafJ, Bibli.otheca rerum germanicarum (Berln, 1864),
1, 884, and Ottonil et Rahewini guta Friderici l Imperatoril, ed. G. Waitz [Hanover, 1884), 87) does
not mention our monastery, but rather a grant of pontifical insignia to Roger 11 became of hia.
legatine rights.
The common assertion, tbat in the famous coronation mosaic of the Marturana Roger Il wears
a stole as symbol of his legatine status, is without foundation. His costume follows closely the
robes of the Byzantine emperors, e.g., as shown in the tenth century ivory, almost identical in
deaign with the Marturana mosaic, now in the Historical Museum of Moscow; cf. A. Goldschmidt
and K. Weitzmann, 1M bg:santiniachen Elfmheinakul']Jturen (Berlin, 1984), n, PI. XIV, No. S5.
Other contemporary representations of Roger Il in his robes are to be found on the great candle-
stick of the Royal Chapel in Palermo (cf. ll regno normanno, fig. 127), and in an enameled plaque
l!l8 Benedictines
insignia to its abbot. He was also to be ez ojfici,o councillor, familiar,
chaplain, and father-confessor of the King, with the special privilege of
celebrating Mass in the royal chapel on feast-days, and permitting or
forbidding others to do likewise. Both at court and when t_ravelling,
the abbot was to receive all the honors, courtesies and expenses due a
royal familiar. Ali who died in the royal palace, save the King and his
successors, were to be buried in the cemetery of St John's.
Nor was St John's temporal well-being neglected. Besides confirming
his previous benefactions, Roger gave the abbey a neighboring house
and garden, with water to irrigate the latter one day a week. The monks
might maintain two tax-exempt fishing-boats at Palermo. Nothing
bought by the monks or their servants, or received as a gift, or produced
on their properties, or imported or exported, was to be subject to the
normal imposts. The monastery might cut timber in any forest of Sicily
or Calabria, and transport it duty-free. Its animals were to have free
pasturage throughout the royal domain in Sicily, and similar grazing
privileges on the lands of clergy and nobility while in transit from one
pasture to another. Nomen, or horses or other animals were to be re-
quisitioned from the monastery or its possessions even for the use of
the fieet, and the abbey, with all its priories, was to be exempt from all
obligations and procurations, save that the King, wben he visited them,
should receive bread and wine, as though he were one of the brethren.
Possibly someone cognizant of monastic appetites might calculate the
number of monks at St John's from the following provisions. Every
day the monastery was to receive 62 loaves of bread made of fine fiour
(simula), and 6 of coarser meal (jarina), each weighing a pound; every
month, 8 tummini of simula and an equal amount offarina; every year
998 (sic!) congia of wine, of which a fourth part was to be 'de pede,'
and 21 barreis of tuna fish, 'et quarta ad magnum barrilium cum sale et
fustibus preparata.' For clothing the cloi.ster was to receive each August
2552 gold acuti from the customs of Palermo. The court was to provide
for the needs of the chapter, refectory, dormitory, etc., and to supply
whatever liturgical vestments were needed. Also the monks might use
the services of the court physician and leech.
Finally the abbey and its priories might receive any cleric or free
layman, with hi.s property, 'exceptis feudi.s et possessionibus suis que
sunt alicui servitio oblgate, que nec ipsi recipere nec illi offerre absque
nostra nostrorumque heredum licentia presumant.' St John's was to
possess ali its lands in perfect freedom, and the abbot was to have the

in the church of St Nicholas of Bari (cf. E. Bertaux, 'L'&nail de Saint-Nicolas de Bari.' Jlorau-.U
et mhnt1ru f1U/Jlilu var l' Academie du lrucripeimu et Bftlu Lettru, VI (1899), 111-90, and PI. vi).
 St John's of the Hermits in Pal.ermo 129
jurisdiction of civil cases arising between the dependents and vassals of
the monastery. The royal curia was to appropriate no part of the fines
collected in the abbot's court, and if the abbot himself committed a
dereliction ('quod Deus auertat'), the possessions of the abbey were not
to be seized as punishment. Anyone infringing the rights of St John's
was to pay one hundred pounds of gold: hall to the curia, and half to
the monastery.
Apparently such riches and responsibilities did not altogether please
the first abbot of San Giovanni, whose name was John. Less than nine
years later, in May 1157, he and two other monks begged King William 1
to give them a retreat where they might cultivate the eremitical lile
more successfully than in Palermo. The King granted them the church
of St Mary 'in nemore Adriani' in the center of Sicily, which became a
colony of St John's. 1
Abbot John was succeeded by Abbot Donatus, to whom, in November
1167, ind. 1, regni ~. 2 Chancellor Stephan of Perche, in the name of
young King William II, confirmed Roger's diploma of 1148, and in addi-
tion took the monastery under special royal protection. This charter
also gave to St John's the mill of Elrylbium, and permission to build
another near the abbey either inside or outside the city. lt casts an
interesting light on the troubles of an abbot to note that on the same
day Donatus obtained an entirely separate confirmation of the clauses
of the charter of 1148 providing for the regular supplies of bread, flour,
fish, wine, and cash. 8 Presumably the petty officials of the court and
the Palermitan dogana were reluctant in their duty, and the abbot re-
quired a royal bull to wave in their faces u pon occasion.
It must have been to Abbot Donatus that William 11 gave, in Decem-
ber 1171, ind. 5, regni 6,' the feuds of Refesio, Bellichi, Bordini, and
Sebi, near Sciacca and Bivona, which had reverted to bis hands at the
death of Ansaldus, keeper of the royal palace of Palermo. Unfortunately
Ansaldus had given these lands to the diocese of Agrigento, and William,
on finding proof of it, restored them to the bishop. 15
Abbot Donatus appears again, together with John of Lamac, prior of
St John's, in a donation of the U March 1178, ind. 6, 11 for their grange
1 Cf. injra, p. 181.
2 Pirri, 1112; Carini, op. c., 74., n. l. Cf. V. Mortillaro, Catalogo ragmato dei diplumi Wtenti
nel fabulario della cattedrale di Palermo (Palermo, 184.2), SU. In 1514. the property of St John's
was used to endow six prehends in the Palermitan cathedral, and its tahulary was incorporated
with that of the cathedral.
a Appendix, XXVI.
' Pirri, 700 and 1125.
& Cf. infra, p. 174..
8 Pirri, 74.1, 11 lS; d. infra, p. 181, n. 4..
180 Benedictinea
of St Mary's of Adriano. He is last mentioned in a Greek deed of July
6685 (1177), ind. 10, 1 whereby Capile, widow of John Alif, sold the abbot
of St John the Evangelist's a vineyard anda vacant piece of land outside
Palermo for seven hundred gold taris.
Donatus's successor was Abbot Simon, who was named in a Greek
document, no longer extant, of 6692 (1184), recording the sale of a vine-
yard in the region of Phax Emeri (Fausomeli) by a certain Nicholas
Fersi to St John's. 2 The next abbot of whom we have any mention was
William, who appeared in May H06, ind. 9.
The abbey of St John was peculiarly the creation of Roger 11, and
alter his death it had no great prosperity. Despite its strategic location
next to the royal palace itself, its ahbots seem to have taken no part in
the turbulent court lile of the subsequent reigns. Indeed, probably the
most vigorous group of the Monteverginian colonists exiled itself at
Adriano shortly alter the accession of William l. However regrettable
it may seem from a certain point of view, we moderns may rejoice that
the abhey lapsed into somnolence so soon, and stayed there; for the
inactivity of its inhabitants, their lack of interest in 'improvements,' has
preserved for us at San Giovanni's the most precious jewel of early
Norman-Sicilian architecture.

Sum11UJ1ll
Founded between 1142 and J uly 1148 by Roger II with hermita from Monte-
vergine.
Ita possessions, during the Norman period, are defined completely by Roger II's
charter of July 1148, save for two purchases, and the donation by William I
of the priory of St. Mary of Adriano.
Ita abbota were:
John . .. . . .. ...... . .. . .... . ..... .. ......... . .. ... . . ...... . May 11~7
Donatus ............. .. ... . .......... .... November 1167 to July 1177
Simon . ..... . ..... . ....... ... ... . ... . .......... . ... . ... . ... . . . 118'
William . . ... .. . ....... .. . . ..... .. ....... .. . . . . .......... . May 1206

1. TuE PmoRY oF ST MABY OI' ADBIANo

Even alter Siragusa's rehabilitation of William 1, one finds it rather
difficult to imagine him seeing pious visions. Yet once when hunting
between Prizzi and Bivona, being separated from bis companions, and
1 Cu-. 120 and 728; Fr. Trinchera. Brllabiu graacannr& ~.. (Napar.. l&e5), MI, No. UIO.
1 A. Moogitore, JfonurMflla ltinorica NCTu Dowlu JIGAl'iottV 88. Triailal (Palermo. 1711),
51; cf. Carini, op. cit., 75.
E . Winkelmann, Acta ipmi inedita (Inoabruck, 1880), SS.
4 G. B. Sinpla. ll nfl'ID di GvgliellflO 1 ia Bicilia, ftDd edn. (Palermo, llla).
 St M arg'a of Adriano un
having slain a boar, he was moved by a supematural apparition to erect
a church in honor of the Virgin on the spot. Then when John, abbot
of St John's of the Hermit's in Palermo, together with Brothers Martin
(or Marcius) and Maurus, requested that they be given a desert place in
which to pursue the contemplative life more conveniently, in May 1167
ind. 6, regni 7, 1 King William gave them the church of St Mary 'in
nemore Adriani . . . ubi predictam uisionem perspexii:nus.' The new
monastery was to be an obedience of St John's of Palermo, with the as-
sent of Archbishop Hugo of Palermo, Bishop Gentile of Agrigento (in
whose diocese it was), Bishop Richard of Syracuse, and more particularly
'de indulta nobis gratia Sedis Apostolice speciali'-probably a reference
to the King's legatine rights. The abbot of the Palermitan house was
to appoint or remove the prior of St Mary's of Adriano, to have the right
of visitation, and of judging the misdeeds of its inmates and of the monks
in its granges. Nevertheless, from the Girgenti census list of 1170-1176,
we know that the church of Adriano owed the bishop of Agrigento three
rotuli of wax a year. 2 Apparently from the very beginning St Mary's
had subordinate churches and priories. lt may well be, as Pirri sug-
gests, that the monks of Adriano (now Palazzo Adriano) established the
ancient church of St Mary of Montevergine at Caltabellotta not far
away.
On the U March 1178, ind. 6,' William 11 gave to Ahhot Donatus and
Prior John of Lamac of St John's of the Hermits, 'oh inopiam monasterii
S. Marie de Adriano,' the casale of Quercia, near Laicata in the tenement
of Butera, and that of Sabuchi, in the same region. In the casale of
Sabuchi the brethren were required to build an oratory to the Virgin.
St Mary's of Sabuchi later became a priory, 11 but there is no indication
that it had risen to that status in the twelfth century.
1 Fragment iu Pirri. 76; cf. 111! and 1124-5. Alao C. A. Garufi, Catalogo illtutrato del tahulario
di S. Maria N'UOfla in Monrealll (Palermo, 1902), tos.
2 Append.ix, XXXI.
a Pp. 755 and mu.
'Cf. Mongitore, DomUI MaMion, 215; Pirri, 7"1, and cf. 700 and 7"6. Pirri, 1122, saya that
this donation of William 11 gave the abbot of St John's iu Palermo 'omnimodam jurisdictionem
civilem et criminalem,' but Pirri's text simply provides: 'hec casalia cum iuribus suis et uillania
morantibus iu eis subciantur abbati uel priori S. Ioannis de Eremitis.'
6 The 'S. Maria de Sabucha' mentioned by Pirri, 802, as a Cistercian houae D the diocese of
Palermo, which puzzled L. Janauschek, Originea C8t6'rcien8ium (Vienna, 1877), H8, is probably a
confusion with Sabuchi.
 BENEDICTINES

IV. THE ABBEY OF ST MARY NUOVA OF MONREALE

T HE greatest of ali the Norman monasteries of Sicily was that of

Monreale, founded in 1174 by William 11. We need search forno
motive in its erection other than the natural piety of the young King.
The suggestion that he was seeking divine aid to beget an heir 1 is absurd,
in view of his youth, and the fact that he was not married until February
of 1177. 2 However, it may be that William was encouraged in bis plans
to increase the wealth and jurisdiction of Monreale by Matthew of
Agello, who hoped thereby to lessen the power of his rival, Archbishop
Walter Offamil of Palermo.
lt is said that King William fell asleep on the site of Monreale, and
was shown in a dream a great treasure buried there, which he exhumed
and used to build the abbey. 3 If such a supernatural event initiated the
enterprise, we should expect some reference to it in the foundation char-
ters-it will be remembered that William rs diploma for St Mary's of
Adriano speaks of a similar vision.' But the contemporary sources at
Monreale are silent, and we must be skeptical.
The beginnings of the monastery have been obscured not only by
legend, but by wbat was long a most puzzling feature in the construction
of the famous cloister. Around the inside of each of the ogival arches
is a heavy cordon which, in defiance of ali the accepted laws of composi-
tion and architecture, does not rest on the capitals of the columns. That
this was not the original design seemed proved beyond any doubt by the
fact that the ends of the cordons, where they would naturally rest on
the capitals, have boles to receive mortar which quite disfigure them in
their present state. The columns and capitals were therefore thought to
be later than the arches, but for stylistic reasons the former can hardly
be more recent than the end of the twelfth and the early part of the
thirteenth century. Because of this difficulty, Gravina and Spata
l Richard or San Germano, in Muratori (Milan, 1726). VII, 969.
1 Cbalandon, 11, 877.
a D . B. Gravina, ll duomo di Monreale (Palermo, 1859), 8.
' Cf. mpra, p. 181.
6 Op. cit., 25.
J aiciliani in Salonicro nell' anno lllCLXXXV (Palermo, 1891 ), pp. xJi and xJ,;, and hia Svl cirnelio
diplomalico del duomo di Monrrak (Palermo, 1865), 87-8. cr. the lett.t>r o G. Damiani in ASS,
XVII (1892), 225-7.

18~
 St Mary's Nuova of Monreale 133

asserted that William 11 was merely the restorer of a church either built
by bis father William 1 or dating from the Byzantine era. F. Pollaci
N uccio completed the fa ble by suggesting that this ruined abbey was
'una forse delle sette (sic) fondate in Sicilia da S. Gregario Magno.' 1
The arches of Monreale's cloister, however, are certainly of the late
Norman period, with their typically over-elaborate lava inlay. The
problem was recently solved when Valenti's work of restoration showed
that the cloister of the Magione in Palermo, approximately contemporary
with that of Monreale, had similar overhanging cordons, 2 which were
evidently the fashion. So, when in 1176 William 11 says that he set his
heart 'construere et fundare basilicam,' we may take him literally.
Our first indication of the existence of the abbey of Monreale comes
on the 1 March 1174, ind. 7, regni, 8, 3 when Archbishop Nicholas of
Messina freed the abbey of St Mary of Maniace erected by Queen Mar-
garet of ali obedience to Messina, and ceded the episcopal jurisdiction
over it and ali its possessions 'monasterio quod dominus noster Guillel-
mus sanctissimis rex . . . statuit edificare . . . prope felicem urbem
Panormi,' to which the Queen had given the abbey of Maniace. Arch-
bishop Nicholas's grant was confirmed by Alexander 111 on the !l9 De-
cember of the same year, ind. s, when the latter exempted the monas-
tery built by King William 'super sanctam Kuriacam' from all archiepis-
copal or episcopal jurisdiction.
On the following day, the 80 December 1174, 6 the Pope, expressing
his pleasure at the news, which had reached him both in the King's letters
and by word of mouth, of the monastery of St Mary which William was
erecting, promoted it to the status of a full-fiedged abbacy nullius, with
most important privileges and exemptions. The monastery was to be
subject to the Pope alone and might secure ordinations, consecrations of
l In A.SS, XVII (1892), 221.
i Il regno normanno, 288, 241, and fig. 205. Figs. 143 and 204 confuse the cloisters of Cefa.h\
and Monreale.
a Text in Michele Del Giudice's edition of G. L. Lello (pen-name of Cardinal Archbishop Ludovico
de Torres), Ducrizione del real temM e montUterio di Santa Maria NUOM di MOJTeale, flite de' IUOi
arcioucor, abbati, e lignqri, col 1ommario dei pritrilegi (Palermo, 170i), 65; C. A. Ga.rufi, Catalogo
lltutrato del tabulario di S. Maria Nu.ooa in Monreale (Palermo, 1902), No. 8, wrongly with indic-
tion 8. Garufi's assertion that Nicholas reserved the tithes of Maniace to Messina is Ullllupported
by Del Giudice's text. For corrections of Garufi's work, independent of those we sha.ll make.
cf. G. Millunzi, 'Il tesoro, la bibliotheca edil tabula.ro della chiesa di Santa Ma.ria Nuova in Mon-
reale,' ASS, XXVIII (1908), 291-4.
'P. Kehr, 'Papsturkunden in Sicilien,' Gott. Nachr. (1899), 817; not in JL; this is Lello, Sommario,
No. 8, not No. 2, as says Ga.rufi, Tabulario, No. 9. Cf. infra, p. 146, n. s.
6 JL, No. 12408; Del Giudice, 84; Tab., No. 10 (but Lello No. 2, not No. 8); Pirri, 451. Con-
firmed by Lucius Ill the 5 February 1188 (Tab. No. 40, cf. infra, p. 148, n. 2), and by Clement 111
the 28 October 1188 (JL, Nos. 16887-8; Tab., Nos. 59 and 60; but Lello Nos. 58 and 59, not 56 and
60; cf. P. Kehr, op. cit., 880, No. 28).
184 Benedictinea
altars and churches, chrism, and holy oil from any bishop. lt is inter-
esting to note, however, that Alexander renounced the right to try de-
linquencies of the abbot, or even to hear bis appeal. The King of Sicily,
apparently in bis capacity of hereditary papal legate, was to appoint a
court of ecclesiastics of bis realm to settle the matter. 1 The abbot was
to have complete control of (ordinare) all bis churches, and they were
privileged to have baptismal fonts, and ring their bells whenever they
wished, save in case of general interdict. No ecclesiastic was to attempt
to prevent people from attending the churches of the abbey, or the abbey
itself, or from making offerings, or being buried there, or taking the
habit there. No one could inflict excommunication or interdict upon
men living on the properties of the new abbey, or presume to call its
monks or clergy to bis synod: the abbot was empowered to convoke bis
own synod. The ahbot might erect oratories anywhere he wished on
his properties. Without bis permission, no one might celebrate Mass in
any of bis churches, nor was anyone to take precedence over him in the
administration of them, unless he were convicted of crime. No monk
might be removed from the abbey without the abbot's consent. The
ahbot might hear confessions of bis clerics and laymen, and try them for
crimes subject to canon law. Alexander confirmed all the properties of
the new foundation, acquired or to be acquired, both within and without
the Norman realm. Particularly he provided that if any ecclesiastic had
any rights, including episcopal rights, over any church or tenement given
to King William's new abbey, he should surrender them completely,
making no reservation of tithes. Finally, the Pope granted the abbot
the use of full pontifical insignia, and the right to give episcopal benedic-
tion after Mass. It is evident that our abbot of the new St Mary's was
a bishop in all externals, and lacked only the sacramental graces of the
ep1SC0pacy.
On the 14 January 1176 1 Alexander m
renewed this hu.)) with two
significant additions. First, the abbot was to be consecrated, with the
King's permission, by any bishop or archbishop he might prefer-an in-
dication that Walter Offamil had tried to establish bis primacy over the
upstart abbey. Secondly, the monastery was to pay an annual census
of one hundred Sicilian taris to Rome. 1
To populate bis cloister, King William sought monks at the abbey
1 'Si vero abbu de aliquo fuerit accuatu. uel impeditm cwn &11eUU tuo. et heredum tuorum a
penonia ecclesiuticia idoneia, et d.iacretia eimdem repi eauaa eiua tnctetur, diacutiatur, et ter-
minetur.'
Tab . Nos. li-14; Del Giudice, p. 88, with 15 J'anuary 1175, whence n., No. H68S under 1178,
allowing for thecuftomirn11then medio the papalchaucer,y; Lello, No. '9with15February1175.
1 Li'- ~ ed. P. Fabre and L. Ducheme (Paria, 1910), 17.
 St M ary'a N uova of M onreale 185

of the Holy Trinity at La Cava, near Salerno, which had been founded
about 1O!l5 by St Alferius, a Salernitan who had taken the habit at
Cluny .1 Legend says that in ll 7!l Abbot Benincasa of Cava cured
William 11 of a serious illness at Salerno. 2 Another tradition tells us
that a monk of Cava, named Christopber, had been the confessor anda
counselor of the late William l. 8 Moreover, the abbey of La Cava al-
ready possessed three churches in Sicily, and seems to have colonized
them as priories.' On the !ll April 1124, ind. !l, 6 Henry, son of Marquis
Manfred, gave it the church of St Nicholas of Paterno and its possessions.
In February 1un, ind. 9, 0 Roger II donated the church of St Michael
Archangel, at Petralia, near Polizzi, which had been built by Rudolf' of
Belbaco. This donation included lands and serfs, but left the church
ecclesiastically still subject to Messina. On the 6 May 1149 7 Pope
Eugene 111 confirmed to Cava: 'In Sicilia ecclesiam S. Nicholai de
Paterno, ecclesiam S. Petri et ecclesiam S. Archangeli de Petralia cum
cellis et pertinentiis earum.' We do not know the origin of this St Peter's
of Petralia. It was probably soon absorbed in St Michael's, which be-
came a real monastic establishment, as is shown by Alexander ffi's con-
firmation of the 80 January 1169, ind. 2, 8 of 'monasterium sancti Arch-
angeli de Petralia cum cellis suis, et ecclesiam sancti Nycolai de Paterno.'
1 P. Guillaume, L'abbaye ,U Caoa (Cava, 1877), 16-20. The oldest man118Cript estant al Mon-

mJe ia a Corutilutionu cluniaceruium of the second half of the twelfth century, without indication
of provenance or notable changes for Cava or Monreale from the usual Cluniac text. Cf. Garufi
in A.SS, xxv (1900), 186-98, and in Tab., p. 18.S; B. Albera, Unter.uehungm ll!.I tU'1 altuten MIJncM..
gewohnheiten (Munich, 190.S), 8, n. 1; and L. M. Cerasoli, in L'ltalia ~na (Rome, 1929),
208, n. 18.
ll Gravina, op. cil., 8.
a Cerasoli, op. cil., 182.
Ali three are listed as prioriea in Guillaume, p. lnxvi, and Cerasoli, 2tS.
1 Garufi, 'Aleramici,' 70, from what seems to be the original in the Benedictine library in Catania;
and Guillawne, p. nx (cf. 181), from a tran.swnpt of 1648 at La Cava (Are. Mag. F . 88) which
aflirms that the original was then in that archive. The charter was baclly drafted, but the asser-
tion of Carmelo Ardizzone, 1 diplomi uUtenti mlla Biblioteca Comunale ai Bmdettini: &guto
{Catania, 1927), No. 6, that it ia a forgery, ia unwarranted. Michele Morcaldi, Coda diplomaticul
caoemil (Naplea, 1878-98), 1, xiv, n. 8, wrongly givea the date lltl. The MS Didionarium archivii
caoemil, m, S09 refen to St Nicholas'11 u a monaatery.
Caspar, No. 67; Guillaume, p. xn: (cf. 10.S and 181), from the original at Cava (Are. Mag.
F. 49), with date 1180, becawie of cakuJ.w ftorentinau. Cf. Morcaldi, loe. cil., n. t, and Garufi in
A.SS, XLIX (19t8), 48, n. 8, and .SI, n. 8.
1 JL, No. 9888; Guillaume, p. uxiii.
a JL, No. 11590, in Archive of La Cava, Are. Mag. H . .SI; indicated by l. von Pflugk-Harttung,
lr italicum (Stuttgart, 1888), 269. In 'Gellllachte Bullen in Monte Caasino, La Cava und Nonan-
tola,' Neuu Archi11, IX (1884), 487-8, the 11&111e acholar rejecta as a forgery, on diplomatic groundl,
a much longer bull of the same date and incipit, Are. Mag. H. 49 and l. 1, which abo confirma
Cava'11 po1111e811on ofSt Angel'11 and St Nicholas'1. Both texts are given by P . Kehr, 'Papsturkunden
in Salemo, La Cava und Neapel,' Gatt. Nachr. (1900), t89 and M4.
136 Benedictines

The influence of La Cava was therefore well established in Sicily before

the foundation of Monreale.
According to the Chronicle of Cava, 1 early in 1176 an embassy was
sent from Palermo bearing gifts and letters to Abbot Benincasa, request-
ing him to colonize the new Sicilian foundation. He selected a hundred
monks, and sent them to King William in charge of Theobald, who be-
came the first abbot of St Mary's Nuova. 2 lt is said that they reached
Palermo on the eve of the feast of St Benedict, 3 that is, on the ~O March
1176, and were escorted to their new monastery by the King himself.
There they observed the Cluniac rule with such austerity that the easy-
going Sicilians thought them more angels than men. One day William
visited bis abbey, and could get no answer to bis questions from any of
the monks. Deeply offended, he complained to Theobald, who explained
that the brethren would rather die than break the periods of silence en-
joined by their discipline. 4 At which steadfastness the King was greatly
edified.
Despite the fact that the Sicilian abbey was from the beginning com-
pletely independent of La Cava, the relations between mother-house and
daughter were close. Two years after his colonists had gone out, Abbot
Benincasa made a journey to Sicily, and visited not only Santa Maria
Nuova, but also St Michael's of Petralia and St Nicholas's of Paterno,
which were directly subject to La Cava. 6
On the feast of the Assumption, the 15 August 1176, ind. 9, regni 11, 8
King William endowed the monastery. The charter was modelled after
Roger II's great donation of 1148 to St John's of the Hermits, 7 and whole
sections were quoted verbatim.
lt was provided that the Benedictine rule of Cava was to be observed.
The abbot was to be elected freely and presented to the King for approval.
No outsider was to be made abbot so long as there was a suitable person
in the cloister.
The back-bone of the monastery's endowment was provided by the do-
1 Cited by Guillaume, 125182, and Gravina, 9-10.
1 He first appears with the abbatial title in Scptember o 1176, ind. 10, regni 11; Pirri. 701.
Lello, Vite chgli arcillUCOlli, 7, says he was elected alter August, apparently because William II's
donation o the 15 August does not name him. But William's charters never name the abbot (el.
Tab., Nos. 18, 22, 24, 28, S2, SS, 85, 86, 45, 50, 51) except once, in 1186 (Tab., No. 54), and then
incidentally.
Gravina, 9, seems to be the sole authority for this date.
0n the distinctive customs o Cava, el. Colavolpe, La congregasione catle!Ue (Cava, 1928), 17 fJ.
'Guilla.ume, ISO-SI.
Tab., No. 15; Pirri. 45lh?. Renewed in October 1182, ind. l; Tab., No. 86; Doc. ined., 175-188.
Confirmed with additions by Lucius ill the 5 and 12 February 1188; JL, Nos. 14888 and 14888;
Tab., Nos. U (but Lello, No. 42, not 41) and 45. C. Tab., No. 64, and Doc. ined., 210.
7 cr. Pirri. 1109 fJ., and mpra, pp. 126 fJ.
 St M ary's N uova of M onrea'le 137

nation of the castella of Jato, Corleone, and Calatrasi, with all their be-
longings, both of the royal domain and lands held in service, 'secundum
divisiones earum que continentur in alio privilegio nostro.' 1 The de-
mesne lands were to be held freely, but the King retained the service
owed him by the barons of the region, and the abbot was held responsible
to see that they rendered it accordingly to their holdings. Il, however,
abaron of these castella were to die without heir, his feud was to revert
to the abbey. In addition the monks received the casale of Bulchar,
nearby, with its mills; a mill newly constructed below the abbey; the
churches of St Kiriaca and St Silvester with their possessions; that of
St Clement in Messina; in Calabria the monastery of St Mary of Macla
near Acri, 2 and the church of St Maurus in Rossano; a house, a sugar-mill,
two vineyards, and a garden in Palermo; the whole city of Bitetto near
Bari in Apulia, with all its tenements 'tam in demanio quam in servitio
nostro'; the tuna fishery of the Isola delle Femmine, west of Cape Gallo,
freely; and the right to maintain five tax-free fishing smacks anywhere
in the realm.
As important as the endowment were the privileges and exemptions.
No taxes, procurations, or requisitions of any sort, even for the fieet,
were to be exacted from the ahbey, its men, its animals, its possessions,
or any commercial transactions which it might enter into for its own
purposes. The only service required of it was, that when the King, or
his heir, visited the abbey, he was to receive food and wine as though he
were one of the brethren. The monastery might cut and transport tim-
ber freely for any building from any forest in the kingdom. Its animals,
and those of its subordinates, were to have free pasturage on the royal
domains, and enjoy a similar privilege, while in transit, on the lands of all
harons and ecclesiastics. The abbey might receive as a monk any cleric
or layman with bis possessions, save the feuds for which service was due,
which could not be accepted without specific royal consent. The mon-
astic property was to he exempt from confiscation as a result of any crime
committed by the ahbot. Finally the King decreed that the abhot was
to be the justiciar of all the lands and tenements of the church, acquired
or to be acquired. 8 The ahbot was also to retain the whole proceeds of
bis court.
1 Not extant.
1 Apparently Builian; cf. Tab. N<>1. 1 and S. 0n No. S cf. my 'The chartera of St Michael's
in Mazzara,' Rnue bh&Midina, XLV (1983), 2S6-7.
1 The abbot of Monreale exercited thia power of justice over hia more distant poueuiom by
meam of repreaentativea. H. Niese, 'Daa Bistum Catania,' GOtt. Naehr. (191S), 48, n. 1, citea a
document given 'in curia Guillelmi Montis Regalis archiepiscopi apud ciuitatem auam Bitecti
preaidente in ea et regente Iohanne fratre et iustitiario archiepiscopi.' However, the abbot abo
preaided over hia own oourt: cf. charter of April 1179, ind. 11 (Tab., No. 16; Doc. iflld., 169) show-

,[
188 Benedictines

This act of signal royal favor, together with the Pope's command that
ali churchmen should surrender ecclesiastical rights over any property
donated to the New St Mary's, produced a mass of donations for the
abbey. N aturally the largest concessions would have to be made by the
archbishop of Palermo, and with none too good a will. In a charter of
September 1176, ind. 10, regni 11, 1 Bishop Bartholomew of Agrigento, at
the King's behest, gave to bis brother Archbishop Walter the castles of
Calces and Bruccato near Termini, which belonged to the church of
Agrigento, in compensation for Corleone, which Walter had granted to
St Mary's with all episcopal rights, as Alexander ID had enjoined. In
March of the following year 2 William II himself gave Walter the casale
of Baida, three miles west of Palermo, in return for the cession to the
abbey of all the rights of Palermo over Corleone and the church of St
Silvester. Walter's grant of the same date is also extant, 3 in which
Walter specifically renounces to the royal monastery of St Mary and
Theobald its abbot, Corleone with all its tithes and justices, the monas-
tery of St Mary Magdalene, and the church of St Silvester, very near
the abbey of Monreale. It is evident that King William saw to it that
bis new foundation had a clear title to everything at Corleone; for in
September 1176, ind. 10, regni 11, 15 Bartholomew of Agrigento records
that the tithes and revenues of his church in that city had been trans-
ferred to Abbot Theobald, and that William II had compensated him.
T wo such grants by King William are extant: one of January 1177, ind.
10, regni 11; 6 the other of December 1178, ind. l~, regni 13. 7 The situ-
ation at Jato and Calatrasi, the other two castella of St Mary's, was less
complex : in October 1176, ind. 10, regni 11, 8 Bishop Tustan of Mazara
renou.nced the rights of bis church over them. A further extension of
tbe abbey's Sicilian properties carne on the Feast f the Assumption (15
August) 1178, ind. 11, regni 13, 11 when the King donated to it the land

' tmt t.be Counteu Theodora of Gravina had sent a certain Muscatm of Acri to be tried before

' Yrrl, 1OO.

Yi rl, J07-8; A. Mongitore. Bullae, pritrilegia et i nnrumenta panormil.anae eccluiae (Palermo.
t
Y!U1, ~1 ; t,,,
O&nJ.fl In ABB, XLIX (1928), 70, n . 2.
11111, 'o, HJ; Del Guidice, 69. Confirmed in January 1180, ind. IS; Tab., No. 27.
~ / 'r. , , Jlff,
, Y , 'fl1I, tr1 J1177, Ince the September epoch was used.
Y, 1, '/l!I; 'ftlb., No. 18.
1/ Y, 1, '/~ t., tt1tb Jl7Q, d thcr becaute of the September epoch or because granted alter the 25
YI
/ '/, 't 1/f, 111111t.f, lbtd., p. JOS, n. i ; Del Giudice, 66; Pirri, 466 and 8". Confumed in Much
/
& 1 , f 0~111t M"ttbf!W of Maura; Tab., No. SO; Del Giudice, 84.
U , 1 1~1 ( ltllllNt, 7; <!OJJflrm d in October 1178, ind. 12, regni IS, by Bartholomew ol
 St M ary's N uova of M onreale 139

of Geoffrey of Battalario, which had reverted to the royal hands, includ-

ing the castle of Battalario near Bisacquino. Finally, in June of 118!t 1
William gave St Mary's the church of the Holy Sepulchre in Messina,
certain houses in Palermo, including a church, possibly San Cataldo's, 2
the church of St Martin 3 built by Peter lndulfus, and a vineyard.
The abbey's holdings on the mainland also increased steadily. In
January 1177, ind. 10,' we leam that it received, by vow of a royal
chamberlain, John Kalomenus, the monastery of St Savior of Mercello
(Mortello) in Calabria, and the nunnery of St John of Reggio, from which
the abbey was to receive an ounce of gold annually. In November 118~,
ind. 1, 6 Archbishop Thomas of Reggio relinquished ali episcopal and other
rights over these cloisters. In March 1180, ind. IS, 11 King William gave
to his monastery the church of the Holy Spirit of Brindisi, the episcopal
rights over which were surrendered by Archbishop Peter of Brindisi in
June 1185, ind. S, 7 in addition to those over another church of St Angel
.e Oampia. Bishop Roboan of Anglona gave up to St Mary's in July
1181, ind. 14, 8 his episcopal rights, including that of consecrating the
abbot, over the great Basilian monastery of St Elias of Carbone, the seat
of an archimandrite who controlled the Greek cloisters in a considerable
area of Lucania. In April 118!!, ind. 15, 11 Rainald, bishop of Bisignano,
similarly surrendered to the a:bbot of St Mary's ali rights over the monas-

Agrigento; (Tab., No. 25; Del Giudioe. 79); and again in October 1182, ind. 1, regni 17 (Tab., No.
84; Del Giudice, 88), with the addition of the casale of Busakemi in the territory of Corleone.
1 Tab., No. SS; Del Giudice, 25.
a Cf. Siragusa, Il r1g1W di Guglielmo 1, 484, and Lello, No. SS.
a Despit.e the e:ristence of this charter in the tabulary of St Martin's delld Scald, the church of
Peter lndulfus cannot be the famous abbey, which waa rebuilt on ancient ruina in 1846. A. Mongi-
tore in MS Qq E 6, p. 16, ol Bib. Com. Palermo opposes Lello's att.empt (No. 84) to identify the
two. Pet.er Indulfus was treasurer of the Royal Chapel in Palermo; cf. [A. Garofalo], Tabularium
&giaa ac Impdrialv Capellad Colkgitae Din Petri in &gi,o Panormitano Palatio (Palermo, 18&5), 25.
t Tab., No. 17; Pirri, 455-6; strangely witnessed by Ul'80 of Agrigento (1191-1289) in Pirri's ten.
Tab., No. SS; Doc. indd., 188.
e Tab., No. 28; Doc. indd., 171.
7 Tab., No. 62; Doc. indd., 204.
a Tab., No. 29; Del Giudioe. 88. The cartulary of the abbey of Carbone has recently been pub-
lished by Gertrude Robinson, Hillorr and cartulary oJ tM Greek moruutery of St Eliar and St Ana-
daliua of CarboM, in Orimtalia cArVtiana, Nos. 44, 6S, and 62 (Rome, 1928-SO). In January
1168, ind. 1, regni 2, William Il and Queen Margaret made the hegoumenos of St Eliaa's an archi-
mandrit.e on the model of that of St Savior's of Mesaina (No. 62, pp. 69-75; d. pp. HO-HS for a
confirmation of October 1195, ind. H, by Constance), but, despite Miss Robinson's stat.ement to
the contrary (No. 44, p. SOi), do not seem to have exempted him, or the abbeys under bis direction,
from episcopal juriadiction. Miu Robinaon does not mention Roboan's donation to St Mary'a,
nor do the fourteen documente of Carbone' tabulary after July 1181 make any relerence to rela-
tiom with Monreale.
9 Tab., No. Sl; Del Giudice, 86.
140 Benedictinea

teries of St Mary of Macla and St Nicholas de Campo 1 in bis diocese.

The traffic between the Sicilian abbey and its continental possessions was
so great that in October 118!t, ind. 1, 2 the King exempted the monks and
their horses from payment in crossing the Strait of Messina, when travel-
ing on monastic business.
Naturally these extensive donations subjected a large number of vil-
lains to our ahbey. Most of these in Sicily seem to have been Saracens,
andan Arabic charter of August 1177 3 records an incident which might
have shocked the theological sensibilities of a St Anselm or a St Bemard,
but which must have been an everyday occurrence in the hybrid culture of
the island. Our diploma says that three brothers, lbrahim, Giabrun,
and Abderrahman, who had escaped from the abbey's lands, returned to
its obedience, and swore on the Koran that they were its glebe serfs.
Whereupon Abbot Theobald forgave them, and permitted them to live
wherever they wished, subject to annual imposts.
There exists, from May of the following year, 1178, an. m. 6686, an.
heg. 573, ind. 11,4 an Arabic and Greek platea, made at the command of
William II, containing the names of all the church's serfs in the regions
of Corleone and Calatrasi-1198 in all. Yet this platea is by no means
a complete account of the monastery's human possessions; for we learn
from a huge diploma of May 1182, ind. 15, 6 that the lands of St Mary's
were grouped for administrative purposes into four great circumscrip-
tions :11 Jato, 7 with 42 casalia, all with Arabic names, save that of St
N icholas of Gurguro; 8 Corleone, with 3 casalia, two with Saracenic names,
and one called after the Hospital of St Agnes; and Battalario and Cala-
P'uri, 458, asserts that they were united in 1129.
, Tah., No. S.5; Del Giudice, 26 (not 20) .
Not in Tab. This diploma is something of a waif. Although it belongs to Monreale, Cusa,
111 a.nd 728, publishes it with the charters of the Magione. It is now in the Archivio di Stato
w Paittmo, in the tabulary of Cefalu, No. 18. For Christians swearing on the gospels, and Jews
'wpeT legem Moysi,' before a notary in Palermo in 1290, cf. Doc. ined., 28.
Tah., No. 22; Cusa, 184 and 729; cf. Garufi in ASS, XLIX (1928), 72.
~ Tab., No. 32; Cusa, 179-244, 730-7Sl; cf. Garufi, op. i:U., 61.
~ G. La Corte, 'Appunti di toponomastica sul territorio della chiesa di Monreale nel secolo XII,'
AJ$8, XXVII (1902), 837, regards the distinction of V. di Giovanni, 'I casali esistenti nel secolo XII
,....,i Unitorio della chiesa di Monreale,' ASS, xvn (1892), 441, between the magnae diuiacu and the
4~ u wifounded. Apparently every piece of land given to Monreale was termed a diuiaa.
~ ~ ditrcu were grouped into four units.
1 IJ. G. La Corte, 'Jato e latina,' ASS, XXIV (1899), SIS.
*'I bbey wu Basilian under the Normans, and there is no trace of any connection between
1 M.4 )Wwesle. Ita documents are in the archive of the Cathedral of Palermo, where they were
..., ~ the ahbey became vacant in the thirteenth century. Cf. V. Mortillaro, Catalogo ragr
~ bJ 4,j,Vl'll ~i nel tabulario della cattedrale di Palernw (Palermo, 1842), 88; Cusa, 22 and
1 1 1, ~ 7JJi, 3 1 &nd 720, 84 and 720; Pirri, 292-S; S. Marzo, Ducrione di Palermo antico, ind
M.4o 'Jl""'*"IRI>, 1827), 834; Cupar, No. 218; Garufi in A.SS, XLIX (1928), 67-8; V. di Giovanni in
I'.~, rru fJWl), 471, n. l, and Topografia antica di Palermo, r, 89; infra. p. 165, n. l.
 St M ary'a N uova of M onreale 141

trasi, of which the casalia are not mentioned. By implication, then, the
abbey of St Mary had many thousands of dependents.
That the lands of the monastery were being colonized rather rapidly,
and at the expense of its neighbors, is proved by a royal edict of April
6691 (1183), ind. 1, 1 in which William 11 commanded that ali glebe serfs
inscribed on the rolls of the royal domain as bound by their persons to
service, and ali villains not so inscribed and who were at that time on
lands of the church or of barons throughout ali Sicily, should return to
the domain where they belonged. Villains not inscribed were those
bound to serve by their property, and were divided into two groups, the
co'loni (maka in Arabic) and the burgensea (ahl-el-mehallet). 2 The King,
however, made an exception of 569 co'loni and 160 burgenaea (ali of whom
seem to have Moslem names) living in the properties of our abbey.
Henceforth they were to be free of service to the royal curia.
We have seen that the first abbot of St Mary's, who appears in Sep-
tember 1176, was named Theobald. According to Lello, 3 he died on the
14 May 1178, and was buried in the abbey church. He was succeeded
by William, a Benedictine who had come with him from La Cava, and
who appears as prior in March and April 1177. 4
The variations in the title used by Theobald and William before our
abbey was constituted the seat of an archdiocese are puzzling. There is
no evidence that St Mary's was formally a bishopric before 1188,
although its abbot was mitred, had full episcopal jurisdiction over his
churches, and could give pontifical benediction. Yet, as early as Sep-
temher 1176, 6 Bartholomew of Agrigento referred to 'Theobaldus Dei
gratia uenerahilis Episcopus Regalis Monasterii S. Marie Noue Primus
Abbas.' The following month Tustan of Mazara did the same. 0 In
January 1177 7 Abbot Cyprian of St Savior's in Calabria addressed him
as 'Episcopus et Abbas,' which titles Theohald used the next month
when signing the marriage documents of William Il and Joanna of Eng-
land,8 and in two charters of March and April 1177. 11 Even bis rival,
Archbishop Walter of Palermo, admitted his episcopal dignity. 10 Yet
1 Tab., No. 46; Cusa, !U.S-86, 78W; el. M. Amari in Arcl&ioio atorico aliano, Appendix rv (1847),

49-51, 87-88.
1 0n theae claaeea el. G. La Corte in A.SS, XXIV (1899), 826-9, and Garufi in A.SS, XLIX (19i8),
78-76.
1 Vite, 7.
'Tab., Nos. iO and !U; Del Giudice. 78 and 75; Amico, 1258; Pirri, 467.
a Pirri, 701; el. npra. p. 188, n. 6.
8 Tab., No. 16.
1 Tab., No. 17.
Pirri, 11o.
11 Tab., Nos. iO and !U.

1 Tab., No. 19. Amico, HOO, clai1n1 that any exempt abbot could be called epi6oopiu, but bues
142 Benedictinea
bis successor William appears always as 'Guillelmus uenerabilis abbas
regalis monasterii Sancte Marie Noue,' 1 during the first part of bis in-
cumbency. Such humility was rewarded by an even greater dignity:
that of archbishop. On the 4 February 1188, ind. 1, 1 Pope Lucius m
addressed him as such, and promised that no future bishop of Catania
should wear the pallium, but would be subject to the archbishop of
Monreale.
lt is interesting to note that the name Monreale first appears with the
title of archbishop. The site which King William selected for bis abbey
evidently had no name. Our first reference to it, in March 1174, speaks
of 'monasterium quod . . . Rex . . . statuit edificare ad honorem . . .
Virginis Marie prope felicem Urbem Panormi.' The bulls of Alexander
ill, of December 1174 and January 1175' call it 'monasterium in hono-
rem Dei et memoriam beate Marie . . . super sanctam Kiriacam.' Wil-
liam Il's own foundation charter of August 1176 6 combines the two ele-
ments: 'monasterium . . . non longe a menibus felicis Urbis nostre Pa-
normi supra sanctam Kiriacam.' In October of that year we find the
name formulated by which our abbey was known before it became a
cathedral : 'regale monasterium sancte Marie noue.' Only after nine
years of groping does the definitive name of Monreale appear, when in
bis bull of the 4 February 1188 Lucius ill addresses 'frater W. Montis
Regalis archiepiscopus.' 7
The bull officially constituting Monreale a metropolitan see is dated
the following day. 8 The Pope compliments King William upon the lav-
ishness of bis provision for the monastery, saying that no king since
ancient times has built such a chu.rch. Lucius then establishes an arch-
hia ueertion oo two bulls ol Urben U lar La Cava (lL. Noe. Mff1 and USO) both ol which are
lorpd (el. No. 5479).
1 Tab., Nos. 25, 16, rt, 19, SO, Sl, SI. 38.
Tab., No. S9 (but Lello, No. 40, not 89); lL. No. 1'881, Pluk-Harttmtg. ..4cta. m, SOi; Doc.
inl., 197, with 1184, which ia impoaible, mace Luciua m wu then at Ampi ratber than at Velletri.
1 Tab .. No. 8.
Tab., Noe. 9, 10, 11-1,.
1 Tab., No. 15.
Tab., No. 18. 1'hia charter abo refen to 'Moauterium titaJo 8aDde Marie Noue DOll laaae a
felici Urbe Panormi.'
7 The published version of Rainald ol Biaignano'1 charter ol April 1181 (Tab., No. SI) in Del
Giudice, 87, ia addttued to 'Regalia Montia Sancte Marie Noue uen. abbati,' but the three 1111--
qnent reference1 in the document to 'regale monuterium.' together with the analy.U of it in Lello'1
80fllfllllrD, No. i8, lea.el me to believe that the abbreviation ol fllOftaatmi wu miaundentood.
JL, No. 1"8M; Tab., No. U (but Lello. No. 89, not 42); Pirri, ~. Coo&rmed in Norman
times by Clement m, 18 October 1188, Tab., No. 81 (but not the 19 October; JL, No. lGSSa. DOt
18838; and Lello, No. 57, not 81; Lello wrongly bu it addremed to King. rather than to Arcb-
biahop, W'illiam).
''l'hia .... the ClOllUDOD judmmt al the ap; d . Ricbud al Su Germano. loo. ol.
 St M ary'a N uova of M onreale 148
bishopric in the monastery, permitting its metropolitan to use the pal-
lium, and subjecting Catania to him. The Pope explains that while it
is very unusual to set two archbishops so close together as Palermo and
Monreale, nevertheless the latter's new dignity will injure no one's rights,
since all his properties are already held with episcopal jurisdiction. His
Holiness confirms all the properties of the new see, especially the rights
granted by the bishops and archbishops. Finally he stipulates that high
Mass shall be sung at Monreale on thirty-two specified feasts, 1 as well
as at the consecration of bishops and the ordination of priests; that the
archbishops are to be canonically elected by the monks; and that the
payment of one hundred taris a year to Rome is to continue.
On the same day, the 5 February 1188, Lucius issued another bull,
which is an almost verbatim confirmation of King William's charter of
endowment of the 15 August 1176. The Pope, however, interpolated
the text to embrace several more recent gts, including William's own
donation of Bisacquino, of which we have no earlier notice. 3
The new honors brought a certain fiow of donations to Monreale. In
N ovember 1188, ind. !l, 4 Philippa, widow of Robert of Vizzini, 6 donated
all her houses in Palermo. Nor had the inexhaustible springs of William's
generosity dried up. In March 1184, ind. !l, 0 he gave the abbey the
casale of Rendicella. In June of 1185, ind. 8, 7 the King added five more

1 Since the feast of St Castrensia is not mentioned. hia relics probably had not yet been trans-
ferred to Monrea.le from Capua by William ll; cf. AA.SS, February u. tiU.
a Tab., No. 41 (but Lello, No. 42, not 41); JL, No. 1488S; Pflugk-Harttung, m, SO!. This bull
ia addressed to William 'archiepiscopo.' Del Giudice. 48, note, aaserts that in Arnaldo de Rossach's
Collecttmea priftlegiorum, P. n, Priv. m, p. 65 retro was a parallel bull of the same date to William
'abbati'; whence JL, No. 14882. This volume has vanished from the library of the semin&ry at
Monrea.le where it formerly emted. However, Garufi, Tab., p. 184, published its index. which
indicates that the archiepiscopal title was used. Cod. vat. S880, another copy of the same collec-
tion, p. 28, has only the usual version. So we may conclude that JL, No. 14882, never emted;
cf. P. Kehr, 'Papsturkunden in Sicilien,' S27. Garufi, Tab., No. 40 (but Lello, No. 41, not 40),
attempts to attach Del Giudice's false indication to another bull of the same date, but with a totally
dilferent incipit and content, not indicated in JL, but confirmed by Clement Ill the 28 October
1188; JL, No. 16888, Tab., Nos. 60 and 61 (but Lello, No. 59, not 60); cf. P. Kehr, op. cit., SSl.
On the 12 February 1188 the bull of the 5 February was reissued with the archiepiscopal style;
JL, No. 14888 (not 14888 as has Tab., p. Sl); Tab., No. 48. This reissue was confirmed by Clement
Ill the 29 October 1188; Tab., No. 68 (but Lello, No. 61, not 58); not in JL.
8 This feud seems to have been held as a life tenu.re by Robert of Malcovenant, and to have re-

verted to William's hands at his death. Cf. Tab., Nos. 46 and 47; Doc. ined., 190; Pirri, 460-61;
F. Chalandon, 'Diplomatique,' PI IV, S.
' Tab., No. 48; Doc. ined., 192.
a On Robert cf. ASSO, m (1906), 180.
o Tab., No. 50; Del Giudice, 28. K. A. Kehr, SlS-15, shows that William's donation of Terrusium.
Fantasini, and the abbey of the Magdalene in Corleone of the same date ( Tab., No. 51; Del Giudice,
29), is a forgery of the early fourteenth century.
7 Tab., No. 5S; Del Giudice, SO.
144 Benedictines
casalia: Juliana, Comicchi, Adragnum, Lachabuca, and Senure. Indeed
the royal domain must have been sadly depleted in favor of our monks.
Not simply the temporal, but also the spiritual power of the monastic
archbishop of Monreale was growing. One suffragan at Catania did not
satisfy King William's ambition for his foundation. At bis request, on
the 11 April (1188), pont. l, 1 Clement ID subjected the see of Syracuse,
which had hitherto been obedient to the Pope alone, to the archbishop
of Monreale. On the 19 October 2 Syracuse was deprived of the pallium.
According to Lello, 3 Archbishop William died the 28 October 1189,
and was succeeded by Carus. On the 18 November of the same year
William II died, and was laid to rest in bis great abbey, where bis mother,
Queen Margaret, had been buried in 1183, and whither the bodies of his
father (d. 1166) and his brothers Roger, Duke of Apulia (d. 1161), and
Henry, Prince of Capua (d. 1172) had been transferred. The death of
Monreale's patron robbed Sicily of its political stability, and the abbey
of sorne of its prestige and prosperity. We hear nothing of it under
Tancred; and under the Hohenstaufens its morale was greatly weakened
by controversy between the monks and their abbot-archbishop.
Monreale is a monument to the piety, and possibly to the vanity, of
one king. To build and endow it William II must have strained the re-
sources of his kingdom most unwisely. It is not improbable that the
construction of Monreale alienated the affections of a considerable ele-
ment of the population not simply from the King himself, but from his
dynasty as well. The person in all Sicily most injured by the setting up
of the new monastic archbishopric was Walter Offamil, archbishop of
Palermo. He, and his brother and successor Bartholomew, were the
leaders of the faction which overthrew Tancred and set the Hohen-
staufens on the Sicilian throne. It may be that the abbey of Monreale is
the sepulchre not simply of the Norman kings, but of the Norman era.

Summary
Founded in 1174 by William 11, and colonized in 1176 by monks from La Cava.
Elevated to the rank of archbishopric by Lucius III on the 4-5 February 1183.
The possessions on Monreale were enormous: a large and compact region in west-
central Sici]y centering around Jato, Corleone, and Calatrasi, at least 7
casalia outside this area, 4 churches in or near Palermo, the Benedictine

1 Tab., Nos. 66 11nd 56; JL, Nos. 16205-6; Doc. ined., 221 and 228; Pftugk-Harttung, ru, S5S.9.
~ Tab ., No. IS7; JL, No. 16888; Pflugk-Harttung, m, 867. Cf. Tab., No. 64 (but Lello, No. 62,
nol 61); JL, No. 16840; Del Giudicc, 68. Pflugk-Harttung, loe. cit. Lello, No. 89, and Pirri, 460,
print U1c formula o tb oath uscd by the bishops of Catania and Syracuse towards lhe archbishop
o Monr ale.
Vitae, 7-8.
 St Mar' a of M aniace 145
abbey of Maniace near Bronte, ~ churches in Messina, 6 churches and
monasteries in Calabria, the Basilian archimandra of Lucania, ~ churches
in or near Brindisi, and the entire city of Bitetto in Apulia, the whole in-
cluding thousands of serfs. To these must be added episcopal revenues
from ali its holdings, and numerous privileges and exemptions.
Its abbots and archbishops were:
Theobald ... .... . . . . . .... . September 1176 to April 1177 (14 May 1178?)
William ..... .. ......... October 1178 to ~8 October 1188 (~8 Oct. 1189?)
Caros ...... . . . ................. . ........... . ... ~6-81 December 1195

1. THE ABBEY OF ST MARY OF MANIACE

In 1040 the Byzantine army, led by George Maniakes, with the aid of
a few Normans, defeated the Moslems overwhelmingly on the road be-
tween Randazzo and Troina. 1 Although the Greeks were shortly there-
after driven from the island, this temporary triumph deeply impressed
the local Christian population, and the spot was named after Maniakes. 2
When the N ormans had finally conquered Sicily, Maniace was remem-
bered as the site of the first victory in the crusade against the Hagarene.
In May 6618 (1105), ind. 18, Abbot Gregory of the Basilian monastery
of St Philip of Fragala enumerates ~ 6eo~6x.oi; ~ p.crwh.ou' among
the churches built by Count Roger 1 and Adelaide, and dependent on
his cloister. 3
For more than two generations nothing further is heard of St Mary's
of Maniace. 4 Then, during her regency over William 11, Queen Mar-
garet, widow of William I, seems to have installed Benedictines in the
church, 6 with a handsome endowment. Since the eighteenth century it
has been thought that the first abbot of the new community was William
of Blois, the less famous but equally fascinating brother of Peter of Blois.
However 1 have shown elsewhere 8 that William was abbot not of Maniace
but of Matina in Calabria. lndeed, nothing is heard of Maniace until
1 Chalandon, Domination, 1, 98; B. Radice, 'Il casale e l'abbazia di S. Maria di Maniace,' ASS,
xxxm (1909), ll.
2 There is also a Castello di Maniace at Syracuse, the present structure being of Frederick Il.

a Cusa, 400 and 700.

4 Roger II's donation of the l May ll45 described by Caspar, No. 195, as 'dem Abt Philadelphus
von S. Maria di Maniaci,' is really to the Basilian cloister of St Mary at Mandanici, twenty miles
south of Messina; cf. Pirri, 1046.
6 Radice, 45, says that Margaret built her new monastery 'sulle rovine di quell' ospizio.' We
have already seen (aupra, p. 45) that by the reign of William II it was not uncommon to find Ba-
ailian monasteries deserted. On St Philip's of Fragala cf. G. Silvestri, Tabulario di S. Filippo di
FrQ1Jal4 e Santa Maria di Maniaci: pergamme latini (Palermo, 1887-9); Cusa, 588-468; Pirri, 10i7-9;
G. Cozza-Luzzi in ASS, xv (1890), 85-9 and 555-541; A. Salinas in ASS, xn (1887), 585-95, and in
Notizi.e degli caui of the Accademia dei Lincei, May 1880, pp. 196-7.
8 'For the biography of William of Blois,' Engliah hiatorical reoiew, L (1985), 487-90.
146 Benedictinea
five years after William of Blois had resigned his abbey of Matina. Then
we learn from a charter of the 1March1174, ind. 7, 1 that Queen Mar-
garet wished to give the new cloister to the abbey of Monreale. So
Archbishop Nicholas of Messina freed St Mary's of Maniace, and all its
obediences and tenements, from all obligation to, or jurisdiction of, the
church of Messina, and transferred the rights over it to the abbot of
Monreale. This concession was confirmed by Alexander m the 29 De-
cember of the same year, 2 by Lucius m the 16 November 1188, 1 and
by Clement 111 the 28 October 1188.'
We possess two parallel documents of April and May 1177, ind. 10, of
Theobald, abbot of Monreale, to Abbot Timothy of Maniace 1 and to
Queen Margaret 11 respectively. Thi.s latter indicates that Timothy had
already received the munua benedi.ctionia from Theobald, and had taken
the oath of obedience to him. Theobald permits the monks of Maniace
to elect their abbot freely, either from among themselves oran outsider,
'dummodo sit ordinis nostri.' They may receive chrism, holy oil, and
ordinations from any bishop, and have a cemetery and baptismal font.
In return the cloister of Maniace is to pay to Monreale annually two
pounds of wax and two of incense, and once a year supply food for thirty
men, and barley for their mounts, when the abbot of Monreale passes by
Maniace. Also the abbot of Maniace is required to be present at Mon-
reale every year at the feast of that church, 7 or if by reason of sickness
or any other good excuse he cannot attend, he may come at any other
time, except on the feast of the consecration of Maniace (5 April),
Christmas, Easter, Whitsunday, and all the feasts of St Mary, when he
ought to be at his own altar. Finally, the abbot of Maniace is to be
tried only in the court of the abbot of Monreale. There is no evidence
that the Benedictines of Maniace had colonized that abbey either from
Monreale or La Cava.
The enormous wealth of the monks of Maniace is shown by a conces-
sion made in May 1178, ind. 11,8 to Abbot Timothy by Archbishop
1 Garufi. Taltulario di Monnall, No. 8, with ind. 8; Del Giudice. 6S; Radice. 80; Amico, 1256.
1 Tab. Monr., No. 9; el. rupra., p. lSS, n. 41.
Tab. Munr., No. 419; JL, No. H9S7; Del Giudice, 48; Ptlugk-Hartlung, m. SlO.
' Tab. Monr., No. 58 (but Lello, No. 60, nol 57, and IL, No. 16SS6, nol 16SS5); Del Giudice. 55.
Tab. Monr., No. 21; Del Giudice, 74; Pirri, 456. Lello, No. 16, thinks this charter may have
been given al the dedication of the church, which took place on the 5 April, bul of an uncertain
year. Amico, 1256, and Radice, '3, pul the dedication in 1178, bul withoul proof.
1 Tab. Monr., No. 20; Del Giudice, 71; Amico, 1258.
7 Lello, No. 5, thinks that the feast of Monreale was originally that of the Aaumption (15 August),

but that in the thirteenth century it was changed to Chriatmas. However, the Aaumption would
be one of the 'eollemnitatea Beate Dei Genitricis' wben 'Iimothy I commanded to be al Maniace.
1 Tab. Monr., No. 23; Del Giudice, 77; Radice, 81-4; Pirri, 895-6; Amico, 1258.
 St M ary'a of M aniace 147

Nicholas of Messina, at the request of Queen Margaret. The archbishop

grants the abbot the episcopal rights over ali the churches subject to the
monastery of Maniace in the diocese of Messina, on condition that the
archbishop receive two pieces of bread and two iustae of wine when
travelling in std.ted localities. Otherwise the cloister is to be absolutely
independent of Messina. Furthermore, the monks may erect churches
similarly free of the bishop at any place in the diocese: Messina and
Taormina are specifically mentioned as possible sites. The abbot of
Maniace was thus really the bishop of a diocese, subject only to a nominal
recognition of bread and wine.
The vast extent of this pseudo-bishopric can best be grasped by tabu-
lating the churches mentioned in the charter. Twenty-six are named,
and the existence of many more is implied. The archbishop grants:

In Maniacia Ecclesiam Sancti Pauli de Hospitali de Xara (Sciara),

Ecclesiam Sancti Petri in loco qui dicitur Messuriachia,
Ecclesiam Sancti lohannis,
Ecclesiam Sancti Nicolai de Xara,
Ecclesiam Sancti Leonis, et omnes Ecclesias, que sunt in eodem Burgo,
Ecclesiam Sancte Parasceven (S. Venere), et tam omnes Ecclesias que in eodem
Casali constructe permanent,
quam et omnes Ecclesias Casalis de Corvo, nostro dominio pertinentes, et,
Ecclesias Rotuli, sicut ad presens constructe permanent, et de cetero poterunt in
predictis, auxiliante Domino, construi et f undari,
Concedimos etiam,
Ecclesiam Sancti Iuliani de Rochella,
Ecclesiam Sancte Marie, que est in vineis,
Ecclesiam Sancti lohanni in Oliverio,
Ecclesiam Sancti Leonis,
Ecclesiam Sancti Michelis,
Ecclesiam Sancti Nicolai de Alafico in Turturitio (Tortorici),
Ecclesiam Sancte Catherine,
Ecclesiam Sancti Nicolai de Castanea;
in Sancto Marco Ecclesiam novam Sancte Marie,
Ecclesiam Sancte Parasceven;
in Militello, Ecclesiam Sancti Constantini,
Ecclesiam Sancti lohannis,
Ecclesiam Sancti Nicolai,
Ecclesiam Sancte Marie, cum totam decimam ipsius Militelli in perpetuum con-
cedimus;
in Sancto Philadelfo Ecclesiam Sancti Bartholomei,
Ecclesiam Sancti Theodori,
Ecclesiam Sancti Iacobi de Hospitali iuxta mare;
148 Benedictines

in Caronia Ecclesiam Sancti Nicolai,

Ecclesiam Sancte Marie;
in Messina Ecclesiam Sancte Agathe de Faro liberam, uel cum Messane fuerimus,
meliorem ea si potuerimus dare concedimos.

lt is not known when Abbot Timothy died, 1 or who succeeded him.

It was probably during his rule that Benincasa, abbot of La Cava, visited
Maniace, and was well impressed with its piety. 2 But humility and piety
inevitably declined in the presence of such wealth. Remembering Ca-
tania, Lipari-Patti, and Monreale, the abbot of Maniace evidently began
to dream of complete independence of Messina, and full episcopal status,
probably as a suffragan of Monreale. In 1194 the monks refused even
the recognizance of bread and wine; and lnnocent m wrote to the arch-
bishops of Palermo and Reggio to discipline the unruly abbot. 1
Pirri,' following Lello, 6 maintained that in 1188 St Mary's of Maniace
was united with the Basilian abbey of St Philip of FragalA or Demena,
by the will of Queen Margaret and the confirmation of Clement m.
Amico 8 notes that Margaret died in 1188, and thinks the union occurred
at the wish of William 11. Radice, 7 however, correctly denies any union
of these abbeys until the days of Cardinal Borgia, later Alexander VI,
who was abbot commendatory of Maniace from 1471 to 1491.
1 Radice, 88, givea hia terminal date u 1188, but apparently due to a miare&din of A.mico, 1169.
'Amioo, 1169; Guillaume, Euai""' Caoo., ISI, dates tJa trip 1178.
1 R. Starrabba. 1 diplomi della caldrale di Muaina (Palermo. 1876-DO), "and M, printl tiro
almoet ideutical briefa of Innooeat III. both dated the 18 May (11118), poat. 1, althouh Starrabba
atrangely aacribea the former to the 16 September 1197, iDd. l.
' Pirri. 1028.
a &mmario, No. 1, does not ive the date.
Amico, 1169
., Radice. 68-9.
 BENEDICTINES

V. THE CLUNIAC PRIORY OF ST MARY DE JUMMARIIS

OF SCIACCA1

T HE evidence as to the origins of the house of St Mary at Sciacca,

the oldest Cluniac foundation of Sicily, is very unsatisfactory. The
Lihellus de succeasione pontificum a.gri,genti, composed about the middle
of the thirteenth century, says: 2

Extra muros Saree a comitissa Ioceta domina loci institute fuerunt due
ecclesie religionis scilicet Sancte Marie de Gimmara proclodocensis (sic) ordinis,
et Sancti Nycolai de Latina3 que hahent terras multas in territorio Sacce de
quihus debent dare [Ecclesie Agrigentine] decimas de uineis, ihidem factis, ita
quod hurgenses donant duas decimas de uineis, unam episcopo et alteram domi-
hus religionis et dehent facere procurationem episcopo, archidiacono, et canon-
icis. Clerici eorum debent ordinari ah Agrigentino Episcopo eorum titulo et
debent recipere ah Agrigentina Ecclesia oleum infirmorum; defunctos Sacce non
recipere nisi in ianuis suis, qui debent officiari a cappellanis Sacce in Ecclesiis
1ps1s.

N eedless to say, we cannot rely on the Lihellus for the details of St

Mary's condition in the twelfth century. But at least it establishes the
fact that towards the end of the Hohenstaufen period there was a tradi-
tion that the Countess Juliet, daughter of Roger I, had founded it as a
Cluniac monastery. We may therefore date the foundation of St Mary's
de Jummariia between 1100, when Juliet became lady of Sciacca, and her
death on the ~8 September 1184-86.' We do not know whence the
monks carne who colonized it.
The 'foundation charter' of the monastery exists, probably dated 1108,
ind. 4, 6 and is a patent forgery. With manifest anachronism Juliet es-
1 Not to be confl18ed with the Basiliao monaatery or the ame name in the diocese of Mazara;

el. Pirri, 1060.

1 Garufi, 'L'Archivio Capitolare di Girgenti: i documenti del tempo normanno-svevo e il Cartu-
larium del secolo xm.' ABB, xxvm (1908), l. Garufi, 187, dates it 1250-60.
a Cf. infra, p. 220, n. l.
'l. Sc:aturro, 'La Contesss normanna Giulietta di Sciacca,' .ASS, XLIII (1921), !W9 and 218.
6 Published from very ancient copies in the Bibliothque Nationale, coming from the archives

of Cluny, by M. Champollion-Figeac, L'11"'1ire de li nonnant e la Chroniqru de IWberl Viacarl, par

149
150 Benedictines
tablishes her Cluniacs 'cum consensu et uoluntate fratris mei Rogeri regia
sicilie.' Roger's coronation on Christmas day 1130 made so great an
impression on contemporaries that our charter can scarcely be the work
of a twelfth-century fabricator, but must probably be assigned to the
troubled period after the death of Frederick 11.
But it is an unusual forgery: here is no vague enumeration of churches
and casalia 'cum omnibus iuribus et tenementis eorum' such as contents
the ordinary counterfeiter. On the contrary we have a minute and fac-
tual definition of boundaries which would indicate that St Mary's had
at least a prescriptive right to the lands involved, and that the charter
was an attempt to validate legitimate possession.
If we are right in believing that St Mary's of Sciacca was founded by
1136 at the very latest, then light is thrown on an obscure point in the
correspondence of Peter the Venerable. When Roger had made peace
with lnnocent 11 after the Anacletan schism, his next concem was to win
the favor of the two ecclesiastics second in power only to the Pope him-
self: St Bemard of Clairvaux, and Abbot Peter of Cluny. We leam from
Peter's reply (a letter of 1189-40) that King Roger sent Geoffrey, the
head of the only Cluniac house in the Kingdom of Sicily, to Cluny with
letters. Peter sent him back to Roger, especially commending to the
royal benevolence the 'monasteriolum' committed to his care, and ex-
pressing the hope that Cluny might soon have other daughters in the
Norman realm. 1 Geoffrey was therefore prior of St Mary's of Sciacca.
Pirri 2 speaks of our monastery as a nunnery; Scaturro thinks it was
a double monastery, for both men and women. But our documents
make no reference to nuns: on the contrary our thirteenth-century forg-
ery speaks of 'monachi qui Deo ibidem seruiunt.' The confusion seems

JiiiM, moine du Mont-Cauin (Paria, 188.5), Si'T-88, and by A. Bruel. Recueil du cJuJrla de rabba~
de Clun11 (Paria. 1894), v, 166; finally, from the 'original.' by Scaturro, W-50. Despite Scaturro'a
elaborate argument that the document is dated UH or 1119, 1 incline towards nos; the Cluny
copies have nos, ind. ; Thomaa Fazello, a native of Sciacca, who probably saw the 'original.'
gives the same date in hia D~ relnu aicidu (Palermo, 1558), Dec. 1, Lib. vi, p. 1'5; MS Qq H 10,
fol. 251, of Bib. Com. Palermo has a copy of an ofticial tranacript of the 9 March 1581, abo with
nos, ind. ; MS Qq F 69, fol. 125, has an eighteenth-century copy with the ame date; Pirri. 788,
gives nos, ind. s.
1 'Filium nostrum Gaufridum, cum litteris uestria omnem beneuolentiam redolentibua ad DOll
uenientem, uobia cum hia litteris remittimua. atque tam ipsum quam collllDiuwn ei monuteriolum.
quod aolum adhuc in regno Sicilie ueater Cluniacua habet, regie clementie commendamua,' Ep. m,
S, PL, cr.xxxix. 281.
1 P. 787; 90 abo Garufi, 'Le benedettine: !60, n. t .
a Op. cit., ffl . Scaturro atales that on the H May n98 lnnocent 111 permitted Biabop Ul"llO
of Agrigento to transfer the nuns of St Mary's into the city of Sciacca, becauae of the troubled
times. lnnocent's brief (Potthast, No. 161; Migne PL, CCXIV, 162) refera simply to 'quedam
monaateria,' without mention of St Mary'a.
 St M ary'a de J ummariia of Sciacca 151

to have arisen from the fact that the monastery was given to Benedictine
nuns in 188!!. 1
The priory of Sciacca had in Norman times at least one church depend-
ent upon it, which was probably itself a priory. Late in 1157, ind. 6, 2
Daniel, bishop-elect of Cefalu, at the request of Rainald of Tusa, gave
the church of St Mary of Monte Maggiore, in bis diocese, to Cluny. In
return, the bishop was to receive annually two pounds of wax and one
of incense 'per priorem de Sach uel per unum de cappellanis suis.' Bishop-
elect Boso, who very shortly succeeded Daniel at Cefalu, added a line
to the charter confirming it.
That the church of Monte Maggiore was a place of sorne importance,
and probably a monastic establishment, is indicated by the status of its
patrons. Rainald of Tusa was a royal justiciar.' And we find Bona,
the English mother of Archbishop Walter Oft'amil of Palermo and Bishop
Bartholomew of Agrigento, espousing its cause. In November 1172,
ind. 6, regni 7.'' at her request, William 11 gave the Cluniac church of
St Mary of Monte Maggiore 'ad ipsius sustentationem' land near Cacca-
mo capable of b~ing sown with fif ty modii of grain.
1Scaturro, loe. cit., Pirri, 786; p. 788 wrongly hu IS91.
Bruel, v, 688. Pirri, 882. datea the erection of the Benedictine houae of St Mary of Monte
11
Maggiore about 1417.
acr. injra, p. 19.S.
Chalandon, n, 681.
a Bruel, v, 600, from the original, with 1178, dueto the September epoch; d . K. A. Kehr, SOS, n. S.
 BENEDICTINES
VI. UNCONNECTED
l. THE PluoRY OF THE HoLY SPIRIT oF BuscEMI

I N November 1192, ind. 11, 1 Bishop Lawrence of Syracuse granted

permission to Count William of Marsico, Lord of Ragusa, and to
Countess Alphana, to build a Benedictine priory, in honor of the Holy
Spirit, in a vineyard near Buscemi which had been a part of Alphana's
dowery. The prior of this house was to render canonical obedience to
the bishop of Syracuse. That same month William and Alphana carried
out their intention. 2 There is no indication of the origin of the monks,
or connection with any other monastery.

!l. THE PRIORY oF ST MARY OF THE lsLAND OF UsTICA

Only one casual reference warrants a belief that St Mary's of Ustica

existed in N orman times. A charter of the !lS May 1194, ind. l!l, 3
speaks of a 'cortile monasterii Ustice.' Under the Normans, Ustica was,
for sorne strange reason, in the diocese of Agrigento rather than that of
Palermo.'
1Amioo, 1279.
1Pirri, 624 and 689; Amico. 1279.
a Doc. ined., !U9.
Pirri, 708, U&erts that in January 1219 Bishop Uno of Agrigento granted to Prior Peregrinua
of St Mary's of Adriano 'monaaterium quod clade bellorum in Inaula Ustica destructum erat.' 1
BUBpect that there is some OODfusion with a charter dated 1219 (oopy in MS Qq H 6, No. ft, of
Bib. Com. Palermo, 'ex Archivio Agrigentine Ecclesie') in which Prior Peregrinus receives from
Bishop Uno the church of St Nicholas, known to every tourist, outside Agrigento in the ancient
city, 'quia monaaterium S. Marie de Hadriano clade bellorum destructum est, et ibi metu inimicorum
cum oongregatione mea habitare non possumus.' C. EnJart, Originu Jrangaiau ,U farehidur11
got/&itu11 en ltalifl (Pars, 1894), 81, has been led astray by Pirri's error.
The date of the tran.sfer of Ustica from Agrigento to Palermo may be fixed as 127~; for, although
in a charter of the 20 January 1278 (sic), ind. 2, reg. Caroli 9 (copy in MS Qq H 6, No. l), Bishop
Guido of Agrigento speaks of the 'fidem et deuocionem quam honesti, et religiosi uiri prior et monachi
monaaterii Sancte Marie de lnsula Ustice erga nos et ecclesiam nostram dignOBCUD.tur habere.'
nevertheless a diploma of the 1 May 1275, ind. S, is addressed to 'Frater Petrus Prior Monaster
Sancte Marie de Ustica Panormitane Diecesis'; cf. V. Mortillaro, Callogo ragionato tUi diplMlli
della cattedrale di Palermo (Palermo, lSH), 76, No. 61. On the 9 October 1818 Clement V united
the monastery of Ustica of the Diocese of Palermo with the cathedral of Palermo (cf. ibid., SSl,
No. 59), where its tabulary consequenUy resta. A. Arietti, 'Memoria sull' llola di Ustica,' NtAOW
efJ'rMridfl aiciliane, Sa serie, I (1875), 7fi-95, has no information on Ustica between the time ol
Gregory 1 and 1282.
152
 BENEDICTINES
VII. NUNNERIES
l. THE .ABBEY OF ST MARY de Scal,is, OR de Alto, NEAR MF.SSINA

T HE first Latin nunnery of which we have any trace in Norman

Sicily is that of St Mary de Scalis. lt appears to have been a
colony sent out by the monastery of St Euplus near Mileto in Calabria,
for the two houses had a common abbess from the very beginning. 1
We do now know the exact date of St Mary's foundation. The earliest
document extant from St Euplus's, of August 6608 {1095), ind. 8, refers
simply to the 'abbatissa S. Hieromartyris Eupli'; 2 but since the same title
is found after the erection of the Sicili~n house, we can draw no conclu-
sion from it. However, St Mary's was certainly colonized before the
death of Roger 1 on the 22 June 1101; for in a charter dated indiction 11,
epact 11, and therefore of 1108, 3 given to Abbess Richilda of St Mary's,
Bishop Robert of Messina asserts that Count Roger and Countess Ade-
laide had restored the church 'de [uilissimo] stabulo.' At the request of
Adelaide, who had already given sorne vineyards to the monastery, the
bishop freed it from all obligations. Nevertheless the nuns were to re-
ceive chrism, holy oil, and the consecration of their church and abbess
from the bishop, and their chaplains were to be tried in the bishop's
court, and attend bis synod. The abbey was also to have rights of
burial, but its administration of penance was restricted.
There can be no doubt that this Abhess Richilda, or Rachlda, is
identical with the Abbess Macheldis of St Euplus's to whom in 1115,
ind. 4 (sic), Gerald of Gentina (Lentini?) gave the monastery of St
1 Although the two monasteriea are named together for the first time in a charter of Frederick 11

of May HlO, ind. IS (in Garufi, 'Le benedettine in Sicilia da San Gregorio al tempo svevo,' Bull.
l.t. St.or. Ital. [Home, 19S2), ;itLVD, 278), the similarity of the names of contemporary abbesses of
each makea their union certain. Garufi, ibid., 261, reporta that the Biblioth~ue Nationale of
Paris contains thirteenth-century charten from St Mary's. The collection of Mr John H. Scheide
of Titusville, Pennsylvania, now deposited in the library of Princeton University, includea fifteen
documenta from the same tabulary, dating from 1258 to 1S96.
2 Appendix, n.
1 R. Starrabba, I diplomi della cattedrale di Meaaina (Palermo, I876-90), 4, n. S, wrongly dates

it 1088, which is epact 25. Pirri, 449, cites it as of 1104. The copy by Joaeph Vmci, made the
28 June 1768, in the Library of the Univenity of Messina, MS Fondo Nuovo U, fol. IS, reproduces
Bishop Robert's seal. The abbess's name is given as Rachilda.
4 Doc. ined., IS; Pirri, 620 and 665; cf. infra, p. 202, n. 6. MS Qq H 5, fol. 49, of the Bib. Com.
Palermo has a copy of this charter 'ex Tabulis monasterii S. Mariae Messanensis.'
158
154 Benedictines
Lucy at Syracuse, together with its vineyards and gardens, all of which
he had restored after the expulsion of the Saracens. Bishop William of
Syracuse freed this church and its possessions from ecclesiastical obliga-
tions, save the normal obedience and jurisdiction due him as a bishop.
Our next document is more puzzling. In 1U8, ind. 1, 1 Bishop William
of Messina, in a charter granted to Abbess Ermelina of St Mary's, re-
peated the essence of Bishop Robert's diploma of 1108, but added that
the nuns might receive freely the gifts of any of the parishioners of Mes-
sina, that fines for the derelictions of their chaplains should not fall on
the ahbey, and that every year the nuns were to send twenty pounds of
wax and four pounds of white incense to the bishop. Our di:fficulty
arises not from the text, but from the attestations, which are incom-
pletely given in the published version. From a comparison of the three
copies which are extant, 2 the following identifiable subscriptions emerge:
+ Ego W. Messanensis et Trainesis Episcopus.
+ Ego R. Comes.
+Ego Henricus Ne[ocastr}ensis Episcopus.
+ Ego G. Melitensis Episcopus.
+ Ego Frater Hubertus Abbas monasterii S. Euphemie.
+Ego Domina Adelecta Comitissa aua Domini Comitis Rogerii testor.
+ Ego lohannes Liparitanus Abbas.
The clerical signatures are quite consistent with the date 11~8, and
arouse no suspicion. 3 Quite otherwise are those of 'R[ogerius] Comes'
and bis grandmother 'Adelecta.' Only one such combination is known
among the Norman nobility: Roger of Aquila, who, according to Cha-
landon,' received the county of Avellino at the beginning of the reign of
William I (1154), and his grandmother the Countess Adelicia of Ademo,
daughter of Radulf Maccabeus of Montescaglioso and of Emma, daughter
of Roger I and Judith. 6 If Garufi's conjecture 8 be correct that Adelicia
1 Doc. imd., 16; Caspar, No. 48.
1 Bib. Com. Palermo, MSS Qq H 10, fol. H, and Qq F 69, fol. H9; Library of the University of
Messina, MS Fondo Nuovo !U, fol. 16.
a For William of Messina, Henry of Nicastro, and GeofJrey of Mileto; cf. Gams, Smu epWcoporum,
896, 906, and 949. On Abbot Jobn of Lipari, cf. .upra, pp. 88 fJ. Abbot Hubert of St Euphemia's
appear11 only once in the documents, in January 1110; cf. K. A. Kehr, 418.
' Domination, n, 62, n. 2.
11 On whom cf. C. A. Garufi, 'I conti di Montescaglioso: 1, Goflredo di Lecce signor di Noto.
Sclafani e Caltanissetta; n, Adelicia di Ademo,' ASSO, IX (1912), 824-866. She must not be con-
fuaed with Adelasia or Adelaide, third wife of Roger 1, and later Queen of Jerusalem, on whom
cf. Garufi, 'Adelaide nipote di Bonifacio del Vasto,' Rendiconti e memorie della R. Accad. di Sci.,
Lett. ed Arli dei Zelanti di Acirtale, clUBe di lettere, 8a serie, IV {1905), 185-216; nor with Adeluia.
Countess of Molise, on whom cf. Miss Evelyn Jamison, '1 conti di Molise e di MILl'llia nel dodicesimo
e tredicesimo secolo,' Atti de Conoegno Storico Abruaue-Molilano (Rome, 1981).
1 ASSO, IX (1912), 844.
 St Mary's de Scalis near MesS'ina 155

married Rainald Avenell in 1119, she can scarcely have signed herself as
ava four years later. Count Roger of Avellino 'adolescentulus' 1 is fre-
quently mentioned by Hugo Falcandus, because of his part in the in-
trigues of the later twelfth century. When, early in 1161, William 1
crushed Matthew Bonell and bis fellow-conspirators, we are told that
'pepercit autem rex consanguineo suo Rogerio comiti Auellini quod in
aliis crimen atrocissimum iudicabat, in eo putans oh etatis lubricum
errorem debere non facinus appellari, simulque prece motus et lacrimis
Adelicie consobrine sue, eiusdem comitis auie, que cum alium heredem
superstitem non haberet, nepotem suum tenerrime diligebat.' 2 That
Roger returned the affection is indicated by a donation and confirmation
given by him in December 1177, ind. 11, to the Hospitalers of Messina
'pro anima domine mee Adelicie Auie mee.' 3 From which it is evident
that Roger and Adelicia cannot have signed our document of 1 H8.
If any further proof be needed of the spurious character of this charter,
it is supplied by a donation of 118~ or 11884 of Galgana, widow of Wil-
liam of Altavilla, not to Abbess Ermelina, but to Abhess Richilda of St
Mary's, whom we met in the diplomas of 1108 and 1115. In view of
the suspicious nature of the charter of 11~8, we can hardly believe that
we are dealing with two abbesses of the same name, predecessor and suc-
cessor of Ermelina. Galgana gave the nuns sorne land near Messina,
and more than fourteen Moslem serfs.
Nothing more is heard of St Mary's de Sca/,is until October 6655 (1146),
ind. 10, 6 when a new abbess, Moriella, tells us that after she had been
placed over the monastery by the King, she began rummaging through
the tabulary of the house, and discovered a charter of Count Roger 1 for
the monastery of St Mary of Ambuto. She questioned the most aged
sisters concerning it, and learned that the house of Ambuto had once
been inhabited by Greek monks, and that the Queen and her son the
King had given the charter to the Latin nuns. 6 The monastery was
now vacant, and the nunnery owned it and its property. So, with the
approval of her monastic sisters, and of Archimandrite Luke of St
1Lber de regno Sicilie, ed. G. B. Siraguaa (Rome. 1897), 52.
11'1id., 68-9.
J. Delaville le Roulx, Oartulairt1 gbilral de rordrt1 du Horpaliera de S. Jean de Jlru.lakm, (Paria,
1894), J, 868.
' Starrabba, op. cit., 9. The transmission is very defective: a copy by Antonino Amico of a
t.ranscript of 1649. lt is dated 1188, ind. l., regni i, which may be corrected to llSi, ind. 11,
regni, i, or 1188, ind. 11, regni S. lt is witnessed by William, who became archbishop of Reggio
in 1181 (cf. Gama, 916). The signature of Bishop William of Messina-Troina is probably a copyist's
error for Bishop Hugo, who held that church from lli?'-c.1189 (Gama, 9'9).
6 Cllll&, 845 and 717. G. Spata, Diplqmi greci inediti, 16, wrongly dates it 6650 (lHl), Oct., ind. 10.
8 Therefore probably during Adelaide's regency, 1101-llli. Adelaide is frequently called regina

in Sicilian documenta because of her marriage to King Baldwin 1 of Jerusalem in 1118.

156 Benedictines

Savior's in Lingua Phari, 1 Moriella gave the deserted Basilian monasteey

to the administrator of the nunneey, the notary Nicholas, whose monastic
name was Nicodemus, to be restored and used {presumably by a com-
munity of Greek monks) to the honor of the Virgin, and the memoey of
Count Roger.
lt is evident that only a fraction of the tabulaey of St Maey's de Scal.ia
has come down to us, and that severa! of the most important items have
not survived. Thus a diploma of the Empress Constance given in Sep-
tember 1196, ind. 15, 2 confirmed. a privilege of Roger 11; while in May,
HU, ind. 9, 3 Frederick Il confirmed to St Maey's 'homines, casalia,
possessiones, tenimenta, liberta.tes, bonos usus et consuetudines appro-
batos et omnia quecumque tempore regs Rogerii et regs Guillelmi prim.i
et secundi et aliorum predecessorum nostrorum felicis recordationis per
eorum priuilegia, que inde hinc iuste et pacifice dignoscitur tenuisse. . . .'
The only extant donation of the Norman kings to St Maey's is a charter
of March 1168, ind. 1, regni 2,4 in which William 11 and bis mother
Queen Margaret gave a casale near Milazzo to the Abbess Antiochia.
There is a certain irony in the fact that, while so many important docu-
ments have perished, fate has preserved for us two insignificant charters
of the end of the Norman era. On the 16 December 6698 (1189), ind.
8, 6 Basilissa, widow of Nicholas Mantellus, was received as a sister of
St Maey's de Scalia, and gave to the monasteey and Abbess Mabela ali
her property, consisting chiefly of a choice variety of livestock, but re-
serving to her own peculium twenty lambs and twenty kids ayear, and
ali the cheese, butter, and wool, so long as she lived. And in 6702 (1198-
4)11 Mabela as abbess of St Euplius's effected an exchange of lands.
Mabela was still living in September 1196, and it was therefore to her
that Constance gave 'liberta.tes quoque et obedientias nichilominus et
apothecas, quos Raynaldus de Moac olim habuit in Messina, eidem
monasterio a nostra serenitate concessas.' 7
1 Luke wu abbot from UM-117.S, according to Pirri. 97~9.
'Ganifi. 'Documenti dell' epoca 1veva,' Quelln ufl4 Fordtn11m. VIII (1905), 197; cf. R. Riea.
'Regeaten der Kaiaerin Conatame.' ibid., xvu1 (1926), .SI, NOI. ~ aad 47.
Garufi, "P cit., 199.
'Doc. inl., 101. According to Gally-Knight, 'Relation d'une excuraion monWDe11tale en Sicile
et en Calabre,' Bulklin mo1n1-'al, v (1839), 143. our abbey wu ~ called Santa Maria
della Valle, but in 1168 a miracle occurred there, aad thenceforth it wu named 'della Scala.' 1
lmow nothing further al thia.
1 Appendi:s:, :u..
Appendi:s:, XLIII.
1 Cf. npra, n. t. R.ies, &p. cit., 11 aad 82, shows that thia don1tioa must have been made
alter October 1195, when R. ol Moac atteBted a charter in Palermo u Imperial Coutable aad
Familiar. Garufi, 'Le benedettine,' t6t interprell Comtance'1 gift u a coafirmatioa ol Rainald'1
donation.
 St M ary' s de M onialibus of Syracuse 157
The ruins of our nunnery, now popularly called the Badiazza, stand
in a canyon back of Messina, on the main road to Palermo. They form
one of the chief Norman relics of eastem Sicily, and it is to be hoped that
the Soprintendenza dei Monumenti, which has restored so admirably
many of the ancient treasures of the island, will soon remedy its lament-
able state.

~. THE PRIORY(?) OF ST MARY de Monial~ OF SYRAcusE

A charter given by the Countess Adelicia of Ademo to CefalU. in June,

1140, ind. ~' 1 describing lands near Syracuse, incidentally mentions a
monastery of 'Sancta Maria de monialibus.' Pirri2 asserts that this
house was Benedictine, in referring to a charter of Henry VI for Cefalll
in 1195 3 which uses the name St Mary's 'de monachabus.' Still a third
form is found in a document of H88: 'Sancta Maria de Monachis.''

8. THE ABBEY oF ST LuCY, NEAR ADERNO

Pirri's assertion 6 that St Lucy's of Ademo was founded in 1150 may

be simply a typographical error, for the charter survives, dated the l~
May 1158, ind. 7 (sic) regni 8, 6 with which Countess Adelicia, grand-
daughter of Roger I, initiated it. She gave to the monastery the casale
of Bulichel and the church of St Mary by the Wadi Musa (Simeto) not
far away, together with all their possessions, including (so her next char-
ter tells us) forty villains. The income from this endowment the Count-
ess considered sufficient to keep twelve nuns, and no more were to be
admitted unless they brought a dowery with them, or were members of
Adelicia's family. The rule of St Benedict was established, and minute
instructions were given as to the conduct of the sisters and of their house.
1 Garufi, '1 conti di Montescaglioao,' ASSO, IX (1912), 854.
1 Pirri, 668.
:a Probably not K. F. Stumpf-Brent.ano, D &iclukamler da x, XI und xn Jalarhunderla (Inns-
bruck, 1865-88), 11, H7, No. 4900 cf. Pirri, 804.
' Pirri, 668.
6 Pirri, 594.
6 Published by Garufi in ASSO, IX (1911), 856-80. The three chartera involved in the founda-
tion are ali miadated ind. 7, rather than ind. 6. These documenta apparently served as modela
for th08e at the foundation of St Mary's Marturana in Palermo in 1194. 1 do not know the basis
for the statement, in an inscription of 1596 on the left wall of the church of St Lucy, that the mon-
astery was founded in 1157; 'Anno a Dominica Nativitate llCLVII Adelasia . . . Muliebre
Coenobium sub Divi Benedicti Instituto Ecclesiae Divae Luciae Dicatae Adhuc Deiparae a Con-
aolatione Appellatae pie et devote adiunxit . . . temporalibus non solum subventionibus quam
spiritualibus thesauris locuplitavit, dum a Ioanne Harense Archipraesule annuit consegrari Anno
llCLVIII Mensis Maii Die Vero xv.. .'
158 Benedictines

Three days later, 1 at the consecration of the church by Archbishop

John of Bari, 2 the Countess made her donation of land more definite,
but does not seem to have increased it. On the same day Ula, the first
abbess, gave a detailed promise to observe the rule of Monte Cassino,
and to fulfill the wishes of the foundress. 3
The present imposing church and monastery of Santa Lucia date only
from 1596, when the nuns were moved into the city of Ademo for reasons
of safety. 4

4. THE .ABBEY oF ST MARY MAaDALENE oF CoRLEONE

Our first evidence of the nunnery of the Magdalene in Corleone is a

Greek and Arabic platea and description of lands near Sciacca given in
May 6659 (1151), ind. 14, 15 by Roger 11 to Abbess Adelicia, at her re-
quest. lt contains the names of fifty villains altogether: thirty near
Sciacca, and twenty at Futtasini, near Corleone. Probably on the basis
of the name 'Adelicia,' it has always been assumed that the abbey was
Benedictine. e There is no other evidence of its order.
The nunnery was naturally originally subordinate to the archbishop
of Palermo, in whose diocese it lay. However, when King William 11
founded his great Benedictine church of Monreale, he endowed it with
Corleone; 7 and since Pope Alexander 111 had commanded all churchmen
to surrender to Monreale ali ecclesiastical rights over any properties
given it, Archbishop Walter OfJamil of Palermo was forced to cede
'monasterium Sancte Marie Magdalene' to Abbot Theobald of Monreale
as early as March 1177. 8 In January 118011 Walter repeated the con-
cession, and on the 5 February 1183 1 Lucius ID confirmed it.
1 ASSO, IX, 860-62; Pirri, 694; d. S. Petronio-Ruuo, 'Sul sito del cuale Antanasteri in territorio
di Adem~,' ASSO, XII (1916), 212, n. 8.
1 Cf. Pulci, 'Giovanni V archivescovo di Bari ed un periodo di storia aiculo-puglieae,' ASS, lCllIX
(1914), 896-429.
a ASSO, IX, 865-5. Signed by U1a and five nuns.
' The in8cription, quoted p. 157, n. 6, continues: 'Temporibus vero Declinantibus. etMagis Creacente
Malitia, cum locus ille Minime Decena Videretur, tanquam ab Urbe Distans Adraniti Procerea in
Hunc Locum, ubi adhuc Penerverat Tranaferri Curarunt, Salvatoris Reparationia llDXCVI Currente
Anno.'
6 Cusa, ISO and 720; Caspar, No. 227; with Latin tr. in Spat.a. Bul cimelio di Jlonreale (Palermo.

1866), 69; cf. Garufi in ASS, XLIX (1928), 69. Garufi, Tab. Jlonr., No. 5, identifies this charter
with Lello, No. 28 rather than No. 22. Lello, No. 28, seema to assume that a similar platea of the
U March 1145, given to Walter Forestal by Roger 11 (Cusa, 127 and 717), is alao for our abbey.
There is, however, no similarity in the two lists of villains, or any other reuon to connect the charters.
'Cf. Spata, op. cit., 21. lt has even been SUBpeCted of being a Gregorian foundation; Amico, 1215.
7 Cf. IUpt'O, p. 188.
1 Tab. Jlonr., No. 19; Del Giudice, 69.
e Tab., No. 27; Del Giudice, 81; Pirri, 457.

1 Tab., No. 42 (but Lello, No. 89, not 42)> Del Giudice, 89; JL. No. l~.
 St Mary'a of the Chancellm in Palermo 159

An alleged donation of William 11 to Monreale, dated March 1184, 1

which K. A. Kehr 2 has shown to be a forgery of the early fourteenth
century, tells us that 'cultu diuino propter guerrarum discrimina uacare
dignoscitur Sancte Marie Magdalene ecclesia supradicta, multis tem-
poribus abbatissa et monialibus propriis destituta.' It is very doubtful
whether this falsification records an authentic tradition: the nunnery
might have been devastated in the baronial uprising of 1161, but 1 have
found no trace of campaigns in the region of Corleone.

5. THE ABBEY OF ST MARY OF THE CHANCELLOR,

OR OF THE LATINS, IN PALERMO

At the request of bis dying wife, Sica, in February 1169, ind. ~. regni
8, Matthew of Agello, the chief notary of the court, got permission from
3

William 11 and his mother Queen Margaret to convert bis house in

Palermo into a nunnery in honor of the Virgin, and to endow it, free of
all service, with the casale of Carrubula, given him by William l.
This royal charter was attested by Walter Offamil, the English e'lectua
of Palermo, and it was probably at this time that the nunnery received
the charter 'Gualterii, nunc Archiepiscopi, tune Electi Panormitani'
which we know only through Alexander Ill's confirmation of 1174.'
Walter's charter freed the monastery from all ecclesiastical tithes and
service, save an annual recognition of two pounds of incense. It could
have a cemetery for its members and retainers, and for the Agello family,
if they should wish to be buried there; to this family the monastery might
also administer the Eucharist and penance. The election of the abbess
was to be free, but she was to be presented for the archbishop's approval,
and be blessed by him. The archbishop was also to consecrate the abbey
at its completion. N uns were to receive the veil from the archbishop
or his suffragan in the monastery or in the cathedral. Any derelictions
of the abbess were to be tried before him, while the nuns themselves were
subject to the abbess's jurisdiction, unless their insubordination became
such that the archbishop would be forced to intervene. The abbess was
1 Tab., No. 51; Del Giudice. 29; Pirri, 461; Amico, lil5.
1 Pp. SlS-15. Garufi, 'Le benedettine,' 260, n. 2, disregards Kehr's findings.
a Doc. ined., 109; Pirri, S.
4 Doc. ined., 159-60. However, since Walter remained ekctua for about ayear, we have no great
certainty as to the date. Chancellor Stephan of Perche, elect of Palermo, was chased from the
island alter August 1168 (cf. Chalandon, u, 845, n. 1), and the canons elected Walter to take his
place. Because of the opposition of Queen Margaret, however, and complications of canon law,
despite a special ratification by Alexander Ill of the H June 1169 (Pirri, lOt; JL, No. 11628),
Walter was not consecrated until the 28 September 1169; cf. the gift of William 11 and Mantaret
at this event, in Mongitore, Bullaa, priftlegia, etc., .
160 Benedictines
to select the clerics and chaplains of St Mary's, and present them to the
archbishop for examination, since they were required to attend bis synod.
Save in exceptional circumstances, however, they were responsible to the
abbess.
In December of 1169, ind. 3, 1 Bishop Tustan of Mazara renounced to
this 'monasterium Sancte Marie de Latinis' the ecclesiastical tithe over
the casale of 'Corubrichi,' and implied that it had already been trans-
ferred to the abbey by Matthew of Agello (now called vice-chancellor).
The definitive foundation and endowment, however, seems to have
been delayed until May 1171, ind. 4, regni 5, when we find two roughly
parallel documents. In the first, 2 Matthew, the royal vice-chancellor,
transfers the properties of the endowment, and provides that the nunnery
observe the 'officium et ordinem . . . secundum Cassinensem ecclesiam.'
In the second, 3 'Marocta, Monasterii sancte Marie de Latinis prima
electa' promises to fulfill various provisions for the conduct of the twenty-
four sisters of the church, and its girls' school. These two diplomas,
besides enumerating the possessions of the abbey, even down to the
number of pearls in an ikon of the Virgin, give the most minute regula-
tions as to the conduct of the establishment.' The appointment of the
abbess was to be in Matthew's hands, but after his death elections were
to be free.
On the 30 December 1174, ind. 8, pontif. 16, 5 Alexander m confirmed
to Abbess Marocta the charters of Matthew, of Walter Offamil, and of
Bishop Tustan, adding the further privilege that the abbess herself might
receive converaae and 'moniales eius, si ad obitum uenerint, in cinere et
cilicio ponere.'
The nunnery contained at least two chapels: that of St Eustachius,
where it had two Latin priests, 0 and that of St Paul, served by a Greek
priest. 7 One is tempted to believe that the monastery was also con-
nected with a preexisting church of St Mary of the Latins, to which, in
April 6678 (1165), ind. 18, 8 the widow Filiberta willed two taris. This
would seem to be identical with the 'ecclesia S. Marie de Cancellario' to
1 Doc. inl., 116; Pirri, 8".
t Doc. inl., 187-46.
1 Ibid., 117S7, dated March, from MS Qq H 9, fol. !OS, Bib. Com. Palermo. But the copy in
MS Qq E 7, fol. 67, is dated May, which aeems much more probable, lince juridically the docu-
ment is a response to, and an acceptance of, Matthew'a donation.
' Garufi, "Le benedettine,' 269, eatimates that about one third of the monutery'a income wu to
be given to the poor.
1 Doc. inl., 156-161; not in JL; cf. P. Kehr, 'Papsturlrunden in Sicilien.' <Ma. Noclw. (1809),

818, D. 10.
e Doc. inl., HO.
1 Ibitl., lft.
1 Ibitl., H.
 St Mary'a Marturana in Palermo 161

which on the 16 March 1186, ind. 4, regni !t!t, 1 Theocritus Mairosini of

Chioggia left three taris. A church of Santa Maria del Cancelliere still
exists in Palermo, near the Quattro Canti, but if anything of the N orman
structure still exists it is completely obscured by baroque 'improvements'
of the late sixteenth century.

6. THE ABBEY OF ST MARY M arturana IN PALERMO

The Benedictine cloister for women called Santa Maria de Marturana 2
was founded in October 1198, ind. l!t, regni 1,3 when William 111 and
Queen Sibil his mother permitted Geoffrey of Martirano and Aloysa
his wife to establish it, free with its possessions from all services and
obligations, in their house in Palermo,' which they held from the King.
While the abbey was clearly founded at this time, it appears to have
been added to a church of St Mary M arturana which existed many years
earlier, for in April 6678 (1165), ind. 18, 5 a widow named Filiberta willed
it three taris, and on the 16 March 1186, ind. 4, e Theocritus Mairosini
of Chioggia left it a like amount.
The actual charter of the foundation of the nunnery, dated the !t8
March 1194, ind. H, 7 also exists. 'Ego Aloysia de Marturana una cum
dicto uiro meo' gave the property, and Geoffrey added the casale of San
Felice in Calabria, which he had inherited from Aubert, his father, 8 as
well as certain possessions in and around Palermo, a considerable amount
of livestock, with six male and six female serfs. The donors made their
niece Silveria the first abbess, and established the Benedictine rule in
the house. So long as the founders lived, they were to supervise the
abbey, but their heirs were not to interfere with it, save to see that the
provisions of its foundation were observed. The charter regulates min-
utely the management of the nunnery.
1 lbid., 110. Frederick II's confirmation of llOS, in Winklemann, Acta impmi inedita, i. 80,
haa no information on the Norman period.
1 The preaent church called the Marturana in Palermo, famoua for ita mosaica, waa a Basilian
nunnery founded by Admiral George of Antioch in 11'8, and annexed by the Benedictines of the
neighboringcloisterof the Martunma in HSS; cf. G. Patrioolo, 'La chieaa di S. Maria dell' Ammi-
raglio,' ..488, u (1877), 187-171, aod m (1878), 897~.
a Doc. ined., 164; Pirri, 800.
' A part of the oortile of this houae, which had belonged to the Countess Adelicia of Colleaano, ia
still staoding-the only surviving bit of Norman domestic architecture.
6 Doc. ined., 91.
Jbid., 110.
7 ]bid., 167-6'. The reference to 'rex Willelmua et pii.uima Regio& Margarita mater sua' (p. 168)

ia a copyist's error in MS Qq H 10, fol. 44, of the Bib. Com. Palermo, whence Garufi drew hia ten.
The oonsent of Bartholomew, archbishop of Palermo alter 1190, ia mentioned.
1 Martirano ia in Calabria, north of Nicastro.
16!l Benedictinea
In August of the same year and indiction, William m and Sibil issued
two charters concerning St Mary's Marturana. The first 1 freed the
casale of San Felice from all service, and per:ptltted Geoft'rey to give it to
the monastery. The second 2 did the same for Aloysia's house in Paler-
mo, which was the actual site of the abbey. Finally, on the 8 November
of that year, ind. 18, seventeen days before Henry VI entered Palermo,
the Abbess Silveria promised that the monastery would observe the
Cassinese rule, and fulfill all the wishes of the donors.
1 Ibid. i6'1-8.
Appendis. XLVI. The mention ol Arcbbilhop Romuald of Salema. who died in 1181, ia prob-
ably an error in tranamiuion. The charter doee not otherwiae &l'OUle 9U1Picion.
1 Doc. int:d., !69-71; d. P. Kehr, 'Paplbubnden in Sicilien.' m. for con&rmation by Celeltine
ID of the 4i (?} Auguat 1196; al.o R. Res, 'llegaten Comtanses,' p. H. No. 81.
 CISTERCIANS

E:ccur8U8
TuE FIRST CISTERCIAN ABBEY IN THE KINGDOM OF SICILY

R OGER II'S vigorous support of the Antipope Anacletus 11 excludes

the possibility of Cistercian expansion into the N orman realm be-
fore his reconciliation with Innocent 11 in 1189. During the years of
the schism Bernard was the most powerful opponent of the Pierleone
Pope, and consequently of the Sicilian King's religious policy. The great
Cistercian did not confine himself to mockery and vituperation of the
'tyrannus Siculus' 1 but roused the Emperor Lothair to arms against
him: 'Est Cesaris propriam uindicare coronam ah usurpatore Siculo . .
omnis qui in Sicilia regem se facit, contradicit Cesari.' 2
But a man like Roger 11 is quick to recognize the qualities of a strong
adversary, and to attempt to win him over. And Bernard must have
been impressed by the genius of the founder of the Sicilian monarchy
during their meeting at Salerno in December 1187. 3 The confidence and
respect which bis later letters to Roger reveal is in most striking contrast
with his earlier attitude.
lt is difficult to know whether Bernard or Roger made the first ad-
vances in the negotiations leading towards the establishment of white
Benedictines in the South. Bernard's Epistle !l074 is the first in the
collection of his correspondence to be addressed directly to Roger, but
it cannot be dated with any certainty. It urges Roger to be generous
to the bearer of the letter, evidently a monk. The phraseology is so
general that we cannot judge its purpose.
Whatevel" hints Bernard may have dropped, it was Roger who took
the real initiative by sending a person named Alfanus to Clairvaux to
ask Bernard to send two monks to the Norman kingdom to selecta site
for the abbey. These monks accompanied Elizabeth, third daughter of
Theobald, Count of Champagne, on her trip to Sicily to marry the King's
heir, Duke Roger. 15 When the arrangements were completed. Rop;er 11
1 Ep., 180, PL, CLXXXII, 286, and Ep. 848, ibid., col. 552.
2 Ep., 189, ibid., col. 294.
E. Vacandard, Vie de Saint Bemard (Paris, 1927), 11, 16.
PL, CLXXXII, 874.
a Ep. 447, ibid., col. 640.

163
164 Cistercians
asked St Bernard himself to come down to establish the new community.
But in a letter 1 written, according to Vacandard, 2 between the 15 August
1140 and the 28 November 1141, the abbot of Clairvaux sent his regrets,
and with them a colony of his spiritual sons: 'Suscipe illos tamquam
aduenas et pregrinos, uerumtamen ciues sanctorum, et domesticos Dei.
Parum dixi ciues: reges sunt.'
Evidently the King of Sicily was not niggardly in his reception of these
first Cistercians. Bemard is enthusiastic in his thanks: 'Habetis quod
petiistis; fecistis quod promisistis. Quos in uerbo uestro exposuimus, et
misimus peregrinari, regia sunt liberalitate suscepti.' 3 Yet, astonish-
ingly enough, there is no record in the Cistercian tables of this founda-
tion which was remarkable not only as the beginning of the great Cis-
tercian expansion in Southem Italy and Sicily, but also as the symbol
of reconciliation between two of the most prominent figures of their age.
Janauschek has no opinion as to its name or location. Vacandard 4 calls
it monastery 'x,' and assumes that it was in Sicily.
As is usual in such cases, there is no lack of suggestions. St Mary's
of Novara, 6 in the Val Demone, has been nominated, but, as we shall see,
there is no trace of such a foundation before the last decade of the century.
Vincenzio d'Avino 8 asserts without proof that in 1142 Roger 11 founded
the Cistercian abbey of St Mary de Cardia of the line of Clairvaux in
the diocese of Theatina in the Abruzzi. Since there is no other mention
of such a house, Janauschek suspects that there is a confusion of names
with the abbey of Cabria in Calabria. 7 St Nicholas of Gurguro, near
Palermo, has also been mentioned, 8 but it was evidently Basilian through-

1 Ep. 208, ibid., col. 875.

' Op. ciJ., 11, 64, n. l.
Ep. 209, eiJ.. ciJ., col. 875. Bemard continuea: 'Misimus uobis magistrum Brunonem, olim
mihi per multos diea indiuiduum comitem, nunc autem patrem multarum quidem animarum letan-
tium in Christo, sed egentium in seculo. Experiatur et ipse munificam manum regs.' G. Jonge-
linua, Notitia abbatiarum (Cologne, 1640), Lib. vu, p. 90, repeated by A. Lubin, Abbatiarum ltaliae
breuia notitia (Home, 1698), 261, and M. Camera, Annali delle Diu Sicilie (Naples., 1841-60), 1, 58,
&BSerta that Bruno waa the first abbot of the colony. But it is evident from the text that Bruno
had no connection with the new abbey. Vacandard, n, 64, aays he waa the founder of the house
of Chiaravalle at Milan, and that he waa sent in 1141 to Roger to get help to complete the monutery
of Chien.ti, on which cf. ibid., n. 8.
' Op. ciJ., 11, 668 and 565.
6 lnfra, p. 182.
8 Cenni 8torici 8Ulle chiue del R,egno delle Due Sicilie (Naples, 1848), 209.
7 Ori.gint4, p. lv. But p. lxxii shows that this Basilian house was probably not Latinized until
1218, and Lorenzo Giustiniani, Dmonario geografico-ragionato del R,egno di Na-poli (Naples, 1797-
1805), vm, 220, locales S.M. de Cardia two miles from Sanaalvo in Abruzzo Citeriore. Trinchera,
S11Ualnu, 281 and 280, has diplomas of 1170 and 1182 for Cabria.
8 Pirri, 292, 802; Amico, Lezicon topographicum 8culum (Catania, 1757), IV, 40; Janauschek.
p.lux.
 The Firat Ciatercian 4bbey 165

out the Norman period, and did not become Cistercian until the 14 June
1!?67, when the archbishop of Palermo gave it to Fossanova. 1
There remains a final suggestion, which Janauschek 2 passes over too
lightly. Writing at the end of the sixteenth century, Girolamo Mara-
fioti 3 says, speaking of Filocastro, now Mottafilocastro, six kilometers
from Nicotera in Calabria: 'Sono nelle sue campagne questi Casali, Lim-
bode, Carone, Mandarano, e S. Nicolao, il quale tiene questo nome, per
cagione ch'l Re Roggiero, inanzi che fosse edificata questa habitatione,
v'eresse un magnifico tempio sotto il nome di S. Nicolo, per li monaci
di S. Bernardo, il quale fece molto ricco, si come appare in un privilegio
della chiesa di S. Maria del Saggitario poco lontana da certo luogo detto
Carbone in Basilicata, laqual chiesa e monasterio dei monaci del mede-
simo ordine.' Here at last is a documented assertion, and Marafioti's
tone would imply that he had himself seen Roger's donation. Unfortun-
ately the archive of St Mary's of Sagittario had vanished by Ughelli's
time, 4 and with it all trace of the precious diploma. N evertheless, since
there is no evidence that Roger Il founded more than one Cistercian
house, this thin ray of light should be sufficient to identify the abbey
with St Nicholas's of Filocastro. lts dedication to a saint other than
Our Lady might indicate that an older, possibly Basilian, church was
used to house the immigrants from Clairvaux.
1 The documenta of Gurguro are ali in the cathedral archive of Palermo. Cf. V. Mortillaro,
Catalogo ragionato dei diplomi uVtenti nel fabulario della coltedrale di PaJ.ermo (Palermo, 1842),
eapeeially 88, No. 67; and Mongitore, Bullae, privilegia, etc., 117; cf. iupra., p. U.O, n. 8.
2 Op. cit., p. lvi.
a Croni.che et antichita di Calabrio (Padua, 1601), 122; repeated by Giovanni Fiore, Della Calabrio
illtutrata (Naples, 1691), 1, 189, and L. Giustiniani, op. cit., IV, 284, and vm, 204.
' Ughelli-Coleti, VII, 80, '. . . hujus coenobii monumentorum jacturam ingemiacimus ac dolemus.'
Cf. M. Klinkenborg, 'Papsturkunden im Principato, in der Basilicata und in Calabrien,' (}ljtt.
!Vachr. (1898), 840.
 CISTERCIANS
l. THE PRIORY OF ST ANGEL OF PRIZZI

T HE first patron of the Cistercians in the island of Sicily was Mat-

thew Bonell, famous as the assassin of Maio of Bari. Bis first
foundation, St Angel's of Prizzi, is dated by Janauschek as 'ante a.
1166,' 1 which would seem rather early, in view of Falcandus's description
of Matthew in 1160 as 'etate iuuenis, ut qui prima lanugine genas ues-
tiret.'2 The erection of St Angel's was confirmed in 1161 by William I'
-whether before or alter Bonell's imprisonment and death in March of
that year we do not know. lt seems probable that the house at Prizzi
was a priory of the abbey of Fossanova. north of Terracina, for a con-
firmation of Frederick n mentions a gift by Matthew to that abbey'
and its confirmation by a King William. 11 Moreover Pirri 0 tends to
confuse St Angel's with the monastery of St Mary of Adriano, which in
the thirteenth century became subject to Fossanova. 1
This St Angel's is undoubtedly identical with the monastery of St
Michael of Prizzi which, we are told, 8 was endowed 'tempore Matthei
Bonelle qui fuit Dominus Pericii et Sperlinge,' and which appears to have
been colonized in 1188 by nuns from the Cistercian abbey of St Mary
Magdalene in the city of Tripoli in Syria who fled before the onslaught
of Saladin. Their coming seems connected with the settlement of Cis-
tercian refugees from Syria at Refesio, not far from Prizzi. According to
our one account, Bishop Bartholomew of Agrigento arranged that the
nuns should have St Michael's; we do not know what became of the
monks (or nuns) who had inhabited it during the previous generation.
1 Origirsu, p. l:av.
1 Ed. Siraguaa. SI. Matthew Bonell fint appears as a witneaa in December 1157, ind. 6: el.
Pirri. 98.
1 Pirri, 758.
'Not Casamari. u 1&)'8 Huillard-BrBiolJes, HUI. tlipl., 1, 955.
1 August. 1245, in P. Kehr, 'Otia diplomatica,' Gal. Nadar. (1905), 176: 'quicquid quoodam
Mattheus Bouellus eidem monasterio in Sicilia CODtulit inste et rationaliter, sicut in priuileio
conceMionis quoodam domini regia Guillelmi boa.e recordationia. quod de iure predictum mooaate-
rium habet. pleniu1 continetur.'
Pirri, 706.
'Cf. Kehr, lac. cil.
1 On St Michael.'1 ol Prizzi el. in.Jra, pp. 176-77.
e Appendix. na.
166
 CISTERCIANS

11. THE PRIORY OF ST CHRISTOPHER OF PRIZZI

M ATIHEW BONELL'S second benefaction to the reformed Bene-

dictines was the priory of St Christopher of Prizzi, which he gave
to the Calabrian abbey of St Stephan del Boaco which had changed from
the order of St Bruno to that of St Bemard possibly as early as 1150. 1
At his request, late in 1160, ind. 9, 2 Bishop Gentile of Agrigento gave
St Christopher's to Prior N. of St Stephan's, reserving an annual census
of two pounds of incense and the right to approve the prior of the
church of Prizzi. It will be remembered that according to Falcandus,'
Bonell went to Calabria in 1160 as Maio's emissary. Probably on that
joumey he made bis gift to St Stephan's. 6
1 So A. Manrique. CilUTcienaium annalu (Lyom, 16H-9), II, 17S; Ughelli-Coleti, r, 956, and
rx. 428; and JanaullChek, l!U. St Stephan's was certainly Cistercian by 1185, when it colonized
the Holy Trinity of Ligno in Calabria. However, the t.raruder was not formally ratified by the
Holy See until the December 119!; cf. JL. No. 16938, and Charles Le Couteulx, Annalu ordinia
cartulienlia (Montreuil, 1888), m, Hi.
1 Appendix, xxrv.
a The Girgentian census list of 1170-76 (Appendix. xxx1) makes it a pound of incense and a
rotultu of wax.
' Op. cit., Si.
1 St Stephan's may also have had l&nds at Polizzi, the possession of which was confirmed by

Countess Adelicia, who does not appear alter March 1161 {cf. Falcandus, 68). Francesco Vargas-
Macciuca, Eaame deUe mntate cartee diplomi di S. Stejano del Boaco (Naples. 1765), p. lCCC, produces
a document of February 1178 (117'), ind. 7, in which William 11 confirms to Master Benedict of
St Stephan's 'omnia bona stabilia .. que quondam presbiter Petrus in tenimento Policii eidem
monasterio dederat, qui presbiter Petrus ea haberat ex largitione Comitis Guillelmi Burrelli . et
postmodum illustris mulier domina Adecyde {sic) neptis predicti gloriosissimi Regia Rogerii aui
nostri, bona ipsa eidem monasterio confirmauit, et de aua liberalitate concesait super fromaria
policii tres bactinderios habendos libere absque ullo aeruicio temporali.' Vargas, p. lCCC, t.hi.nb
it ia a forgery, as ia its pretended confirmation by Frederick 11 of April HH; cf. BHhmer-Ficker,
No. 667, and Huillard-Brholles, 1, 986.

167
 CISTERCIANS

111. THE ABBEY OF THE HOLY SPIRIT OF P ALERM01

T HE Cistercian boUBe of the Holy Spirit, still standing on the south-

ern fringe of Palermo, 2 was founded by Walter Offamil, the English
archbishop of that see from 1169 to 1190. 1 The date of its erection can-
not be determined exactly. The Cistercian chronologies, followed by
Manrique,' give the 23 June 1178. On the ha.sis of the ancient tradition
that, on the day work was commenced on the monastery, there was an
eclipse of the sun, 6 Janauschek settles the matter to bis own satisfaction
by putting the date back to the 28 June 1172, 'quo eclipsis solis vere
accidit.' However, in 1172 there was no solar eclipse visible at Palenno.
There is further suspicion of Manrique's date, since he cites a diploma
of William 11 dated November 1178 as of 1178. 7
There is more to be said for the date 1178. lt is universally favored
by the older Sicilian historians. 8 On the 18 Septemher 1178 the path
of a total eclipse passed directly over Palermo, 11 which is conclusive,
we can trust Fazello's report of it, which he claims 'Siculorum annales
referunt.'
The question is complicated, however, by the existence of a lavish
l Valenti. in 1l rlpO normanno, 246, calla Santo Spirito Benedictine. poesibly confusing it with
another Palennitan church of the 1&me dedication, founded in lSM and subject to the abbey of
San Martino delle Scale; cf. Pirri, 1099.
Photographl in ll regno normanno, fip. iSS-5. V. di Giovanni holda (Topograji,a antiea di
Palmno, n, 167-76) that our abbey ia an older, pouibly pre-Moelem. church rebuilt in part by the
Normana.
Gama, 951, following Pirri, gives the date of Walter'11 death &11 1194. But Mongitore in Pirri,
Srd edn. (1788), llS, n. l, userts that in 1718 he read the almoat illegible tombstone in the Paler-
mitan cathedral indicating 1190. Cf. Garufi in ASS, xxvm (1908), 188.
'Angelo Manrique, Ct.ercienlium annalu (Lyon.s, 1642), n, 549.
6 Mattheu1 Silvagiua, De trilnu peregr,n (Venice, 1542), HS; 'Anno domini 1178 edificari cepit
ecclesia aancti 11piritua extra menia urbia panbormi et illa die fuit maxima 110lia ea:lypaia'; cf. Fuello,
D1 relnu li.cul (Palermo, 1568), Dec. 1, Lib. vm, p. 187-8, and Manrique. op. cit., n, 550.
1 Originu, 166.
1 Op. cit., 11, 549.
1 Sel vaggio and Fuello u above; Pirri, 111; Franceaco Maurolico, Sicanaru rerum c:ompmdiu
(Mesaina, 1662), 86; A. Mongitore, ll monamro di S. Spirito, publiahed from MS Qq E 6 of the Bib.
Com. Palermo by V. di Giovanni, op. cit., 11, 277; Inveges, Palermo nobile (Palenno, 1651), O.
J. F. Schroeter, Spniell1r Kanon defo Zmtralen Sonnen- und Mondfifl#f.erni11e, toelcM irurllalb
d~ Zeraum. ron 600 bia 1800 N. Ciar. in Europa ftclatbar waren (Oslo, 1928), Karte 70b.

168
 The Holy Spirit'a of Palermo 169

donation by King William 11 to the church. The charter is dated the 9

November 1178, 1 but the eleventh indiction and twelfth regnal year in-
dicate that the September epoch was used in reckoning the date, which
is therefore the 9 November 1177. Nor is ita donation in advance of
the construction of the abbey: the King speaks of the church 'quam . . .
edificari fecisti extra menia Panormi! Manrique 2 asserts that this was
the first Cistercian foundation not dedicated to the Virgin, and suspects
therefore that the Holy Spirit may not have been a new abbey, but an
older house subjected to .the Cistercian reformation. 3 There is no evi-
dence of such an earlier monastery, but it is probable that there was an
older chapel on the spot, dedicated to the Holy Ghost, which was rebuilt
and enlarged, and that the Cistercians were too good theologians to oust
an Hypostasis to make way even for the Virgin.
We may therefore believe that Archbishop Walter had done sorne
building before N ovember 1177, and at the same time credit the legend
that the eclipse of 1178 marked some event in the church structure. ln-
deed, if we may trust the anonymous Cronicon aiculum,' the church was
not completed until 1179, for 'consacrata fuit Ecclesia Sancti Spiritus de
Panormo videlicet anno Domini MCLXXIX, regni ejusdem Regs [Guil-
lelmi] anno XIII, ut scriptum est in tribuna magna Ecclesiae ipius.' Mon-
gitore adds 6 that, according to a marginal note in an ancient martyr-
ology used by the monks of the Holy Spirit, the church was consecrated
in April. And, as every Sicilian knows, it was consecrated on the Tues-
day after Easter; for it was among the crowds gathered at Santo Spirito
on the feast of its consecration, which in H8!l fell on the 81 March, that
the terrible Sicilian Vespers started, which drove the French from the
island. In 1179 the Tuesday after Easter was the 8 April.
Manrique 11 asserts that Archbishop Walter secured monks for his
church from the monastery of Sambucina, in the Calabrian diocese of
Bisignano. There is a legend that a great treasure was found in the new
abbey's foundations which Offamil used not simply for the Holy Spirit
but also for the construction of his new cathedral. 7 But whatever may
have been Walter's donations to the Cistercians, the real wealth of the
cloister came from the above mentioned charter of William 11 of the 9
1 Amico, 1295; and Mongitore in V. di Giovanni, op. cit., II, 278-81.
2 Op. cit., u, 549; el. 11Upra, p. 165.
8 Ali the earlier houses not devoted to St Mary listed by Janauschek eeem to have been reformed
rather than founded by the Cisterciana.
4 Cap. 15, in E. Martene and U. Durand, Thuaunu 1IOt'UI anecdotorum {Paria, 1717), m, 10.
W'tlliam II's thirteenth year ended the 14 May 1179.
6 In V. di Giovann, op. cit., II, 285-6.
11 Manrique, II, 549; cf. Janauschek, 148.
7 Fazello, Dec. 1, Lib. vm, p. 188, and Mongitore in V. di Giovanni, op. cit., II, 284.
170 Cistercians
November 1177-so much so that Pirri, who knows better, once refers
to the King as the builder of the church. 1
This diploma tells us that Queen Margaret had already given the
monastery a large garden. William himself gave it the church of St
John at the Castello Mare in Palermo, 2 with its villains, lands, and its sub-
ject churches of St Mary and St Peter de Impero with their casalia.
William likewise donated to the abbey the church of St Pantaleon with
its casale of Galli Rebalsuat, and the church of St Nicholas of Misilmeri
with its lands along the river of Misilmeri. aut the various privileges
granted in this charter were perhaps as important as the lands and
churches. The goods of the abbey, and whatever it might huy or sell,
were to be exempt from all tolls at the gates of Palermo, or duties at its
port. Besides this indirect subsidy, the King granted an annual contri-
bution from the doghana of Palermo of three hundred taris for the monks'
clothing, together with fifty barreis of tuna, and twenty of wine from
the doghana of the port of Palermo every month. Moreover the animals
of the monastery were to have free pasturage and glandage in the royal
domains, and be free 'ah omni exactione passagii, plateatici, siue pedagii.'
The monks might keep a fishing boat at Palermo free of all port-taxes or
dues to the Doghana Pucium, and grind their grain freely in the royal
milis. Finally, if an accusation were brought against any retainer of
the abbey, he was to be tried only in the abbot's court, save in criminal
cases involving penalties of life or limb.
Janauschek gives the name of the first abbot of Santo Spirito as
Alexander, but 1 have found no mention of him earlier than a charter
dated the ~l November 1196, ind. 3 (sic),4 in which Countess Guarneria
of Gerace gives the abbey the church of St Mary of Altoplano, near Tusa,
as a priory, together with one hundred taris a year to support twelve
monks. This was the second colony sent out by Santo Spirito, the first
having been in 1188, when the Basilian foundation of St Mary of Ligno
became Cistercian. 5
At its very inception our abbey may have been visited by the famous
Joachim of Flora, who carne to Palermo before the H December 1177,
ind. H, to attend to the affairs of his monastery of St Mary of Curatio
1 Pirri, 111.
2 V. di Giovanni, op. cil., 1, 66. Fuello, Dec. 1, Lib. vm, p. 186, followed by Mongitore in
MS Qq E 11, fol. 127, of Bib. Com. Palermo, asserts that this was the church of St John given to
the Neapolitans in 1616, and rebuilt by them in 1626. However San Giovanni dei Napolitani ia
across the ancient port from the Castello Mare.
a Originu, 166.
Pirri, BS7; Amico, 1296. Poaaibly the best palaeographic recoostruction of the date would be
MC:Xcm, ind. xii.
6 lnfra, p. 178.
 - - - - - - - -- --- -

Tks Holy Syi,rit'a of Pakrmo 171

in Calabria, but who had returned to the mainland by the 18 February

1178, ind. H, regni 18, as we learn from a correspondence between Wil-
liam II and Walter of Moac. 1 Certainly when Joachim visited Palermo
with Abbot Luke of Sambucina in 1196 and interviewed the Empresa
Constance, he stayed at Santo Spirito. 2
1 Mamique. m. eo.
1 1'1id., m.171-1 H. Bett. Joadri,,,,. o/ Flora (Londoa. 1981}, 16, n. l.

, 1
 CISTERCIANS

IV. THE ABBEY OF THE HOLY TRINITY OF REFESIO

1 N the tabulary of the cathedral of Agrigento is a charter of February

1170, ind. 8, in which Bishop Gentile of Agrigento gives to Ansaldus,
castellan of the royal palace in Palermo, 1 permission 'in hosco qui dicitur
uillanoue rehedificandi ecclesiam in honorem beati Georg.' In the
original the words 'beati Georgii' have been scratched out with a much
blacker ink, and a contemporary hand has interlined: 'sancti trinitatis
et rehedificandi aliam sancti Georgii in loco qui dicitur refes.' Finally,
the 're' in the first 'rehedificandi' has been erased, and a thirteenth-
century hand has added 'in honorem beati uirginis M. The same tabu-
lary contains the original of an officia] transcript given the 19 November
H5~ to Bishop Raynaldus of Agrigento, in which the judge asserts:
'legimus, relegimus diligenter, et . . . ipsum uidimus non abolitum, non
abrasum, non fractum, non uiciatum, nec ullum uicium penes se conti-
nere, sed in prima sua figura existere.' Neverthe1ess this transcript con-
tains the fully garbled text: 'in hosco qui dicitur Villanoue edificandi
ecc]esiam in honorem Sancti Trinitatis, et rehedificandi aliam ecclesiam
Sancti Georgii in honorem beate Virginis Marie in loco qui dicitur Retles'
-which sadly shakes our faith in official transcripts! 2
lt is evident that originally Ansaldus expected to erect a monastery
adjoining the restored church of St George, for its 'abbas, prior, uel
yconomus' was to be consecrated by the bishop of Agrigento, to be sub-
1 Hugo Falcandus is our chief informant about Ansaldus. He succeeded as CMtellmtua to Mal-
gerius, whose carelessness wu largely responsible for the capture of the royal palace and of William 1
hi1D8elf by the fellow-conspiratora of Matthew Bonell on the 9 March 1161 (ed. Siragusa. 52). HU
appointment was amply justi6ed by bis presence of mind in thwarting a break from the palace
prisons in 1162 (p. 86). He is later found as the loyal assistant. friend and adviser (pp. US, 166-6)
of Cbancellor Stepban of Perche. Our other soul'Cell are 11C&11ty. In Marcb 1167, ind. 15, regni l.
he and Eutropius, cantor of the Cappella Palatina, exchanged houses in the Kalsa of Palermo (el.
[A. Garofalo), Tabularium &viae et lmperialu Ca~ Colleg1'ae Diui Petri in &gio Panonnilana
Palatio [Palermo, 1885), p. 24). He is named in December 6675 (1166), ind. 15, as "ro .,.,urtto.T'o
1J4l'1T'po T'Oii clP111KMT'>..>..011 Kp ' A11HM011' (Cusa, 74 and 728). We shall notice bis gift in Apl
1171 to the Holy Sepulchre. He was dead, as we shall see, by December of that year: the incidental
mention of .,.o o.r"lt.10 Kt1poii cl11'1>..llo11' (Cusa, HO and 728; Trinchera, 249, No. 190) of Jul7
6686 (1177), ind. 10, does not indicate that he was still alive.
1 The published veraion of the charter of 1170, in Doc. ined., 122, ll taken from MS Qq H 6, No.

11, of the Bib. Com. Palermo, which has the interpolated text, without indication of changea. Cf.
Garufi in A.SS, xxvm (1908), 125, and Pirri, 751.
172
 The Holy Trinity's of Refeaio 178

ject to him, to come to his synod, to pay an annual census of two pounds
of wax and one of incense (but no tithes), and to visit the cathedral thrice
ayear, at stated feasts. However, it appears that Ansaldus's plans soon
became more ambitious: no longer content with merely rebuilding St
George's, he adopted as his primary aim the erection of the monastery
of the Holy Trinity, with the church of St George subordinated to it.
But there is a confusion as to the Iocation of these two churches.
The original version of the charter of 1170 declares that St George's is
'in hosco qui dicitur uillanoue.' The first interpolation, however, asserts
that the ruined church of St George was 'in loco qui dicitur refes,' while
the new church of the Trinity was in the wood of Villanova. lt is evi-
dent that we are dealing with two neighboring churches, but that the
name Refesio has a tendency to annex the wood of Villanova. 1 This
process of absorption proceeded rapidly until, as we shall see, probably
by 1187, and certainly by 1198, the Holy Trinity of Villanova had be-
come the Holy Trinity of Refesio. The name Villanova, however, re-
mained dominant, at least in the beginning, for both churches. In a
Iist of census due to Agrigento, compiled certainly by 1176, 2 we find the
tem: 'Monasterium S. Trinitatis, et ecclesia S. Georgii que sunt in teni-
mento Villanoue cere libras ii et incensi libram i.'
The tendency for 'Refesio' to absorb 'Villanova' accounts for much
of the confusion in the history of our monastery. In December 1171,
ind. 5, regni 6, William Il gave to the abbey of St John of the Hermits
in Palermo the 'feuda Refesii, Bellichi, Bordini et Sebi, que sunt prope
Saccam et Bibonam.' In the thirteenth century, when St George's had
been rebaptized as St Mary's of Refesio, this donation led to long litiga-
tion between the abbots of St John's and the bishops of Agrigento.
An interminable proces-verbal of an inquest held under King Manfred,
ind. 8 (therefore a59-60),' casts sorne light on the vicissitudes of the

1 Pirri, 751, distinguishes clearly between the church of Refesio and that of the Trinity 'iuxta
Refesio in Villanov& regione.'
2 Appendix, XXXI. The tmnimu a quo is our ch&rter of February 1170; th&t ad quem is provided
by the tem: 'Ecclesi& S. Mari& de fluminaria. que est in parrochia Agrigentina in territorio Corrile-
onis.' In September 1176, ind. 10, regni 11 (Pirri, 701; with 1177), Bishop B&rtholomew records
hia gift to Monreale of the revenues of the church of Agrigento in Corleone. The full sweep of
thia tl'&Dllfer is shown in William Il's charter of January 1177, ind. 10, regni 11 (Pirri, 700; Tab.
Mcmr., No. 18), compensating Agrigento 'pro decimis, et omnibus reditibus, quos eadem Agrigentin&
Ecclesi& in Castello Corilionis, et in omnibus tenementis ipsius Castelli siue &b&ronibus siue &liunde
habehat,' which have been ceded to Monreale.
a Cited by Pirri, 700 and 1H5, who had not seen the complete te:rt.
Published by G. Picone, Me"TnOTU 8Wr:M agrigentiM (Girgenti, 1866), Memoria VI, parte 1,
pp. ix-xxi, from the original of & tr&nscript of the 20 June H.50 (sic!) (H60] ind. S, Manfredi 2,
in the tabulary of the cathedr&I of Agrigento. His te:rt has numerous erron: e.g., 'Ans&ldus capel-
lanus.'
174 Ciaterciana
house of Refesio in the Norman period, and upon a curious document
which complicates its history. The witnesses assert that Ansaldus the
castellan founded and built 'Sancta Maria de Rephesio' and gave it to
the church of Agrigento in a 'priuilegium ah eodem Ansaldo factum'
(not extant). At Ansaldus's death his lands, and St Mary's, devolved
into the King's hands, who gave them to St John's of the Hermits. (This
is probably William Il's donation of December 1171 which we have just
noticed.) Since Bishop Bartholomew (who ruled Agrigento from 1172
to c. 1191) could not find Ansaldus's privilege, he was forced to consent
to this loss. But several years Iater Bartholomew found the missing
charter, and King William (who died in 1189) revoked his donation to
San Giovanni degli Eremiti in a 'priuilegium reuocationis, restitutionis
et confirmationis.'
The witnesses agree that since then the bishop of Agrigento had always
controlled both the temporals and spirituals of St Mary's of Refesio,
including the benediction of the abbot, but that during the rebellions
under Frederick n. when the bishop was unable to reach Refesio, the
abbot of St John's may have exercised some jurisdiction over it. There
had been no monks in the abbey since the rebellion of 1220, when the
Saracens, led by a certain 'comitissa uxor comitis Bemardini' captured
Bishop Urso and held him fourteen months for ransom. Since then the
church of Refesio had been simply a benefice in the gift of the bishop of
Agrigento.
But Abbot Jucundus of St John's had challenged the right of Bisbop
Rainald (S February H40-c. 1264), and since the bishop could find
neither that elusive donation of Ansaldus, nor the confirmation of Wil-
liam II (they may well have been destroyed in the riotous intervening
years), he was forced to agree to build another church for St John's in
order to retain control of St Mary's of Refesio. Shortly thereafter, how-
ever, the Bishop found William II's privilege, exclaiming: 'Benedictus
Deus, quod reperi priuilegium, quo non habito in questione, non poteram
me tueri contra abbatem!'-and refused to keep his contract!
Bishop Rainald might better have exclaimed: 'Thanks be to God,
that l've found a man who can forge a charter !' For the document he
'found' was not King William's 'priuilegium reuocationis, et confirma-
tionis,' given several years after Ansaldus's death, but an alleged royal
diploma of which he secured an official transcript on the IS October
1252, ind. 11, Conradi i. It is dated December 1172, ind. 5, regni 6, 1
that is 1171, using the September epoch. 1 It gives the church of Agri-

l AppendD. XXVIII.
1 K. A. Kehr. SOS, n. S, calla the lraD.lumpt 't.rustworth7.'
 The H oly Tnnity'a of &feai,o 175

gento, freely and absolutely, 'ecclesiam ad honorem genetricis dei Marie

constructam in nemore quod dicitur Refesi,' together with the three
casalia of Gardalisi, Billuchia, and Sebi, with a tenement and mili below
the mountain of Caltabellotta. It will be remembered that in a charter
of identical date William 11 gave the same properties to St John's. Both
documents cannot be authentic. And while the inquest of 1259-60 shows
popular knowledge of the existence of the donation to St John's, which
was later revoked, it is equally evident that our document of December
1171 for Agrigento does not coincide with the memory of King William's
diploma. lt does not fit into an otherwise consistent picture.
Turning to the charter itself: K. A. Kehr, the most careful student of
the royal diplomas of N orman Sicily, noticed 1 that the title of the notary,
Robert, should be magiater. Moreover the charter calls the church of
Refesio St Mary's, whereas ali the other documents until the garbled
transumpt of the 19 November lU~ cited above 2 consistently uses the
names Holy Trinity and St George-the census list of 1170-76 is espe-
cially useful for the period of our alleged donation. Finally, the style
of the introduction immediately casts suspicion on the diploma's validity:
the chancery of the N orman kings did not emit such rivers of turgid
piety and questionable grammar. We may therefore conclude that the
charter of William 11 for Agrigento of December 1171 is a forgery of the
middle of the thirteenth century. Its only value lies in the detailed de-
scription of the properties of the church of Refesio, which will be of
interest to local topographers. We have every reason to believe that
it is accurate: the motive of the forgery was not to increase Refesio's
holdings, but to establish Agrigento's authority over them.
What kind of monks inhabited the monastery of Refesio? Pirri 8 as-
sumed that they were Benedictines. Ansaldus's only other benefaction
of which we have any record was the gift of a house in Messina to the
Augustinian canons of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem in April 1171,
ind. 4.' If Ansaldus died late in 1171, it is improbable that the build-
ings at Refesio were completed or a community installed during his life-
time. In the few years between William's donation of the feud to St
John's and his revocation of it, the church probably housed white-robed
hermits of the order of Montevergine, 6 whence San Giovanni degli Ere-
miti had been colonized. Equally probably Bishop Bartholomew of
1 Op. cit., 69.
1 P. 17~.
P. 700.
E. de Roziere, Carlulaire d11 Saifll Slpulcre (Paria, 1849), 295, No. 16.S.
6 Giovanni Giacomo Giordano, ClaronicAe di Monte Vergine (Naples, 1648), 825, refers to the

cooverts receiviog from St William of Vercelli's baods 'l'habito mooastico biaoco.'

176 Cistercians
Agrigento ousted his rivals when he succeeded in regaining possession of
Refesio.
A note, apparently written in the middle of the thirteenth century, 1
informs us that 'antiquo tempore' certain monks :Bed from across the sea
for fear of the Saracens, and that the bishop of Agrigento gave them
St Mary's of Refesio. Likewise, certain nuns 'albis indumentis indute,'
similarly :Beeing, were given St Michael's of Prizzi, probably identical
with the Ci,stercian house of St Angel of Prizzi. 2 Retuming to our
lengthy inquest of 1259-60, we find a witness declaring that over sixty
years before he had seen at the church of Refesio 'aliquos monachos
albos, qui cum interrogaret eos, cuius nomine stabant, responderunt se
statutos fuisse a domino Bartholomeo, episcopo Agrigentino, et authori-
tate et licentia sua stare' 3-most assuredly these were not monks from
St John's of Palermo ! Evidently we are dealing with two refugee col-
onies of Cistercians from the Levant: monks at Refesio, nuns at Prizzi,
established by Bishop Bartholomew before his transfer to the see of
Palermo in 1191.
Let us tum to the Cistercian historians. Jongelinus' declares that
the second filia of the Syrian abbey of Bellus Mons, of the line of Mori-
mond, was the Holy Trinity of Refet, Refech, or Rephech, colonized in
1187, in the Cyprian diocese of Famagusta. Manrique, 6 examining the
Cistercian chronologies for 1187, says: 'Video et Sanctam Trinitatem de
Rephec ad hunc annum sed in Grecia, aut Cypro; nulla ala notitia
clariori.' The abb Dubois 0 repeats Jongelinus, giving the name as
'de Refelt.' Janauschek 7 points out that the abbey can scarcely have
been in Cyprus, since there were no Latn churches on the island before
the third crusade. He suspects, since llefech is clearly an Arabic name,
that the Holy Trinity was in Syria.
Needless to say, we have at last located the elusive monastery. When,
in 1187, Saladin launched the Moslem forces against the Christian garri-
sons of Syria and Palestine, sorne, at least, of the monk.s of Bellus Mons, 8
1 Appendix. xux. lt is in the untitled volume in the cathedral archive of Agrigento, which
Garufi, 'L'Archivio Capitolare di Girgenti,' A.SS, xxvm (1908), 187, dates 1250-60. lt is to be
noted that our account does not say that the nuns settled at Priui in the time of Matthew Boodl
(d. 1161), but rather that the limita of St Michael's landa were determined thea.
:a Supra, p. 166.
a Pcone, op. cit., p. xvi.
'Op. cit., Lib. vn, p. 94; cf. also index of Lib. 1, and Indez chronologicua.
1 Op. cit., m, 200.
Hilloire de l'abba11e de MoritMnd (Paria, 1851), lndex.
7 Op. cit., 188.
1 A daughter of Morimond, founded in 1167; cf. Janawchek, 189; Jongelinua, loe. cit., Manrique,

11, 302. No ahbot of Bellua Mon.s is known befare H8i, when 'Pierre l'Aleman, abb de la Mailon
 The Holy Trinity's of &fesi,o 177

the only Cistercian abbey in the diocese of Tripoli, fled to safety in Sicily,
and were settled by Bishop Bartholomew at Refesio. There was, in the
city of Tripoli, a Cistercian nunnery of St Mary Magdalene, 1 and prob-
ably its occupants found refuge in St Michael's of Prizzi. How they
reached Sicily is evident: in the spring of 1188 William 11 sent Admiral
Margaritus with eighty galleys to relieve Tripoli from Saladin's siege. 2
The refugees returned with the fleet.
In direct confirmation of our conclusions as to the church of Refesio
is an inedited bull of Innocent 111 of the 8November1198, ind. !l, pontif.
1, 3 for Abbot William and the brethren of the Holy Trinity of Refesio.
The bull exists in a confirmation given at Palermo, in April l!l71, to
'Frater Gualterius Cantor Monasterii Belli Montis in Syria Tripolitani
Diecesis Cisterciensis ordinis et Preceptor Monasterii Sancte Trinitatis
de Refesio filie Bellimontis.' The Pope took under his protection the
monastery of Refesio to which the monks had transferred ('in quo man-
cupati estis obsequio'), and confirmed its possession of Refesio, Villanova,
and the casalia of Buligie (Billuchia) and Sibeti (Sebi), as well as a grange
and milis near Caltabellotta. Finally, the abbey hada variety of priv-
iliges confirmed, rendering it largely independent of the bishop of
Agrigento.
A Norman church called St Mary's of Refesio still exists near Burgio
in southern Sicily, and awaits restoration. 1 shall leave it to those fa-
miliar with the topography to decide whether this is the rebuilt church
of St George, later called St Mary's, or whether it is the church of the
Holy Trinity, which, overwhelmed by popular piety, has succumbed to
the Mother of God.

de Beaumont, de l'Ordre de Cisteaux, devant Triple,' appeara; cf. L. de Maa Latrie, Hutoire de
fik de Chypre 8C1IU k r~ du princu de la mai8on de Luaignan (Paris, 1865), III, 667.
1 Janauschek, 189.
2 Chalandon, 11, 416, n. 4 gives the sourcea, but neglects James of Vitry, Lib. 1, c. 95, in Bongars,
r. 1119.
a Appendix, XLVII. There seems to be no trace of this bull in the Vatican. A. Luchaire, 'Les
registres d'Innocent DI et les Regiltra de Potthast.' Bibliothbue de la Fa.cul,U du Lethu, Unioerli.U
de Pam, fase. 18 (1904), 5, asserta that while the registers are contemporary, they are not 'originala.'
made from day to day, but rather a handsome 'edition'-'sorte de recueil d'apparat ou l'on n'inserait
pas indistinctement toutes les expditions grossoyes.'
' Photographs in ll regno normanno (Measina, 1982), figs. 6S and 66; cf. p. 218.
 CISTERCIANS

Ezcurll'U8

TBE ABBEY OF ST MARY OF LIGNO

I N a lengthy diploma of January 1188, ind. 6, regni !!!!, 1 Archbishop

Walter of Palermo converted the ahbey of St Mary of Ligno from
the Basilian to the Cistercian rule. Apparently both the spiritual and
the temporal states of the monastery were in great decay 'per abbatum
et monachorum gravissimos et evidentes excessus.' So with the permis-
sion of William 11, the abbot of the Cistercian house of the Holy Spirit
in Palermo instituted the rule of his order at Ligno. W alter confirmed
to the new Latin ahbot, named Michael, 2 the possessions of the cloister,
free of all obligation, as was required by the Cistercians, to wit: the
casalia of Ligno itself and of St Pantaleon, with their churches and vil-
lains and tenements, and Iikewise the churches of St Nicholas of Grati
and St Angel near Malveto. The cathedral church of Palermo, how-
ever, retained the income from the casale of Scillutani 'in tenimento
Tirgani,' 3 thus saving to its treasury the cen8U8 paid by the Basilians,
while complying with the Cistercian rule. Moreover if the abbot a.nd
monks of Ligno should decide to move their monastery to Malveto,
they might do so. The derelictions of the abbot were to be tried in the
archbishop's court, but according to the Cistercian rule. The abbot
himself was to try disputes involving his own clergy and peasants, save
in cases reserved to the royal courts. Otherwise the abbot of Ligno
and its churches were to be subject to the normal jurisdiction of the
archbishop, always saving the Cistercian rule, and each year, in token
of obedience, the monks were to pay the Church of Palermo two pounds
of wax.
In December of the same year, ind. 7, regni 28,' a new Abbot Alex-
ander15 of St Mary's of Ligno came to Palermo and secured a confirma-
1Doc. ined., 216-HI.
2The published text, drawn from a transumpt of 1287 in the Palermo Cathedral, rea.da, p. 116
'fratri monachi Abbati sancte Marie de Ligno.' The copy in MS Qq E H4 of Bib. Com. Palermo
haa 'fratri Micbaeli.'
8 Thia appears from Celestine III'a confirmation; cf. infra, p. 179, n. l.
Doc. intd., 229.
1 He can hardly be identical with the Abbot Aleunder of the mother-houae of the Holy Spirit.
unleu he wu later transferred to thia latter.
178
 St M ary's of Ligno 179
tion of all his abbey's goods from William 11. Finally on the 9 February
1198, ind. ll, 1 Pope Celestine 111 gave to still another abbot of Ligno,
named Peter, a con.firmation of Walter Offamil's charter, including the
permission to move St Mary's to St Angel of Malveto, should it prove
expedient, and took the abbey and its possessions under bis special
protection.
Those who have deigned to notice St Mary's of Ligno have identified
it with the abbey of the Holy Trinity of Ligno in the diocese of Rossano,
between Corigliano and Acri. 2 Janauschek's study of the Calabrian
abbey would seem to justify such an identification by giving 'S. M.
de Ligno-Crucis' as an alternative name. Yet there are certain diffi-
culties which should be noticed. According to the best Cistercian tables,
'SS. Trinitas de Ligno' was founded in 1185 as a colony of St Stephan's
del Boaco.' But, as we have seen, 'S. Maria de Ligno' was Cistercianized
in 1188 from the Holy Spirit in Palermo. Nor does the title 'S. Maria
de Ligno' ever appear in the published references to the Calabrian abbey. 6
Janauschek evidently draws it solely from the Cistercian chronologies.
And, although the church of Palermo owned certain lands near Nicotera
in Calabria, 0 we know nothing of an episcopal jurisdiction in Calabria
exercised by the archbishop of Palermo as extensive as that indicated
in the charters for Ligno.
Yet despite these objections, it seen probable that the abhey of St
Mary of Ligno was in Calahria. 'Gratum' is probahly connected with
the river Crati, and 'Malvetum,' the site of St Angel's, would seem to
be the Malveto in the diocese of San Marco. 7
1 Ibd., !49; not in JL; cf. P. Kehr, 'Papaturkunden.' 884.
A. Mongitore. Bicilitu ~ adnotationu (Palermo, 1785), 8; V. Mortillaro, Diplomi dslla
caUtdrale di Palermo (Palermo, lSH), 61.
1 Op. cit., 186.
'lbid.
a G. Jongelinua, Notitiae abbatiarum Mdinv ciatercier& (Cologne. 1640), Lib. vu, p. 78, No. 57;
Gregoriua de Laude, Magni divinique B. JoacAim . a-pologetica (Naples, 1660), 26; Manrique.
m. 16i; Ughelli-Coleti, tx, i87, 294-S; Luhin, 190; B. R. de Riso, Dilcorli ~ici, Della tila 1
delle opere dell' AbaU Oioachino (Milan, 1872), 76.
e Pirri, 77, and Mortillaro, 42.
7 Giuatiniani, op. cit., v, 884. The 'Malvdum' of Doc. ined., 218, is a miaprint; cf. Mortillaro, 61.
 CISTERCIANS

V. THE ABBEY OF THE HOLY TRINITY OF THE CHAN-

CELLOR IN PALERMO

M ATTHEW of Agello, a notary under William I, vice-chancellor

under William II, chancellor under Tancred, and one of the out-
standing figures of Norman Sicily, was a great patron of those who
chose the religious life. 1 He built and endowed both the Hospital of
All Saints outside Palermo, and a Benedictine nunnery within the city,
known as St Mary's of the Chancellor, or of the Latins. His greatest
foundation, however, was the Holy Trinity in Palermo, given to the
Cistercians.
The date of its inception is uncertain. That almost universally given
is 1150, 2 but on worthless grounds. Fazello claims that shortly after
its foundation King William 1 gave it a casale named Meralme Mesa-
laime fifteen miles south of Palermo, in a diploma dated 1150. 3 Since
William 1 was not crowned King until the 8 April 1151, and since he did
not really rule until after his father's death in 1154, Fazello must be in
error. No charter for the Holy Trinity is extant given by a King Wil-
liam; and one suspects that if it ever existed it was of William II rather
than William l. lf the assertion of the Cistercian tables be correct that
our abbey was a filia of the Holy Spirit in Palermo, 4 then its foundation
must be put after 1177. Architecturally, also, the church, which is
slowly being restored to its primitive form, belongs to the very end of
the Norman epoch. 5
We have no trace of Matthew of Agello's 6 original donation, but that
it was rather liberal is implied by the confirmation, in 1197, by the Em-
peror Henry VI of 'possessiones omnes et tenementa que ex devotione
1 On Matthew cf. Garu6, 'Le benedettine in Sicilia,' Bull. In. Stm. Ital., XLVJJ (1982), 268, n. i.
2 A. Mongitore, Monumenta htmi,ca aacrae Domua Man.rionu S. S . Trinitatu (Palermo, 1721), 5.
V. Mortillaro, Elenco cronologico delle antiche pergamene pertinenti alla real chiua ddla M~
(Palermo, 1859), p. xv; V. di Giovanni, Topografia ant. Pal., n, !M.O; Pirri's date 1160 is a typographi-
cal error for 1150 according to Mongitore, loe. cit., and Amico, lMOT.
8 Dec. 1, Lib. V1lI (edn. 1558), p. 188. Tomamira, Sicily's worst fablemonge.r, seems to be re-

sponsible for the statement (quoted by Mongitore, Ji, Amico, lMOT, and Janauschek, 196) that
the Cistercians left the Holy Trinity in 1195 'postquam xxxxv annis monasterium tenuissent.'
Janauschek, 196.
6 C. Valenti in ll regrw normanno, 244. For photographs, c. ibl., figs. 180-184.
e Died May-July 1198, cf. K. A. Kehr, Oi.
180
 Tke Holy Trinity'a of tke Chancellor in P<ilermo 181

eiusdem Cancellarii et filiorum eius, ipsum monasterium . . . possidet.' 1

Our first evidence of the monastery's existence is a Greek diploma of
November 6700 (1191), ind. 10, in which Chusun, daughter-in-law of
Muza, with her sons Maimun and John, sold to the abbot of the Holy
Trinity of the Chancellor a house in Palermo, near the court bakery,
for fifty taris. 2 Thenceforth charters come at relatively frequent inter-
vals-an additional indication that the monastery had not long been in
existence. Less than a year later, in September 119~. ind. 11, regni 8, 3
Rusticus, a justiciar of the royal curia, gave the abbey two shops in the
Cassaro. In June 1194, ind. l~, the first year of William 111,' 4 Count
Richard of Agello, Matthew's son, gave the Holy Trinity a vineyard
and land near Monte Pellegrino which he had inherited from his f'ather,
as well as a garden and canneto.
Late in November of the same year, ind. 18, 6 after the complete vic-
tory of the Hohenstaufen forces over the faction of Tancred and William
111 which the Agello family had so vigorously supported, Rainald of
Moac, Count of Ariano and justiciar under Henry VI, gave to Abbot
Ludovicus of the Holy Trinity of the Cistercians all his tenements near
Palermo. This donation is somewhat surprising, for one would expect
a supporter of the Suabian cause, if he felt inclined to make a gift to the
white monks of Palermo, to do so to the monastery of the Holy Spirit,
founded by Walter Offamil, the chief advocate of the German dynasty,
rather than to the Cistercians of the Holy Trinity, whose sympathies
would inevitably be with the rebel Agellos.
On the ~9 December 1194, four days after his coronation in Palermo,
Henry VI had the chief supporters of the old Norman line arrested,
including Richard of Agello. 11 N aturally, f eelings towards the Emperor
were especially bitter at our abbey. On the 18 July 1197, the Cistercians
were forced out of it, and Henry turned it over to bis favorites, the
Teutonic Knights, as a manaio 7-whence to the present day it is called
the Magione.
l Mongitore, IS; cf. infra, n. 7.
2 CUiia, 128 and 7S7; F. Trinchera. S11Ualnu grCMICIOrllm rnemhranarum (Naplea, 1866), Sl5, No.
284; Latn tr. in Mongitore, 7.
a Mongitore, 7; Mortillaro, 6; both with 119S, indicating the Ulle of the September epoch.
Mongitore, 8; Mortillaro, 7; cited in A.SS, XXII (1897), SOS. Garufi in A.880, x (191S), 170,
n. 1, incorrectly calLi Richard the founder of the hoUlle.
11 Mongilore, 10; Mortillaro, 9: 'regnante .. . Benrico .. et . . . Conatantia . . . anno primo
Regni Sicilie,' although the coronation did not occur until Christmaa day of 1194.
" Chalandon, n, 487.
7 Mongitore, IS; JaD&uschek, 196; Stumpf-Brentano, &idul&an:ikf', u, 465, No. 070; RiP.a,

'Regesten Conatanze,' 65, No. 7.

 CISTERCIANS

VI. THE ABBEY OF ST MARY OF NOVARA

T HE monastery of St Mary, which now stands on a lofty ridge domi-

nating Novara, in the diocese of Messina, was formerly located, ac-
cording to Amico, 1 in the valley about two miles from the city. Our
information as to its origins is astonishingly scanty. The Cistercian
records say that St Mary's of Novara was a daughter of the abbey of
Sambucina, 1 which places its foundation after 1160. The first abbot is
said to have been a St Hugo, who Manrique thinks was a Spaniard.
Amico' reports two abbots, Paul and Eligius, after Hugo, but of un-
k.nown dates. lt is said that in 1198 Bartholomew of Luci secured
monks from Novara for his new monastery of St Mary of Roccamadore.
Our only really definite datum on this cloister in the twelfth century is
a charter given to Abbot Mark in late December 1195, id. 14, regni i,
by Constance. lt provided that 1000 sheep, 100 cows, 50 horses, and
160 swine of the abbey were to have free pasturage on the royal domain.
l Amico, 1189.
1 Janauachek. 16' and HS. The majority ol the C"..tercian tablee date ita fouudatioa iD 1171.
Janauachek. 174, uaerta that the abbey of St Mar)' of Boccadia, three milee from Lentini. wu
alao a colcmy of Sambuciaa. The charter recording a dooatioo of Roger 11 to ita Cistercian abbot.
Jolm of Lentini, in meo, ia an obvioua forgery (cf. Caapar, 868, note, and '98, No. 40). It mq
have been founded in 1199, when Abbot Luke of Sambucina wu in Sicily preachin a ero.de
(Manrique, m, SSS). We have no documenta relating to it before lllO (cf. Pirri, 874; Amieo. 1808).
1 Manrique, u, 6ft; Amico, lSOO; Janauachek. loe. eit.
4 Amico, loe. cit.
Jan&UIChek. 16' and UW.
Amico, 1801; Biee. 'Begeaten Constanze,' 41, No. 20.

182
 CISTERCIANS

VII. THE ABBEY OF ST MARY OF ROCCAMADORE

T HE Cistercian abbey of St Mary of Roccamadore, at Tremestieri,

four miles south of Messina, was founded on the 9 September 1198,
ind. 12, 'regnante Domino Henrico . . . cum . . . Constantia,' 1 by
Bartholomew of Luci, Count of Paterno. 2 He appears to have taken
the name from a church of St Mary of Roc-Amadour at Quercy in France,
which after 1160 became a place of pilgrimage. It is said that he se-
cured monks from St Mary's of Novara, twenty-five miles distant."
Bartholomew endowed bis abbey with lands near Messina, Paterno, and
Bordonaro, an inn (fundacum) on the main street of Messina, a wine-
cellar ("butticellaria) in the same city, and various houses. All these were
to be possessed freely, in return for an annual Mass in suffrage of their
benefactor after his death.
This donation, which shows Bartholomew of Luci to have been a
partizan of the Hohenstaufen faction, was given at Messina over thirteen
months before Henry VI entered that city. 6 The turmoil of the follow-
ing year prevented the actual erection of the monastery; but as it be-
came increasingly evident that Henry VI would conquer Sicily, the plans
progressed. In September 1194, ind. 18, 6 Archbishop Richard of Mes-
sina granted Bartholomew permission to construct bis abbey. To James,
the future abbot, was granted free election, exemption from the judg-
ment of the episcopal court, and various minor privileges. Nevertheless,
St Mary's of Trimestieri was to be subject in ali other matters to the
normal episcopal jurisdiction, and was to give the Church of Messina
four candles annually, and bread and wine to the archbishop when he
visited the monastery.
Henry VI's capture of Messina the next month, his entrance into
Palermo on the 20 November, and his coronation there on Christmas
day ended the N orman period in Sicily, and assured the prosperity of
St Mary's of Roccamadore, whose possessions he confirmed shortly
thereafter. 1
1 Amioo, 1287.
1 On Bartholomew cf. Garufi, in ABSO, x (1918), 164 ff.
1 Janauschek. pp. liii and 197. Amico, 1288, erroneowly calla ita Cistercian abbey at Narbonne.
'Janauschek, 164 and 197.
1 Chalandon, u, 484; Garufi, loe. cit.
1 R. Starrabba, 1 diplqrni della caaedra di Meuina (Palermo, 1876-90), 86.
7 Amico, 1288; Stumpf-Brentano, RW:Juluuuder, u, "'8, No. 906. Cf. Ries, 'Regesten.' 64, No.
8', for a confirmation by Comtance of Bartholomew's gift to Roccamadore of certain milla of
Ruveto which had formerly belonged to St Leo's of Pannachio.
188
 AUGUSTINIAN CANONS

l. THE PRIORY OF ST LUCY OF NOTO, AND THE

OTHER SICILIAN CHURCHES SUBJECT TO THE PRIORY
OF ST MARY OF BAGNARA, IN CALABRIA

T HE Priory of St Mary and the Twelve Apostles at Bagnara, 1 just

north of Scilla, on the coast of Calabria, was founded probably in
1085, 2 when Count Roger 1 induced certain transalpine clerics, then on
a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, to stay permanently in his realm. There has
been the greatest confusion as to the order to which this priory belonged:
Benedictine, Cistercian, Floran, or Augustinia.n. 3 Cardone4 maintains
that the first inhabitants of the priory were of the secular clergy, but
admits that by the end of the century they were Augustinians; Minasi 1
argues from the mention of a prior and of vows in 1085 that they were
always regular canons. In 1146 the inhabitants of Bagnara and of its
colony at CefalU assert that 'in tota sicilie et calabrie provincia canonica
religio a nobis specialiter colebatur.' 11 In February 1168 7 a dispute is
settled 'inter uiros uenerabiles canonicos uidelicet balnearie, et monachos
sancte euphemie'; and twenty years later, on the 10 December 1188, 8
1 To the literature on Bagnara given by B. Cap8880, Le f onti della doria delle proflincie napolitau
dal 668 al 16()() (Naplea 1902), 96, n. 1, we may add the Sommario di docu~ delle ragioni della
Sede Aponolica aopra la chiua e priorato della B.ma Vergine Maria e Santi XII Apoatoli della Temt.
di Bagnara (Typis Bemab, 1759), Rosario Cardone, No&ie ataricM di Bagnara Calahra (Reggio.
1878), G. Minasi, 'Innocenzo III el' abbazia di Bagnara Calabra.' Rioina atorica calabrue (1897),
267-266, and L'abbazia normanna in Bagnara Calabra alta.fine dell' undecimo amo (Naplea 1905).
1 have not aeen Francesco Macrl, La collegiata della regia abadial chiua di Bagnara Calabra (1905),
which, according to Minasi, is based entirely on Cardone.
2 K. A. Kehr, 410; Cardone, 41; G. P. Cirillo, Difua de' dirilti del re aulla chiua di Bagnara (Naples.

1758), 7.
a For earlier writers el. Cardone. 52. Strangely enough, some of the mosl recenl writeni to
touch the point agree that it was Benedictine; cf. D. Taccone-Gallucci, Reguti dei romani JIOftlefic'
per le chiue della Calabria (Rome, 1902), 8i7, and E. Pontieri in ASSO, xxn (1926), 102.
' P. 58; he takes bis argumenta bodily from Francesco Peccheneda, Dimortraitnu . ltllla
regal chiua di Bagnara (Naplea, 1755), 117 tJ.
L'abbazia, 76-8.
8 Doc. ined., 60. For a reference in 1145 to the obaervance of the 'canonica religio' at Cefall\.
cf. Pirri, 800.
1 E. Jamison, 'Note e documenti perla atoria dei conti normanni di Catanzaro,' extract from
ArchilM 8lorJo per la Calabria e la Lucania. 1 (1981), 16.
P. Kehr, 'Nacht.rige zu den riSmiachen Berichten,' Gott. Nachr. (1908), 68!, which ia repeated
by Celeatine 111 the 12 May 1192 in the original in the Lateran Archive. Q. 7. C. 2., printed in
part in ibid., 686.
184
 St Lucy'a of Noto, etc. 185

Clement III refers most explicitly to 'ordo canonicus qui secundum deum
et beati Augustini regulam in eadem ecclesia instituta esse dignoscitur.'
Pirri and Amico 1 report that the church dedicated to St Lucy, the
Roman widow, near Noto, was commenced by Roger I about 1100, and
left unfinished at his death. On the 6 August 1108, 2 his nephew Count
Tancred of Syracuse, son of Count William of the Principato, gave the
church, still undedicated (although his son Robert was buried in its
cemetery), to the church of Bagnara, in the person of its prior, Geofl'rey
of Poitou. Tancred also gave ten villains, and lands, the boundaries of
which were determined by inquest, 'et communitatem totius terre mee
qualem habet syracusanus episcopus, et eius canonici, et omnes barones
mei,' and exempted the ships of the monastery of Bagnara and its com-
merce from ali port-taxes and duties in his lands. It was made clear
that while the property was donated to Bagnara, it was given secondarily
to St Lucy's, and would be administered by it. Count Tancred also
confirmed the donation of ten (not two) villains by Attardus Caput-
asini, and of one given by Geofl'rey Ridell. The charter was witnessed
by Bishop Roger of Syracuse, and by William, the deacon.
Yet this document has a most puzzling feature. Every extant version
of it, including what would seem to be the original, 3 has in the body of
the text a paragraph referring to the consecration of St Lucy's by Bishop
William, formerly the deacon, who succeeded Roger before March 11U. 4
On this occasion Tancred and his wife Muriel added six villains to the
endowment of the church, and permitted Manfred of Sida and William
Turcus to give one apiece. Shortly afterwards Tancred also gave the
casale of Rahalbarois. We may explain this strange interpolation by
believing that our present text is a clumsy transumpt of two separate
charters, made in the seignorial chancery of Syracuse at some later date.
Such an assumption might also account for the error in the indiction.
St Lucy's of Noto was by far the most conspicuous church subject
to St l\fary's of Bagnara-so conspicuous indeed that, despite the lack
of specific proof for the N orman period, we may assume that it was a
priory, possibly having a single prior with Bagnara. In a document
1 Pirri, 662; Amico, 1242.
ll Text in Amico, 1242.
a Lateran Archive Q. 7. C. 8 has a plica and boles for the seal cord, but also the erroneous ind.
18, whence the copy in Codex vaticanus 8084, fol. 14. Amico, 1242, prints it, with the correct
ind. 11, from Mongitore's transcript from the archive of St Peter's of Palenno. There are four
copies in MS Qq H 5, fol. 89 fJ., of the Bib. Com. Palermo from the 'Tabulario Universitatis Nothi,'
and another in MS Qq F 69, fol., 188, without indication of source.
Mon. germ. hiat., legum aed. IV, conmtutionu et acta publica, ed. L. Weiland (Hanover, 1898),
1, 572. Amico, 1242, followed by Gama, 954, asserts that William became bishop about 1105, but
olfers no proof.
186 Auguatinian Canona

which Caspar 1 has dated lli4, Roger II confirmed to Prior 'Gizelmus'

of Bagnara Tancred's gts to it. Late in 1186, ind. 5, 2 Baldwin of
Noto gave certain lands and serfs to St Lucy's, and to Prior Daniel of
Bagnara.
Mter St Lucy's, the most prominent Sicilian church of Bagnara was
St Peter,s in Palermo. 3 Pirri 'thrice asserts, on the basis of a document
in the archive of St Peter's, which unfortunately he does not quote,
that it was given by Roger 11 in October 1116, ind. 10, to St Mary,s of
Bagnara on the occasion of the latter's dedication. However, a portion
of the text given by Cardone11 indicates that St Peter's of Palermo and
St James's of Partinico were both given by Archbishop Walter 1 of Pa-
lermo:

'Ego Rogerius Comes quando iui ad ecclesiam Balnearie mense Octobris, in-
ditio x, cum dedicatio ipsius ecclesie facta fuit, uenerunt ad me fratres eiusdem
loci cum priore suo, rogauerunt me multum ut cum ipsa ecclesia non haberet in
Calabria terras seminaturas, etc. . . . Itemque confirmo ecclesiam s. Petri de
Panonno cum uillanis et pertinents suis, sicut archiepiscopus Gualterius dedit
eos in meo nomine, etc. . . . et ecclesiam de Partiniaco sum uillanis et perti-
nentiis suis, sicut archiepiscopus panormitanus cum canonicis tenuit, etc.

Pirri8 likewise asserts that in this document of 1116 Roger confirmed

to Bagnara the possession of the ruined Basilian abbey of St Stephan of
Castronuovo which Aymo of Milazzo had given it, with lands and a mili,
and that the King likewise confirmed the donation by a certain Arnulf
of the church of St Mary of Castronovo. A very fragmentary confirma-
tion by William 11 to Bagnara, probably of 1184, 7 lends credit to these
statements. Bagnara held St Mary,s of Castronuovo on payment of an
annual census to Agrigento. 8
In 1180, when Roger 11 was planning to erect the church of Cefalu,
he went to Bagnara, induced its prior, Jocelmus, to become bishop of
the new see, to which the older monastery of Bagnara was subject, and
colonized it with Augustinian canons. Relations between the two
Cupar, No. 45. Amico'a ten. IW, gives the prior' name u William. but aince in llSl Prior
Jooelmua became biahop ol Cefalll. 1 prefer the form given in a copy ol a tramumpt of October
1597 in the Lateran Archive, 1, 1, fol. 112.
1 Appendix, XXXVII.
1 V. di Giovanni, Topografla artt. Pal., 1, '56, saya that this church continued Greek in rite.
'Pirri, 82, 620, and 799; cf. Cupar, No. SS.
Op. cit., "8.
P. 746.
7 Appendix, XXXIV
Appendix, XXXI; cf. aleo ASS, XXVIII (1905), H7
lnfra. p. 189.
 St Lucy'a of Noto, etc. 187

churches were intimate and seemingly cordial (despite one attempt, in

1146, of the canons of Bagnara to shake off the jurisdiction of Cefaf).
Ships plying between the two establishments were exempt from all duties
and customs, and the fust two bishops of Cefalu, at least, were former
priors of Bagnara. Nevertheless, the Calabrian house kept a large au-
tonomy: there is no evidence that the bishop of CefalU had any special
relations with Bagnara's Sicilian obediences. And in the second half of
the twelfth century, when Cefalu had ceased to be the favorite royal
foundation, Bagnara appears gradually to have become completely inde-
pendent.
Our great source of information as to Bagnara's possessions in the
island is a confirmation by Clement 111 of the 10 December 1188. 1 Be-
sides those already mentioned, we hear of a number of obscure churches,
of which little else is known in the Norman period:

St Matthew's of Messina, held with parochial rights

St Eunufrius's of Calatabiano2
St George's of Lentini, with various properties held from the Calabrian abbey of
St Julian of Rocca Fallucca3 for an annual census of twe1,1ty taris
St Lucy's of Rahalbiato
St George's of Hares
St Peter's of Sclafani
St Nicholas's of Corleone
St Peter's of Milazzo
St Cataldo's4

In addition a great variety of lands, houses, tithes, parochial and epis-

copal rights are enumerated.
Pirri 11 asserted that in 119~ Celestine 111 united Bagnara with the
abbey of St Mary of Glory in the diocese of Mileto. Amico 8 prints a
1 P. Kehr, in GlJtl. Nadar. (1908), li82; repeated verbatim by Celeatine ID the H May 1192,
ibid., 586, and JL, No. 16872.
1 Can thia be the Basilian church of St Honufriua of 'Calatabiet' subordinated to St Savior's of
Mesaina in 1181? Cf. Pirri, 974.
1 In 1100 St Julian's received a church of St John the Evangelist near Syracuse, anda cultura
at Lentini, which were confirmed, without mention of St George's, by Innocent ID the 9 June
1202; cf. F. Pometti, 'Carte delle abbazie di S. Maria di Corazzo e di S. Giuliano di Rocca Fallucca
in Calabria,' Studi e doc., xxu (1901), 267 and 284.
'Amico, 1246, lista among the obediences of Bagnara the church of St Basil of Naso; thia, how-
ever was aubject, in the twelfth centwy, to the Holy Trinity of Mileto; cf. infra, p. 191, n. l. Like-
wiae Pirri, 662, makes St Mary's of Licata aubordinate to Bagnara. The list of the coutU dueto
Agrigento ll70-ll76 (cf. Appendix, xxxt) namea thia church without further particulars, while
a limilar, though later, mention of St Mary's of Castronuovo speaka of ita relation to Bagnara.
1 P.662.
1 P.1244.
188 Auguatinian Canona

swom statement of 1644, pu.rporting to be based on Celestine's original

bull of 1198 in the Lateran Archive, in which the Pope made the prior
of Bagnara an abbot with the right to use the pontificial insignia. There
is an original bull of Celestine for Bagnara in that archive, of the ti
May 1192, 1 but it is addressed to Prior Raimund, and saya nothing of
mitres, staves, and sandals. N or was Bagnara united with the Floran
abbey of St Mary of Glory, in the diocese of Anagni, until 1255. *
1Later&D Archive Q. 7. C. t; d. P. Kehr. op. cil 686.
2Later&D Archive Q. 7. D. to. and Q. 7. E. 15. P. Kehr. 'Otia diplomatica.' O.. Nadir. (lltOS).
197, st.rangely speab of thia union u having been aooompliahed by Aleunder IV in 1168. Alu-
ander died in 1181.
 AUGUSTINIAN CANONS

11. THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF ST SAVIOR AND SS.

PETER AND PAUL OF CEFALU

L EGEND says that once when Roger 11 was sailing from Salerno to
Sicily his ship was overtaken by a terrific tempest. The rigging
was smashed and those aboard were preparing their souls for death when
the Count prayed the Savior that he might be rescued from the waves,
as were SS. Peter and Paul, vowing that wherever the ship reached a
safe haven, there he would erect a magnificent cathedral. The waters
were at once stilled, and the headland of Cefaf became a bishopric, with
a church known to every lover of architecture and mosaic. 1
If there be any truth in this account, Roger's escape probably occurred
in the late autumn of 1l!l8, when, according to his itinerary, 2 he sailed
from Salerno for Sicily. We know that to secure clerics for his new
church Roger went personally, in 1180, ind. 8, 8 to the house of Augus-
tinian canons at Bagnara in Calabria, and induced its prior, Jocelmus
(or Gizelmus), to become the first bishop of Cefal. There was no delay
thereafter: the cornerstone of the church of St Savior and SS. Peter and
Paul was laid on Whitsunday, the 7 June IUH, ind. 9.'
It will be remembered that at this time Roger 11 was the chief support
of a pope whom history calls an anti-pope. On the 14 September 1181,
ind. 9 (sic), pontif. !l, 5 Anacletus 11 created a bishopric at CefalU, a
suffragan of the new metropolitan see of Messina, and subjected the
church of Bagnara to it. In October of the same year, ind. 10, 8 Arch-
1 The oldest fonn of the legend is printed by l. Carini from the Barcelona archives in A.SS,

vn (1888), 186-8. Its 1188ertion that Boao was made the first bishop of Cefalu in 1187 does not
lend confidence.
1 Caapar, p . .SOi.
8 Cf. Doc. ined., 60; Caspar, No. 205. This visit was probably paid in August, when we find

Roger at Stilo in Calabria; el. Caspar, No. M. A reminiscence of Bagnara's dedication to St Mary
and the Twelve Apostles may be found in the prominence of their figures in the apsidal mosaics of
Cefalu. On the complex problems involved cf. V. Lasareff, 'The mosaics of CefalU,' Art bulletin
of the College Art Aasociation of America, xvn (1986), 184-282.
'Caspar p. 611. Pirri, 798-9, has 'ind. x,' which must be a misprint, in view of the inscription
which he quotea, and Archbishop Hugo of Messina's charter, ibid., 889.
6 JL, No. 8421; Pirri, 888. The original, in Archivio di Stato, Palenno, Tabulario di Cefal~
No. 8, twice has indiction 'viiii.'
1 Pirri, 889. The parallel document, of the aame date, for Lipari-Patti is signed by 'G. Balnearie
prior'-probably our Gizelmus awaiting consecration; cf. Pirri, 888, 778.
189
190 Auguatinian Canona

bishop Hugo of Messina defined the limits of the diocese of CefalU, which
was to include the towns of Mistretta, Tusa, Pollina, Gratteri, Rocca
Asini, Collesano, Polizzi, Caltavuturo, Sclafani, and Alcusa. 1
Apparently the church of CefalU. was endowed, not at its inception,
but only after it had been o:fficially made a bishopric. Then Roger 11
commanded Admiral George of Antioch to hold an inquest of local Chris-
tians and Saracens to determine the exact limits of the lands to be given
it. This inquest was held in February of 1182, ind. 10, as we learn from
Roger's Greek donation of the next month. 2 Admiral George's investi-
gation also produced a p/,aJ,ea with the names of all the serfs on these lands
belonging to CefalU.. Likewise in March of that same year 4 King
Roger granted a Greek and Arabic charter giving St Savior's the whole
fishery of CefalU, including the tuna. Also the ships of the church, par-
ticularly those plying between Cefaf and Bagnara, were to be free of
ali duties and port-taxes, provided that such ships did not go beyond
Amalfi. The same exemption applied to food and lumber transported
by the citizens of Cefaf for their church; but ali goods transported by
citizens, strangers, or the church itself for commercial purposes, were
subject to the normal taxes. The bishop was to receive the market
and anchorage fees of CefalU.. Finally, ali the products of the lands of
CefalU and Bagnara were to be free from tithes, port-, and anchorage-
taxes.
lt seems probable that still a fourth document of this period has per-
ished. We know from two unpublished inquests of December 1188, ind.
7, regni 28, and of the 8 May 1189, ind. 7,' that in 1182 Roger 11 gave
to Cefal the casale of Arsha, Charsa, or Harsa, near Biccari. This name
does not appear in the extant charters.
There was naturally a tendency to consolidate the possessions of the
new bishopric, and to eliminate other jurisdictions (a tendency similar
to that which is seen at Monreale forty years later). The Benedictine
1 The leud ol Calcusa, saya Pirri, 802.
1 Spata. Perg. ,,-eche, 428; Caspar, No. 7'; Pirri. 799; not in Cuaa.
1 Spata, op. cit., 4; Caspar, No. 71. Spata, 418-420, mistakes Roger's modified confirmation
ol the 7 January 1146 (Caspar, No. 184) lor the plata ol 11S2.
4 Spata, op. cit., 4t9; Caspar, No. 7S; Pirri, 799. An:h. Stato, Tab. Cel., No. 6 contains an
early Latin version of this charter, but the date is so deceptively arranged that a t.ranaumpt ol
1St9 mistook it for lHO, and the An:hive's inventory does the same. On the 8 January, ind. IS,
probably in 1180, Geoffrey of Moa.e, a high officer ol the royal court. issued a Greek and Latin
letter patent confirming this grant ol March llS2; cf. Cuaa, 489 and 7SO; Spata, op. cit., 447. For
Geofrrey, cf. Doc. ined., 142.
1 Appenda, XXXVIII and XXXIX. There is another inquest concerning the boundaries ol Cbana
of the 26-27 August 668S (1174), ind. 8, which. however, makes no mention of Roger's dooatioa.
or of Celal\\. CI. Spata, Pm-g. ,,-l&e. 462. The casalia of Harsa and Polla are mentioned in Alex
ander lli's confirmations to Celal\\ of 1169 and 1171 cf. infra.., p. 196, nn. 5 and 6.
 St Sauior'a of Cefalu 191

abbey of the Holy Trinity and St Michael Archangel of Mileto had pos-
sessed since at least 1098 the church of St Cosmas near Cefalu and that
of St John of Rocella. 1 Two parallel documents of January 1186, ind.
14, are extant concerning the transfer of these churches to Cefalu. In
one, 2 Abbot David of Mileto cedes them, with ali their lands and villains;
in the other, 3 he receives compensation in Calabria from King Roger.
Unfortunately Bishop Jocelmus's episcopal title had been granted by
an antipope. When Roger 11 and lnnocent 11 were reconciled by the
treaty of Mignano on the ~5 July 1189, Roger retained his royal crown,
but the Anacletan ecclesiastics of his realm suffered humiliation. The
archbishop of Messina reverted to his title of bishop; John of Lipari-Patti
thenceforth used only his secondary title of abbot.' But the bishop of
Cefalu, perhaps just because his church had never had legitimate stand-
ing, but was the offspring of schism, clung to his dignity under the less
offensive form of electm.
1 The Sicilian holdings and churches of thia abbey were very enenaive, but ave for the (evi-

dently Basilian) abbeya of St Baail, St Nicholaa, and St Angel in the Val Demone, they do not seem
to have been monaatic establishmenta in the Norman era.
The archive of the Collegio Greco in Home, A.vi, haa the original of a charter of Count Roger I.
apparently given at the dedication of the Holy Trinity on the 29 December 1080, ind." (P. Bat.iftol.
'Du Archiv des griechiachen Colleg'a in Rom,' RDrncM Quartalucltri.ft, u (1888), !n9, wrongly
gives 1081), enumerating among the abbey's posaeaaiona: 'In Sicilia uero ecclesiam aancti georgii
in ciuitate trana cum xi uillanis. In ualle demonii abbatiu sancti builii et sancti nicholai cum.
pertinentiis earum et l&Dcti angeli cum pertinentiis auis . et in ualle demonum iilior uillanoe.'
A. v-ix of the aame archive, three thirteenth(?)-century copies of a very similar diploma of
Count Roger dated 1081, ind. " mention in addition the churches: 'In misttrecto aanctorum inno-
centium et aancti philippi cum. omnibua pertinentiis earum.'
Urban Il's bull of the 10 October 1098 (in P. Kehr, 'Papsturkunden in Rom,' GOU. Naclrr. (1900),
150) confirma St George's of Troina, the Holy lnnocents' of Mistretta, and St Baail's, and also the
churches 'aancti iohannis de rocca de mari, aancte barbare de callata butorum, sancti nicolai de
caca, aanctorum coeme et damiani de cephalo cum eanun omnium pertinentiis.' This wu repeated
verbatim by Paschal 11the28 March 1100, and by Calixtua II the 19 March llH (ibid., 152 and 158),
both however adding, 'partem oppidi quod Mesianum (sic) dicitur, que a supradicto comite [rogerio
primo) beato Angelo oblata cognoscitur.'
Eugene III's confirmation of the !U February 1151 (JL, No. 9"50; Ughelli-Coleti, 1, 952) shows
a great expanaion, with many new names; 'In Sicilia ecclesiam a. Johannis, s. Georgi.i. de Mohac,
s. Johannis de Calatiniseth .. s. Anutuie de Grateriis et s. Stephani [de Mistreto], 8.
Basilii de Naso, s. Nicolai de Brutana, 8. Angeli . . 8. Marie de Murra .. et a. Petri de Melasio.'
This wu repeated verbatim, so far u Sicily is concemed, by Ale:r.ander IlI on the 16 July 1170
(Kehr, 177) and the 19 March 1179 (JL, No. 18882; Coll. Greco, B.v).
Francesco Dini, archdeacon of Cefahl in the late eighteenth century, in MS Qq H 128, No. 86,
1s, note, of the Bib. Com. Palermo, saya that in his day there wu no trace of St John'8 of Rocella,
but that St Cosmas's wu about a mile from Cefalu.
2 Doc. ined., U; Pirri, 799. Abbot David likewise appears in a bull of the 28 December 1189;
cf. P. Kehr, 'Papsturkunden in Rom,' 164.
1 Appendix, XIV. This charter, B.x of the archive of the Greek College in Rome, wu wrongly

cited u B.:ri by Batiffol, op. cit., 219. Confused by thia, Paul Kehr failed to find it; cf. K. A. Kehr,
Urlcurulm, rr, D. 6; Chalandon in Mugen dge, XVI (1908), sos and 807; Caspar, No. 107.
4 Cf. 1Upra, p. 89.
19~ Augustinian Canons

The archives of CefalU contain three charters of the Countess Adelicia,

granddaughter of Count Roger I, ali given in June 1140. 1 In the first, 2
she presents to St Savior's of Cefalil the monastery of St Lucy at Syra-
cuse, with its four casalia, and some houses in the city. The other two
concem the endowment of the church of St Peter in Collesano, which
had just been consecrated by Bishop Drogo of Squillace, with the per-
mission of Jocelmus of Cefalil. They are practically identical in word-
ing, save that one gives St Peter's four Moslem villains, the other'
six with Greek names. Both mention the gift of an oven in Collesano,
with permission to cut wood for it, and for the repair of the church, in
the Countess's woods. St Peter's also receives pasturage on the Count-
ess's lands for its sheep and cattle, and 'quasdam de terris Carpiniani'
('et Tarmite' adds the former) 'que omnia ah omni seculari libera esse
statuimus exactione.' Moreover, if anyone defaulted in his services to
St Peter's he was liable to be tried in the court of the bishop of Cefalu
'nisi ad regalia tantum pertineat.' Pirri, 6 followed by Garufi, 11 asserts
that Adelicia gave St Peter's to CefalU. There is nothing in the charters
to indicate this. On the other hand, if the church had belonged to
Cefalil, cases of default of service would not have been tried in the epis-
copal court, but rather in the royal courts, since the bishop himself
would have been an aggrieved party. 7
Sixteen years later Adelicia seems to have presented the church of St
Nicholas of Malvicino to Cefaf. In 1156, ind. 4, 8 she records that at
her request the elect and chapter of that cathedral had given the church
to John of Brucato; towards the endowment of St Nicholas's she gives
St Nicholas's 'saltum molendini in fiumine ipsius terre policii.' 9 Pirri, 1
1 Garufi in A.SSO, IX (1912), Mi. All are misdated 'ind. i.' The title 'locelmm electua cepha-
ludensis' which occurs in two of them eliminatea the posaibility of 1139.
1 A.SSO, IX (1912), 858; cf. inJra, p. iOS, D. 8.
a G. Battaglia, Diplomi inediti (Palermo, 1896), 118
Doc. ined., 88.
1 Pirri, 799.

e A.SSO, IX (1912), Mi, and Doc. ined., 88.

7 That dispute. between. the bi.shop of Cefahl. and bis dependenta were aettled by the royal au-
thority is shown by a case of 1150 (Doc. ined., 6i), when, became of bis derelictiom agaimt the
church of Cefali}, two justiciara declared the landa and hoWlell of a certain Aychard CODfiacated to
the bishop, who, however, gracioUBly restored them.
Pirri, 528 and 888, and Amico, 1278, think that the Benedictine abbey of St Mary of Pedali,
near Collesano, was founded about 1180 by the Counteea Adelicia, but offer no proof. St Mary'a
does not definitely appear before 1M7. There may be sorne confuaion with St Peter'a.
8 Doc. ined., 76; Pirri, 801; A.SSO, IX (1912), Mi.
0 Garufi'a text reade 'in ftumine idocie.' In the original, in Archivio di Stato, Palenno, Tabulario
di Cefald, No. 11, a hole mara the name, and the acribe has imperfectly eraaed a ' d.' The tail of
the 'p' is faint, but unmistakable. The word therefore reada 'polic . . .' Pirri read Politii.
JO Pirri, 801.
 St Samor'a of Cefalu 193

however, quotes a charter in which Adelicia gives some land and four
villains 'ecclesie S. Nicolai quam loannes de Brucato in territorio Politii
construxit . . . cui nomen est Malvicinum.' Probably the solution is
that John of Brucato was a priest who held land of Adelicia, built a
church on it, and gave it to Cefalll with her permission, receiving from
Cefalu a life-tenure in it. This belief is strengthened by a bull of Alex-
ander 111 of the !!5 April 1178 1 which lists among the Countess's dona-
tions to CefalU 'ecclesiam S. Nicolai de Malvicini, sicut loannes de
Bruccato tenuit.'
No less than six charters survive of another pious benefactress of
Cefalu, Lucia of Cammarata. On the 15 August 1141 2 she gave Jocelmus,
for St Savior's, the church of St Mary outside Cammarata, in the diocese
of Agrigento, together with its lands and free pasturage, wood, and water-
rights. On the 18 March 6658 (1145), ind. 8, 8 she repeated her gift,
adding other lands, with cattle and serfs. Evidently the church's feast
was the Assumption; for again on the 15 August 6654 (1146), ind. 9,'
Lucia issued a third charter to Jocelmus, adding to St Mary's endow-
ment. Late in 1150, ind. 14, she granted the elect of Cefalll the do-
minium of certain burgenses living on the lands of St Mary's of Camma-
rata. This church, however, was not dedicated until the !l1 May 1158,
ind. 1, 0 when the ceremony was performed by Archbishop John of Bari,
at the request of Lucia and of the elect of CefalU, and 'per uoluntatem et
concessum decani et canonicorum agrigentine matris ecclesie, in cuius
territorio est,' Agrigento then being bishopless. Our faith in this date
and charter is heightened by the fact that twenty-five days later John
consecrated the church of the Holy Spirit of Caltanissetta. 7 If we ac-
accept this diploma of 1158 as authentic, then a sixth charter of Lucia
must be a forgery. lt is dated in the 'original' May 1141, ind. 4, 8 but
refers to, and is attested by, Archbishop John of Bari 'qui ecclesiam
ipsam consecravit.' There was indeed an Archbishop John IV of Bari
1 JL, No. 18065; Pi.ni. 808. For thia church cf. aLio Doc. ined., 202.
1 Publiahed by Cesare Pasca in Giomak di icienu, let!Me ed am 1'ef' la Sicilia (Palermo, 1887),
LX, 41-44; and incompletely in Pirri, 799. The original has diaappeared, but a twelftb-century
copy exista in MS Qq D 8, foil. 77-8, of Bib. Com. Palermo. Botb Dini, 26, and Pasea, p. 9, n. 8,
and p. 42. n. 1, aay tbat tbe ruina of thia Norman church exiated in tbeir day near tbe Franciacan
convent of Santa Maria de Cacciapensieri, near Cammarata.
a Cusa, 615 and 716.
Cusa, 617 and 717.
'Pasea, 41, wrongly dated 1101, ind. 18; Pirri, 801.
Pasea, 44, and Doc. ined., 64. Despite Garufi's 'correction' of bis text in Pulci, 'Giovanni V
Arcivescovo di Bari,' A.SS, XXXIX (1914), 4H, n. 4, tbe original in tbe Cefalu Archive, No. 15, is
erroneously dated the twentietb (sic) year of Roger Il's reign, and tbe third of William l .
7 lnfra, p. 282. lohn attested a charter in Sicily in December 1157 (Pi.ni. 98), and consecrated
tbe nunnery of St Lucy of Ademo tbe 15 May 1148; aupra, p. 158.
8 Appenslix, XVI.
194 Auguatinian Canana

in 1141, but he was in bad odor in Sicily, for despite the reconciliation
with Pope Innocent 11 in 1189, Roger 11 forced him to share the see of
Bari with the Anacletan Archbishop Angelus; this arrangement endured
until 1151, when our Archbishop John V assumed sole charge of the
church. 1 It is very unlikely that a church at Cammarata would have
been dedicated twice within twelve years by two successive Archbishops
John of Bari. Textually the forgery is an expansion of Lucia's charter
of August 1141.
There exists a Greek and Arabic p'latea of the 7 January an. heg. 589,
an. m. 6658 (1145), ind. 8, 2 which is a confirmation of the p'latea granted
CefalU in 1182. In addition, it is recounted that the monks of St Angel
and the Holy Trinity of Mileto in Calabria had presented a Latn plmea
showing that they owned thirty-seven serfs in Sicily. These were added
to the possessions of St Savior's, and the Miletan abbey received their
equivalent in Calabria.
In April of the same year, 8 Roger 11 gave to the church the temporals
of the town of CefalU and of the surrounding sea, with the income from
both, free of all obligation. Likewise, he gave to St Savior's two por-
phyry sarcophagi, in one of which he was to be buried, in the choir, to
lie forever amid the psalmody of the canons. Roger also granted to the
citizens of CefalU exemption from import and export taxes and army
service, permission to cut wood in the forests freely, and to be responsible
only to the bishop's court, save in cases of homicide, treason, andfellonia.
This privilege to the burghers of Cefalu is taken almost verbatim from a
previous grant of 1181,' which, however, has no mention of the bishop's
judicial powers.
In October of 1145, ind. 9, 6 on the order of the King, a commission of
royal justiciars determined the boundary between the lands of Cefalu
and those of Gratteri, and gave the resulting document to Jocelmus.
The Augustinian canons of St Mary's of Bagnara, headed by Prior
Arduin, grew restive under the tutelage of Cefaf, and in April 1146,
ind. 9, their case was tried before King Roger in Palermo. Two related
documents survive. In the first, 11 drawn up at the time, Jocelmus of
1 Ughelli-Coleti, vn, 619-22. The Codic1 diplomatico baru1 (Bari, 1897) doea not help UI locate
John IV in lHl.
1 Cusa, 472 and 716; Caspar, No. 184; cf. Garufi in ASS, XLIX (1928), 6S.
a Pirri, 800; Caspar, No. 194.
'Gregorio, Conaidera.zioni, Lib. 11, c. 7, n. 19; edn. 1881, 1, 545-6; Caspar, No. 70. This comti-
tution gives the church of Cefahl an option on property in the city, provided it otlers as good a
price as do other bidders. This may account for the deeda of sale by one citizen to another 'lioentia
domini epiacopi' in Doc. inld., 166 and 228; cf. 242. But Spata, Diplomi grlei (1871), 77, has a
Greek deed, drawn up in Messina, selling property in Cefahl without mentioo of the bishop.
11 Doc. ined., 57; Caapar, No. 202.
Pirri, 800; Caspar, No. 204.
 St Sauior'a of Cefalu 195

CefalU records that Roger decided in his favor, and that each of the
brethren of Bagnara swore obedience to him and to his successors. In
the second, drawn up the next month, 1 Prior Arduin admit.s that since
1180 Cefaf has been the mother-church of Bagnara, and promises per-
petua! obedience. The document is signed by all the brethren of Bag-
nara, totalling thirty-five, including Arduin.
This rebellion at Bagnara left no resentment at Cefalu: on the con-
trary, when Jocelmus died shortly thereafter the canons thought that
the energetic Prior Arduin would make an excellent bishop. So in 1150,
ind. 18, 2 'Harduinus dei gratia cephaludi humilis electus' received some
land at Pantano, near Rocella, from a certain Aychard. Arduin appears
later in the same year, ind. 14,8 and is last hee.rd of in 1156, ind. 4.'
He was followed by Daniel, whose incumbency was very brief. Only
one document names him: late in 1157, ind. 6, 11 at the request of Raynald
of Tusa, a royal justiciar, he gave the church of St Mary of Monte
Maggiore to the monastery of Cluny, on condition of payment by the
Cluniac priory of St Mary de Jummariia of Sciacca11 of an annual census.
This donation must have been one of Daniel's last act.s: his successor,
Boso, was in office by December of that year, ind. 6. 7 After overa year
of silence, we have two document.s mentioning this Boso in January of
1159, ind. 7. In the first, on the !lOth of the month, 8 Raynald of Tusa
and Maio, by order of King William, conduct an inquest to settle a
boundary near Pollina disputed between Boso and Gilbert, elect of
Lipari-Patti. In the second, 9 with every protestation of obedience and
affection, Boso gives to 'Reuerendus in Christo Pater Robertus Messa-
nensis Ecclesiae uenerabilis Archiepiscopus' and to 'mater nostra Ecclesia
Messanensis' a hospice and vineyard in CefalU, together with exemption
from import and export, buying and selling taxes; for all of which Mes-
1 Not May 1147, ind. 10, as has Doc. iw., 59; cf Caspar, No. 206. The close relations between
the two hoUlel is shown by the fact that Bemard. cellarer of Cefald, was a canon of Bagnara, which
had ita own cellarer, named Peter.
1 Doc. irllld., 6t; Pirri, 801; el. aupra, p. 192, n. 7.

a Pasea, "1' cit., 41, and Pirri, 801; el. aupra, p. 198, n. 6.
' Doc. irllld., 76; npra, p. 19i, n. 8.
1 A. Bruel, &cwnl dea c/aarlu de l' abbage de Clung (Paria, 1894), v, 688, from the sealed original.
Bishop-elect Boso has added a line in con.firmation. A Daniel appears among the canons of Bagnara
in 1146; el. Doc. iw., 6t.
Supra, p. 151.
7 Pirri, 98. Boso is found in 1160 88 Arduin's cellarer. Pirri, 801, reads 'Cancellarius,' but the
contemporary copy in MS Qq D 8, fol. 86, of the Bib. Com. Palermo reads 'cellerarius.' Pirri
himself, on the same page alao declares Boso to have been cellarer, 88 do the canons about 1170;
el. Doc. irllld., 107. He was not, as Pi.rri t.hinks, Boso de Gorram, who W88 another canon; el.
Starrabba, Dipl. Mul'ina, U-t.
8 Doc. ined., 81.
9 Starrabba, U.
196 Augustinian Canon.a
sina is to pay to St Savior's an annual census of th.ree pounds of incense.
The document is interesting as showing the persistent assertion by both
Cefalu and Messina of ranks not recognized by Rome.
Perhaps in 1164 1 Boso gave a warehouse ('apoteca') in Cefalu to
John, son of Paganus, in hereditary right, upon payment of a census of
twenty taris ayear.
Sometime in 1166 2 Alexander ID issued a bull making Nicholas of
Messina an archbishop, and creating the sees of Cefalu and Lipari-Patti
to be his suffragans, the bishops of which should be consecrated by him.
There was a certain delay in Boso's consecration. At sorne time after
August of the same year, ind. 15,3 a certain Martin of Bisignano, in pre-
senting to Cefalu a chlll'Ck of St Dominica at Polizzi, built by him, refers
to Boso as 'electus,' while calling Nicholas 'archiepiscopus Messane.'
The consecration, however, occurred before the 15 December, ind. 15,'
when Boso signs himself 'primus cephaludi episcopus' (Jocelmus tums
in his grave!) while permitting William of Cammarata to build, at his
own expense, a mill on the land of St Mary's of Cammarata, giving the
bishop half the income from the mill.
On the iS November 1169, ind. S, pontif. 11, 6 Alexanderillconfirmed
to Bishop Boso bis episcopal dignity and a number of the possessions of
Cefalu. The Pope repeated this verbatim on the 9 April 1171, ind. 4,
pontif. H, 11 with an enumeration of the cities of the diocese added, and
a statement that the bishop of Cefalu was to have complete spiritual
control over all churches within that area, no matter to whom they owed
temporal obedience.
Despite CefalU's new hold on the papal affections, it was losing the
favor of the Sicilian court. It had been Roger II's pet foundation; but
William 1 had few religious interests, and in the early years of William 11
the schemes of Queen Margaret's monastery of Maniace, of Walter Ofl'a-
mil's new cathedral at Palermo, and ahove ali, of the tremendous new
abbey of Monreale, rohbed Cefalu of its preeminent place in the royal
affections. Symptomatic of this changed atmosphere is a petition pre-
1 Doc. irud., 89. H the date 1164 noted on the revene ol the diploma be correct. Boeo's title io
the miasing incipit, which Garufi suppliea, was not ~. but electiu. lobannes de Pagano
signed a charter in March 1191 ; cf. ibid., IUS.
1 Not in JL; Starrabba, 25. Confirmed in April 1198 by Innocent ID ; el. ibi.d., 49.
a Garufi, Doc. inl., 95. The indiction xvi of Garufi's ten is a misprint.
'[bid., 9S. The original is dated 1167. lordan, in Moyera g~. XXXIV (1928), 2. n. t. prefen
to change the indiction from 15 to 1 rather than assume that the September epoch wu uaed.
1 JL, No. 116SS; Doc. inetl., llS; Pftugk-Harttung, ltn- ilalictmt (Stutt,gart. 1888), t70; P. Kehr.
'Papsturkunden in Si&ilien,' Sl6.
JL, No. 11887; Pirri, 801-2; Arch. Stato. Tab. CefalU, No. 16, hu a bull dated 1169 fOl'l!'!d OD
the huis of this. Cf. P. Kehr. op. cit., SiS.
 St Savior'a of Cefalu 197

sented to the Queen Mother and the King sorne time before the latter
arrived 'ad uiriles annos,' 1 in which the canons of Cefaf beg that the
two sarcophagi which Roger II had given the church in 1145 for his
own entombment, and that of his successor, be not removed. Accord-
ing to this document, William I had promised to transfer his father's
body from Palermo to CefalU, and had planned to be buried there him-
self. The petition was unavailing, and Roger's plan to make of Cefaf
the sepulchre of his dynasty was frustrated. The first Norman king
les in his porphyry coffin in the Palermitan cathedral, while his successors
rest at Monreale.
There survive several incidental documents of Boso's pontificate. The
most important is a new 'constitution' for the citizens of Cefaf. His
title of episco'JYUS puts it after August of 1166. 2 The charter established
a minute tariff for the slaughtering of animals (scannatura), regulated
the charges for baking and milling, and decreed that the burghers might
keep any rabbits they caught in their own vineyards. In 11673 Bishop
Boso permitted a Peter of Tolosa (Toulouse?) to found a hospital of
St Nicholas in Polizzi, and in September of the same year, ind. 1,' he
con.firmed to Robert of San Giovanni the management of the churches
of Collesano and Polizzi. In June 6676 (1168}, ind. 1, 5 we find a royal
inquest to determine the properties of the church of St Savior in Capizzi,
which had been rebuilt and given to CefalU by a notary named Rapaldus.
In January 117i, ind. 5, regni 6, Bishop Boso, to avoid further litiga-
tion, granted the patronage of the church of St Philip in Polizzi, built
and endowed by Maurus Blancabarba, to Maurus's son Roger and his
heirs, on condition that a priest be maintained at the church, that its
property be kept up, and that St Savior's of Cefaf receive a census of
a pound of incense and another of wax. Boso last appears in a donation
by William II in l l 7ft, regni 7, 7 of some land to the monastery of St
1 Doc. imd., 106 dates it 1169 (?). Pirri, 80t. cites it as of 1171. Margaret'a regency ended
between March and the t7 June 1171; cf. Chalandon, n, S51. Jordan, op. cit., S7, n. i, conjecturea
that Roger n and William 1 had hesitated to be buried in a church which, as we have aeen, IUftered
from papal disfavor until 1166.
1 Doc. imd., 78, accepta the date 1157, noted on the back of the parchment. Garufi. ibid., 80,
believea that an inventory of veatmenta and liturgical objecta extant at Cefabl waa compiled under
Boeo.
8 Mentioned in Pirri, 8Sl. In the late eighteenth century Dini, M, says he failed to find thia
document, which is atill misaing.
'Doc. imd., 100; and cf. 178 and 202.
6 G. Spata, PM'g. yreelu, 487; Cusa, 484 and 7tS.
8 Doc. inl., 146. The original, in the Cefalil Archive, No. ts, is dated 1171. K. A. Kehr'a
auertion (Urbnden, 806) that alter about 1181 the Florentine atyle was not uaed in Sicily, is re-
futed by Chalandon in M071m dge, XVI (1908), 807.
7 Pirri, 802.
 198 Auguatinian Canana

Lucy at Syracuse, an obedience of CefalU. He is not mentioned in a

diploma of July 1178, ind. 6, regni 8, 1 in which the chapter of canons
received a certain Peter of Caltavuturo into their number; but since
Peter's concubine and sons claimed a part of his house in that city, the
chapter surrendered to them all his other property, and took the house.
Mongitore 2 reports that a certain John was bishop of Cefalu in 1171.
But we have just seen that Boso was still alive after the 7 May 1172,
and 1 have been unable to find any John in the documents of this period.
There seems, however, to have been an unusually long vacancy. The
canons chose their cellerarius, Guido, to be the next bishop, and fortun-
ately a document survives from the interval between his nomination
and his formal election. In 1175, ind. 8, 8 Richard, a former canon of
CefalU, who had been disorderly, and had left the chapter, being in a
penitent mood threw himseH 'ad pedes domini Guidonis ecclesie che-
phaludi cellerarii atque tocius eiusdem ecclesie conuentus,' and graciously
received from them a life tenure of the church of St Lucy of Mistretta,
on condition that he should leave all his property to the church at his
death. Meanwhile Guido's nomination had been announced to the .King,
who, on the i5 June, ind. 8, 4 permitted the canons of CefalU to elect
him bishop.
Our most detailed knowledge of the holdings of Cefalu comes from a
confirmation by Alexander ID to Bishop Guido on the i5 April 1178,
ind. 11, pontif. 9, 6 when the latter was attending the Third Lateran
Council. 11 Pirri's defective text may be corrected from Clement ill's
verbatim confirmation of the iS October 1190, ind. 9, pontif. 8. 7 The
Popes first enumerate the landed possessions: the city of CefalU, 8 the
casalia of Arsa and Polla, 9 and the gifts of the Countess Adelicia, that
1 Doc. ud., lM. In June 1176, ind. 9, Amelina, preabiteri Petri quoodam concubina.' with
her tiro llOD8 Richard and Matthew, IOld a little cuale and c:istem at Caltavuturo to the bisbop
of Cefah\, in the >eJ'l!Ol1 of Blaaiu.s, prior of Caltavuturo; cf. Battaglia, Dipl. ined., ll6, and A.88,
:m (1887), 861-i. Apparently Peter ol Caltavuturo'a irregularitiea were no handicap to hia clerical
career; for in May nss, ind. s, and apio in ll91 he appeara aa prior of Cefah\; el. Doc. ud., 106
and !US.
1 Pirri. (edn. 1753), 802. Two yeara later Mongitore in 8iailiati l4Cf'tU oeleberrimi ab6atil ndiai
D. Rocchi Pirri oddilionu d corrflt!llnu, edino 1ecuntla correctior (Palermo. 1736), 193, di.ttinguilhea
betireen Pirri's Guido de Anania and 'Joannea, sive Guido Bevera.' Dini. 36, doea the aame. but
on what ground? There wu a Biahop John of Cefali under Henry VI .
Doc. ined., 161.
' Pirri, 802-8.
1 JI,. No. 1!056; Pirri. SOS; Original in Arch. Stato. Tab. Cefalll, No. 19.
1 Mansi, XXII, 216.
'JL, No. 16627; Doc. ud.. IM; Pflqk-Harttung, ltlr ilalieurn., Sil; Pirri, SOS, with 1189; P.
Kehr, papsturkunden in Sisilieu.' sst.
1 Cf. 111pra. p. IM. n. S
Cf. IUprG. p. 190, D. 6.
 St SatJ'io.r'a oj Cejalit 199
is, the beneficia of Collesano, Caltavuturo, Polizzi, and Mistretta. 1 Then
come the churches owned by CefalU: St Lucy's of Syracuse, 2 St Mary's
of Cammarata, St Nicholas's of Malvecino, St Nicholas's of Canrata,
near Polizzi, 6 St Mary's 'de Zibel Magno,' 11 St lconius's of Gratteri, 7
St John's of Rocella8 and St Savior's of Capizzi, 0 with all their posses-
sions. The bishop is also to have the episcopal rights and tithes of his
diocese, as defined by the archbishop of Messina. 10 To the usual list of
towns are added the Casale de Bacco and Monte Maggiore. Moreover,
all the churches in the diocese, including the Premonstratensian priory
of St George of Gratteri, 11 are to render spiritual obedience to the bishop
of Cefalu, regardless of their responsibility in temporal matters. The
bishop also has power to prevent his canons from leaving their order,
'nisi forte ad artiorem uoluerint religionem transire,' and to fill vacancies
in the chapter, with its consent.
The tabulary of Cefalu contains, besides the charters we have men-
tioned, a number of documents of the late Norman period, which, al-
though of little importance, serve to show the nature of the transactions
in which the church was involved.
There is an undated donation 12 to Bishop Guido, by a priest named
Paganus, of a church of St Christopher, probably in the diocese of
Catania.
In January ns~. ind. 15, 18 Robert of San Giovanni, whom we met in
1167 as the manager of the properties of CefalU at Collesano and Polizzi, 1
returned to Bishop Guido the church of St Peter in Collesano which he
had held, together with its properties, and the offspring of the serfs
given by the Countess Adelicia at its dedication in ll40. 111
1 We have no record of these donationa. There wu evidently a priory at Caltavut.uro (cf. mpra,
p. 198, n. l.) The chureh of St Lucy of Miatrett.a (cf. nipra, p. 198, n. S) may bave been simply
under the normal epillcopal juriadiction of Cefalu.
1 Injra. p. !OS, n. S; and cf. mpra, p. 191, n. !.
a Cf. mpra, p. 19S, n. !.
Cf. npra, p. 19!. n. 8.
11 No previoua mention.
11 No previoua mention. Dini, 89, saya it became a priory.
7 Spat.a, op. c., 481, and Cusa, 481 and 718, publiah a donation dated Augu.st, 6656 (1148),

ind. 11, of the church of St lconiua to 'the Holy Church of God of Gratteri.' with no mention of
Cefalu. The original. however, is in the Arch. St.ato, Tab. Cefal"ll. No. 10.
a Cf. mpra, p. 191.
" Cf. npra, p. 197, n . 6.
10 Cf. mpra, p. 189, n. 6.
n lnfra. p. !05.
11 Doc. ined., 98.
11 lbid., 17S. The original, in Arch. Stato, Tab. Cefal"ll, No. !O, hu 1181, .nlui ftormlinui.
H Cf. mpra, p. 197, n. '
111 Cf. mpra, p. 19!, nn. S and '
200 Auguatinian Canona

In November 118!t, ind. 1, 1 Robert of Collesano, son of the late Master

Bartholomew, assumed the clerical habit of Cefalu, and transferred to
that church three Christian and seven Moslem serfs, and properties near
Rocella.
In September 1184, ind. 8, 2 Guido gave a shop in Cefalu to a certain
Cantagullanus for a census of twenty taris every four months.
In January 1186, 3 Guido regained for bis obedience of St Lucy of
Syracuse certain lands which had been usurped by a local baron.
On the 15 March 1186, 4 after Guido had complained that the Countess
of Collesano had forbidden pasturing and hunting on the lands of the
church at Collesano, thus infringing privileges given it by Roger 11, a
royal justiciar, Roger Buxellus, confirmed CefalU's rights.
An echo of the Third Crusade is heard on the 1 August 1188, ind. 6, 6
when Peter, son of Andrew Caci, departing for the Holy Sepulchre, made
bis will, disposing of his property to his relatives, but naming the bishopric
of CefalU as legatee if they died without heirs.
On the 10 July (1189), ind. 7, 6 Guido permitted Stephan the potter to
tear down an old house on the bishop's land, build a new one, and carry
on bis trade there; but he might not dig a well or have a garden 'nisi
hiemalem, de cepis, oleribus, et aliis et huiusmodi.'
In February of 1191, ind. 9, 7 Bishop Guido gave a vineyard to Arangia,
a poor girl, at her marriage, for which she was to pay the church annually
two pounds of incense.
The next month, 8 the bishop confirmed to Gregory the Lombard the
properties which he held of the church, and for which he paid twenty-two
taris thrice ayear.
Again, in April 0 he gave a house in CefalU to the notary Matthew of
Aversa for a rent of sixteen taris ayear.
Bishop Guido is last mentioned in January 1198, ind. 11, 0 when, by
l Doc. ined., 186; leas complete text in Battaglia, Di-pi. ined., 119. Original in Arch. Stato, Tab.
Cefahl, No. 21, has 1188, the September epoch.
i Doc. ined., 198.
a Pirri, 804; infra, p. iOS, n. 5.
'Battaglia, <Yp. cit., 121. 1 have not identified the privilege of Roger 11 to which thia charter
refers.
5 Doc. ined., H4
1 Ibid., 282, with 1190, which ia noted on the rever11e of the parchment in a later hand. The
original, in the Cefahl Archive, No. 46, clearly has 'lndictione septima.'
7 lbid., 288.
lb-id., !40. The original, in the Cefall} Archive, No. 4S, uses the Pisan atyle: 'mense mart.
lndictione. ix. Anno dominice lncarnacionia M. C. xcii.' The Archive, Nos. 44 and "5, has to
further documenta with the calcultu pi.lantu, in a script different from No. 48: the fint is of March
'1192,' ind. 9, the second of April '1192.' ind. 9. Cf. Doc. ined., H2 and 244.
9 /bid., 244. Original with 1192. in<i. D: the Pisan style.

1 lbid. i6S.
 St Saui.or'a of Cefalu 201

mandate of King Tancred, the royal justiciar Roger Hamut settled a

dispute over the boundary of certain lands of CefalU at Cammarata.
Guido's successor, Benedict, appears in August 1194, ind. l~,1 when
he commands that the surplus income of the chief chapel of the church
of CefalU be used to purchase medicine, sugar, syrups, and food for the
sick in the infirmary.
The various confirmations given in the early Hohenstaufen period to
Bishop John, Benedict's successor, add nothing to our knowledge of
Cefaf under the Normans, save for the mention of a mili named Fun-
deca, at Scillato, the gift of the Countess Adelicia. 2
The cathedral of Cefalll, rising at the foot of an enormous rock which
juts isolated into the Mediterranean, is one of the most imposing shrines
of Europe, and a worthy monument to its founder and patron, Roger II.
Yet its architecture indicates the decline of its fortunes after bis death.
In 1154 the great apse, with its mosaics, the choir, and the transepts
seem to have been completed. The nave and west front were finished
on a more modest scale under Roger's successors and the Hohenstaufens. 1

Summary
Founded in 1180-81 by Roger 11, and colonized by Augustinian canons from
Bagnara.
Made a hishopric by the Antipope Anacletus 11 on the 14 Decemher 1181; after
July 1189 its bishop was known as electus, until Decemher 1166 when the
episcopal rank was restored.
The possessions of the church of Cefalu included, hesides the normal revenues
from its diocese, at least ten churches, the city of Cefalu itself, the priory of
St. Lucy of Syracuse, at least six casalia, and a nominal control over the
priories of Bagnara and St George of Gratteri. There were also a con-
siderable number of serfs, exemptions, and privileges.
Its bishops and electi werei
Jocelmus ..... ........ .. . .. . ... . . . . . ... . .. . . . .... . . 1130 to May 1146
Arduin ..... . . . .... . .. . ..... . . .. .. . . ......... . . . . . .. .. . 1150 to 1156
Boso ........ . . . . ........... .. .. ... ........ . .. December 1157 to 117!l
Guido ... .. ... .. . ... . . .... .. . .. ... .... . . !l5 June 1175 to January 1198
Benedict . ... . . . . . . ... . .. .. . .. ... . .. .... . . . . .. .... ... . .. August 1194
John . ... .. ....... .. . . . .... ... . .. . .. ..... . . . . . . . . ... .. .January 1196

1 Jbid., 266.
2 K. A. Kehr, 474; Neuu Arclaio, XXIV, m. Cf. Kehr, pp. 472 and 478; Neuu Arclaio, XXIV,
229; R. Ries, 'Regesten Constanze,' pp. 44, 45.
a George Hubbard, 'Notes on the cathedral church of Cefah\, Sicily,' Arc/uuologia, LVI (1898),
67-70.
 AUGUSTINIAN CANONS

111. THE PRIORY OF ST LUCY, NEAR SYRACUSE

O N the mainland, near the island of Ortygia on which stands Syra-

cuse, there is a church of St Lucy, the three semi-Circular apses of
which would seem to be Norman. Its early history is very obscure and
confused. Gregory the Great, in the last decade of the sixth century,
refers to 'monasterium Sanctae Luciae in Syracusana Civitate.' 1 By
the end of the eleventh century it was again inhabited by monks, and
in close subjection to the bishop of Syracuse, as we learn from Count
Tancred of Syracuse's charter of 1104, ind. 11 (sic) :2

'illud quoque, quod Comes Rogerius predicte ecclesie [Syracusane] et episcopo

supranominato [Rogerio] de monasterio sancte Lucie per priuilegium suum
dedit, Deinde Paschalis papa priuilegio suo eidem ecclesie confirmauit, ego etiam
post illud mea concessione corrobaraui. Concedo et firmiter assero scilicet
episcopalem potestatem, et monachorum inibi habitantium debitam et promis-
sam subiectionem; et partem AJfei ftuuii Syracusani, qui dicitur ftuuius de Pan-
tano, cum terra ex utraque parte terminata, et molendinis cum mola communi,
et piscationibus et aliis ecclesie utilitatibus quas episcopus Rogerius ibidem
fecit.'

We know nothing of the charters of Count Roger and Bishop Roger

here mentioned. That of Paschal 11 has also vanished, but was prob-
probably issued in October 1100, ind. 8 (sic), pont. !l, when we know
that Bishop Roger of Syracuse was at Melfi with the Pope. It has
been universally assumed that this monastery was Benedictine." As
late as 1190, 6 King Tancred seems to have confirmed to Bishop Lawrence
of Syracuse much the same rights which Bishop Roger had over it.
In a charter dated 1116, 6 Gerald of Lentini gives to Abbess Macheldis,
1 Epiltolae, ed. Ewald-Harttman, Ep. vu, S8, Vol. 1, p. 484. Ita Abbot John appeara in Ep. i.
87, p. 87, and m, 8, p. 160. The aite of St Lucy'a waa probably within the Syracuae ol Gregory'1
day. Cf. .upra, pp. 11, n. 2, and U, n. '6.
1 Pirri, 619.
Pirri, 8"8; cf. JL, No. .58U.
Pirri. 617; R. Riea, 'Regesten Conatame,' "4.
6 Pirri. 6M.
Doc. ined., IS, and Pirri. 620 and 6M, both with ind. 4, which probably reata oa 80me copyist'a
miareading of 'ilii' for 'vi.' Pirri, 6M, identifiea thia St Lucy'1 with the church given in IHO to
20~
 St LuC'J/a near Syracuae 203

of the nunnery of St Euplus near Mileto in Calabria, the church of St

Lucy near Syracuse which he had restored after the defeat of the Sara-
cens. Bishop William of Syracuse simultaneously freed St Lucy's anll
its possessions from all exactions, while specifically reserving his normal
episcopal jurisdiction and due obedience. Despite St Lucy's subjection
to a nunnery, it was evidently inhabited by men: our charter refers to
the 'pii presbiteri uel laici inibi habitantes.' lt is said that in 1171 a
house of Cistercian nuns was founded at St Lucy's, 1 but 1 have been
unable to :6.nd any proof of the statement. There is no evidence that
St Euplus's, which had a single abbess with St Mary's delle Scale of
Messina, 2 ceased to be Benedictine and became Cistercian. .
It would seem, in fact, that there were no less than two monastic
houses of St Lucy in Norman Syracuse, for in June of 1140, ind. ~ (sic), 3
the Countess Adelicia of Ademo, granddaughter of Roger 1, without
making any reference to the rights of the nuns of St Euplius or of the
hishop of Syracuse, gave to the bishop of CefalU 'ecclesiam sancte Lucie
de Siracusia, quam progenitores mei fundauerunt, et ego de meis bonis
a Deo datis decoraui cum omnibus iuribus, dignitatibus, et preeminentiis
suis, et cum casalibus Girepicii' et Cardinalis, Agulie et Mactile cum
uillanis eorum.' Probably the most generous progenitor of the Countess
was Roger I, but how and when he founded this St Lucy's we do not
know.
The following year, on the 8 Septemher, ind. 5, 6 atan inquest at which
Gaimarus, son of Alfanus, yielded to St Lucy's certain of its properties
which he had usurped, we are informed that Archbishop Rosemannus of
Benevento was the recrr of the church. This Rosemannus 9 was a
CefalU. and reports ~d's charter aa 'in tab. Eccl. Cephal.' However he appears not to have
seen the document, and ia probably wrong regarding its location; for Garufi's text ia drawn from
a copy of the original (P) once preserved at St Mary'11 dell1 Scale, and there is no trace of such a
charter at Cefahl at present. Pirri, 660, mentions without comment a Benedictine nunnery of
St Lucy at Syracuse which may well be the deacendant of the church given to St Euplus'11.
1 Catlwlic ~ia, m, 791.
ll Supra, p. 168, n. l.
1 Garufi, in A.880, IX (19H), &SS; Pirri, 666 and 799. Can the 'de Siracusa' be merely of, rather
than al, SiracuseP Pace, in A.SS, XXXVI (1911), 88, n. 4, reports the remains of a large Norman
baailica at S. Lucia de Mendola, near Buscemi and Palazzolo. There is no oonfusion with St Lucy'11
ol Ademe\ or St Lucy's of Noto, el. aupra, pp. 167 and 184.
'On which el. Doc. ined., 160.
5 ]bid., 41. The duplicate originals in the Cefahl Archive, Nos. 11 and 12, are both miadated
'regni.z.' In January 1186, ind. 4, Walter, Gaimar's son, was forced to surrender eu.ct.ly the same
property to Biahop Guido of Cefahl; el. ihi.d., !W7, and Pirri, 804.
Cf. Ughelli-Coleti, vm, 109-118; Marius de Vipera, Claronologia ~"' tJCCluial ~
~ (Naples, 1686), 106 fl'.; P. Sarnelli, M"""'"' cr~ u' -con ... di B~
(Naples, 1691), 94; S. Borgia, M"""'"' ... di B~ (Rome, 1764), n, 198; JL, No. 8429;
Caspar, No. 119.
!t04 Augustinian Canom

schismatic prelate consecrated by An8cletus 11 in 1184. Alter Roger ll's

reconciliation with Innocent 11 in July 1189, we are told by Falco of
Benevento that 'Rossemanus . . . de Benevento expulsus est, et miser
ipse cum Domino Rege festinavit.' 1 No further notice has been taken
of him. Naturally he sought consolation with the 'bishop' of Cefalu,
whose episcopal pretensions were also an affront to Innocent. He ap-
pears to have been put in charge of St Lucy's and to have lived there to
a great age; for in 117i a Rosemannus, without any title, signs a charter.
The church of Cefalu was populated by a chapter of Augustinian
canons, and its obedience at Syracuse was also Augustinian, as is shown
by the reference in U7i, ind. 5, 3 to 'magister Rogerius canonicus [Ce-
phaludi] qui tune erat prior sancte Lucie Syracuse.' Prior Roger like-
wise appears in another document of the same date.' Our last Norman
document for the monastery is unique of its kind in Sicily: it is an Arabic
charter, written in Hebrew characters, dated December 4948 (1187) ind.
6, 6 recording that, through the mediation of Prior Blasius of St Lucy's,
the corporation of the Jews of Syracuse received from the bishop of
CefalU a small tract of land for the extension of their cemetery, paying
annually to St Lucy's a caji8o of oil.
In conclusion, it seems impossible, as yet, to disentangle the various
monasteries at Syracuse dedicated to St Lucy. We may be certain only
of this: that alter 1140 one such church was a priory of Augustinian
canons subject to Cefalu.
1 In G. de Re, Cronidi' iorittori {Naples. l~). i. h7.
1 Doc. wd., 158.

* Ibid.
' Cusa. ~ and 715; Spata. P,,.,.
gnclu. ...; Pirri. 80I.
Cusa, 95 and 788, wroagly with 9'8 of the lewiah Mundane Era. Amari, Munltnaai. m
(1868), 191, n. '- dates it lHO.
 AUGUSTINIAN CANONS

IV. THE PRIORY OF PREMONSTRATENSIAN CANONS

OF ST GEORGE OF GRATTERI

T HE reformed order of Austin canons founded by St Norbert at

Prmontr about 1 utO spread rapidly throughout Latin Europe.
By 1138 there was a house at Todi, and shortly thereafter there were
several Premonstratensian churches in Palestine. 1 St George's of Grat-
teri, near Cefaf, the only house of this order in N orman Sicily, was
founded by Duke Roger, Roger Il's eldest son, 2 who died in 1148.
Duke Roger's donation was confirmed by lnnocent II, 4 who was recog-
nized in Sicily as Pope from the 25 July 1139 to his death on the 24
September 1148. Lucius II, whose short pontificate lasted from the ut
March 1144 to the 15 February 1145, issued a similar confirmation, 6 but
unfortunately neither of these documents appears to be extant. e
Our earliest document for this monastery is a donation by William I,
dated July 6668 (1155), ind. S, 7 of 6 iuga of land (that is, 180 modii) in
the region of Petralia near Gangi, with an adjoining pasture, rough land,
and water.
From a bull of Alexander III of 1178 to Cefalil we learn that the prior
and church of St George owed ecclesiastical obedience to the bishop of
that city: 'occasione temporalis obsequii, in quo aliis respondere noscun-
tur, tibi in spiritualibus obedientiam non audeant denegare,' 8 Who the
temporal lord of the monastery was, we do not know.
In a Greek document, of c. 1160-utOO, 11 Prior John of St George's
and a monk of the same name sell for sixty taris half of a house in the
Kalsa of Palermo which had been willed to the monastery by a certain
Mark.
1 Heimbucher, Orden und K~egatWnen, u, 67.
1 Tancred's charter, in Doc. ined., 248, and Pirri, 889.
a Caspar, p. 669.
Bull of Lucius III, infra, p. 206. n. l.
6 lbid.
11 There is in Madrid an inedited confirmation given the Premonstratensians by Lucius II; JL,
No. 8584; cf. P. Ewald, 'Reise nach Spanien,' Neu.u Archi11, VI (1881), 848.
7 Cusa, 860 and 720; text and ltalian translation in Spata, Diplomi (lf'eci, 48, and Milc. atar.

ital., IX (1870), 4W.

8 JL, No. 18055; cf. nipra, p. 198, n. 5, and JL, No. 16527.
11 Cusa, 98 and 722.

205
206 Auguatinian Ca'nO'M
Our most extensive information about the priory of Gratteri comes
from a bull of Lucius ID given to our same Prior John on the !U Decem-
ber 1182, ind. 1, pont. 2. 1 Mter urging the strict observance of the
rule of Prmontr, the Pope confirms to the monastery the possession
of the churches of St Leonard of Asinello and St Cataldus of Partinico'
with their m.ills and lands, and of St Peter of Prate Gangi and St Nicholas
of Gratteri with their holdings.
Finally, on the 1May1191, ind. 9, regni 2, 1 King Tancred, the hastard
of the founder of St George's, gave its prior, Salatiel, the casale of
Amballut freely.
1 Not in JL: el. Pirri. Bml, and P. Kehr, 'Papeturlrunden in Simlien.' 8!6.
a On Partinico el. A88, xuv (19H),
' Doc. Wid., M7; Pirri, Bml.
 THE SICILIAN CONNECTIONS OF PALESTINIAN
MONASTERIES AND ORDERS

l. BENEDICTINES
A. THE S1c1LIAN PoBBF.sSIONB oF TBE ABBEY oF ST MARY
IN TBE VALLEY OF JEBOBAPBAT

T HE grave of the Virgin in the valley of Jehosaphat, lying between

Jerusalem and the Mount of Olives, has been the site of a church,
and intermittently of a monastery, from very early times. The early
church was certainly destroyed by the Kalif al-~ikim about 1010, if it
had not already fallen into decay. The indications are strong that St
Mary's Jehosaphat was refounded on an ancient ruined site when Geof-
frey of Bouillon brought certain Latin monks to Palestine 'quos, post-
quam regnum adeptus est, iuxta eorum postulationem in ualle Iosaphat
locauit, amplissimumque loco, eorum gratia contulit patrimonium.' 1 In
1108 monks were seen there by Saewulf, 2 but three years later the church
was still in ruins. 8 Our first charter is a donation by Arnulf, Patriarch
of Jerusalem in lll!l, for its reconstruction. The church erected at that
time exists intact at the present day. 6 The 'primos abbas' was Hugo,
who is last heard of in 1116, although his successor, Gilduin, appears in
ll!lO only as eledus. 7
The congregation of Jehosaphat was the most aggressive of the non-
military orders of Palestine. As early as the !l January 1118 it secured
special papal protection, 8 and thereafter its possessions spread rapidly
not simply in the Latn East, but particularly in the realm of the Norman
kings.
1 William of Tyre. IX, 9, in &c. hin. croia., occid., 1, S76; PL, CCI, <MI. Cf. my 'A forged letter
conceming the existence of Latin monka at St Mary'a Jehoeapbat before the first crusade,' Speculum,
IX (1994), 404--07.
1 Ad H~oaolvmam et Temim Sanctam, ed. Armand d'Aresac (Paria, 1889), SS.
1 Gutafrancqrum Ihenualem ~ntium, cap. SS, in &c. laut. CJ'CIU., occid., m, lll-H.

'H. F. Delaborde, Claartea <U T'"' Sain proHfUJnt <U l ' abbag1 <U N.-D. <U Joaaphat (Paria,
1880), 21.
6 C. J. M . de Vogtl. Lu ~luu di la T'"' Saintl (Paria. 1860), 808.
8 Delaborde, 28; facsimile in frontiapiece.
7 !bid., 18.

Pftugk-Harttung, Acta pont. rom., u, tos, No. 246; JL, No. 6SS6; repeated by Eugene IJI, SJ
March 1151: Delaborde, 61, No. 27; JL, No. 9469.
!t07
208 Palestinian M onasteries and Orders

The study of the Sicilian properties and obediences of St Mary's

Jehosaphat has been greatly complicated by an outrageous series of
forgeries, the responsibility for which seems to rest upon Stephan, prior
of the Sicilian portion of the congregation of Jehosaphat from H48 to
1!!59. 1 Between 1899 and 1927, German and Italian diplomatists ex-
posed, besides five documents not touching our study, no less than 21
forgeries relating to Norman Sicily: 6 spurious papal bulls, 7 false di-
plomas of the Norman kings, 5 forged privileges given by bishops of
Catania, 2 similar charters of Count Henry of Paterno, and a document
purporting to come from Abbot Hugo in 1106, probably also a fabrica-
tion.2
Our task is to see what information can be gained about the activities
of the church of Jehosaphat in Norman Sicily from the authentic docu-
ments. We shall therefore disregard the following:

l. Papal, bulU:
Paschal 11, 8 January 1118 (Garufi, No. 9; JL, Nr. 6887).
Innocent 11, 18 May 1140 (Garufi, No. 55; Ardizzone, No. 10).
Innocent 11, 18 May 1140 (Garufi, No. 56).
Innocent 11, 18 May 1140 (Garufi, No. 57).
Innocent 11, 18 May 1140 (Garufi, No. 58; JL, No. 8096).
Hadrian IV, 1 March 1155 (Garufi, No. 77, JL, No. 10008).
i. R.oyal chartera:
Roger 11, 11 October 1144 (Garufi, No. 68; Caspar, No. 170).
William 1, 1154-1166 (Garufi, No. 74).
William 11, March 1172 (Garufi, No. 98).
William 11, 14 July 1172 (Garu, No. 94; Ardizzone, No. 15).
William 11, January 1188 (Garufi, No. 115; Ardizzone, No. iO).
William 11, January 1188 (Garufi, No. 116).
William 11, January 1188 (Garufi, No. 117).
S. Eilcopal chartera:
Ansger of Catania, SO September 1118 {Gai:u, No. ti; Ardizzone, No. 1
cf. infra, p. iIO, n. 6).
Ansger of Catania 1118 (Garufi, No. 10).
Ansger of Catania 1124 (Garufi, No. Si).
1 C. A. Garufi, '11 tabulario di S. Maria di Valle Gioeafat nel tempo normanno-evevo e la data

delle sue falsificazioni,' ASSO, v (1908). 178.

1 Cf. Doc. ined., 801-882; L. von Heinemann, 'Normanniscbe Henop und KISnigirurlrunden,'

Tlring11r Uni1111raitataprogramme (1899); P. Kehr, 'Papaturkunden (Ur S. Maria de Valle Josapbat.'

Gatt.NacAr. (1899),SS8-868;P. Scheffer-Boichorat, 'Das Geaetz Kaiser Friedrich's D: De resignanclia
privilegiia,' Berlinuche Sit%ungabnich (1900), 182--162; K. A. Kehr, sss.s71; Garufi, '11 Coate
Enrico di Patemcl e le sue donazioni al monaatero di S. Maria di Valle Gioeafat,' Rmu t forfd
latin (1902), 206-229; Garufi, in ASSO, v (1908), 161-188, 815-349; C. Ardiu.on., Diplorai ulla
Bibliottica Comunale ai Benedettini (Catania, 1927).
 St Anne's of Galath !l09

Mauritius of Catania 14 July llH (Garufi, No. 80; Ardizzone, No. 7).
Mauritius of Catania May 1184 (Garufi, No. 48; Ardizzone, No. 8).
4. Abbatial documenta:
Hugo of St Mary's Jehosaphat, 1106 (Garufi, No. 8).
5. Baronial charters:
Count Henry of Paterno, 1122 or 1124 (Garufi, No. 26; Ardizzone, No. 4).
Count Henry of Paterno, Sept. 1182 (Garufi, No. 46; Ardizzone, No. 8
with 1122).

But even after this act of scholarly self-denial, the abbey of Jehosaphat
is seen to have played a certain role in the monastic life of Norman
Sicily. It may have extended its infiuence to the island very shortly
after its reconstruction in lll!l; for Bishop Ansger of Catania (1091-
1124) was the donor of its priory at Paterno. However, our first definite
knowledge of the Jehosaphat's penetration into the Norman realm is of
the 80 November 1128, when Eleazar, a knight, endowed its priory of
St Anne of Galath, at the request of the Countess Adelaide, who died
in 1118. By 1140 the Palestinian abbey had the inevitable house in
Messina to care for its commerce. To these must be added a fourth
obscure house near Calatafimi, in the far west of Sicily, isolated from the
other three.
Yet despite this precocious expansion, the abbey of Jehosaphat seems
to have fallen into disfavor in Sicily. No less than 109 documents (ex-
cluding the forgeries) of the tabulary of the congregation of Jehosaphat
are extant from the twelfth century. Yet after 1140 we have not a
single indication of the acquisition of new properties in the island. In
fact the only authentic charter dealing with the abbey's activities there
in the remainder of the Norman period is a mere confirmation (i April
1185) of commercial privileges granted it by Roger 11, that i$, before
1154. 1 have no adequate explanation of this decadence.

l. The Priory of St Anne 1 ?f Galath, near Tortorici

Before embarking from Palestine, on the !l5 April 1117, 2 on her sad
1 Pirri, 593, refers to it aa St Mary'a of GaJath, hut 1 have not found auch a title used in the
Norman period. William Il'a charter of January, 1188, forged about the middle of the thirteenth
century, apeak.s of 'eccleaiam S. Marie de Galath .. ah Heliazar Milite ciare datam'; d. Pirri.
1135; K. A. Kehr, 346. The church may have hada double dedication; for a aeventeenth-century
note to Eleazar's donation in MS Qq F 69, fol.~. of Bib. Com. Palenno refers to 'eccleaiam Sancte
Anne et Sancte Marie Virginia.' Our priory must not be confused with the Baailian monastery of
St Mary of Galath, or Gala, on which cf. Pirri 1042; Caapar, Nos. 6 and 144; and Doc. ined., 19.
' Chalandon, i. S6U.
210 Paleatinian M onaateriea and Ordera
voyage homeward, Countess (or Queen) Adelaide vowed that if she
reached Sicily in safety she would erect two churches: one in honor of
St Anne, the other devoted to her Virgin Daughter. Before her death
in 1118 at Patti, she commanded a knight named Eleazar, son of William
Mallevrer (or Mallabret} 1 to build the former 2 on his lands, and give
it to the abbey of the Valley of Jehosaphat, 'quatinus ipsa com.itissa
eiusque filius Rogerius maioris et huius minoris ecclesie sint participes.'
Fortunately the charter of foundation and consecration of the priory
survives, of the 80 November 1HS, ind. !t. As endowment, Eleazar
gave the church 'in manu Pagani prioris de Valle losaphat' seven of his
villains with their tenements, besides a large tract in the region of Fitalia
and Tortorici, and a piece of land large enough to be sown with ten
salmas. 'Et ita libere hoc feci donum predicte ecclesie quod nullus homo
infra hanc teneturam huius sancte ecclesie habeat aliquid ad faciendum,
nisi tantummodo homines Helie Poere. Tali vero conditione sunt hom-
ines illi infra teneturam istam quod in uno quoque anno dominus eorum
debet reddere ipsi ecclesie Sancte Anne tres salmas, unam scilicet de
frumento, aliam de ordeo, tertiam de uino.' The church was consecrated
by Bishops William of Messina and Stephan of Mazara, who witness the
deed.
Pirri tells us that in 1140 Bishop Geoffrey 11 of Messina gave St
Anne's 'baptisma, confessiones, coemeterium, decimas, ac in divortiorum
causis judicium.'' In his genuine bull of the 18 May 1140 Innocent Il
mentions the similar concessions of Geoffrey to St Mary Magdalene of
Jehosaphat in Messina, but speaks only of the 'uillanis, terris, uineis, ah
Eleazar milite traditis' to the church of Galath.

!t. The Priory of St Mary of Jehosaphat at Paterno

After elimination of the forgeries, 11 the history of the priory of Jehosa-
1 For him el. alao Cuaa. 411 and 702; and G. Spata, P1rg. grJM, Ul.
t Delaborde, SS, 11&y1 Eleazar built 'deux gliaea,' but Salinas in A88, vn (1882), 467, COITeda him.
1 Delaborde, 88-40 Ardizzone, 29, No. 7a; 'Tab.,' No. 29, with 'Jan.-Aug. llU.' It ia dated
'llU, ind. 2 .. in festiuitate ancti Andree' (Pirri, 886, miareada ' Annae'). In Sicily evm
Latin documenta aometimea rommenced the yea.r on the 1 September; el. K. A. Kehr, SOS, D.. S.
and p. 888; Garufi, in R.mu t l'oriem latn, a. 211, n. l.
' Pirri, 890.
1 JL, No. 809.5; infra. p. 212, n. l.
1 Ganifi'a 'Tab.,' No. 12, givea aa authentic the charter of Anager of Catania of the SO September
1118, ind. 7, publiahed, suppoeedly from the original in the Catanian Archive, in bis OW'll 'Le doaa-
sione del Conte Enrico di Patern,' Rn. or. latin, IX (1902), 219. However, aa Ardizsone, No. 1,
pointa out. aince Ansger died in llU, and the charter (which I have e:umined) mentions lnnoomt
11, it can IC&l'Cely be authentic. De Grossia, 64, publiahea it faithfully. Amico, 1177, noticing the
anachroniam, changea 'lnnocentii' to 'Paachalia'; and ao, mirabih dictu. does Garufi, and in ailencel
 St Mary Magdalene's of Jehoaaphat, near Messi,na 211

phat at Paterno becomes very sketchy indeed. lnnocent II's genuine

bull of the 18 May 1140 1 confirms to the abbey of Jehosaphat 'in
parochia Cathanensi infra oppidum Paternionis ecclesiam sancte Marie,
matris domini, ah Angerio (d. IH4) episcopo datam, cum parrochia,
cimiterio, baptismate, aliamque ecclesiam sancte Marie Magdalene cum
hospitali, que subtus castrum sita est, a Mauritio episcopo similiter con-
cessam, et molendinum, uillanos, terras, et uineas, domos ceterasque
possessiones ah Henrico marchione datas.' This is probably the raw
material on which our forgers worked. Two days later 2 lnnocent took
both these churches, as well as some Syrian properties, under his special
protection, as did subsequent popes. 8 In return, the abbey was to pay
annually an ounce of gold.
That the house of Paterno was of some importance commercially, is
indicated by a clause in William II's charter of the !t April 1185 1 con-
firming Roger II's exemption from tolls at Messina granted to the monks
of Jehosaphat: 'Res quoque sua de Paternione libre deferebant et
uendebant.'

8. The Priory of St Mary Magdalene of Jehosaphat, near Messina8

The necessities of transport between Western Europe and the Levant
eventually forced every great Palestinian monastery to have an estab-
lishment in Messina. St Mary's Jehosaphat was no exception. Our
Ardizzone, No. 5, alao condemna as spurioua Biahop Mauritiua'a charter of ll!U, ind. i, 'Tab.,'
No. 20, published by Garufi, 'Le donuioni,' fil. Although the proof of its falaity ll not abaolute,
it cannot be uaed aafely.
1 'Tab.,' No. 54; cf. infra, p. lli, n. l.
s 'Tab.,' No. 59; not in JL; Ardizzone, No. 11; P. Kehr, 'Papaturlrunden fUr S. Maria.' 864.
1 lnnocent Il, 5 April 114t (JL, No. 8tts; 'Tab.,' No. 61; Pftugk-Harttung, n, 8tt); Eugene IIl.
4 May 1145 (JL, No. 87'8; Delaborde, 58, No. 20; 'Tab.,' No. 65) and Sl March 1151 (not in JL;
P. Kehr, op. cit., 865; 'Tab.,' No. 70; Ardizzone, No. 18); and Hadrian IV, 1 March 1155 (JL, No.
10004; Delaborde, 71, No. SO; 'Tab.,' No. 76).
'Cf. Lber cmmum, ed. Fabre and Duchesne, tsS.
11 'Tab.,' No. 111; injra, p. tli, n. 5. Cf. for Patemb, Garufi, 'Un contratto agrario in Sicilia nel
aecolo xn,' ASSO, v (1908), 19.
From thill Benedictine monaatery one muat dilltinguish a church of canona within the walla of
Measina, alao dedicated to the Magdalene, built and endowed by John Dapifer; cf. Hadrian IV'a
confinnation of 18 May 1159, ind. 7, pontif. 5, given at the Lateran, in Starrabba. Dipl. Menina,
ts; not in JL. Hadrian mentiona privileges granted by Bishop William of Messina. which puts
the foundation before llt7. In December 1157, ind. 6, regni 6, Simon, royal seneachal, gave vari-
oua omaments to the chapel of St Mary Magdalene which hia father had built. and of which he
held the patronage; cf. Starrabba. op. cit., 17. A Greek deed of sale of September 6685 (1176),
ind. 10, in Cusa, S7S and 7t7, and Spata. Diplumi vreci (1870), 78, aeems to dilltinguish 'il c1-ylt1 ,,..,t.
nii CT11l'~O"d>.1e&' from St Mary Magdalene'a of the Jerusalemites of Jehosaphat; cf. C. Kohler,
'Charles de l'abbaye de Notre-Dame de la Valle de Josaphat en Terre Sainte,' Reo. or. latin (1899),
1'8, No. 4.0. There ll no reaaon to think that thill church waa served by regular canona.
212 Palestinian Monasteriea and Ordera

first information as to its house there comes from the authentic bull of
Innocent 11 of the 18 May 1140: 1 'Prope Messanam ciuitatem ecclesiam
sancte Marie Magdalene cum terris et uineis, cimiterio, confessione a
Goffredo eiusdem ciuitatis episcopo concessis, qui eam consecrauit.'
Gams lists two Bishop Geoffreys of Messina, one sitting in 1118. 2 ln-
nocent's bull seems to refer to a contemporary; otherwise one would
expect sorne such expression as 'beate memorie.' And Pirri's assertion
that in 1140 Geoffrey 11 'templo S. Mariae Magdalenae Messanae . . .
concessit baptisma, confessiones, coemeterium, decimas, ac in divortio-
rum causis judicium ferre ex diplomate ipsius eodem anno, quod est in
tabulis Monasterii S. Placidi de Colonero Messanae,' 1 would seem to
clinch the matter. The question also arises as to whether Geoffrey II
endowed the church merely with ecclesiastical benefits, or with the lands
and vineyards also. Pirri's statement would incline us to the former
view; but the context of lnnocent's bull, which usually mentions the
names of the donors of churches, indicates the latter, and Paul Kehr
understands it in this sense. 4 Perhaps the dedication to the Magdalene
rather than to the Virgin indicates that the church was not a new founda-
tion, but rather an older structure given to St Mary's Jehosaphat, rebuilt
and reconsecrated.
The primarily commercial nature of this Messinese establishment is
shown by a privilege granted by Roger 11, but which we know only by
the results of an inquest held by William 11 on the i April 1185, ind. 8. 6
Brothers Elias and Stephan, of the congregation of Jehosaphat, came
before the King, and requested him to renew the franchise given by his
grandfather, which had been lost when the Calabrian house 11 had been
destroyed by earthquake. Five >orluwni of Messina swore on the gospel
l JL, No. 8096; Garufi's 'Tab.,' No. 64 Pflugk-Harttung, u, Sil, No. M; P. Kehr, 'PapsturkundeD
fUr S. Maria,' SSMi. There are four spuriot111 versiom.
1 To this last Pirri, S86 and 1184, ascribea the concession, but on the inadequale buia ol a
forged confirm&tion of William 11 dated January 1188 (K. A. Kehr, 8416; cf. Kohler, l.S9, No. 51).
The spurious bull of Paschal 11 of the S January lllS (JL, No. 6SS7; Delaborde. U, No. S; d. P.
Kehr, SSD), which fortunately Pirri did not lmow, would bave furnished him better evidence.
1 Pirri, 890. 1 have not found thia charter. Thia is not the chapel of canons of the aame name
mentioned above; for aimultaneoualy Geoffrey aeems to have granted the aame righta to St Anne'a
of Galath, another dependency of Jeh011&phat'a. Cf. Pflugk-Harttung, n, SI 1, No. H.
'Papaturkunden fUr S. Maria,' MI.
11 'Tab.,' Si, No. 111 Doc. imd., IOO; Kohler, 155, No. t7; d. K. A. Kehr, 8416, 855-6. Ardiaoae.
86-7, No. 17, declares thia diploma, which is at Catania, false becauae it W:ka a -1, and begim
with 'Regium signum.' On the contrary, it oommences, 'W. dei gratia Rex.' etc., and appean to
be a conlemporary copy. lt waa confirmed the IS December IUM by Henry VI: 'Tab.,' Std, No.
119; Kohler, 165, No. St; Ardiuone, No. &; Garufi, 'Monete e conii nella atoria del diritto aiculo,,
ASS, XXIII (1898), ISS and 158-9.
e St Mary's Jeh011&phat near San Mauro, north of ROl!8allo, on which d. K. A. Kehr, MS-1, S50;
CU88. 6M and 7S8; Caspar, Nos. 87 and 171; Doc. imd., 86 and 45.
 St Mary's of Calal,ahameth 213

that, according to a privilege of Roger 11 which they had seen, the church
of Jehosaphat was able to export frorn Messina, free of duty 'pelliceas,
toniarn, starninias, caseos, scutellas, et pannos laneos et lineos pro indu-
rnentis fratrurn, ferrurn, acerurn (or azarurn) et lignarnina aliaque neces-
saria rnittenda ultra mare, de quibus duana nostra singulis annis com-
putabat portulanis rnessane pro iure portus centum et uigenti tarenos
ad pondus rnessane.' 1 The portulani also testified that when the ship
of the church of Jehosaphat carne loaded to Messina, it was exernpt from
all port-taxes, and could load, unload, and sell freely. The staternent
that the royal divan credited the porlulani of Messina with HO taris a
year on account of this franchise indicates that there was a lirnit of this
sort in Roger's concession, to prevent the rnonks frorn entering wholesale
trade.

4. The Priory (?) of St Mary of Calatahameth, below Calatafirni

'Calataharneth cum suis' is enurnerated by Paschal Il as among. the

possessions of Bishop Stephan of Mazara on the 15 October 1100, 2 al-
though it does not appear in Pirri's text of Roger I's donation to that
bishopric in October 1098. 3
lnnocent Il's authentic confirmation of the properties of St Mary's
Jehosaphat given at the Lateran on the 18 May 11404 mentions 'in
parrochia Mazarensi, ecclesiam Sancte Marie de Calatabameth, cum
uillanis, terris, possessionibus quoque suis, a Rainaldo de Tirone datis;
apud castrum Sacci uillanos quosdarn a Symone, filio ducis, datos.' The
charter of Rainald of Tiron's gift has not been preserved, but we have
an undated confi.rmation of it by his son Elias of Tiron, 11 who, with his
wife Hodierna, added to the wealth of Jehosaphat lands, vineyards, a
wood, a mili, six Moslem serfs and their families, nine fugitives (if they
were caught!), sorne land towards Calatafimi, the tithes of Piazza
(Armerina?), and various periodical offerings, such as the leavings from
his table, both rnorning and evening. Of rnost interest to us is the pro-
vision of an ounce of gold a year for the clothing of a monk, as well as a
similar amount for the chaplain. This would indicate that St Mary's
of Calatahamet was a grange, with a church and monks attached.
We have no further record of the villains of Sciacca given by 'Symon
filius ducis.' 1 cannot identify this personage, or discover of what 'duke'
1 On thia coin, el. Garufi, 'Monete e conii.' ~ ff.
2 JL, No. 6841; Pirri, 848.
3 Pirri, 842.
'JL, No. 8096; el. mpra, p. iH, n. l.
6 'Tab.,' No. 60; Kohler, ISi, No. 28.
214 Paleatinian M onaateries and Ordera

he was son. A Count Simon, nephew of King Roger 11, appears in a

Greek document of May 6650 (1142), ind. 2 (sic). 1 Caspar 2 thinks
there may be an error in the Greek text, and that this Simon was Count
Simon of Montegargano, Roger II's cousin. But since this Simon's
father was Roger's maternal uncle, Count Henry of Montegargano, 1 he
cannot be our 'filius ducis,' or Roger's nephew.

B. TBE S1CILIAN PossESSIONs Oli' THE ABBEY Oli' ST MABY

011' THE LATINS AT J EBUSALEM

1. The Priory of St Philip of Agira

The monastery of St Philip in Agira' antedates the Mohammedan
invasion of Sicily, and was originally a house of Basilian monks. Its
patron saint is a very nebulous ~probably a Thracian who mi-
grated to Sicily in the early fifth century. 6 The monastery flourished
not merely under Byzantine rule, but under the Moslems-a marvel
1 Cu.a. 80G ami 711; Spata. Diplomi grm.. 120. ami Mc. llor. ital.. a. '91; Starrabba. Dipl.
MuAno. 886. No. 7; Cupw, No. 1"5.
1 Cupar, p. SIS, D
Alexander of Tele1e, La'b. u. cap. l. ed. Muratori (Milan, 1724), v, Mi.
St Philip'a of A.gira mmt be diatinguiahed from the Builiaa found&tiona al St Philip the Great
at Meuina. (Pirri, 1029), St Philip at Santa Lucia del Mela, llOUth of Milauo (ibid. 1057). ud
above all St Philip of Fragall. or Demena. near Fruzana (ibUl., 1027). A completely aatisfadGl'J'
aooouut of the abbey of Agira C&DDOl yet be written. Vito Maria Amico'a atudy of it in the third
edition of Pirri'1 Bicilia acra (Palermo. 1788), 1246 ff. waa amplified by Bouaventura Attardi.
Btoria dell' integra ci"'1 di 8. FiliP'JIO di .4.ggira (Palermo, 1n2). Nothing further waa done until
the collapee of the fa~e of the church oo the 10 February 1911 moved Mgr Pietro Sinopoli di
Giunta to compoee a hurried hiatory of La badia di 8. Maria Latina di A.gira (Acireale. 1911). iD
the hope of aecuring ill reatoration. In the '90'1 of the laat century Garufi bad attempted to in-
lpeet the archives (el. A.SS, XLIX, 872-S). but had been thwarted by an obecurantiat prior. Yuaal17
in 1926. Mgr Sinopoli, with the encouragement of the new prior, publiahed a most unaatiafactory
regiater of 'Il tabulario di S. Maria Latina di Agira.' .4.880. xxu. 185-190, noting many new docu-
menlll of the Norman period. Tbe defecta of this regiater were 10 glaring that in 1980 the hiatorical
IOCety of Catania announced the integral publication of the tabulary. in care of Dr G. Greco (cf
.ABSO. xxvr, S26). In February of 1988 at Catania Dr Greco generously permitted me to oomult
hia tranacriptiona of most of the N orman chartel'!I.
'Cf. D. G. Lancia di Brolo, Storia della cl&iua in Bicilia nri diliC primi 1ecoli (Palermo. 1880). i.
209-214; Caietanua, Yittu .anctorvm iriculorum (Palermo, 1647), 1. !U-82; A.A.88, May III. appeod.
7M; Pirri, 488-9.
8 So Sinopoli. 'Tabulario,' 156; Attardi, 118-9. and Amico, 1247. Amari, Mwulrnarai. n (1858)
.as, n. 1, thinb tbe abbey waa abandoned u early u 959, but on inauflicient evidence; cf. npra.
p. SS, n. l. V. di Giovanni in A.SS, v (1880), 17, attempts to refute Amari'a conclusion by citing a
bull of Benedict IX (1088-M), reported by Franceaco Caruao u in the tabulary of Agira. confirmiq
the monutery of Agira to St Mary'1 of Jeruaalem. But Giovanni di Giovanni, Coda diplorraolicw
Bicilu (Palermo. 17~), 4M, note a. bad already 1hown this to be a bull of Benedict XI. dated
Marcb ISO.. Cf. 'Tab.,' Hl, No. 9; Amico. 1251; P. Kebr. 'Papaturkunden in Sisilien,' O..
Nadir. (1899), 2M, n. l.
 St Philip'a of Agira 215

which later writers generally ascribe to the protection of St Philip rather

than to Saracenic moderation.
A point in the cloister's Basilian period must detain us. There exists
a very brief vita of one of its abbots, St Luke Casalius of Nicosia. 1 There
is nothing in this short biography to indicate the abbot's date, but
Caietanus maintains that since Count Roger founded Nicosia, Luke
must have lived after the N orman conquest. 2 It is perfectly true that
under Roger II large numbers of Lombards settled at Nicosia, as indeed
they did in many of the cities of central Sicily, infiuencing the local
dialect even to the present day. 3 But it is quite possible that Nicosia
existed as a small Greek community before the Latin deluge. And since
no Abbot Luke is known at the monastery of Agira in the twelfth century,
we may relegate the saint to the pre-Norman period.'
We must also mention the problem of the vita of St Lawrence of
Frazzano. Since this holy man perished, according to the account, on
the 80 December 116!?, the patient Bollandists have not yet discussed
him, and we must rely on Caietanus. 15 The biography mentions both
St Philip's of Fragala and St Philip's of Agira, recounting that the saint
spent five years in the latter cloister, reconstructed by Count Roger, and
was particularly intimate with the Abbot Erasmus and another immi-
grant monk named Walter. During his sojourn in Agira, St Lawrence
built a church in honor of St Lucy.
No Abbot Erasmus of Agira is known from other sources, nor can
other mention be found of the Bishop Nicephorus of Troina who is re-
puted to have given St Lawrence the monastic habit. The life itself,
being Greek, was probably produced at Fragala rather than at Agira.
We have no knowledge of when it was composed, and cannot use itas
an historical source.
The early history of St Philip's of Agira under the Normans is rather
confused. Both Pirri and Amico state that Roger 1 replaced the Basilian
monks with Latins following the rule of St Benedict. Pirri has the
temerity to give the date as 1095. Amico more moderately admits that
'annum hujus instaurationis per Rogerium factae ignoramus.' 6 There
1 AASS, March 1, 151-i; Caietanus, op. cit., u, 188.
1 Op. cit., in animad11eraionu, u, 68.
Cf. M. La Via, 'Le cost-dette "colonie lombarde" di Sicilia,' ASS, XXIV (1899), 1-35.
As do Amico, 12'&7, and Sinopoli, Badia, 16.
a Vita Nnctorum liculorum, u, 178-6. In animad11eraionu, n, 60, he tells ua that the life wu
turned into Latin from the Greek in 1573 by John lnquenis, at the requeat of the archbiahop of
Meaaina. and at the expense of the Baailiana of Fragal1. Sinopoli, Badia, 18, asserts without proof
that St Lawrence died in 1095. Attardi, lft, confeaaea ignorance of when he lived, but 8UIJ>ecla
he was a Basilian.
e Pirri, 590; Amico, 12'&7; d. Attardi, 126-7.
!ll6 Pa'lestinian M onaateries and Orders

is no evidence that Greek monks were ousted; far more probably St

Philip's was entirely deserted when the Normans arrived. That Roger 1
(who died in 1101) was indeed a benefactor of St Philip's is demonstrated
by Roger II's confirmation in 1H6 1 of 'quicquid pater meus' had given
to the monastery. But our first notice of the church comes in 1094, in
a confirmation by Roger 1, to Abbot Ambrose of the Benedictine cloister
of St Bartholomew on Lipari, of properties donated by various barons. 2
lt says that 'Guillelmus Maloseporarius, concedente domino Roberto
Trainense episcopo et clericis eius, dedit ecclesiam S. Philippi in Monte
Argyrio cum terris, et quinque uillanis, et etiam partem omnium deci-
marum terrarum suarum quas habet in territorio Montis Argyri.' In
the same confirmation 'Rogerius Marchisi dedit duos uillanos, unum in
Fatalia, et alterum apud S. Philippum di Monte Argyri.' St Bartholo-
mew's possession of the church was confirmed to Abbot-Bishop John of
Lipari-Patti in 1184 by Roger 11. 3
Yet in sorne way our monastery of Agira became united with the
abbey of St Mary of the Latins in Jerusalem, the oldest foundation of
the western rite in the Holy City. Gregory the Great and Charlemagne
had maintained Latin monastic establishments there, one of which per-
sisted under the name 'Sancta Maria Latina in Hierusalem' at least as
late as the 29 October 998,' and probably until the destruction of ali
the Christian churches of Jerusalem by the Kalif al-~ikim in 1010. 6 Some-
time between the end of al-ij:ikim's persecutions in 1014 and the fall of
the Fatimid power in Palestine about 1070, certain merchants of Amalfi
rebuilt the Latin St Mary's as a hospice for pilgrims, and brought Bene-
dictine monks, possibly from Cava, to keep it. 8 lt was from this monas-
1 Cf. infra, p. il7, n. 4.
1 Pirri, 771; cf. .upra., p. 81. Agira wu in the dioce.e of Catania rather than of .Messina-Troina.
Pirri, 774.
' Count Riant, 'La donation de Rugues .Marquia de T011C&De, au Saint-Spulcre et les tablisee-
r
ments latina de Jruaalem au xe siecle,' Mhnoiru de Acadbnie du lrucripti.oru et Btllu-IAltru.
XXXI (1884), 160.
Only the church at Bethlehem wu spared; cf. M. de VogU. Lu '9lu de la Terre Sairt (Paria.
1860), 6~.
11 J. Delaville le Roulx, Lu H08p'italiera m Terre-SairiU (Paria, 1904), 11-Jt. Cf. P . Guillaume.
u ftaui ca11enai nel Mediterraneo duran il medio ero (La Cava. 1876). As for the date: De VogO.
op. cit., 249, and Ursmer Berli~re. 'Die alten Benedictinerkliister im Heiligen Lande,' Studien urtl
Mittheilungm am dem Bmedictiner und Ciatercienaer-Ordm, IX (1888), 125, both put the Amalfitan
rertoration between 1014 and lOiS, relying on a firman of lOiS, in which the Sultan Mour.aflir
purports to grant protection to Frankish monks in Jerusalem, reported by Eugene Dor, Quutiol&
du Lieuz aain (Paria, 1850), as existing in the Franci.scan library of St Savior in Jerusalem. But
"K. P.', Rponae a la brochure de M . Eugene Bur (Constantinople, Imp. Ant. Coromila and Platon
Rupalli, 1851), 8-9, appears to annihilate this charter with an erudition deserving something better
than anonymity. W. Heyd, GucliU:liU du Lemn:liande im MilUlaller (Stuttgart, 1879), 1, 11~7.
abo hu grave doubts u to ita authenticity, and in the reviaed French edition (Leipzig, 1885), 1.
 St Philip' s of Agira 217

tery that the famous order of the Hospital of St John sprang, under the
leadership of Gerard, in the first decade of the twelfth century. 1
We do not know when the monastery of Agira was given to that of
Jerusalem. It may even have been subject to St Mary's before the first
crusade, for Robert Guiscard, who died in 1085, may have given the
Calabrian churches of St Peter of Tavis and St Nicholas of Lampada to
the Palestinian ahbey. 2 Mgr Sinopoli permitted his imagination to solve
the problem 3 by metamorphosing a bull of Paschal 11, given to Abbot
Amelius of St Mary's of Jerusalem the 19 June llUl, ind. 5, pontif. 13,
into a papal command that thenceforth all possessions of the Palestinian
foundation were to depend upon St Philip's of Agira. In Dr Greco's
transcription of this bull, there is no hint of such a union, nor is either
St Philip's or Sicily mentioned.
Our first indication of connection between the two monasteries is a
confirmation given by Count Roger 11 to the unnamed prior of St Philip's
on the 10 July ll!l6, ind. 4: 4

105, omits all mention of it. Cf. Delaville le Roulx, op. cit., 11, n. 2, and Count Riant, 'Inventaire
critique des lettres historiques de croisades,' Archi11U de l'orient latn, 1 (1881), 65.
1 Cf. Delaville le Roulx, op. cit., 88. For the controversy on the origin of the Hospitalers cf.
Dom Berliere, op. cit., 126-9. The exact time of the division between St Mary's and the new order
is uncertain. The signature of 'Giraldus hospitalerus' on the 9 May 1102 (J. Delaville le Roulx,
Cartulaire ginhal de fordre du Hoqitaliera [Paris, 1894], 1, 18, No. 9), is inconclu.sive, but there is
nothing ambiguous about the donation, in a charter of 1106-1110, of lands 'Deo et beate Marie et
Sancto lohanni Babtiste et domui Hospitalis lerusalem et fratri Geraldo hospitalario, et omnibu.s
aliis fratribus' (ibid., 1, 14, No. 10; cf. 1, 17 for 'Girardu.s prior' of the Jeru.salem hospital in 1108).
2 Gift mentioned in a charter of March 1168, ind. 1, regni 2, transcribed by Dr Greco, Diplomi

imperiali e reg, No. 4. This charter is, however, somewhat suspect. A diploma of January 1188,
ind. 8 (infra, p. 221, n. 11), exists which purports to give St Peter's to the abbey of Agira. More-
over Henry Vl's confirmation of the 80 December 1194 locates St Peter's of 'Tave' in Sicily, while
mentioning St Nicholas of Lampada anda St Peter's of Tacina in Calabria (infra, p. 228, n. 2).
3 'Tab.,' 140, No. 2, with July. This expedient had not occurred to Sinopoli in 1911 when he
published his Badia di S . M. Latina. P. Kehr's 'Papsturkunden in Sizilien' neglects Agira. Ac-
cording to Dr Greco, the parchment of Agira i.s not the original bull. The abbot's name appears
as 'Am . . . .' No other abbot of the Latina is known before Richard's appearance in lHO (de
Roziere, Cart. du S . Spulcre, 84). An Abbot Ameliu.s appears twice in 1155-8 (infra, p. Ha, n. 8),
which might lead us tosuspect this bull. Strangely, however, J.E. Darras, Hiaunre ginhaledel'~gliae
(Pars, 1881), xxv, 101, says that an Abbot Amil of the Latina attended the Jerusalem Council of
1102, basing his assertion on Albericus Aquensis, Hiatoria Hieroaolym, Lib. IX, cap. 16 (&c. hiat.
croia., occid., rv, 600), who mentions simply 'abbas etiam de Sancta Maria Latina.' Darras must
therefore have had sorne reason, unknown to me, for believing that an Abbot Amiliu.s ruled about
this time.
4 Dr Greco's transcription from the original gives the date as the 10 July 1127, ind. 4. But 1127
was ind. 5, and K. A. Kehr, 71, n. 6, and Caspar, No. 49, have shown from the attestations that it
belongs to 1126. Text in Amico, 1248, corrected from Pirri, 590 and 1181; Attardi, 127-9 with
July 6641, ind. 4; Sinopoli, Badia, 97, with many errors, dated 1189, ind. 4; his 'Tab.,' 144, No. 28,
has July 1127. Amico's inlitulatio, 'Siciliae Rex et Calabriae Comes,' is dueto faulty transmission:
the original omits 'rex'; cf. Kehr, 247, n. IJ.
218 Palestinian Monasteries and Orders
'confirmamos ecclesie transmarine sancte Marie que dicitur de latina ecclesiam
sancti Philippi, cui deo auctore prior presides, cum omnibus illis decimationibus
quas donatione ansgerii uenerabilis memorie cathaniensium episcopi (c. 1091-
11~) hodie canonice possides in ea libertate qua a prefato episcopo constat
luis.se concessum. N ostra etiam auctoritate statuimus ut quicquid pater meus,
siue barones Sicilie, uel quilibet alii fideles . . . preate ecclesie iuste contulerunt
. . firma et inconcussa . . . permaneat.'

We know something of the nature of Ansger's donation from a con-

firmation of Robert ID, eiect of Catania, in February 1170, ind. 3, 1
which however, gives no reliable indication of whether or not St Philip's
was subject to St Mary's in Ansger's day:

'ecclesie sancti Philippi de Argiro, que est de sancta Maria de Latina in Hyeru-
salem, ea omnia que in eadem uilla que dicitur sanctus Philippus ad ecclesiasti-
cum spectant officium: scilicet baptisterium, sponsalia et cimiterium tam lati-
norum quam grecorum, et decimas uniuersas, ecclesiamque sancti Ioannis, quam
Ioannis de Rocaforti construere fecit, 2 et alias ecclesias omnes, excepta sancta
Maria, cappella domini Ville, et sancti Georgii oratorio filiorum Paghanii de
Parisio;3 reseruata etiam nobis et successoribus nostris archidiaconatu, canoni-
catu et fidelitate clericorum et Synodo tam latinorum quam grecorum iuxta
prius a predecessore nostro uenerabile episcopo Angerio pie recordationis pre-
nominate ecclesie sancti Philippi olim datum et concessum esse nouimus, in
perpetuum donamus et confirmamus.'

Further, the monastery shouid entertain the bishop and his train when
they stopped at Agira, and the bishop was to return the courtesy to
members of the monastery visiting Catania.
Likewise no information about St Philip's connection with Jerusalem
is given in the donation by a certain Adam, in 112-9, ind. 7/ of two
casalia to the Sicilian house. How couid R-0ger II confirm the possession
of St Philip's to St Mary's of Jerusalem in 1126, and to the church of
Lipari in 1134? The confusion evidently troubled even the feudal mind
of the twelfth century, so accustomed to multiple loyaities. In an in-
1 Doc. ined~ 120; Attardi, 14i-8; Sinopoli, Badia, 105, and 'Tah.,' 147, No. 48. Tbe whim ol
an eighteenth~tury legal brief in MS Qq F 180, fol. 123, of the Bib. Com. Palermo, dates Ansger's
donation 1090. Pirri, 524 and 590, gives 1095, but without proof; 011 pages 548 and 545 he cl.a.ims
to ha ve seen confinnations of 1878 and 1898 which may have co11tained this date. Amico's analysis,
p . 1249, may be based 011 a different tert: St George's has become St Gregory's, and a 'medieta.s
Eoclesia.e . Salvatoris' is mentio11ed, which is not in Pirri's versio11. According to Amico, 1"8,
in 1124 St Philip's received St Savior's in Nicosia. 1 ha\"e found no other mention of this church.
'In April 1174, Walter Il of Palermo confinned GeofJrey Francigeni's patronage over the chu:rch
of t John the Baptist in Agira, built by John of Rocca.forto; cf. 'Tab,' 148, No. 49.
On the family of Parisio, d. Attardi, 148-9.
4 The name and date are Crom Dr Greco's transcriptio11; 'Tab.,' 159, Ko. 126, gives A van, Count

ol Apulia, and the date 1128, ind. 6.

 St Philip' s of Agira 219

edited charter in the archive of Patti dated 1185, ind. 11 (sic), 1 and
apparently written in Jerusalem, Abbot Soibrand of St Mary's of the
Latins in Jerusalem records that Prior Falco of St Philip's and Bishop
John of Lipari-Patti took a dispute over the church before the King's
court in Palermo, where it was decided that 'predicta ecclesia sancti
Philippi cum pertinentiis suis ecclesie sancte Marie latine ciuitatis sancte
hierusalem libere et absolute et sine aliqua retractione iure perpetuo in
eternam remaneret,' and that in compensation the church of Patti should
have the church of St Venera near Tusa.
From 11~9 to 1151 we have no documents from the monastery. 2 The
explanation is a disastrous fire, which destroyed the more recent por-
tion of the archives, and accounts for our ignorance of the priory's early
history. In April 11583 Roger II tells how in December 1150, ind. 14,
'petrus 4 abbas monasterii sancte dei genetricis latine ierosolimitane'
came before him asserting that the charters of his Sicilian possessions,
which had been kept at St Philip's, had been burned, and requesting a
renewal of them. The only way in which this could be done was to hold
inquests, which was accomplished during the next year by the justiciars
of Petralia, William Valerius (not Avalar) and Avinellus. The general
confirmation of their findings fortunately survives, given to Abbot Peter
in December 1151, ind. 15, 6 by King Roger II. Besides the lands of our
abbey itself, it includes those of three priories dependent on St Philip's:
the Holy Cross's of Rasacambri, St Philip's of Capizzi, and St Mary's
of Polizzi; as well as of three obedient churches which may well have
been priories: St Lawrence's of Scicli, 7 St Peter's (of Vaccaria, or else
1 Appendix. xm. The Abbot S. of the Latina who appears in this charter is found in 1186 as
'Soibrandus' and in 1144 as 'Sehebrandua'; cf. de Roziere, Carl. du S. S'1Julcre, 58 and 67.
2 The Greek report of an inquest held on the SO March 6660 (1142), ind. 5, to determine a quarrel

between Geoffrey Franze and Gerard, elect of Messina, over the boundaries of the caaalia of San
Filippo d' Agira and Rachalbuto makes no mention of the monaatery, and appears not to concern
it; Cusa 802 and 711 ; Spata, Di,plomi greci (1870), p . 110, and Mc. 1tor. ital., IX, ~2; Starrabba,
Di,-pl. MuAna, 858; d. Garufi in ASS, XLIX (1928), 46, n. 2. This Geoffrey Francus or Francigeni
appears as the owner of a vineyard near Agira in December 1151, ind. 15 (infra, n. ), in .January
1170 as a litigant (d. infra, p. 221, n. 1), and in April 1174 as the patron of a church in Agira (cf.
mpra, p. 218, n. 2).
K. A. Kehr, 481; Attardi, ISO; Caapa.r, No. 282; cf. Amico, 1248.
4 Peter does not appear in the latest list of the abbots of the Latina, by Berliere in Studien und
Mittheilungen, IX (1888), 264-.
1 Text in Sinopoli, Badia, 98-105. Extant in a Latin translation and confirmation of the l
December 1815, transcribed by Dr Greco, Di,-pl. imp. e regi, No. 8, which wrongly dates Roger's
charter 6607, ind. l. Evidently, besides this omnibus charter, diplomas were also given eventually
confuming the boundaries of each property separately. Two of these survive: for St Mary'a of
Poliui (infra, p. 214, n. !) and for Scarpello (Kehr, loe. c.; d. Caapa.r, No. 28!; appa.rently indi-
cated as of December 1161 by 'Tab.,' 165, No. 179).
lnfra, pp. 224-6.
7 Pirri, 687, and Amico, 1!55, both refer to St Lawrence's as a priory.
 Pa'lestinian Monasteries and Orders

Tavis-there IS a lacuna in the transcription), and St Nicholas's of

Sciacca. 1
Seven years later, on the U April 1158, ind. 7 (sic), pontif'. 4, 2 Pope
Hadrian IV confirmed to Abbot Amelius of St Mary's of Jerusalem
the holdings of bis abbey in Palestine, Syria, Calabria, and Sicily. In
the last are listed St Philip's of Agira, with the parochial rights and
tithes of the whole town, the tithes of Scarpello, the church of St Peter
of Vaccaria 'cum uilla' and parochial rights and tithes, the church of
St Philip of Capizzi with its tithes, similarly the church and villa of St
Peter of Rasacamara, St Nicholas's of Sciacca with its tithes and the
casale of St Caloger.
lt is evident that the center of the Latina's properties, and conse-
quently of its administrative activity, was by this time not in Palestine,
but in Sicily. Unfortunately, until the tabulary of Agira is completely
and accurately published we shall be unable to chart with any certainty
the relations between St Mary's of Jerusalem and St Philip's of Agira.
In the first half of the century the Sicilian monastery appears to have
been under a prior-anonymous in 11~6, Falco in 1185. lt is probable
that he exercised jurisdiction over ali the obediences of the Latina in
Sicily, since their charters were kept in St Philip's archive, and perhaps
his power extended also to those in Calabria. The confiagration of 1150
brought Abbot Peter of the mother house in Jerusalem to Sicily to se-
cure the rights of bis ahbey. He is found there from December 1150
to April 1158. His successor, Amelius, appears only in the Holy Land, 6
and a donation of lands near Scicli by William, son of Raon, in March
1166 8 is addressed to Prior Hugo of St Philip's. In 1169, ind. 2, 7 a
1 St Nicholas's was certainly a priory later on; cf. Pirri, 785. The charming Norman church.

recently restored, is now a national monument. Cf. ll regrw normanrw, figs. 69-71, and p. US;
npra, p. 1"9.
At~rdi, 184; cf. Amico, 1249; 'Tab.,' HO, No. 8, where Sinopoli has confwied the enumeratioo
of properties with that in Benedict XI's bull of the 15 March 1804. Hadrian's confirmation wu
repeated by Alexander 111 to Abbot Richard of St Mary's on the 8 March 1178 at Segni (not 1171,
as say Pirri, 590, Amico, 1181 and 1249, and Garufi in ASS, XLIX (1928), 878; At~rdi, HO and
Sinopoli, Badia, 107, have 1170; 'Tab.,' No. 5, has 1164). Can this Riccardus be the Abbot Ri-
baldu.s who appears in 1176? Cf. de Roziere, op. cit., 809. JL lista neither Hadrian's nor Alex-
ander's confirmation.
a Amelius appears also late in 1155, ind. 4; cf. de Roziere, op. cit., 112; and Berliere, loe. cit., n. 8.
4 K. A. Kehr, 481.
6 Supra, n. 8.
e So in Dr Greco's transcription. Sinopoli, in 'Tab.,' Nos. 127 and 128, seems to have BCrambled
the elements of two charters, the other of which 1 have not seen. Presumably it would be a dona-
tion of landa anda mili to St Lawrence's of Scicli in August 1156 by Gandulf, a royal j118ticiar. 'The
charter of 1166 does not mention St Lawrence's. Cf. M . Gaudioso, 'Richerche sul trasferimento
dei beni immobili in Sicilia nei secoli xu-xrv,' ASSO, XXX (1984), 65, n. 8.
1 'Tab.,' No. H9, with February 1169, and no mention of Facundinu.s. Gaudioso, op.cit., 66.
 St Philip' s of Agira 221

certain Jobert of Gagliano and his wife Agnes gave lands along the Salso
to Abbot Facundinus of St Mary's Latina and to Prior Nicholas of St
Philip's; but that the latter was insole charge of the Sicilian monastery
is shown by his part in a boundary dispute with Geoffrey Francigeni in
January 1170, ind. 8, 1 and in Bishop Robert of Catania's confirmation
of the ecclesiastical rights of the church of Agira in the next month. 2
In December 1178, ind. 7, regni 7, 8 when William, count of Marsico,
confirmed to St Philip's the casale and church of the Holy Cross of
Rasacambri, a most energetic prior appears at our monastery, named
Facundus. In August 1176 6 Jobert of Gagliano and his son Geoffrey
gave him more land along the Salso, addressing him as Prior of St
Philip's. Not long after this, Facundus seems to have become Abbot of
St Mary of the Latins in Jerusalem. Unfortunately the earliest docu-
ment in which his new rank is found, dated the 11 November 1178, is a
fabrication. 11 But, if Sinopoli's analysis of the charters is to be believed,
in 11807 he is styled Abbot of the Latina by Archbishop Nicholas of
Messina; in February 1183, 8 using the same title, he obtained an inquest
by the royal justiciar Roger Busnalla to check the usurpation of the
abbey's lands at Scarpello by the inhabitants of Caltagirone; and three
months later, 11 as Abbot Facundus, he exchanged sorne land. (Sinopoli
does not tell us how he was addressed in October 10 when Eugenius of
Parisio gave the monastery of Agira sorne land near Oliveri.) There
can therefore be little doubt that by 1188, at the latest, Facundus had
ceased to be prior of Agira, and had become abbot of the abbey of Jeru-
salem. lt is equally evident that he remained largely in Sicily.
In January 1183, ind. 8, 11 we find a document which must be used
cautiously: Jordan Lupinus, Lord of Tavis, gives the church of St
Peter of Tavis to Prior Facundinus of St Philip's. Yet in a diploma of
March 1168, ind. 1, regni !t, 12 William 11 exempted from all exactions
t 'Tab.,' No. 180; Doc. ined., 118; Amico, H49.
1 Supra, p. 218, n. l.
3 Indicated in 'Tab.,' No. SI, as a confirmation of William II to 'Abbot' Facundus. Amico,
1249, makes it a royal gift.
4 A Prior Facundus of the mother house in Jerusalem signed a diploma with Patriarch William
of that city (cf. H. F . Delaborde, Chartu de Terre Sain [Paria, 1880), 49, and n. 1), which dates
him before 1145. He can therefore scarcely be identical with our Prior Facundus, who was still
alive in December 1194 at least; cf. infra, p. 228, n. 2.
6 'Tab.,' No. 180. Gaudioso, op. cit., 66, note.
8 Cf. infra, p. 227.
1 'Tab.,' No. 50.

8 'Tab.,' No. 181.

t 'Tab.,' No. 880.
10 'Tab.,' No. 181.
11 Dr Greco's transcript.
u Ibid.
 Paluti.nian Moruuteriu and Ordera

the Calabrian churches of St Peter of Tavis and St Nicholas of Lampada

'quos eidem ecclesie sancte Marie latine bone recordationis dux Robertos
donauerat.' We have already noted 1 that since this St Peter's was not in
Calabria, but in Sicily, the charter of 1168 is suspect. We may there-
fore have some confidence in that of January 1188.
lt has been generally assumed 2 that Facundos and Facundinos were
the same person. But the form 'Facundos' is last found in December
1194,1 if we except Sinopoli's untrustworthy analyses. On the other
hand 'Facundinos abhas' (wrongly 'Secundinus') is found in diplomas
of October 11986 and the 18 September 1201,1 where we are not depend-
ent on Sinopoli's weak authority. Now the appearance of a Facundinus
as prior of St Philip's under Abbot Facundus makes it probable that we
are dealing with two distinct persons: Facundus, prior of St Philip's by
December 1173, and abbot of St Mary's perhaps as early as 1180, and
certainly by 1188, who was still living on the 80 December 1194: and
secondly Facundinus, prior of St Philip's in January 1188, and abbot 7
of the Latina by October 1198.
To return to Abbot Facundus: in June 11878 he won a litigation before
the royal curia in Palermo against the brothers William and Bartholomew
of Parisio. The abbot asked the demolition of a house already built
by Bartholomew on the abbey's property, and an injunction against
another construction by William. lt was decided that William should
cease building, but that Bartholomew's house should remain, paying
rent to the ahhey in perpetuity.
That same year Jerusalem was captured by Saladin, and douhtless
the monks of St Mary's of the Latins in that city fied to the other houses
of the congregation and chiefiy to Agira, obeying, as Pirri charitahly
notes, the text: 'Cum persequuntur vos in civitate ista, fugite in aliam.'
This disaster deeply stirred Facundus, who in 1189' issued a stirring
1 Bpra. p. 217, D. i.
:a Amico, 1"9; Sinopoli, /J'1llia. 91, and fl. 'Tab.,' No. IM.
1 l11fra. p. ftS, D. i.
'Tab.,' Nos. SH-7, dating from September 1198 to July ll08. Gaodioao. op. cit., tn, refening
to No. 594, gives the name Facundinut rat.her t.han Facundua, probably on the huis ol Dr Greoo'a
tramcript..
Cbarter ol <A:m.tance: Reia, 'Regeateo Conatame.' No. 116; 'Tab.,' No. S8; Amico, lue-..50;
Wmkelmann, Acta iwap. u:d., i. 70; Huillard-Brbolles. HVt. tlipl., :r. H.
Wmkelmann, r, 80.
7 The 9eCOlld of la name, nol to be confuaed wit.h the Abbot Facundinue found in 1169 (npna.
p. no, n. 7), if that diploma be aut.hentic. The utooiahing duplication ol names amcmg the twelfth..
century abbota of the Latina-two Emila, hro Petera, two Richarde. and hro Facunduaee--makes
it probable that wben t.he texta of t.he charten are available many more .,,.,,;. M clti'1io will be
found, and ou.r bi.tory eomewhal simplified.
1 'Tab.,' No. 182; Amico. 1"9.

''Tab.,' No. SI.

 St Philip'a of Agira

appeal to ali the clergy, nobility, and faithful to remember the plight
of the Holy City, dwelling upon the outrages of the infidel, and par-
ticularly the destruction of the sepulchre of St Stephan.
No donations are extant to St Philip's during the period of the Third
Crusade. lndeed, except for the record of the purchase of a vineyard
near Nicosia in January 1198, 1 we have no further charters under the
Normans. But a confirmation by the Emperor Henry VI of the 80
December 1194, ind. 18, 2 five days after his coronation, is our most
valuable source of information as to the possessions of St Mary's in
Norman Sicily. The Hohenstaufen con:firms to 'fidelis noster Facundus
abbas ecclesie sancte Marie de Latina, que fuit in Jerusalem prima ec-
clesia latinorum,' ali the holdings of his church in Sicily, Calabria, and
Apulia, and the privileges granted by Kings Roger and William. For
our greater convenience he lists them: 'In Sicilia nominatim, apud Messa-
nam ecclesiam sancte Marie de Latina, 8 apud sanctum Philippum Casale
Comet, Casale Scarpelli' et Castellacii, apud Ragusam, casale sancte
Crucis de Rasacambra, 6 apud Sciclim ecclesiam sancti Laurent apud
Capitium ecclesiam sancti Philippi, 7 casale sancti Petri de Vaccaria, 8
ecclesiam sancti Petri de Taue, 11 ecclesiam sancte Marie de Pulicio, 10
ecclesiam sancti Nicolai de Sacca,' 11 with ali their appurtenances. There
are also three Calabrian churches, St Nicholas's of Lampada, St Peter's
of Tacina, and St Elias's, and one in Apulia, St Lawrence's of Vermula.
The Emperor takes all these properties under his special protection,
guaranteeing to the men of the abbey ali the rights of wood, water, and
pasture which they enjoyed under the N orman kings, and permitting
them to rebuild whatever was destroyed in the war after William Il's
death. Finally, he permits the abbey to export every year from Syra-
cuse, Catania, or Messina two hundred salmas of grain duty-free to the
Levant for the use of the brethren of St Mary's of the Latins remaining
there.
From obscure origins, by the end of the twelfth century St Philip's
of Agira had become one of the most inftuential monastic foundations
1 'Tab.,' No. 898.
a Pirri, 1182; Sinopoli, Badia. 111; 'Tab.,' No. 82; T . Toeche. Bttinmh VI, No. SOO; K. F. Stumpf-
Brent.ano, Reiclukaraer, No. 48M; confumed by Constance in October 1198, el. aupra, p. nt, D. 6.
a lnfra. p. 217.
' Supra, p. 119, n. 6.
8 lnfra. p. ne.
a Supra. p.119, n. 7.
7 lnfra. p. 126.

8 cr. aupra. p. 119.

9 Cf. npra, p. 117, n. 2.
JO JnjTO, p. iU.
11 Supra, p. no. D. l.
 Pa'lestinian M onasteries and Orders

of Sicily. Subjected to the abbey of Lipari in the late eleventh century,

it did not altogether shake off the jurisdiction of St Bartholomew's until
1185. Nevertheless by July 11~6 it was a priory, attached to St Mary's
of the Latins in Jerusalem. By the middle of the century it was the
administrative center of all the Sicilian obediences of the Palestinian
abbey, including at that time at least three other priories. The list
of its priors known to us is scanty:
Falco ............. . ........... 1185
Hugo ............... . ... March 1166
Nicholas ...................... 1169 to February 1170
Facundus ..... .. .... . December 1178 to c.1180
Facundinus ............ January 1188
lt is indicative of the growing importance of St Philip's that its last
two priors in our period became abbots of the Latina. When the cam-
paigns of Saladin forced the abandonment of the mother-church in
Jerusalem, its abbot appears to have made his permanent seat in Agira,
whence he govemed not simply his obediences in the island, but those
beyond the Faro and in the remaining crusading strongholds of the East.

~. The Priory of St Mary of the Latins at Polizzi

The most conspicuous of the granges of St Mary of the Latins at
Jerusalem subject to the prior of St Philip's in Agira, in Norman times
at least, was St Mary's of Polizzi, called 'de Latina,' 'de Gadera,' and
'de Eremitis.' Tradition says that the monastery existed before the
coming of the Latin conquerors, 1 but there is no evidence on the point.
We have no mention of the church before the middle of the twelfth cen-
tury. The title deed was destroyed in the fire at Agira in 1150, and in
December of that year Abbot Peter of the Jerusalem abbey requested
its renewal from Roger 11. The King delegated the justiciars of Pe-
tralia to the task, and 'deinde uenerunt ad sanctam Mariam de latina
de policio et fecerunt diuisiones terrarum suarum presentibus baiulo et
ueteranis loci et uisconti calabutoris' (Caltavuturo); these boundaries
were confirmed in December 1151, ind. 15. 2
For more than a dozen years there is silence, and then a Greek and
Arabic charter of September 6678 (1164), ind. 18, 3 tells us that King
1 Cf. S. Giambnmo, 1l tabulario del 7ll01la8lero di S. Marglimta di Poliai (Palermo, 1909), p.

xviii. V. di Giovanni's attempt ('Il monastero di Santa Maria la Gadera, poi Santa Maria la La-
tina,' ASS, v [1880), 17) to show the monastery's existence in l~ resta on an erroneous rmding
ol Benedict IX for Benedict XI, cf. 1Upro, p. 214, n. 6. The name 'Gadera' is a corruption of the
Arabic 'eljadar,' a lake or swamp.
1 Giambnmo, 179; el. di Giovanni, 41, n. 1, and aupro, p. 119, n. 5.

a Cusa, 650 and 708, has the date 1184 (?), and ascribes it to Roger 11, as does Giambnmo, p. l.
 St Philip'a of Capizzi

William I gave to John of Bitalba, the 01~0VA.o~ of the monastery,

two sections of land near Petralia, on condition that, if at any future
time the monks should usurp more land than was rightly theirs, they
should lose not simply that which they had seized, but this donation
al~a warning which illuminates the monastic morals of the period !
St Mary's of Polizzi was mentioned, according to Pirri, 1 in Alexander
Ill's confirmation of the holdings of the Latina on the 8 March 1178.
A number of unimportant Greek diplomas are extant from the next
dozen years. One dated October 6685, ind. 6 {117!l or 1176), 2 records
the sale of a ca.sale to the prior of the Gadera by John of Pici for !lO
golden taris. In September 6685 (1176), ind. 10, 3 Leo of Anastasius
sold to Berard, prior of St Mary's of the Latins, certain lands called
Scandali for 48 taris. This same Prior Berard or Bemard appears two
years later in September 6687 (1178), ind. Ht, purchasing lands at
Rahalhammut from Peter, son of Nicholas Gudel, for 50 taris. Finally
in September 6694 (1185), ind. 4, 6 an unnamed prior and the monks of
Gadera purchased the casale of Chandak Alkastani near Petralia for 38
taris.
Henry Vl's confirmation of the 30 December 1194 8 names St Mary's
of Polizzi as an obedience of the Latina.

8. The Priory of St Philip of Capizzi

Nothing is known of St Philip's of Capizzi before December 1151,
ind. 15, 7 when we have the record of an inquest to determine the posses-
sions of tbis 'monasterium' after the destruction of the archive of St
Philip's of Agira in 1150. It seems to have been an obscure grange: it

Bowever. di Giovanni. 19. printa an ltalian translation of the seventeenth century usiDg King
William's name. Caspar. p. 480, dates it 1166. and thinks that Cusa's text is wrong.
l Pirri. 880

In the tabulary of the church of Polizzi exista a Greek charter of April 6681 (1178), ind. 6, re-
cording an exchange of vineyarda but haviDg no mention of our priory. A fourteenth-cenlury
iucription reoorda that Robert, son of Schiso. one of the parties to the exchange. gave his lands to
St Mary's. Cf. Cusa, 661 and 716; di Giovanni, !W-H; Giambnmo. l.
2 The seventeenth century vulgar translation in A.SS, v, 18, ditfers from the text in Cusa, 666

and 716; notably. the name of the prior. Constantine. given in the former is lacking in the Greek
text. As to date: 1 incline towarda 1176. since two priesta. Peter and Paul. attest both this charter
and the next mentioned.
a Doc. itud., 168, wrongly dated 1177; Giambnmo, 17'; Italian venon in A.SS, v, 17-9.
4 Cusa. 667 and 719; Giambnmo. 1: A.SS, v. 24.
6 Cusa. 6159 and 785; Giambnmo. loe. cit.; A.SS. v. 16.
e Su1"a, p. m. n. l.
7 Su1"a, p. H9. n. 6.
 Paleatinian M onaateriea and Ordera
is found, with its tithes, in Hadrian IV's confirmation to the Latina of
the U April 1158, 1 and is mentioned in Henry VI's charter of the SO
December 1194. 2

4. The Priory of the Holy Cross of Rasacambri, near Ragusa

Our earliest notice of the priory of Rasacambri is a donation to it, and
to its superior houses of St Philip in Agira and St Mary of the Latins
in Jerusalem, of lands near Ragusa by Count Silvester of Marsico in
1151. Evidently the earlier charters relating to it were destroyed in
the buming of the archive of St Philip's in 1150, for the general confirma-
tion of the Latina's Sicilian properties dated December 1151, ind. 15,'
which was necessitated by that fire, says that the two royal justiciars
held inquest as to its lands: 'iuerunt in tenimentum Rogon in capite
cambri cum comite siluistro et ueteranis suis christianis et saracenis [et]
perfecerunt diuisionem terrarum monasterii sancte Crucis.'
In Hadrian IV's confirmation of the !U April 11585 a church and
villa of St Peter of Rasacambri is enumerated, while there is no mention
of the Holy Cross. This may be due to a double dedication of our
priory.
It seems probable that Count Silvester was the founder of the Holy
Cross's, since his son, Count William, confirmed the possession of the
church and casale of Rasacambri to Prior Facundus of Agira in Decem-
ber 1178, ind. 7, regni, 7."
There is a record of a debt to the church of Rasacambri in 11881
owed by a certain Michael Vemuel and his wife Landalata.
Dr Greco's transcriptions contain a charter of 1185, ind. 8, in which
William of Tropea and his wife Paribene give to St Mary's of the Latins
a church of the Holy Cross. For obvious reasons, if the documents cited
above are authentic, it cannot refer to the Holy Cross of Rasacambri.
Yet, strangely, Henry VI's confirmation to the Latina of the SO Decem-
ber 11948 mentions only one obedience of the Holy Cross, that at Rasa-
cambri. Evidently here again we must await the full publication of the
tabulary of Agira for a solution.
a Illid., p. no, n. 1.
1 Sapra, p. ns, D. t.
1 'TalJ.,' No. IOI; Amioo, H49.
' Supra, p. 119, n. 5.
I lllid., p. ito, D. l.
'Tab.,' No. SI, and A.mico, 1149, apeak of a confirmation ol Cowat W'alliam'a clwter by William
11, which 1 bave not aeen. The latter mentioaa a 8eCOOd royal coafirmatioa of 1185.
7 Cf. 'Tab.,' No. IOI.
Supra, p. ns, n. t.
 St Mar'a of the Latina at M eaaina

5. The Priory of St Mary of the Latins at Messina

lt seems probable that an abbey as conspicuous as St Mary's of the
Latins at Jerusalem would have had a permanent station in Messina
from the time of the First Crusade, simply to attend to the shipment of
supplies to the Holy Land through that great entreJfJt of Mediterranean
trade. Pirri 1 gives the date of the foundation of such a 'branch oflice'
as 1090, but without evidence. Our first definite indication of connec-
tion between Messina and St Mary's comes in March 1168, 1 when
William 11 and his mother Queen Margaret exempted the monks of the
Latina from all duties payable on cattle, wool, cheese, B.ax, and wine
which might be shipped from Messina to Jerusa.lem for the use of the
abbey there.
Our next document is the constitution of a confratemity which pur-
ports to have been formed, apparently at Messina, under the aegis of
Abbot Facundus of the Latn St Mary's, who had formerly been prior
at St Philip's of Agira. lt is dated the 11 November (St Martin's) 1178,
ind. H, 3 and institutes a fellowship of mutual aid and intercession 'de
beneficio ecclesie sancte Marie de Latina et omnium ecclesiarum ad
eandem pertinentium tam citra, quam ultra mare commorantium.' The
quality of its members is remarkable: besides at least eighty men and
sixty women, a priest, the prior of the Latina (presumably of Jerusalem),
and Abbot Facundius (sic) himself, the document is signed by Bishops
Peter of Mileto, Marcus of Bari, Aymerius of Squillace, Madius of
Strongoli, and Abbot John of the great Benedictine house of Mileto.
This diploma is certainly a forgery. Bari was an archbishopric, not a
bishopric, and was ruled from March 1171 to the 4 Fehruary 1188 by a
certain Rainald.' In N ovember 1178 the see of Mileto was occupied
not by Peter, but by Anselm, who appears in June 1175, and who signed
the acts of the Third Lateran Council in 1179. 6 Gams and Ughelli 11
indeed list Aymerius of Squillace and Madius of Strongoli as of 1178,
but the sole mention of these persona.ges is our forgery. Finally, on the
19 March 1179, ind. 12, 7 Alexander 111 addressed a bull to the Holy

1 Pirri. mn.
2 'Tab.,' No. 29; Pirri, 1181, and Amico, 1M9, date it 1166.
3 Pirri, 898.
' Cf. Ga1DB, 866, and Codic6 diplomatico barue: 1, Le wrgamene del duomo di Bari, 95!-1!6~,
ed. G. B. Nitto and F . Nitti (Bari, 1897).
5 Ughelli-Coleti, 1, 954; Manai, XXII, iH. Alexander IIl's bull to Anselm of the 16 June 1175,
ind. 1 (?), pontil. 16, at Florence, reported by Ughelli, ia not extant.
Gams, 927; Ughelli-Coleti, IX, 481 and 518.
7 .JL. No. 18882; the original is B.v of the archive of the Greek College in Rome.
 Paleatinian Monaateriea and Ordera

Trinity's and St Michael's of Mileto at the request not of John, but of

Abbot Imbert.
Moreover, our constitution says that 'fratres iurabunt super sacrum
altare sancte Marie de Latina.' This cannot be the Latina of Jerusalem
for geographical reasons; nor can it mean the Latina's obedience St
Philip's of Agira, which is clearly distinguished in the document. Yet
.t is difficult to see how there can have been a Latn St Mary's in Mes-
sina in 1178; for in 1180,1 if one can trust Sinopoli, Archbishop Nicholaa
of Messina permitted Abbot Facundus to build the church of St Mary
of the Latins 'extra muros Messane,' and granted it a cemetery, the
privilege of processions, and the right to administer its holdings inde-
pendently, 'seruatis seruandis.'
Evidently Facundus exerted himself to consolidate an endowment
around the new church. Sinopoli reports the exchange, in May 1188,
effected between Facundus and an Abbot Columbanus of Catania of
lands near Catania and Messina. Similarly Sinopoli says that in Janu-
ary of 1185 8 a certain William Plaxati and his wife Paribene gave to
Prior Facundinus for the recently constructed church in Messina thirty
salmas of grain, a breviary, psaltar, missal, choral book, a tin chalice,
anda copper censer. In gratitude, two months' later, an annual mass
was instituted for the souls of the donors.
Since Facundinus seems to have been prior of St Philip's of Agira
under Abbot Facundus of St Mary's of the Latins, it would appear that
in 1185 the establishment in Messina was a simple church, not having a
prior, but subject to Agira. However, according to Sinopoli, in October
11928 Archbishop Richard Palmer of Messina confirmed the privileges
of the church of the Latin St Mary's in that city granted by his prede-
cessor Nicholas, 'al Priore di S. M. Latina di Messina.'
Henry Vl's great confirmation of the 80 December 1194 7 includes
'ecclesia sancte Marie de la Latina apud Messanam,' and the privilege
of exporting duty-free two hundred salmas of grain annually to Palestine
from Syracuse, Catania or Messina.
1 'Tab.; No. 40.
1 'Tab.; No. 880. 1 lmow of no Abbot Columbanua. If an abbot of St Aatha'a were inteoded.
the tille would be bishop.
1 'Tab.,' No. 182; confirmed, No. 188. 1 did not 1ee theae documenta amoog Dr Greco' tnua-

ICriptiona. William 'Plaxati' wouJd aeem to be William of Tropea. who, with hil wife Paribene,
made a donation to the Latina in 1185, ind. S; el. npra. p. H6.
''Tab.,' No. ISf.
S1'pra, p. m.
'Tab.; No. 42.
1 s"pra. p. m. u. 2.
 THE SICILIAN CONNECTIONS OF PALESTINIAN
MONASTERIES AND ORDERS
11. AUGUSTINIAN CANONS

A. TuE S1c1LIAN PossEssroNs oF THE AuausTINIAN CANoNs oF THE

CHURCH oF THE HoLY SEPULCHRE AT JERUSALEM

T HE Order of Canons Regular of the Holy Sepulchre must be dis-

tinguished from the military Order of the Holy Sepulchre. The
canons established in that church, the chief shrine of Christendom, by
Geoffrey of Bouillon, remained secular until 1114, 1 when the Patriarch
Arnulf imposed the Augustinian rule upon them. They were governed
by a prior, 'ad quem, cum predictis canonicis, pertinet eligere patriar-
cham, qui est eis in loco abbatis.' 11 Naturally such a goal of pilgrimage
accumulated property ali over the Occident. The evidence of its hold-
ings in Sicily is, however, strangely scanty. None of the numerous papal
confirmations goes beyond a bare mention of 'possessiones . . . in ipsa
Sicilia.' 3
In April 1171, ind. 4,' Ansaldus, 6 'sacri palatii castellanus,' gave to
prior Peter of the Holy Sepulchre 11 his house at Messina, just outside
the chief gate which went towards the Hospital of St John. This scarcely
warrants our thinking that the priory of the Holy Cross, subject to the
Sepulchre, existed at Messina under the Normans. 7
1 De Roziere, Cart. du S . Spulcre (Pars, 1849), ~.No. 25.
1 James ol Vitry, Himnia liier08olpitana, 1, c. 58, in Bongars, Guta Dei. per fraf!C()I (Hanover,
1611), I, 1078.
a Alexander 111, on the 9 September 1170; .JL, No. 11881; Cart., 298, No. 166. The Sepulchre
held severa) churches in Apulia; cf. confirmation by William (1 or 11 ?) of the 25 April, ind. 11
(1168 or 1178 P) in Carl., 810, No. 172.
Cart., 295, No. 166.
6 cr. mpra, p. 172. n. l.
Found as prior from 1168 to 1178; d. Famillu 'Outremer, ed. Rey, 840.
7 Garufi in ASSO, XI, 160, asserts that a charter of the SO November 1148 by Count Simon of

Butera was given 'alla chiesa del S. Sepolcro di Geru.salemme in Messina.' The text, however, in
Garufi, 'Aleramici,' 80, has no mention ol Messina. The priory of the Holy Cross first appea.rs
in 1269; d. Amico, 1889. lt was destroyed in 1587 by the Viceroy Gonu.ga, to the great indigna
tion of Etna, which forthwith erupted, according to Samuel Nakiebki, Dt1 antiquilate ordin canonici
88. Sepulc/iri (Cracow, 1625), 106. A church of the Holy Sepulchre in Messina was subjected in
June 1182 by William 11 to the Benedictines of Monreale; d. mpra, p. 189.
ii9
230 Palestinian Monasteriea and Ordera

l. The Priory of St Andrew at Piazza Armerina

On the so November (the feast of St Andrew) 1148, ind. H, 1 Count

Simon of Butera and Policastro, son of Count Henry of Paterno, gave
to the Holy Sepulchre, together with his wife Thomasia, the church of
St Andrew outside Piazza, with four milis and other possessions. The
Count also gave the chapel of St Agatha 'cum terciaria Placee,' the
casale of Gallinita with five rustics, St George's near Butera with its
tenements, 'Placeam quoque ueterem cum toto plano Aymerici, et
uineale comitisse,' free pasturage throughout his lands, and two salmas
of wood a day from his forest. A1l this was given 'libre et quiete et
sine aliquo seruitio.' Nevertheless, Count Simon may have retained
the right of patronage over St Andrew's, which passed to William 1
after his rebellion in 1155-6. 2 That the relations between St Andrew's
and its mother-church were close is indicated by the use of the patriarchal
cross in 118~ when 'petrus prior sancti andree' attested a document along
with 'frater Araldus sepulcri.' 3
The Norman church is still standing.'

~. The Priory 6 of St Elias the Prophet, near Ademo

The Countess Adelicia of Ademo gave the church of St Elias outside
Ademo to the Austin canons of the Sepulchre, in a charter of what seems
to be 1160, the 11 September, regni 10, 11 with the consent of Bernard,
electus of Catania, and in absolute freedom. The following day 7 Robert
of Cremona, with Adelicia's consent, gave St Elias's a neighboring vine-
yard. Alter Robert's death, in an undated charter 8 his widow Maalda
gave a piece of land near Ademo to St Elias's in the persons of its pre-
ceptor Joannes and Brother David. Finally, a deed of sale exists, dated
1 Garufi, 'Aleramici,' 80; Amico, 1887, with date 1106; cf. Nakielski, De antiquitate, 107.
1 Pirri, 586; Amico, 1888; cf. Chalandon, n, 224.
a Appendix, XXXIII.
'Enzo Magonuco, 'Linamenti e motivi di storia dell'arte siciliana,' ASSO, xxvm (1932), Tav.
n, has two pictures of St Andrew's. The author's statement (p. 275) that it was built by Count
Simon in 1160 needs no refutation.
6 The term does not occur, unless the 'preceptor' was the prior. Nevertheless the import&nce
of its holdings justifies belief that this church was a priory.
e Appendix, XXI. The copyist has evidently omitted an entire line of the charter. Amico,
1889, does not give the text 'variis lacunis respersum, quae sensum confundunt.' Pirri, 586, saya
that the churches of St Ellas of Aderno and St Andrew of Lentini were both donated on the 11
September 1136, ind. 13. Our charter has no indication, and Amico, 1888, correctly observes that
it does not mention St Andrew's, about which 1 have no information.
7 Appendix, xxn.
8 Appendix. XXIl1
 Our La.dy'a of M ount Sion at J eruaakm ~81

1190, 1 in which Brother William 'de Rinis' and Brother Hugo of Messina,
'uisitator domus dicte ecclesie,' in the name of Brother Harold, 'pre-
ceptor' of St Elias's, dispose of a vineyard for 584 taris-a very consid-
erable sum.

B. TBE S1CILIAN PossESS10Ns oF THE AuousTINIAN CANONs oF THE

ABBEY OF UR LADY oF MouNT S10N AT JERUSALEM

The church of Mount Sion, reputed to be the site of the first Pente-
cost, may well claim to be the oldest Christian place of worship. In the
fourth century Epiphanius 8.sserted that it antedated Hadrian's visit to
Jerusalem in the year 180. 2 Geoffrey of Bouillon built a monastery of
Austin canons there which Urban 11 subjected directly to the Roman
pontiff. 8 Its development, however, seems to have been slow. We are
told that Pa:schal 11, who died late in 1118, favored it;' but its prior
first appears in 11~0, ind. 18, 6 and we have no assurance that it was an
abbey before 1178. 8
Alexander ID's confirmation of the 19 March 1179 7 is our only source
of information regarding the holdings of Mount Sion in Sicily, but for-
tunately it is very detailed:
'In Sicilia, in diecesi Agrigentina, Ecclesiam S. Spiritus iuxta Cala-
tanixectam, cum suo casali et hominibus et ea integritate qua Comitissa
Adelasia et Comes Rogerius eidem Ecclesie contulerunt, uidelicet ut
quedam animalia ipsius Ecclesie libera habeant pascua, aquarum pota-
tiones per totum tenimentum Calatanixecte predicte, et cum omni iure
parochiali et integris decimis parochianorum.'
Judging by the order of the names of Adelaide and Count Roger, this
church of the Holy Spirit, still standing about three miles from Caltanis-
setta, 8 was founded and endowed while Adelaide was regent, that is
1 Appendix, XLII.
1 Dt1 ponderibua tJt flltlfUUria, PG, xun, 261.
Bull of Alexander lli, 19 March 1179; 1L, No. lSSSS.
' Bull of 1179.
6 De Roziere, Carl. du S. Stpulcfot1, 84, No. 46; and William of Tyre, Lib. xn, c. IS, in &c. l&ilt.
CToU., occid., I, 682.
0 As late as 1161 it was ruled by a prior, Gunther; d. H. F. Delaborde, Charltla dtJ Ttlf"ft1 Sain,

ss; No. 85, and Famillu d'Outre-mer, ed. Rey, 841. In October 1178 William of Tyre speaks of
'Rainaldus abbas erelesie montis Sion,' whom he knew personally (Lib XXI, c. 26; R. hilt. C'r<I.,
occid., 1, lCM.9). William again mentions Rainaldus in 1181 (Lib. XXII, c. 7; ibid., 1, 1078-4). But
Alexander's bull of March 1179 is 'Ioanni Abbati Monasterii Sancte primitiue F.cclesie Montis Sion
in Ierusalem.' E. G. Rey, Lu ooloniu !TafUlUU dtJ Sgr (Paris, 1888), 281, gives a French version
of considerable portions of the bull omitted by Pirri, 768, but neither gives the abbot'a name.
7 Supra, n. 8; Pirri, 768; Amico, 1886'; Rey, loe. cit.

a Photographa in ll 'tlf'&O normarmo, figa. 67 and 68.

 Paleatinian Monaateriea and Ordera
between 1105 and llli. 1 We have no means of knowing whether it
was given to the canons of Mt Sion at that time. However, the church
was not completed until 1158, when, on the 14 June, 2 at the request of
Geoffrey of Lecce, Count of Montescaglioso, it was dedicated by Arch-
bishop John V of Bari, 8 the bishopric of Agrigento then being vacant.
Alexander's confirmation continues: 'In diecesi Catanensi, Ecclesiam
S. Marie de Baratathe, cum medietate ipsius casalis, sicut est subtus
uiam, et aliis pertinentiis, prout Rex Rogerius eidem Ecclesie contulit,
et cum omni iure parochiali, et integris decimis parochianorum, sed de
eisdem tenimentis dare teneatur eidem Ecclesie mediam decimam de
propriis recollectis.'
This is undoubtedly the 'ecclesia sancte marie montis syon' mentioned
in a document of 1182' as owning a mill near Buccheri and Vizzini.
Pirri's text reads 'S. Mariae de Baratathe, Bethleem,' which he identifies
with 'S. Mariae Bethleem nunc de Terrana.' Amico and Rey omit the
word 'Bethleem.' There is no mention of St Mary's 'de Terrana' until
1227, and it was not in the diocese of Catania, but in that of Syracuse,
lying about twelve miles from Caltagirone. Roger's title indicates that
St Mary's of Baratathe was given to Mount Sion after 1180.
The Pope proceeds: 'Ecclesiam S. Marie de Mesina, cum suis terris
et aliis pertinentiis suis quas dem Rex [Rogerius Il] eidem Ecclesie
dedit; que tenute sunt quinquaginta quinque (?) cum decimis et sepul-
turis.' Pirri notes 9 that this church 'nunc dicitur S. Maria de Monte
Sion.'
Also, 'Ecclesiam Sancte Anne Fesime cum sua terra et omni iure
parochiali, sepulturis et decimis, et aliis pertinentiis suis.' Pirri's margin
again notes 'S. Annae nunc de Galati,' an identification which Amico
repudiates, 7 correctly maintaining that St Anne's of Galath was a Bene-

1 Cupar, No. Ua. In MS Qq D 77 of Bib. Com. Palermo, Desiderio Sammarco, Archdeacon of

Agrigento, imiata pauim that the Holy Spirit wu foUDded by Roger 1 and given to Mt Sion before
hia death in 1101, but offen no prooC.
1 Acoording to a contemporary inacription; photographa and texts in Biagio Punturno, L'an&a
Na o Nuaa e l'odiema Caltaniaaetla, Appmdi: ll 'lfWftumentale tempio di Smato Spirito (Caltam.-
eetta. 1901), 25s-4; and better in Garufi, 'I conti di Montescaglioso: 1, Goffredo di Lecce aignor di
Noto, Sclafani e Caltaniasetta,' ASSO, IX (1912), 827 and 866; G. Antonucci, 'Goffredo Conte di
Lecce e di Montescaglioso,' ArcAi..:O dorieo -per- la Calabria e la L1'CGnia, m (1988), '57; detective
text in Amico, 1886.
a Canon Pulci, 'Giovanni V Arciveacovo di Bari,' ASS, XXXIX (1915), SH-419.
' Appendix, xxxru.
1 Gregory IX's bull or the !l August 12t'I' enumerates eight Sicilian churches aubject. to Beth-
lehem. cr. P. Riant, ttvdu .ur l'AUtoire J.e rlgli# J.e Betl&Uem (Genoa, 1889), 1, Hl-2; abo Pirri,
670; Amico, 1817 and 1886; and L. Janauachek, Orig. cUlerc., p. lxuii.
768, margin.
7 Amico, 1886.
 Our Lady's of M ount Sion at J erusalem 233

dictine house subject to the abbey of St Mary Jehosaphat in Jerusalem.

The enumeration continues: 'In tenimento Girathelli Ecclesiam S.
Basilii cum terris suis iuxta se positis, quas dedit ipsi Ecclesie Rogerius
Camuch.' N othing appears to be known about the location of this
church. Its donor is probably identical with Roger Achmet, a con-
verted Moslem, who in February 114!1 made a donation to the cathe-
dral of Palermo, and who, as Roger Hamut, appears as royal justiciar in
1189. 2
'In tenimento Castri loannis terras petre prioris: ipsa petra in medio,
quas dedit Saytaymon de Castro loanne, scilicet salmarum 84.' Rey's
statement that these were 'terres donnes par Jean le Prieur' 3 can hardly
be based on the text. On the contrary they were clearly given by a
certain Saytaymon or Sataymamon of Castrogiovanni, who according to
Pirri 4 also founded in the city a hospital of St Mary of Bethlehem, later
subject to St Mary's of the Latins of Jerusalem.
Finally, Alexander 111 exempted all priors or rectors or brethren of
Mount Sion or any of its obediences from the ecclesiastical jurisdiction
of archbishops and bishops, and even of papal legates unless armed with
a special mandate. In view of the fact that the Norman king of Sicily
was hereditary papal legate in the island, this provision may have had
especial reference to the Sicilian churches.
1 Cusa, 16 and 710.
1 Appendix, XXXIX.
8 Op. cit., iSS.
'Pirri, 584, draws his data from a bull of Alexander 111 of the '1 kal April ind. H., an. sal. 1178,
pont. an. 18' in the tabulary of St Mary's of the Latina in Messina. 1 know nothing further of it.
Since Alexander's eighteenth year ended the 7 September 1177, and ind. H began the 1 September
1178, at least two elements of this date must be modified in any case. Is ita coincidence that our
bull of 1179 for Mount Sion is also dated the 19 MarehP
 THE SICILIAN CONNECTIONS OF P ALESTINIAN
MONASTERIES AND ORDERS

111. MILITARY ORDERS

A. THE S1CILIAN PoasFBBIONB oll' THE RDEB oll' Kmaum TEMPLAR

W HEN, in the third decade of the twelfth century, 1 Hugo of Payns

founded bis order of the 'Poor Knights of Christ, of Solomon'a
Temple,' bis genius combined the two highest ideals of the Middle Ages:
the chivalric and the monastic. After the moment of hesitation which
precedes the accept&nce of every daring idea, the new milit&nt monks
caught the imagination of Europe, and enormous wealth fiowed to them,
to their own eventual corruption and destruction.
Pirri assures us 1 that the houses of the Temple fiourished in Sicily
during our period, but he died before writing their history, and published
only one document relating to them. In the sevent.eenth century the
great Sicili&n diplomatist Antonino Amico transcribed the tabulary of
the Domw Templi M uaane, and thus preserved for us the chief Sicilian
charters of the Order.
The development of the Templars in the island seems to have been a
matter of the thirteenth century; the materials for the Norman epoch
are disappointingly meagre. However, the Knights certainly hada foot-
hold in Sicily very shortly alter their foundation. In a charter of July
11(46), ind. 9,' Henry (of Bugli, or Bubly) mentions donations to the
1 In 1118, 'Hugo de Paem' ltill appean u a layman; d. Delaborde. SS. In 1118 he wu eeeking
anction for la rule from the papal lega.te at the provincial council ol Troyea; d. H. Pruts. Die
gllichm Ritterorden (Berln, 1908), 25.
1 Pirri, 988.
MS Qq H 12 or the Bib. Com. di Palermo, milerably published by Giuseppioa Pecorella, 1 T,._
plari nei ma'10ICriai di Anl.onino A mico (Palermo, 1921). All five of her docummti imditi ol the Nor-
man period had been printed previoW1ly. For Amico's introduction, cl. R. Starrabba, Scritti rari o
iudili di Antonino Amico, in Doc. 1errire aUa lt. di Sicilia, 4a serie, I (Palermo, 1891).
'Peoorella, op. cit., 55. Doc. inlld., 64, n. 2, give21 the date 11 (~). beca1111e the indiction is 8, and
Roger was not yet king in 1180. But MS Qq H 10, fol. 98, of the Bib. Com. di Palermo, and MS
Qq H 220, No. 2, both have ind. 9. Since, however, it is unlikely that in 1181, so shortly alter the
institution of the Templars, Henry would refer to the gifts o bis progenitors to them. we may &llUIDe
that the date is 1146. This cbarter is not in Marquis d'Albon, Cartulair~ glnlral t"8 rOnln d. T-,U.
1119'-1160 (Paria, 1918).
234
 St J ohn the Baptist'a of J eruaakm at M eaaina ~85

Temple which his 'antecessores 1 eorum in uita dedere, uidelicet in

partibus terre Scordie.' Henry and his we Beatrix add to the holdings
of the Templars in that region.
By 1151 Henry of Bugli was dead, and his daughter Galgana, appar-
ently in ward of Roger 11, was given as we by the King to Geoffrey,
son of Oliver, with the properties of Pentargium and Scordia as a dowry.
At the request of 'Gaufridus de Campiniaco, frater templi, qui tune tem-
poris domibus templi, que in Sicilia sunt, preerat,' Geoffrey Oliveri con-
firmed the donation of his late father-in-law, and added an orchard at
Scordia for good measure. 2
On the 7 September (1157), 8 at Segni, Pope Hadrian IV issued a special
injunction to the Sicilian hierarchy to protect the houses of the Temple
in that island from molestation.
At the end of the century it appears that the Temple had a prefect
over its properties in Southern Italy,' and also a prefect-general over the
entire kingdom; for on the 29 April 1195 Henry VI confirmed a tenement
at Ceprano to 'frater Gaufridus, filius Stephani, magister domorum
Templi in Apulia;' 6 while in March 1196 Constance reconfirmed it at the
request of 'frater Willelmus de Sancto Paulo, magister domorum sacre
milicie templi, que posite infra regni nostri limites dignoscuntur.' 0 We
may assume that there continued to be a magister for Sicily, such as
Geoffrey of Campiniaco was in 1151.

B. TBE S1CILIAN PossESS10Ns oF THE RDER oF THE KN!GHTs oF THE

HosPITAL oF ST JoHN AT JERUBALEM

l. The Hospital of St John the Baptist of Jerusalem at Messina

That the Hospitalers had an establishment in Messina very soon

after their separation from St Mary's of the Latins of Jerusalem 7 is
proved by a bull of Paschal 11, given the 15 February 1118 at Benevento
1 A Henricua de Bubio appears at Patem in 1115, and he and Riccardus Bublii made gifta to
Lipari-Patti in 1125; el. Garufi, 'Aleramici,' 68, Nos. 2 and S. In our charter of 1146, Henry gves
bis father's name as Gerardus de Pentarica (a fief near Scordia).
1 Pirri, 9SS; J. C. LUnig, Coda Italiae diplomalicua (Frankfurt, 1726), n, 1641.
P. Kehr, 'Papsturkunden in Sicilien,' GiJtJ,ingche Nachrichten (1899), 818; Pecorella, 61.
'An inedited Greek charter of 670i (1198-4) in MS Qq H m, fol. 5, of Bib. Com. di Palermo,
refers to a vineyard 'nrovpiw,,,' at a place named Petritzi, which 1 have not identified, but which
was probably in Calabria. Cf. Ap., xLW.
6 K. F. Stumpf-Brentano, Acta imperii ab Henrico 1 ad Henricum VI (lnnsbruck, 1881), 111, 711,
No. 510; andel. n, 46S, No. 60.58.
o K. A. K~. 477; R. Riea, 'Regesten Constanzes,' No. 85.
1 Cf. .upra, p. i17, n. l.
286 Pa"lestinian Monasteties and Orders

to 'Geraudus, institutor ac prepositus Hierosolymitani Xenodochii,' tak-

ing the new hospital, and its houses at St Gilles, Asti, Pisa, Bari, Otranto,
Taranto, and Messina under papal protection. 1 This seniority gave the
prior of the Messinese commandery an eventual preponderance over the
other houses of the order in Sicily. 2
There have come down to us three alleged donations of Roger Il to
the Hospitalers, concerning which there has been some confusion. The
first, dated the 10 October 1186, ind. 11 (sic), regni 10 (sic), 3 has been
condemned by De Meo, K. A. Kehr, and Chalandon' as a forgery in
the interest of the Messinese hospital. The other two are both dated
the 10 October 1187, ind. 1~ (sic), regni 11 (sic), and the two texts
have never been properly distinguished. The longer version 5 is simply
a clumsy amplification of the shorter text, and cannot be salvaged.
The criticism of the shorter version 6 is a more delicate matter. Chal-
andon considers it a forgery because it claims to have been given at
Palermo by the chancellor Guarinus, whereas in October of 1187 Roger II
was near Capua, and Guarinus died on the U January of that year. 7
Kehr, 8 however, had already removed Chalandon's objections by sug-
gesting that the September epoch may have been used, and ingeniously
reconstructing the garbled indiction and regnal year as 'MCXXXVII, ind.
xv, regni v1,' that is 1186. But more important: in April 1179 William II

1 JL, No. 6841; J. Delaville le Roulx, Cartulaire gnbal de l'Ortlre du HOlpitalier1 (Paria, le&t),
1, 29, No. SO. The bull appears to be authentic, and has never been impugned, 80 far as 1 know.
However, the number of ho\llles seems suspicious for 80 young an order, and the names of the scribe
and ali the witnesses, except Bishop John of Malta, might have been drawn from the genuine bull
of the 2 January lll8 (JL, No. 6886) to the abbey of Jehosaphat, which formed the basis of the
forged bull of the 8 January (JL, No. 6887).
Pirri, 981, asserts that in 1092 Count Roger's foundation charter of St Mary's of Mili, a Basilian
cloister, mentions the Hospital of Messina. Pirri, 1026, prints a Latin tramlation of this diploma
dated December, ind. 14 (sic) 6600 or 6590 (1091 or 1081, but a reference to Urban u puts it alter
1087), but it contains no such mention. Naturally any thought of such a foundation before the
first crusade is fantastic.
2 Delaville le Roulx, Lu HOlpitalier1 en Terre-Sainte (Pars, 1904), 878 and 419 n. 2; Cat1. gin.,
p. cxxxii.
8 Can. gb&., 1, 99, No. 119, with regni 11; Andrea Minutolo, Memorie del gran Jfiorato di Muliu
(Messina, 1699), 4; LUnig, 11, 1685; Pirri, 981, 942 and 450; Caspar, No. 111.
4 De Meo, Annalu, x, 45; Kehr, Urlrunden, 886 ff.; Chalandon in Moyen 4g~, XVI (1908), 804.
and MMangu aarch.. et ah.ut., XX (1900), 180, n. 2.
6 Minutolo, 7; Lllnig, 11, 1687; Pirri, 982; cf. De Meo, x. 79-80. Behring, Nos. 88 and H (the
latter wrongly dated II41) both refer to this text.
e Can. gb&., 1, 108, No. 124.
7 Chalandon in Moyen ge, loe. cit.; cf. Caspar, p. 581, for Roger's itinerary, and K. A. Kehr, 48,

for Guarinus.
1 Urkunden, 886. Kehr bases his argument solely on Delaville le Roulx's text, remarking that

'die alteren Drucke .. . sind abscheulich.'

 St J ohn the Baptist'a of J eruaalem at M eaaina 287

confirmed in the identical words of our charter the gifts and tax-exemp-
tions 'aui et patris nostri.' 1
Unfortunately for Kehr's reconstruction of the date of Roger's alleged
donation, the Archivio di Stato in Palermo, Tabulario della Magione,
No. 411, foil. 105 and 107, contains careful copies from the 'originals' of
the diploma of the 10 October 1186, ind. 11, regni 10, and of the shorter
charter of the 10 October 1187, ind. l!t, regni 11. Fine reproductions
of the rotae of Roger 11 and of Duke Roger of Apulia are appended in
each case, and the f aulty indictions and regnal years are written out in
full. We must therefore conclude that even the simpler of the texts of
1187 is a forgery. This does not necessarily prejudice the confirmation
of William 11, the authenticity of which is buttressed by a parallel order
to the clergy and royal officials in the Hospital's favor. 2 The forger
probably learned from William's charter that a grant by Roger 11 to
the Hospital had once existed, and intended to fi.11 the Iacuna in the
monastery's tabulary. The three versions represent successive efforts
of an increasingly ambitious craftsman.
The date of our fabrication may be set in the Golden Age of Sicilian
f orgery: the confused period immediately after the death of Frederick 11.
The longer text of 1187 was confirmed by Pope lnnocent IV at Perugia
on the 9 April Ht5!t. 3 The Biblioteca Comunale of Palermo has indica-
tions of transumpts and confirmations of these forgeries made in l!t57,
1258, 1259, 1260, and 1805.'
But whatever our doubts as to the donations of Roger 11, the Hos-
pitalers certainly were established in Sicily during bis reign. In Febru-
ary 1147, ind. 10, Count Simon of Policastro, for the repose of his grand-
parents Count Roger 1 and Queen Adelaide, and his parents Count Henry
of Paterno and Flandrina, presented to the Hospital of St John of Jeru-

l Carl. gin., I, 882, No. 562. No such ch&rter or Wtlliam 1 is extant.

1 Jbid., 1, 897, No. 584.
3 tlie Berger, Lea r'gtru d' lnrwcent IV (Paris, 1884-1890), m, 50, No. 5691; not in Potthast's
Ileguta. The Palermitan Archivio di Stato, loe. cit., No. 412 (after fol. 224) has a very fragmentary
copy or this confirmation, without Innocent's name or the full date, and with 'Perus' changed to
'Paris.'
'MS Qq H 208, foil. 287-41, contains an official transcript made in Messina for the prior of the
Hospital there on the 12 April 1258, of a transcript made the 22 May 1257 at Acre, on the order
or James, Patriarch of Jerusalem, of Roger II's 'donation' of 1186.
lbid., foll. 242-48, has an official transcript made at Messina for the local hospital on the 11
January 1259 of one of the charters 1187 (text omitted).
lbid., foil. 244-46, has a similar tranacript dated the 22 April 1260 of one of the texts of 1187
(again lacking).
lbid., fol. 275, containa a confirmation made at Randazzo the 10 November 1805 for the Hos-
pitalera of Polizzi of one of the chartera of 1187 (ten again omitted).
!l88 Paleatinian M onaateri,ea and Ordera

salem 'omnes res quas Osbertus de Sagona possidet mobiles et immobiles,

uidelicet domos, uineas, agros, animalia cuneta penitus . . . ita ut
priores et rectores ipsius Hospitalis ex eis quidquid placuerit . . . faci-
ant.'1
In June of the same year Arnald, bishop-elect of Messina and Troina
gave to the Hospital 'quandam nostram ecclesiam Sancte Marie cum
pertinentiis suis, que iuxta Vaccarie (Ficcarie?) riuulum antiquitus sita
est.' 2 After the privileges of lnnocent 11 of the 7 February 1187 and
of Anastasius IV of the ftl October 1154,' such churches belonging to
the Hospitalers were practically free from the jurisdiction of the bishops
in whose diocese they lay.
Andrea Minutolo 6 asserts that according to Romuald of Salerno Alex-
ander 111 took refuge from Barbarossa in Messina in 1165, and issued
several bulls 'Datum Messane apud Domum Hospitalem S. Joannis
Hierosolymitani.' No such bulls are now extant, but it is perfectly pos-
sible that the Pope may have stayed at St John's when he was in Messina
in November 1165: Romuald of Salerno says nothing of it, but men-
tions that the cardinals who preceded Alexander to Messina sailed on a
great ship belonging to the Hospitalers.
The Messinese Hospital appears incidentally in a charter of April 1171,
ind. 4,7 and three years later, in 1174, ind. 8, 8 Odo Scarpa of Messina
gave to Geoffrey of Andevilla, prior of the Hospital of Messina, a vine-
yard and a church which he had built in honor of St Michael. For this
church Odo had been giving to Nicholas, archbishop of Messina, an
annual census of a pound of incense, another of wax, and two rotuli of
oil, for which the Hospital was thenceforth to be responsible. H a priest
or cleric were not maintained at St Michael's, the church was to revert
to Odo's heirs.
After another three years, in December, 1177, ind. 11, Roger of
Aquila, count of A vellino, gave to Gebilinus, prior of Messina, the
church of St John built on his lands near Ademo above the casale of
Cannetum 'cum totiis pertinentiis et iustitiis,' and the church 'in uilla
ueteri S. Philippi, que est prope ecclesiam S. Marie de Catania,' besides
1 Ga.rufi, 'Aleramici,' 79; Carl. gin., 1, 1S4, No. 172; Pirri, 9SS; Lllnig, n, 16S9.
1 Cart. gin., 1, 186, No. 174; Pirri, 982; LUnig, n, 1639.
JL, No. 7828; Can. gin., 1, 101, No. lft.
'JL, No. 9930; Can. gin., 1, 174, No. ft6; Lllnig, n, 1641.
1 Op. cit., 4.
1 Ed. W. Amdt. Mon. gema. Ain., ICript., XIX, 454.
7 De Rozim, Cart. du S. 81ndcr11, 296, No. 165, '. . . extra magiBlram portam que ducit ad
Sanctum Iohannem Hospitalia.'
1 Pirri, 9S4; Lllnig, u, 1648; not in Can. gin.
' Cart. gin., 1, 868, No. 624; Pirri, 9S4; Lllnig, u, 1648.
 St Lazarua'a at Jeruaalem !l39

a mili at Polizzi. 1 Finally Roger confirmed ali the gifts of his grand-
mother Adelicia to the Hospital of Jerusalem. 2
On the 15 February (1179-81), at Tusculum, Alexander m commanded
the Sicilian and Calabrian hierarchy to permit the Hospitalers to make
collections once a year throughout their dioceses.
The next notice of the Messina house is a confirmation by the Empress
Constance of January 1196, ind. 14, regni 2,' given to 'Giraudus Magister
Hospitalis Messane.'

2. The Hospital of AD Saints at Palermo

The Hospital of Ali Saints, a commandery of the Hospitalers, was

built by Matthew of Agello, 6 one of the most prominent figures in
Sicilian politics under the two Williams and Tancred. Pirri 11 gives the
date of its foundation as 1165 or 1170, but our only sure terminus is the
death of Ale:x:ander 111, on the 80 August 1181, for on the 18 May 1182,
ind. 15, pontif. 1, 7 and again on the 5 February 1188, ind. 1, pontif, 2, 8
Lucius ID issued bulls to the master and brethren of All Saints, taking
their hospital under his special protection 'Ale:x:andri Pape uestigiis in-
herentes.' 1 find nothing further regarding this monastery in the N or-
man period.

C. TBE S1c1LI.AN PossESSIONS oF THE HosPITAL OF

ST LAzARus AT JERUBALEM

The order of the Hospital of St Lazarus, located just outside the

Damascus Gate of Jerusalem, devoted to the care of lepers, first appears
shortly before the middle of the twelfth century. 9 Very little is known
of its early history. Our only indication that it had properties in Sicily
is to be found in the list of the census dueto Agrigento, 10 compiled be-
tween 1170 and 1176: 'Ecclesia S. Catherine, que est in territorio Mele-
1 Later there exist.ed al Poliui a camera magimalil (Cart. glm . 1. cxnii. and Amico. M4) called
St John the Baptiat de Ponte. Pirri. 880, says that Count Roger of Avellino founded it in December
1177, but the gift of a mill is hardly sufficient for such an assumption.
Counteas Adelicia of Adern~ was living at least as late aa 1161; cf. Hugo FalcaDdua, ed. Sira-
gusa, 68-9.
1 P. Kehr, 'Papsturkunden in Sizilien.' 820, No. H.

'R. Ries, 'Regesten Constanze.' U, No. 29.

a Aa we learn from the bulla of Luciu.s m.
11 Pirri, Sll and M4.
7 P. Kehr, 'Papsturlrunden in Sizilien,' 824, No. 18.
1 1'1id., Sie, No. 20; cit. Pirri, 944 and Cart. glm 1, 441, No. 66S. Not in JL.
'R. Ptiet. Contribution el flri"'1ire de l'Ordre de St-Lazare de Jrwakm en France (Paris, I9H), 58.

1 Appendix. XXXI.
!l40 Palestinian Monaateriea and Orde-ra

sendini iuxta Humen Bellis, quam tenet hospitale ecclesie S. Lazari

de Hierusalem incensi libras ii.' 1
The historians of St Lazarus's claim that in later centuries the hospital
owned St John's of the Lepers in Palermo, St Agatha's in Messina, and
hospitals dedicated to St Lazarus in both Lentini and Enna. 2 Pirri men-
tions the three last, 8 but has no information on them. The hospital of
San Giovanni dei Lebbrosi, the charming little Norman church of which
still stands near Palermo, seems to have been an independent foundation
in the twelfth century. In February IU9 Frederick II united it to the
house of the Holy Trinity of the Teutonic Knights in Palermo, making
no reference to any previous connection with St Lazarus's. 6
' For the later biatory of this church. cf. Pirri. 786.
1 Ptiet. up. cit., 68 and 186; D. Jannotta, NotM ~ della cm.a e apedak di San Laaaro
di Capua (Naples, 1762), 19; P. Bertrand, Himire du C"-JW..1-Horpilalier u Baat-Laaare
(Paria, 198!), 77.
a Pirri, 450, SIW, and 674..
'It aeems very doubtful whether St Lazarus's ever had more than a claiua to St John's. On tbe
histoey of the latter el. l!llpecially A. Mongitore, Monutnanta lVtorica MJCTtU Dotrtu MIJ1Uolt 88.
Trinitat (Palermo, 1721), 186-197; also Amico, 1845; Caspar, No. !SI; K. A. Kehr, l ; Cua.
80! and 711; ll regno normanno, figs. 78-80. The still universal auertion that St John's was erected
in 1071 (e.g., ibid., p. 206, and A.88, LIII (19M), 218, n. 6) was long ago shown to be without fowada-
tion by Amari, Mundmani, m (1868-72), 118-119, 821, o. 2.
1 Mongitore, op. cit., 26; ~Ficker, No. 974'; V. Mortillaro, Elnoo tlrOtlOlOf ""'1a aalic:lu
perga1MM pmirumli aUa real cm.a della MG(/me (Palermo. 1869), 17.
 THE SICILIAN CONNECTIONS OF PALESTINIAN
MONASTERIES AND ORDERS

IV. THE ALLEGED CARMELITE MONASTERIES OF

NORMAN SICILY

P ffiRP asserts that in 1118 the Countess Adelaide, having returned

from Palestine, founded the monastery of St Mary of Mount
Carmel in Palermo; Inveges, bis contemporary, repeats the statement; 2
and even as late as 1890 we .find it in the work of Vincenzo di Giovanni, 3
who also agrees with Pirri' that the Carmelite nunnery of St Mary of
Valverde (Vallia Viridia)" was founded in 1118, presumably by Adelaide.
The date seems to have been drawn from a misinterpretation of archae-
ological evidence which has since disappeared. Lezana 6 speaks of 'prima
erectio conuentus nostri maioris Panormi . . . anno scilicet 1118 uel
circiter. . . . Pro quo extant duo antiquitatis monumenta. Alterum est
inscriptio quedam trabi tecti eiusdem Monasterii Ecclesie posita sub bis
numeris grandiori characteri sculptis M.C.XVIII. Alterum, inscriptio
altera cuidam Sepulchro eiusdem Ecclesie adiuncto sub bis M.c.xx1.'
Writing in 1663, Vincenzio d'Auria 7 corroborates the existence of the
date 1118 on the beam, which he himself had seen before its destruction
in the rebuilding of the church a few years previous. Naturally these
dates are witness only to the antiquity of the church, and not to the
f act that it was Carm.elite when erected.
Similarly, in Pirri's day 8 there was a breviary in the monastery of
St Mary of Carmel at Sutera showing that the brethren had originally
migrated from Jerusalem, and a brass pyx made, according to the in-
scription, under Urban 11. The breviary is gone; Salinas has examined
l Pirri, 802.
1 Palermo rwbilii (Palermo, 1651), 170.
a ToJOflraji.a ant. Pal., 1, 807, 816, and ~l .
4 Pirri, 807.
11 Not to be confused with the Benedictine nunnery of much later date at Scicli (d. Pirri, 687), or
with the church at Aci (Pirri, 592) containing a wonder-working ikon of the Virgin, on which d.
Caietanus, VitM aanctorum aiculorum, u, 284.
Joannis Baptista de Lezana, Annalu aacri 'Jl"opluftici et eliani Ortlinia Beatiuimu Virginia
Mariae t Mon Caf'JMli (Rome, 1645-58), m, 646.
7 1"""4 del crocifiuo del duomo, ind edn. (Palermo, 1690), 88.
Pirri, 7~.
241
 Paleatinian M onaateriea and Ordera
the inscription, 1 which reads: 'Anno domini millesimo nonigesimo (sic)
sexto (secundo?) tempore urbani terc (sic!).' Since no church is men-
tioned, and nothing is said about the Carmelites, it adds nothing to our
discussion.
Finally, Pirri 2 reports a diploma, of 'anno 1178, mense Decembris,
ind. 6, regni Willelmi Il an. 6,' in which Simon, a royal seneschal, gave
considerable property to the Carmelites of Messina. 1 have not found
this charter, but suspect that it contained no mention of Messinese
Carmelites, and that it came into their tabulary at a later time.
In fact, there can be no thought of Carmelite monasteries in Sicily
before the very end of our period. St Berthold founded the hermitage
of Mount Carmel sometime between 1155 and 1185. 1 Moreover, it is
improbable that there were any foundations of the order in the Occident
before H85, when, according to the best Carmelite tradition, houses
were erected in Sicily at Messina, Palermo, Trapani, Leocata, and
Lentini.'
1 In A88, VID (188S), 1S6-7.
Pirri. M7. December, iod. 6= December 1171. commeucing the year on the 1 September. Bcnr-
ever, William II'a aixth year ended the IS May 1171.
a B. Zimmerman. Monumnlo liltorica eGl"llMlilmla: antiqual ortliaii ~ (Urim. 1907),
169 f.; D. Papenbrock in A.A.SS, March. m. 791.
Zimmerman, 110 and 196.
 POSSESSIONS OF SOUTH-ITALIAN MONASTERIES
IN NORMAN SICILY

1 N the course of our study we have had occasion not only to examine
the incidental relations with Sicily of such continental cloisters as
St Euphemia's, 1 Montevergine, 2 St Euplius's, 3 and Sambucina, but also
to discuss the holdings and properties in the island of Bagnara, 6 the
Holy Trinity's of Mileto, 8 St Julian's of Roccafallucca,7 Fossanova, 8 St
Stephan 's of Hosco, 9 and La Cava, 10 one of whose obediences, St Michael 's
of Petralia, was a monastery in its own right. Little remains to be said.
In December 1143, ind. 7, 11 Abbot Walter and the twenty-seven Bene-
dictines of St Lawrence's in Aversa, north of N aples, surrendered to King
Roger the church of St Lawrence in Sciacca, and the casale of St Leonard
nearby, because they were too distant to be properly administered.
There is no indication that the abbey was compensated. These prop-
erties seem to have been given to the Cappella Palatina, where Walter's
charter now rests.
It has been stated 12 that the 'monasterium S. Angeli Juniperiti,' con-
firmed to Vallombrosa in bulls from 1169 to H16, 13 was in Sicily. 1
have found no trace of such a church in the island. The context of the
papal confirmations would indicate that it lay in Northern ltaly.
1 Supra, p. I<>S.
2 Pp. 124 ff.
a Pp. 158 ff. &nd 208.
4 Pp. 169, 171 &nd 182.
6 Pp. 184 ff.
8 P. 191, n. l.
7 P. 187, n. 8.
8 P. 166.
'P. 167.
10P. 186. .
11(A. Garolalo), Tab. &,u Ca~. 17; Caspar, No. 160; cf. Pirri, 298 &nd 1868. For Abbot
Walter d. Caspar, No. 168.
12 L'ltalia ~ina, ed. P. Lug&no (Rome, 1929), 869. The relerences are very delective.
11 JL, N011. 11696, 12696, &nd 166<K; Potthast, No. 6848. Cf. P. Kehr, Italia JKmtificia: 111,
Enria (Berlin, 1908), 98-4.

248
 APPENDIX OF INEDITED DOCUMENTS

1
ION, ind. 8, Troina. 1
Count Robert of Aucetum gives AbbotAmbrose of Lipari thirty-one villains.
Archive ol Patti. F~ 1, no. ant. 18 and 19, mod. 59: copies of 1919 and 16'9 re-
apectively.

In nomine sancte et indiuidue Trinitatis anno ah lncarnatione millesimo

nonagesimo quinto lndictione tertia Regnante Comite Rogiero in Sicilia uicto-
riosissimo. Ego Robertus Comes Guilelmi de auceto filius pro remedio anime
mee et pro anima prelibati Comitis Guilelmi patris mei diui recordii, pro salute
Comitisse Matildis uxoris mee ut illam Deus ah infirmitate corporis liberet. danti
et concedenti eadem Comitissa Matilde ac etiam de uoluntate gloriosissimi
Comitis Rogerii, probissime Comitisse Eremburge dignissimorum patris et matris
eius dominorum meorum, Ambrosio liparitano uenerabili abbati liberam con-
stituo donationem triginta uillanorum, duos in Pactis, sex in Nasa, decem in
Monte argiro, sex in Castronouo, et annuente Venerabili Roberto Traginensi
Episcopo consanguneo sex hic Tragina et unum ludeum cum filiis suis in Castello
quod Fatalia nuncupatur. Facta autem hec donatio in presentia coniugis mee
Comitisse Matildis de nutu et uoluntate predictorum gloriosissimi Rogerii pro-
bissime Eremburge Comitisse hanc donationem laudantium et confirmantium,
Roberti Traginensis Episcopi et Guarini filii mei. Robertus Comes de Aucetum.
Comitissa Matildis. Robertus Troynensis. Guarinus Roberti Aucensis Comitis
filius.

11
6608 (1095) August, ind. S.
A judgement in a dispute over land between the abbess of St Euplus's (in
Calabria) and Condo Petrus.
MS Qq H 137, fol. lft of Biblioteca Comunale di Palermo. Latin tramlatioa made by
Jo.eph V"md, Protopope of Meuina, the 11 April 178S from the Greek ten of ilrid., fol. 11.

Meo.se Augusto Indictionis tertiae. Accusationem coram me proposuit

Abbatissa S. Hieromartyris Eupli, scilicet, quod agrum habebat vicinum et con-
1 This diploma evidenUy recorda a gift made to Abbot Ambroae before 1089 when Roger 1
married Adelaide, bis third wile. The Counteu Eremburga, mentioned herein, wu hi. ~d
wife. The date ol her deatb is not known. Cf. Chalandon, I, MI. Judging by t.he numbtt ol lel'fs
givm. Robert ol Aucetum ia identical with the Robert Mandaguerra found infra, m.
245
~46 Appendix of I nedited Documenta
finantem cum suo Monasterio, qui fuerat a publico dicatus praedicto Monasterio,
qui per Condo Petrum tyrannica manu fuit conversus in vineam quam et gu-
bemat, et coram nobis constituentes Condo Petrum accusatum, et diligenter
examinantes an vera sint quae ah Abbatissa praeponuntur, respondit dicens,
veritatem non ita se haberi, sed ager ipse meus fuit, et a me possessus, Publicum
vero qui agrum ipsum dedicavit nullum omnino jus in eo habebat, hinc his ah
eo dictis, nosmet contulimus super faciem loci, ibique, uti divinae leges jubent,
determinavimus Abbatissam nobis exhibere testes qui suam intentionem con-
firmarent, quod et fuit factum, atque nobis praesentavit testes fide dignos,
homines frugi, qui haec om.nia probe noverant, scilicet Joannem Gaidorophagan,
et Presbyterum Nicolaum Gantecaelle, et Theodotum nepotem Drungari, quos
postquam advenerunt interrogavimus, quidnam scirent de agro, quem dicit
Abbatissa, et responderunt dicentes quod vere ager, quem dicit Abbatissa, nos
scimus, quod universitas dedicaverat Sancto Euplo, hinc jussimus eos jurare et
confirmare quidquid dixerant, et acceperunt Evangelium ad jurandum, et roga-
vimus Abbatissam, ut ipsam vineam converteret suis sumptibus in agrum,
Abhatissa vero condescendit ut agrum ipsum aequaliter divideremus, et ita
divisimus, et determinavimus, et Condo Petrus habuit partem orientalem,
Abbatissa vero occidentalem. Haec omnia sic fuerunt judicata, observata, et
examinata per me Gregorium Protospatharium Gannadu considerantibus nobis-
cum Principibus, scilicet Georgio Mabric, et Presbytero Petro, et Geosphre filio
Malechosa, et Arcudio Steletano, et Helia Siculo, et Neophyto Munnera, et al.s
plurimis, et praesens sigillatum fuit solita nostra bulla cerea Anno 6603. In-
dictione praemissa.

m
1098, ind. 6.
Count Roger 1 confums various donations of serfs and lands to St Bartholo-
mew's of Lipari and St Mary's (of Caccamo).
Copy ol lSth ceotury in the Patti Archive. Fund... r. no. auL 25, mod. M. Copis ol 17th
ceott117 in Prdluioni llll. fol. H5, of the aame archive. and in MSS Qq F 89, fol. lM, aud
Qq H 5, fol. 50 (at eod), of the Biblioteca Comwaale di Palermo.

In Nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti Amen.

Ego Rogerius magnus Comes Sicilie ac Calabrie pro redemcione anime mee
omniumque parentum meorum, firmo, firmandoque concedo absque ulla con-
tradictione alicuius mortalis Sancte Marie et Sancto Bartholomeo de in.sula
liparitana triginta rusticos, et unum, quos Robertus manda guerra dedit Sancte
Marie, et Sancto Bartholomeo. Unus quorum rusticorum est murarius. Adam
quoque andegauensis duos rusticoe supranominatis sanctis dedit. Guilelmua
malet unum dedit. Stephanus mala conuentio unum. Salomon filius Guigonis
unum. Preterea supranominatus Robertus mandra guerra cenobio Sancti Bar-
tholomei inaule liparitane totam terram que continetur inter fontem qui currit
 A ppendix of 1 nedited Documents ~47

ad Calcariam, et uiam qua tenditur ad Agrigentum, et flumen usque ad Montem

Cacumina concedit, et uineam que est iuxta uineam Salomonis, tresque domos,
que sunt iuxta monasterium Sancte Marie. Testibus horum donorum supradictis
existentibus Salomone, Stephano, Adamo, preter hos Briencio de claudo dapero,
Goffredo de malet, Goffredo ridel, Maugero comitis filio, ReginaJdo comitis
cappellano, Guilelmo archino. Ego autem Comes Rogiero (sic) omnibus meis
baronibus seu futuris heredibus meis commando ne aliquis contra hanc cartam
sigillo meo sigillatam insurgat. Quod firmatum est a me nemo infringat.
Facta est autem hec concessio et hec affirmatio Anno ab incarnatione domini
millesimo nonagesimo octauo. Inditione sexta.

IV
6609 (1100-01), ind. 9.
Geoffrey Burrel gives Abbot Ambrose of St Bartholomew's the place of
Santa Lucia, and several serfs.
The Greek original is not enant. The following latn version waa made for a confirmation
of the 26 June 1270, ind. lS, the original of which is in Pretenlioni CICf'ie, fol. 7, of the Patti Archive.

In nomine patris et filii et sancti spiritus. Amen. Propter deum et sanctam

dei genitricem et sanctos ac sanctum Bartholomeum et oh reuerenciam domini
nostri Comitis, et pro remissione eius peccatorum et meorum genitorum et pro
salute mee anime donaui ego Goffridus Burrellus tibi domino Ambrosio abbati
sancti Bartholomei locum sancte Lucie, cuius diuisio sic iacet. Secundum qui-
dem occidentalem partem diuisio sancti Philippi et diuidit ipsam diuisionem et
proficit in casale diauolii, et diuidit ipsam diuisionem flomara, et ascendit flo-
maram, et incipit a ualle ubi est calcara, et a calcara proficit in cristam et sicut
ascendit uia iuxta diuisionem domini Gisberti et ascendit sursum in capite primi
montis et proficit in diuisionem domini Oddi et ascendit uiolum et proficit in
cristam et ex crista in parum montem medium et in locum ubi est pantanum, et
de pantano in montem qui este contra et proficit in flomaram et a flomara in
rupem et ascendit in capite magne criste et proficit in magnam flomaram ubi
sunt molendina, et descendit flomaram in sanctam Luciam et a sancta Lucia in
diuisionem sancti Philippi ubi inicium factum est. Donaui eciam uobis et
agarenos quatuor. Epinalym et filios, Aptolganum cum filiis, Omorum cum
filiis, Omorssum cum filiis. Hoc donaui cum mandato domini mei Comitis, et
cum testibus qui inuenti sunt, Osberto de Soreuera, qui secundum tempos erat
biscontus, et Odro de sancto polo, et Nichita biscomite Milac, et Theodoro
milite et notario, et Iohanne moto (P) et chaltino, et theodoro matera, et oliuero
et fulcone et oprro (?) montifortis, et aliis pluribus testibus et monachis exis-
tentibus Coraine ahbate adranopolis, 1 et Carberto et guisalmo. Scriptum au-
tem per manos Philippi notar. Anno sexmillesimo sexcentesimo nono, Indi-
cione nona.
1 Not identified.
248 A ppend:ix of l nedited Documerds

1105, February, ind. 18.

Hugo of Creun exchanges certain serfs and a vineyard at Sichro with Abbot
Ambrose of Lipari, receiving compensation at Geraci.
Original in Patti Archive. FMUI.., 1, no. ant. 18, mod. 67; partial copy of 17th century, ant.
rr, mod. 66, and of 18th century in MS Qq G H, fol. '6, of Bib. Com. Palermo.

In nomine patris et fil et spiritus sancti. Anno ah incarnatione domini

millesimo centesimo quinto indictione tertia decima mense februario simone si-
cilie et calabrie consule existente, roberto autem messane tragineque presule.
Ego hugo credonensis domino anbrosio (sic) lipparis primo abbati .x. uillanos
cum omnibus sibi pertinentibus in casale quod uocatur sichro pro totidem quos
habebat supradictus abbas in uilla geratii cum omnibus hereditatibus eorum et
uineam meam quam habebam ad casale pro uineis suis de geratio quas habebat
in dominio suo cambsi, et de terra mea et nemoribus meis dedi concessi libere et
absolute supradicto abbati eiusque successoribus in perpetuum. Pro anima ro-
gerii comitis et mei meeque uxoris filiorumque meorum et omnium parentum
meorum pascua terre communia erunt excepto quod si glans in terra mea uel in
terra abbatis fuerit quisque iusta uelle suum de porcis alterius in nemore suo
habebit. Tamen edificabunt ecclesiam cum mansionibus in terra quam dedi,
hoc pacto quod si ibi fortitudo fuerit, salua fidelitate ecclesie, homines illius loci
que inste iuranda sunt mihi iurabunt. Diuisio uero terre quam dedi hec est.
Grandis caua que ascendit de flumine geratii sursum iusta montem cauisti et
uallem girando per pedem ipsius montis et aliorum montium, ascenditque sur-
sum ad collem inter duos altiores montes, uaditque per cauulam que inde
descendit ad riuulum iusum, inde transit recte monticulum inter duos
riuulos ad caput riuuli qui descendit desursum sub casali nostro, sequiturque
ipsum riuulum usque ad piros sursum contra monticulum qui est in capite
sepulturarum, inde descendit ad duos lapides grandes et transit riuulum in uia
sancti (sic) cosme et damiani, tenetque ipsam uiam usque ad primum montem,
transitque ipsum montero recte ad cauam de firteia usque pedem magni montis,
inde descendit per diuisionem terre domini hugonis et Wmi graterie ad flumen
asini caditque ultro in uia fracica usque ad cauam que diuidit nostram terram
usque ad flumen pole. +
Huius rei testes ipse dominus Hugo qui dedit terrun.
+ Matheus frater eius. +
Ambrosius abbas. +
Serlo prior catanie. Blan- +
cardus monachus. +
Ascelinus monachus. +
Rugo monachus. Ricardus +
monachus. +lohannes monachus. +
Hamo canonicus qui scripsit hanc
cartam. + Ranulfus canonicus. +
Ricardus paganellus. +
Ranulfus de bao-
cis. Hoc donum quod continetur in ista carta concessit Adelaidis comiti.ua.
Nicholao teste camerario. Hugone de puteolis. Ricardo de monte cenio.
Rafredo de nasa.
 Awendix of lnedited Documenta ~49

VI

6614 {1105), i l November, ind. 14, and 1180, 14 December, ind. 9.

Achi of Vizzini gives Abbot Ambrose of Lipari-Patti lands at Vizzini called
Licodia.
The Patti Archive, Fund r. no. ant. ss. mod. 71. contaim wbat may be the original of llSO.
Ni. ant. SI and SI, mod. 70 and 71, are 17th-century copies.

+In nomine Chri.sti Amen. uigesimo et uno die nouembris, indictione quarta
deci.ma donaui ego Achinus de bizino omni mea bona uoluntate et meo placito
sine ulla calumpnia et malo ingenio de mea terra nominatiue de bizino pro anima
comitis Rogierii qui micbi banc terram donauit, et pro anima Iordani atque pro
animabus omnium fidelium defunctorum et pro mea anima donaui istam terram,
meis filiis consencientibus Charluuri, et Galduino. Taliter quod ista terra sit
omni tempore de sancto bartbolomeo lipariensi, et sancto saluatore patensi,
quod nullus homo sit qui eam disturbet. Et sic donaui eam domino Ambrosio
abbati et aliis fratribus qui erant cum eo. Hec terra est nominatiue de licodia,
que sic manet. a capite caue uadit in uiam francigenam uiam Fabariam, et
postea uadit ad cristam incisam ficus saluatice, quam cristam pergit deorsum
usque ad uallonem et usque ad terram albam, deinde usque ultra flumen. Et
postea capit aliam cristam, et sic cristam uadit usque ad licudiam (sic) et usque
ad superiorem fontem de fierio. Et omne istud donaui ego Achi de bizino pro
animabus omnis Christianitatis et pro mea anima. Atque otridaui (sic, blank
in copies) istud sigillum per monacbos ac laicos. Per testes qui ibi fuerunt. In
primo, Asmundus testis, Moruanus testis, Alam testis, Raul buturn testis, Picot
test.is, Roglerius frater domine et Roglerus nepos domine.
Sex milia se:x: centum et quatuordecim, Indictione quarta decima, fuit scripta
et odradita (sic) in mense et indictione suprascripta. Et ips[e] condonaui sex
uillanos. Hec sunt nomina istorum. Inprimo maaluf, bulcasem, soliman,
uez, ali . . . steo et beorum heredes.

ACHI DE BIZINO

Et sciendum est hanc cartam primum grece scriptam postea uero latine. Inde
testes dominus Enricus de tirroo, Arnerius de terron, dominus Albericus de
cauals, Golferius, Presbiter aluerius, Sergius, dominus Rogerius burdon, Oddo
de manso morin, bartholomeo filius adlam spiniac, arui baale, notarius leo.
Factum est hoc ah incarnatione domini nostri lesu Christi milleximo centesimo
tricesimo, Indicione nona, Nono decimo kalendas ienuarii (sic).
Et ego gregorius qui hoc sigillum et dictum manu superscripti achini condonaui
scribens.
~o A p-pendiz of I nedited Documen

VII
1108 (1107), ind. 15.1
The Countess Adelaide gives Ahbot Ambrose of St Bartholomew's the
tithes of the Jews of Termini.
Original looee in Patti Archive. no. ant. '!fl, mod. 76. Copies ol 17th emtury in Forul., 1,
no. ant. S6, mod. 75, and in Prelenlmi. mrie, fol. 8.

Anno ah Incarnatione Domini N ostri Ieus Christi Millesimo centesimo oc-

tauo, indictione .xv. Domino abbate Ambrosio ecclesiam sancti bartholomei
feliciter gubemante. Ego Adelaidis comitissa sicilie et calabrie dedi ecclesie
sancti hartholomei cum filio meo Rogerio decimas iudeorum qui sunt ad termas,
pro redemtione anime mee et domini mei comitis Rogerii, omniumque parentum
meorum. Buius rei sunt testes + Christophorus amiratus. + Philippus
flamiger. + Rohertus auenellus. + Radulphus beluacen.sis. +Ego Ioannes
tuscanus comitisse capellanus precepto domine comitisse et ortatu scripsi hanc
cartam, et dedi illam in manu fratris Roberti arpionis coram domina comitissa.
+ Signum eiusdem Adelaidis.

VIlI
1108, 17 March.
The boundaries of St Peter's (near Castronuovo).
Original looee in the Patti Archive. 1be FtJ(JO di San Pietro la Fi'lml4nl, i. foil. S and 6 of
the aame uclve contain 17th~tury copiea.

In nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti, amen. Anno ah incarnatione

domini nostri Iesu Christi M. C0 octauo ro. septimo die martii, uenerunt io-
hannes stratigotus castrinoui, Hubertus de micia, Guido de finulleria, Rogerius
canonicus sancte Marie, Nicolaus presbiter, Bugo filius arnulfi, Landrinus,
Gaytus bula mele, ad diuidendas terras sancti petri, et hoc precepto domini
Rogerii comitis. principium diuisarum sancti petri est castellonem (sic) et
descendunt diuise per uallonem usque flumen castrinoui, et transeunt flumen et
ferunt ad molendinum et inde ascendunt ad ficum fatuam que est super turonem
et uadunt cristam cristam et ferunt ad alium turonem et descendunt et uadunt
usque ad ultimum turonem de spina, et inde descendunt ad ecclesiam et descend-
unt ad flumen marineo, et ascendunt per flumen usque ad petram arenosam et
inde ascendunt usque ad petram de oleastro et uadunt per cristam cristam usque
ad petram edere et inde uadunt per cristam cristam et descendunt ad uallonem
et uadunt per uallonem uallonem usque ad rubeam terram et inde descendunt ad
magnam uallonem ad petram lamberti et descendunt per uallonem uallonem et
uadunt ad uetus molendinum et ferunt ad flumen et transeunt flumen et ascen-
dunt.per cristam cristam usque ad magnum turonem qui respicit aperte sanctum
petrum et inde descendunt usque ad uallonem handicritam transitum canerate
(sic) et inde ascendunt per cristam cristam usque ad iam predictum castellonem
in quo clauduntur diuise sancti petri.
1 On the date, el. npra. p. 87, o. S.
 A ppendix of 1nedited Documenta 251

IX
1121, ind. 12 (sic).
Rohert of Milia gives Abbot Ambrose of Lipari the obedience of St Sophia
near Vicari, with its serls, lands, and other endowment.
Original l008e in Patti Archive, no. ant. .SS, mod. 92. Copies of 17th century in Fond., 1,
no. ant. 62, mod. 91, and Prenami riarie, foil. 11 and H.

+ In nomine sancte et individue trinitatis Anno ah incamatione domini

millesimo centesimo uicesimo i0 , indictione xii, presidente in sicilia rogerio con-
sule filio rogerii magni consulis. Ego robertus milliensis pro remedio anime ro-
gerii magni consulis et uxoris eius adelayde, simulque rogerii secundi consulis,
omnisque parentele eius, nec non etiam pro remedio anime mee, et uxoris mee
:ftorentie, cunctorumque affinium nostrorum dedi in panormitana diecesi in ter-
ritorio bicarensi apud uicum, qui uocatur mezelchal, aecclesie (sic) sancti bar-
tholomei apostoli liparensis in manu abbatis ambrosii obedientiam sancte sophie
cum uillanis xxii"'", et terris quorum ista est diuisio. quemadmodum uia des-
cendit inter amgdalas, et collem lapideum, et inde ducit ad uiam castelli cogno-
mento chephalas usque ad fiuuium et usque ad cauam, et sicut ego robertus
milliensis perambulaui diuisiones terre simul cum testibus infrascriptis. Vineam
etiam meam concessi eidem aecclesie post decessum meum, ea scilicet racione, ut
quicumque de istis donacionibus aliquid aecclesie tulerit uel deminuerit (sic)
quacumque occasione, coram deo et sanctis eius perpetuo anathemato feriatur.
Signum roherti milliensis +.Signum :ftorentie uxoris eius +.
Lucas filius
annoni milliensis +. Guimundus diaconus canonicus bicarensis Lando +.
sacerdos +. Willelmus de buxeria +. lohannes bone case+. Randulfus de
seminara +. Gaufridus presbiter +. Randulfus de noueuilla +.
Ego uero robertus milliensis dedi etiam munere perpetuo per unumquemque
annum tarenos .C., et filiis meis impero, et commoneo, ut hanc et reliquas dona-
tiones, quas dedi huic aecclesie custodiant et conseruent iure perpetuo decimam
tributi rusticorum meorum. de data Mensis Augusti.
Presidente in sede apostolica domino domno papa celestino (sic!) secundo.
(a later hand has correct.ed: Calisto.)

X
1128, ind. l.
Rainald, son of Amald, gives to Abbot John of Lipari and to St Mary's (of
Tusa) certain lands near Tusa.
Original looee in Patti Archive, no. ant. 67, mod. 96, 97. Copies of 17th century in Fond., 1,
ni. ant. 66 and 66, mod. 94 and 96.

+ In Nomine Domini Anno ah incarnatione domini millesimo centesimo

uicesimo tertio. Indictione pruna. Regnante in sicilia et calabria Rogerio
 A']J'PCTUl,ix of l nedited Dooumenta

comite, filio Rogerii magni comitis terre huius conquisitoris. Ego Raynaldus
Amaldi filius pro anima Rogerii magni comitis, ipsiusque heredum, et pro anima
patris et matris mee, et pro anima fratris mei Hugonis aliorumque parentorum
meorum, et pro salute anime et corporis mei dono et concedo Ecclesie Sancti
Bartholomei apostoli liparie, et Ecclesie Sancte Marie obedientie ipsius terram
que uocatur manescalchia, et adiacet ad radicem montis, in quo antiqua tusie
ciuitas sita fuit, iuxta flumen. In presencia domini lohannis Secundi Abbatis.
Cuius terre diuise he sunt. Incipit a capite sicut fluuius disiungitur a pede
ipsius montanee, et facit summitatem ipsius terre gracilem, deinde fluit per
planiciem, et circumdat ex uno latere totam eamdem terram, et uadit iusum ad
pedem eiusdem terre, et ferit ad radicem predicti montis. Deinde incipit ex alio
latere, et uadit per ipsius montis radicem, et ascendit sursum et ferit ad caput
eiusdem terre, hoc est ad predictam fluminis disiunctionem.
Huius donationis testes idonei sunt. lpsemet dominus lohannes Abbas,
Hengibertus Cellerarius, Goffridus Cantor, lohannes Arcabitusa, W. Camerarius
qui hanc cartulam scripsit. De militibus, Raynaldus ipsius terre donator et
concessor, lordanus bonellus, Walcolinus, Gotofredus, Matheus creonensis,
Herueus Sacerdos, Aimericus de rochia, Robertus de sancto iuliano, Robertus de
aueri.

XI
11~. so March, ind. s.
Richard Bubly gives the church of St Nicholas of Comitini to St Mary's of
Butera, an obedience of Lipari. Girbaldus and Richard add to its endowment.
Original in Patti Archive. Fond., 1, no. ant. 61, mod. 101; copies of 17th century in ibid., no.
ant. 60, mod. 100, and Pretemioni mrie, fol. 122.

+ Ah incamatione domini nostri lesu Christi millesimo centesimo uicesimo

quinto. Indictione tercia. Tercio Kalendas Aprelis (sic) concessit dominus
Riccardus bublii simul cum nepote suo Henrico et coniuge fratris sui Guillelmi,
Ecclesiam sancti Nicolai que est in territorio commecini, Ecclesie sancte Marie
obediencie sancti Bartholomei que est Butherie, et insimul dedit uineam que est
iuxta uineam Ugonis: ex una parte uia mazarini, ex altera pomerium iuxta fon-
tem usque in pantanum. et terram que estante Ecclesiam: ex una parte est
terra Alberti, ex altera diuisio domini Girbaldi, usque in montecello qui est
iuxta terram Lizar, ex ala uia butherie. Iterum dedit aliam terram que est
iuxta montero terre zilloni usque in montero fornini per cristam que pendet usque
ad petram que est supra uadum fluminis mazarini usque ad diuisionem domini
Girbaldi, sicut uia decurrit mazarini ex sinistro latere. Dominus Girbaldus et
Gimarca eius coniux dederunt terram ah ipso monte in dextera parte uie mazar-
ini, sicut diuisio est donni Riccardi usque in flumen et sicut aqua conuallium
decurrit a uia mazarini usque ad flumen, et dedit donnus Riccardus due boues,
et quinque scrufas, et unum uerrum, et decem oues, et unum multunum, et de-
cimas panis et camis et casei que comenduntur in eius mensa, et tres uillanos
 A ppend:ix of I nedited Documents !l53

ahdelagit, mocatel et zeytone cum omnibus filiis et filiabus et omni eorum here-
ditate, pro mercede animarum suarum et omnium suorum parentum.
Hec sunt signa que dominus Henricus fecit propter hoc beneficium re-
tinendum, Marchio et filius suus Roclerius. Isti sunt testes Riccardi, Gir-
baldus, Allo, Albertus eius frater, Albertus clericus, et Albertus sacerdos.
Testes Girbaldi, Riccardus, Guilelmus eius filius, Henricus de Rodino, Reynaldus
sacerdos.
+ Signum Domini Henrici de Bublo, qui hoc constituit et confirmauit.
+ Aliud similiter signum Domini Gualterii de Garissio.
+ Signum donni lohannis Abbatis qui hoc beneficium recepit.
+ Signum donni Anselmi monachi.
+ Signum donni Angeli monachi.
+ Signum Lamberti monachi.
+ Gandulfi domini monachi signum.

XII

1181, ind. 9, epact iO.

Robert of Milia sells some land to Abbot J ohn of Lipari and Robert of
Venosa Prior of St Sophia's (of Vicari).
Original in Patti Archive, Fond., 1, no. ant. 72, mod. 112; copies of 17th century in no. ant.
71, mod. 111, and Pretenmmi rorie, foil. iO and 194; a t.raruJcript of 1248 is in no. ant. 78, mod. 118.

In nomine sancte et indiuidue trinitatis. Anno ah incarnatione domini

nostri Iesu Christi millesimo centesimo tricesimo primo, indictione viiii, epacta
xx. Regnante in sicilia et in calabria, atque in epulia (sic) rogerio primo rege.
Ego robertus miliacensis uendidi ecclesie sancte sophie quam ego edificaui terram
que estante eam, concedente uxore meo florentia, et filiis meis filippo et willelmo,
atque roberto, pro unam mulam et unum equum et .C. tarenos, in tempore io-
hannis secundi abbatis, et roberti monachi et sacerdotis, cognatione uenusinus,
qui tune tempore prior predicte ecclesie erat, et bartholomeus (sic) monachus et
leuita, qui mulam et equum tarenosque mihi tradiderunt. Ista est diuisio terre.
In primis incipit hec diuisio terre a torrente qui primitiuo finis terre ecclesie
erat, per quem uia publica pergit que uadit panormo, et deinde ascendit per
predictam uiam que uadit contra calata anneht iuxta lapidem magnum qui est
iuxta prefatam uiam. Relicta uero hac uia ascendit quoddam pectus in quo
acerui petrum (sic) sunt usque ad aliam uiam superiorem que uadit mesalchar
uico, ac deinde transit per caput predicti torrentis ad lapidem qui est in medie-
tate uie et exinde descendit per hanc uiam ad montis pendini pedem, descendit-
que per torrentum istius montis et transit uiam que ad ecclesiam uadit usque ad
aliam uiam inferiorem et de intus diuisione terre est cemeterium saracenorum.
Huius re testes sunt +
Ego robertus dominus terre sum testis huius rei, et
precipio filiis meis ut hanc elemosinam custodiant in perpetuum.
!l54 A ppendix of l nedited Documenta

+ Signum filippi heredis terre. +

Signum Wmi fratris eius. Signum ro- +
berti filii eius. +
Signum amelini sacerdotis. +
Signum fulconis sacerdotis.
+ Signum gofridi de uico balloli.

XIll

1185, ind. 11 (sic), Jerusalem.

Abbot S(oibrand) of St. Mary's of the Latins at Jerusalem assents to the
settlement made before the King in Palermo, in the dispute between Bishop John
of Lipari-Patti and Prior Falco of St Philip's in Agira, that the latter monastery
is to belong exclusively to the abbey of St Mary in Jerusalem, and that Patti is
to possess the church of St Venera near Tusa.
Original looee in Patti Archive. formerly bound in FON/.., r, no. ant. 79, mod. 119. The
original of a confirmation ol the It May 1271 ia in F.,o di B. Mana dli Palam. fol. 6.

tam
+ In nomine patris et et spiritus sancti Amen. N otum sit omnibus
filii
presentibus quam futuris quod l[ohannes] pactensis et lipariensis episcopus
et falco prior sancti philippi ante regem R[ogerium] sicilie et italie in palatio suo
panormi deo auctore residentem conuenerunt, calumpniam de ecclesia sancti
philippi inter se habentes. Sed annuente deo qui discordes ad concordiam re-
uocat, ante ipsum et per ipsum excellentissimum regem statutum et confinna-
tum libera concessione fuit. quatinus predicta ecclesia sancti philippi cum per-
tinentiis suis ecclesie sancte Marie latine ciuitatis sancte hierusalem libere et
absolute et sine aliqua retratactione iure perpetuo in etemam remaneret et pac-
tensis ecclesia sanctam ueneram que est in territorio tose cum suis pertinentiis
possideret. Ego autem S[oibrandus] sancte supradicte ecclesie latine humilla
abbas, ut dfinitum et confirmatum ante supradictum dominum Regem est, huic
diffinitioni et concordie bona uoluntate assentio et ex auctoritate dei eiusdemque
genetricis sancte Marie et ecclesie nostre present priuilegio et sigillo confirmo.
Quicumque autem hanc concordiam in aliquo uiolare presumpserit, perpetue
maledictioni subiaceat, si non resipuerit et conuenienti satisfactione penitentiam
egerit. Factum est hoc priuilegium communi assensu totius conuentus ecclesie
sancte Marie latine. Anno ah incamatione domini nostri Iesu Christi Mille-
simo. Centesimo. Tricesimo quinto. lndictione undecima. domino W[il-
lelmo] patriarcha presidente in hierusalem. regnante rege fulcone feliciter.

XIV
1185 (1186) January, ind. 14.
King Roger compenaates Abbot David of the Holy Trinity of Mileto with
Calabrian properties for the cession of the chu.rchea of St Cosmas near Cefab\
and St John of Rocella.
Eiata in a copy al the late llth or early lSth ttntury in the archive ol the Greek Collep iD
Rome, B.z. See 111pra, p. 191, D. S.
 Appendiz of Inedited Documenta 255

In nomine domini dei eterni ac saluatoris nostri lesu Christi. Anno Incar-
nationis eiusdem M. c. XXXV. Mense Ianuarii. Indictione xiln. Ego
Rogerius dei gratia sicilie et ita.le rex, Christianorum adiutor, et ... . [Rogerii
mag]ni comitis heres et filius. Sincere caritatis postulatio effectu debet prose-
quente compleri, ut et dilectionis exhibitio laudabiliter enitescat . . .... .. . .
postul . . . . . . . . . . . Ideoque dauid monasterii sancte Trinitatis de Mileto uene-
rabilis abbas, cognitis tuis tuorum fratrum petitionibus, et eisdem iustis compro-
batis, assensum preb . . . . . . . . . . petistis enim sicut ex facto cognouimus et
memoria retinemus ut quedam loca tui monasterii iuri supposita quia longe sita
erant, et ideo quasi inutilia, a te tuisque fratribus reciperemus et pro eis uice per-
mutationis uiciniora iterem[us]. Quod considerantes esse legitimum et statutis
canonum non inprobatum, pro tuo tuorumque fratrum honore et monasterii
commoditate, recepimus a uobis ecclesiam sancti Cosme que sita est in territorio
Cephaludis, cum omnibus sibi iure pertinentibus, terris cultis et incultis, uineis,
siluis, pascuis, et decimatione Cephaludis et ecclesiam sancti lohannis de rochel-
la, cum omnibus terris, cultis et incultis, et triginta nouem uillanis, ad predictas
ecclesias pertinentibus, pro quibus omnibus uiciniora loca et dicto monasterio
tuo magis utilia permutauimus, et permutando concessimus, uidelicet tinturiam
Bibone, sicut unquam uno die et una nocte melius (sic) habuimus, et Leonero
rudeum cum tota familia sua, et heredibus et rebus eorum, et palatium Bibone.
Et in pertinentiis Mileti uineam que fuit malgerii ad sanctum Heliam iuxta 8.u-
men de cemasto, et unam culturam quam ibi habebamus, et molendinum de da-
fana. Et in pertinentia de Umbriatico unam culturam que est ex illa parte
8.uminis de teriuter. Et pro iardino terram que fuit uinea de fuicerreis (?) cum
canneto. Et in pertinentia Metiti uillanos quatuor, Calochurum de tirio (?),
Nicolaum carnificem, Leo rochisanii, Filius theodori tauerniti. Et in pertinentia
de Miliano uillanos quinque, Arcudium de pichinna, Filios Anne .de drongar,
Comita de azuno, Nicolaum de escalit, Comita de cartalla. Et in pertinentia
de finbriatico, uillanos quatuordecim, Nichitam lombardum, Leo (sic) quicqua
(?), lohannem rodino, Leo filium tomarci, Vidua philippi pachi cum filiis, Filias
calichuri pardea, Theophilactum filium de costa rodine, Calochurum de calogero.
Filios lohannis zappaturm, Filios petri longobardi, Nicolaum filium de costa,
Filios helene, Costa de ...... , Filios petri (?) pachi. Et in pertinentia sancti
Martini uillanos sedecem (?), Filios pape eustachii, Filios Nicolay caloma, Filios
Gregorii puturo, Filios politi, Filios furti, Filios marenzarii, Filios feraci, Nicco-
laum conterati, Filios cassir, Filios pedoracti, Filios theofanii, Filios carini, Filios
aciti, Filios calixte monache, Filios Basilii calidonii. Hos prenominatos uillanos
cum omnibus heredibus et filiis et rebus eorum, et terras predictas et uineas, uice
permutationis sicut dictum est concedimus et donamus prenominato Monasterio,
et tibi tuisque canonice succedentibus, tenendum, habendum, et perpetuo posse-
dendum, et quicquid placuerit legitime faciendum, omni nostra nostrorumque
heredum aut successorum uel baiulorum, seu alicuius humane persone contrarie-
tate aut contradictione remota. Si quis uero, quod absit, magna humilisue per-
sona huius nostre permutationis paginam uiolare uel interrumpere presumpserit,
sciat se composituram auri libras decem, medietatem palatio nostro, et aliam
~56 Appendi,x of 1nedited Documenta
medietatem predicto monasterio, presensque deceterum pristinum robur obti-
neat. Ad huius autem nosU:e concessionis et permutacionis memoriam, per
manus Guidonis nostri Notarii scribi atque tiparii bulla plumbea insigillari
precepimus.

XV

1187, ind. 15.

William Bonell gives a vineyard to the church of St Mary of Caccamo, an
obedience of Lipari-Patti, in the person of Bishop John.
Patti Archive, Fond., 1, no ant. llS, mod. 151, may be a contemporaey copy; no. ant. 1H,
mod. 150, ia a copy of the 17th century.

+ In nomine sancte et indiuidue trinitatis. Anno ah incarnatione domini

M.C.XXX.VII, indictione XV, epacta (blank). Ego guillelmus bonellus. Si
ecclesiis dei per totum orbem difusis locisque uenerabilibus studio debent bene-
ficia prosequenti impendi, illis precipue qui pro peccatis nostris assidue uigiliis et
orationibus dei misericordiam inuocant, beneficia pie iugiter impendere. Ea-
propter uenerabilis pactensis et lippariensis Episcope loannes tuis et fratrum
utriusque monasterii orationibus confidens, pro salute anime nostre, patrisque
mei et matris mee, meorumque parentum, concedo ecclesie sancte marie cacca-
uiensis obedientie sancti bartholomei lipparensis consenso uxoris mee sibilie et
tranchredi filii mei uineam, que est in territorio caccauiensi perpetuali iure omni
remota calumnia. Cuius fines terminantur hoc modo. A platea magna, per
quam pergitur ad casale riccardi capuensis, et pergitur ad finem qui est inter
uineam predicte ecclesie sancte marie et uineam osbemi et uadit ad chaos (sic),
et ascenditur ad summa montis, postea uero uaditur per summa montium et
descenditur in fine qui est in territorio presbyteri greci, et pergitur cireum ui-
neam, et uaditur ad ficulneam magnam que est subtus uineam caloioannis pres-
byteri, et descenditur per sepem uinee et pergitur in uiam publicam.
+Signum manus dominus (sic) W. bonello. +
Signum manus tranchri-
dus filium (sic!) suum. +
Signum manus domina sibilia. Robertus filius raul
subscripsit. Robertus de sperlingo testes (sic). Matheus filius aimo (sic) dueis
testes. Amum baroni caccabo testes. Andrea montironem testes. AmUDS
magistro {sic) testes. Walterius faber testes. lohannes indignus cappellanus
firmiter testes.

XVI

1141, May, ind. 4.

Lucy of Cammarata, at the request of Archbishop John of Bari, and with the
consent of Roger Il, gives the church of St Mary of Cammarata, with its posses-
sions, to Jocelmus Elect of Cefalu. Forged. 1
l Cf. IUprcl. pp. ln-4.
 A ppendix of 1nedited Documenta 257
Original in the Archive of CefalU, No. 10. MS Qq D S, fol. 67, of the Bib. Com. Palermo
has a copy omitting the deacription of propertiea.

Approbate consuetudinis apud fideles, et pie deuotionis est opus ecclesias et

monasteria edificare, in quibus dignum deo seruire est. In ecclesiis enim bene-
dicere dominum necesse est. Quia melior est dies una in atriis domini super
milia. Legimus quidem dudum sanctos et beatos patres cenobia et monasteria
edificasse in quibus pie uiuentes sedula oratione in celestibus habitationibus
sedes preparauerunt. In terris quidem oratoria in celo autem lucidissimas man-
siones edificauerunt. Quorum pia uestigia pro modulo mee quantitatis pia con-
sideratione cupiens imitari, Ego Lucia de camerata dono dei, concessu et uolun-
tate domini mei gloriosi Regis Rogerii in territorio, quod est super camaratam,
ecclesiam edificaui ad laudem et gloriam nominis dei et beate Marie semper
uirginis, Cuius est ecclesie ipsius uocabulum, et omnium sanctorum dei, quine-
tiam ad honorem et laudem domini mei inuictissimi Regis Rogerii cuius ope, et
uoluntate, constructa est ecclesia; hanc quidem cum pro remedio animarum uide-
licet Roberti Guiscardi nobilissimi Ducis Apulie, et Rogerii strenuissimi Comitis
Sicilie, nec non domini mei Regis Rogerii, et successorum suorum, et pro redemp-
tione anime mee, et filiorum, et parentum meorum, ecclesiam edificatam, et orna-
mentis ornatam, amplicare uolui possessionibus postmodum cum uoluntate, et
habita licentia a domino meo Rege Rogerio, concessu tamen ade dilectissimi filii
mei, suadente et petente domino lohanne ueuerabili barensi Archiepiscopo, qui
ecclesiam ipsam consecrauit, de terris et possessionibus, quas eidem ecclesie
donaueram in eius consecratione concessiones nostras present priuilegio confir-
maui. Quidquid enim iuris et potestatis habui in subscriptis terris, et casali, et
possessionibus quas ecclesie ipsi donaui, totum iuri et perpetuo dominio ipsius
ecclesie resignaui, ut tanto prestantius ad profectum salutis nostre hoc nostrum
charitatis opus existeret, quantum ad maiorem profectum ipsius ecclesie proue-
niret pariter, et honorem. Diuisiones autem terrarum hee sunt, quas ei circum
cameratam donaui. primus terminus: Rupis magna lorfelcorumb dicta, de
qua rupe ascensum dirigitur terminum (sic) ad terram motam que respicit ad
casale ortusum. Deinde descendit terminus per collem usque ad uiam casalis
gallinice, qua scilicet uia itur ad cameratam. Ah ipsa uero perducitur terminum
ad uallonem mancusum. Ah ipso autem uallone per descensum dirigitur ad
margium lohannis hugadir. Deinde ascendit terminus ad terram motam. lnde
autem ascenditur ad rupem rubeam. Ah ipsa itaque rupe per ascensum ducitur
terminum per collem ad planiciem in qua est fons et dicitur terra lanzalupi. lnde
deducitur ad lapidem magnum. De lapide magno in altum perducitur terminum
usque ad promontorium quod dicitur hasene. De hunc descenditur per collem
usque ad uallonem. De uallone ipso transit terminum ad alium promontorium.
A quo ascendit in altum ad sumum eiusdem promontorii. Ah ipso autem loco
descendit per collem usque ad uineam ecclesie. De ipsa uero uinea deducitur
termin[um] ad uineam lohannis de rosa, que coniugitur uie magne, que ducit JLd
ca.omle ipsum ecclesie per quam uenitur ad uineam calichuri, super quam coniun-
guntur uallones concurrentes. Et deinde non longe adiungitur terminus (sic!)
!l58 A ppendiz of 1nedited Documenta
cum clausamine uinee mee usque ad quercus, et inde usque ad uetus torcular ubi
est ficus. Ab ipso autem loco deducitur terminus ad duas salices, que sunt in
uinea quam ego iamdicta Lucia ecclesie donaui. Ex quibus salicibus peruenitur
ad alteras salices que sunt iuxta conductum aque deconcurrentis per chunzurram
ad castellum camerate. Deinde itur ad uiam que ducit ad casalem rahaltauil, et
per ipsam uiam peruenitur ad fontem qui oritur in media uia. Hic itaque fons
appellatur fons iudicis. Per ipsam uero uiam que ducit ad rahaltauillam de-
ducitur terminus usque ad ylices et terram motam. De qua terra ascendit in
altum terminus donec peruenitur ad ecclesiam Sancte Venere. Que est sita inter
medium magnorum moncium (sic). Ecclesie terminus descendit adima (sic) ad
fontem, de fonte descenditur ad pomeria. Descendit itaque terminus ah ipsis
pomeriis usque dum coniungitur ad predictam rupem larfelcurumb. In qua
universa concluditur diuisio terrarum quas prenotate ecclesie dono omni remota
calumpnia. Preter hec auctoritate et concessu domini mei potentissimi Regis
Rogerii concessi eidem ecclesie ut quecumque habuerit animalia de cetero in
perpetuum simul cum meis animalibus, siue subcessorum (sic) meorum commu-
nem habeant pastum (sic) simul et usum tam in aquis quam in cuntis (sic) terris
et pertinenciis iamdicte camerate, sine requisitione aliqua .uel contradictione
ipsius pasture. In toto autem nemore quod de camerata pertinet ligna incidere
pro ope suo ad uistam sibi sufficiendam, liberam tam per me quam per meos suc-
cessores, habeat potestatem, ita tamen ut nemus quod est in terris quas eidem
ecclesie donaui pro ipsa lauda (sic) uinea ecclesie reseruetur, uidelicet nemus quod
est in rupe que est in conspectu ecclesie, quod speciali usui ecclesie deputaui.
Bis itaque concessionibus firmiter constitutis, Ego prenotata Lucia predicte
ecclesie perpetua consuetudine tenendum dedi et concessi in meo molendino
absque omni molestia pro suo uictu per singulos menses decem modios frumenti
molere. Igitur memoratam ecclesiam cum suis, ut dictum est, pertinentiis, et
omni iure suo ecclesie sancti Salvatoris per manus domini Iocellmi eiusdem ec-
clesie uenerabilis electi assignaui, et tradidi eius capitulo et potestati perpetue
subditam. Ad cuius donationis nostre et concessionis memoriam, et perpetuum
firmitatem presens priuilegium eidem ecclesie fieri feci plumbeo sigillo nostro
firmatum, et testimonio predicti uenerabilis barensis episcopi, et aliorum testium
roboratum. Si quis autem in bis, seu in aliis ecclesie collatis beneficiis infesta-
tionem aliquam aut contrauersiam commouere tentauerit, eteme maleditioni, et
Regie pene subiaceat. Regnum dei non habiturus nisi ad condignam peruenerit
satisfactionem. Cunctis autem hec et cetera ecclesie bona augentibua atque
seruentibus sit pax a deo unico et uero in secula seculorum. Amen.
+ Ego Lucia de camerata signo manos mee confirmaui.
+ Ego Adam de camerata filius eius uolui.
+ Ego Galgana concessi.

'+* Ego Sibilia uolui.

Ego Iohannes dei gratia barensis Archiepiscopua predictam, deo dante, eccle-
, siam consecraui, et his concessionibua, et confinnationibua domine Lucie de
camerata presens interfui.
+ Ego Bartholomeua de moloc interfui.
 A ppendix of l nedited Documenta 259
+ Ego Iohannes de rosa testis.
+ Ego lordanus.
+ Ego Arnulfus testis.
+Ego Asquitinus testis.
+Ego W. canonicus Aggrigenti testis.
+ Ego Brigundius testis.
+ Ego lohanis lius Roberti testis.
+ Ego Leonardus testis.
+ Ego Rogerius presbiter testis.
+ Ego Petracca camerarius domini Archiepiscopi barenais interfui.
Factum feliciter Anno Dominice Incamationis M C XLI. Mense Madii.
Inditione .iiii. Regnante Domino Rege Rogerio Sicilie, ducatus Apulie, princi-
patus Capue.

XVII

1142, February, ind. S (sic).

Martin Curator gives some land near Oliveri to the hospital of St Bartholo-
mew's of Lipari.
Patti Archive, Fond., I, no. ant. 117, mod. 155, may be a contemporary copy; no. ant. 116,
mod. 154, is a copy of the l 7th century.

+ In nomine sancte et indiuidue trinitatis, sit notum omnibus tam pre-

sentibus quam f uturis, quod ego martinus curator pro redemptione mee anime
parentumque meorum mea spontanea uoluntate et assensu nicholai mei filii in
presentia domini landolfi prioris ac guillelmi thesaurarii dedi et concessi per
manum domini ansgotti monachi, unam peciam terre, cum toto nemore eidem
terre pertinente, hospitali ecclesie beati bartholomei, libere et absolute, sine in-
quietatione, ut monachi habeant ipsam in perpetuum. Est autem predicta
terra huiusmodi conterminata finibus. Primus a parte orientali finis est crista
ubi est diuisio oliuerii et pergit recto gradu per eandem cristam, usque ad finem
montis arboris cruciati. Secundus finis est a meridie, ah eadem arbore, terra
nicholai filii prefati martini et pergit per mediam ipsam terram bue atque illuc
minime uacillando usque ad aliam arborem cruciatam. Tercios ah occidente
finis est ah ipsa arbore . . . . . . . . . . et pergit recto itinere usque ad uallonem
......... ... ipsum uallonem, et pergit sursum usque ad prefatam cristam oli-
uerii .. . ... . .. . .. totam et integram terram prenominatam cum omnibus suis
pertinentiis iure perpetuo concessi, donaui et scripto presenti tradidi fratri
&Il8gotto, quatinus ad opus hospitalis uenerabilis l . episcopo (sic) aliisque fratri-
bus (sic!) eam habeant, teneant, ac possideant, atque in ea et de ea quidquid
uoluerint sine mea meoru.mque parentum calumpnia libera sit illis faciendi
facultas. Ad huius uero donationis ac mee oblationis monimentum (sic) et
firmitatem sunt idonei testes nomina quorum sunt hec. Martinus alacris,
Robertus decimator, Robertus dapifer, Bruno portuarius, Leo minueus, .. ...
260 A ypendiz of I nedited Documenta
guinu (?), Urletta cellarius, lohannellus scuterius. Actum est hoe anno ah in-
carnatione domini nostri iesu christi millesimo.c.xlii. Indictione .iii. Reg-
nante rege rogerio per totam siciliam atque ytaliam feliciter. Presidente in
pactensi ecclesia domino l. uenerabile episcopo. Scriptum a iohanne misero
peccatore, indigno monacho memorati pontificis, mense februario.

xvm
1144, June, ind. 6 (sic).1
Bishop 1vanus of Catania records a dispute with the abbey of St Savior in
Messina over the building of a mili near the mili belonging to the church of
Catania at Mascali. He permits St Savior's to build the mili, provided Catania's
interests do not suffer thereby.
Copy, from the vaniahed orighual in the archive of St Savior'a. in Codex vaticanua 8tC>1, fol. 60.

Dissensio fuit nter Ecclesiam nostram Cathaniensem, et Ecclesiam Sancti

Saluatoris Messane de quodam molendino quod ipsi uolebant facere iuxta
molendinum nostrum de Mascalo quod est apud Pliero in pertinentia
Sancti lohannis, quod ah illis fieri non permittebamus. Unde domino magnifico
Regi R. conquesti sunt adeo quod ex ipsius precepto et nos et ipsi in curia domini
Regis Messane conuenimus ut ibi presente curia de prefata calumpnia discutere-
tur et rationis examine unicuique nostrum quod suum esset conferretur. Veni-
mus igitur et nos et ipsi in curiam. Quod uidentes quidam sapientes, et discreti
uiri uidelicet Dominus Symeon domini Georgii Admiratorum Admirati filius,
et magister Thomas2 et Rogerius filius Boni, et Nicholaus Amirati Eugenii filius
et Aschetinus Cathaniensis Archidiaconus, et Riccardus de Broglio, et Petrus de
Lentina, et Heruetus de Terona qui nequaquam uolentes discordiam esse nter
Ecclesiam nostram, et Ecclesiam Sancti Saluatoris Messane prefatam dissension-
em in pacem conuerti studuerunt. Ex precepto igitur Domini Regis mediatores
effecti quod super hoe in mente habuerunt Deo uolente peregerunt. Sic autem
nter nos et illos pax firmata fuit, quod Ecclesia nostra concessit eis ut molen-
dinum aque fecerent quoquo uoluerint iuxta prefatum molendinum nostrum
uel superius uel inferius ita tamen ut si superius fecerint molendina non perdat
molendinum nostrum aquam unde non possit molere pro defectu aque. Sin
autem inferius ut non reuertatur aqua reftuendo unde rota molendini nostri
habeat impedimentum uel perdat suum molere. Preterea concessimus eis
medietatem terre nostre quam iuxta molendinum nostrum habebamus pro
descensu asinorum, et alia medietas terre ipsius remansit nobis, et ut habeant
1 De Grossia, Catana Sacra, 89, probahly by typographical error, giveti the indiction of the IJU"'
allel document preaerved al Catania aa the ninth. Pirri, 529, agreee with our text in giving ind. S.
Can this be a notary'1 error, or ia it the lllua pUtlflW fOr 11.f.S? The unuaual fonn of the IUl>-
ICriptions inclines me to believe that the cbarter wu not dn.fted by an espert, and that 114' il
the more probable date.
1 The famOW1 Muter Thomu Brown. on whom d. Hukine in the E"fliM ltorit:al ..-...,, UVI
(1911). '8MS.
 A ppendix of I nedited Documenta ~61

licentiam irrigare terram suam ah aqua desuper molendinum nostrum ita tamen
ut molendinum nostrum non perdat suum molere, magis quam solet preterito
tempore ante hanc concordiam. Hec omnia fuerunt facta inter nos, et illos tali
conditione ut Ecclesia eorum de prefato molendino nostro nequaquam faciat
nobis molestiam uel impedimentwn. Si quidem Ecclesia eorum inuenietur pro-
clamationem faciens, et molestiam contra nostram Ecclesiam de prefato molen-
dino nostro .ce. Bisancios donet nostre Ecclesie, et curie regali .ccc. Et simi-
liter si nostra Ecclesia uoluerit infringere prefatam concordiam internos et eos
factam donet Ecclesie eorum .ce. Bisancios et curie regali .ccc. et has prefatas
conuentiones concessi Ego luanus Cathaniensis Electos consilio et assensu
fratrum meorum de quibus aliqui subscripserunt. Et ut presens priuilegium
inuiolatum et firmum maneat ecclesie nostre sigillo plumbeo illud sigillari feci-
mus, et Ecclesie Sancti Saluatoris Messane dedimus. Anno de Incarnatione
Domini M"C0 XL0 III0 , lndictione VI. Mense lunii. Hec Crux quam fecit +
luanus predictus Electos, et hanc +
Hugo prior. hanc quoque Fulcherius. +
et hanc + Girardus magister. hanc uero +
Robertus Iaciis Magister. et
hanc + Lucas. hanc quoque +
Nicolaus cantor.

XIX
Undated, but of ll!tS-1181 or 1189-1155?, because of John's title Abbas.
A sale of land at Scala near Patti to Abbot John.
Original. in Patti Archive, Fego illi Cuturi Scala, Tindaro, etc., No. IM.

In nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti amen. N otum sit omnibus pre-
sens scriptum uidentibus quod nos filii Martinus (sic) Sergenus, Nicefore, lo-
hannes, Guilgelmus, Alexander spontanea nostra uoluntate et concessione Marie
nostre matris uendimus nostram terram que est in loco qui uocatur scala p . ...
l ... t ... , et est iuxta terram sancti saluatoris pactensis. Ex alia parte uersus
contra meridiem manet terra philippi falardi, et per eandem terram. descendit
ad uallwn oliuerii atque pactii. A capite uero terre predicti philippi scandit
ipswn uallum sursum usque ad diuisionem nostre terre, et completum est. ls-
tam terram uendimus domino iohanni abbati suisque monachis, ut teneant, et
possideant illam libere et sine calwnpnia, coram idoneis testibus.

+ Signum Nichifori. + Signum lohannis.

+ Signum Willelmi. + Signwn Alexandri.
+ Signum Marie matris uirorum istorum.
+ Signum iohannis militis scalie.
+ Signum Goffredi potentie.
+ Signum Roberti mundi.
+ Signum lohannis Anastasii.
+ Signum lordani potentie.
+ Signum Roberti uicecomiti.
 Appendix of I nedited Documenta

XX
1158, 28 Fehruary.
Anna Basadonna associates herself with St Leo's on the ridge, and gives it
certain property near Paterno.
Ardi.uone: Diploini ai Bmlltlim (Catania. 1917), No. UJ, auerta tbat the Greek original
ia extant iD the Catanian Communal Library, siped 1.60. D.I. It ia not publiabed b7 Cua. wbo
givea the other Greek d0Clllllellt8 of Catania. nor did 1 find iL Thia L&tiD tnmlation ia iD the
book of copiea iD the ame library.

+ Signum manus Anne cognomine de Basadonna.

Quandoquidem uigesima octaua die Fehrarii Ego Anna mater presbiteri
Henrici cognomine Basadonna appareo, hoc signum reuerende et salutifere Cru-
cis, propria mea manu subscripsi, sine deceptione et sine ignorantia et sine dolo,
sed meo proprio consilio et sponte propria, confitens coram infrascriptis homini-
hus bonis, quibus dedico meipsam, in Ecclesia S. Leonis, posita in apice montia,
in sororem et monialem per totum tempus uite mee, et iuro in societatem domus
et templi, cuius quidem costos est nomine Henricus monachus, et esse possit
constans in hoc templo tam per uitam quam per mortem. propterea mea
sponte meoque consilio diuidens ah omnibus propinquis et heredibus dono in
fratemitatem et in domum pro anima et salute mea et mariti mei, et meorum
consanguineorum et heredum ut Deus dignos faciat eos audire: uenite benedicti
patria mei, posaidete uob paratum regnum ab origine mundi; propterea, inquam,
do partem mihi contingentem diuisam in oris terre paternionis in contrata de
Eremitis preter aliam partem diuisam domus et ipsius Ecclesie, quoniam pars
fraterna est diuisa, quam partem ipsa fratemitas possit uendere, dare, alienare,
et facere ut sibi uisum fuerit cum cepisset proprietatem meam, et si quando ali-
quis meorum consanguineorum aut heredum aliquid conari sub pena bizantiorum
centum et dictum donum dicatum erit in secula seculorum, et hoc factum f uit
coram infrascriptis testihus. Ego notarios thomas testis sum suhscripsi. Ego
Opius preshiter Sancte Marine. Scripta anno a principio mundi Anno 6666.

ah incamatione Domini 1158. Traducta Messane anno Domini 1550, 15

Fehruarii, cura D. Theophili de Catania, monasterii S. Placidi monachi ex
mutatione Sancti Nicolai.

XXI
1160 (?), 11 September, regni 10.
Adelicia, daughter of Count Radulf Maccabeus of Monte8C&glioso, gives to
the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, with the permission of Bernard, ~ of
Catania, the church of St Elias outside Ademo.
Cop7 of 18th centur,y iD MS Qq E lSS, No. 9, of Bib. Com. Palermo.
 AweruJ,iz of l nedited Documenta 268
In nomine Patris et Fil et Spiritus Sancti Amen. Ego Adelitia neptis
Regia (sic) domini Rogerii et filia comitis Rodulpbi Machabei de Monte Caueoso
dono [ecclesie Sancti Sepulcbri domini nostri lesu Cbristi, una cum consensu?]
Bernardi Cathaniensis electi quandam ecclesiam in honorem Beati Helie Pro-
pbete extra Adernionem constructam amare lesu Christi libere et quiete possi-
dendam. Hoc autem facio pro anima incliti comitis Rogerii aui mei, et pro
anima serenissimi, et incolumitate gloriosissimi, Regis Gulielmi domini mei et
filiorum eius, nec non pro remissione peccatorum meorum uinculo predicte eccle-
sie Sancti Helie quamdam petiam de terra cu.m aquis liberis que est sub scala de
busigufe . ......... uersus occidentem habet uiam que ducit Silfium . . ... a meri-
die finit ipsam cauea per quam descendit pluuialis ...... . . . quod est inter utram-
que uiam. Trado etiam terram pro ordeo in loco qui dicitur Sarre petrosa, que
iacet subtus terram Sancte Marie siue caueas que deorsum simul conueniunt.
Hanc donationem feci predicte ecclesie Sancti Sepulcbri sicut scriptum est supra
... .. .... . .. canonicorum eiusdem ecclesie Sancti Sepulchri, ut prenotata eccle-
sia hoc donum meum sine omnia mea, uel successorum meorum ..... . ... . . .
tempore possideat. In super dedi liberam facultatem uendendi, et emendi sine
omni iure platee, et. . .... . ... . . sigilli mei impressione et congr[u]entium tes-
tium annotatione firmari. Anno Incarnationis Dominice 1186 (sic), mense
Septempris, die xi, anno uero Regia domini nostri Gloriosissimi et Victoriosissimi
Regia Gulielmi X.
Dominus Gulielmus Cappellus
et Mattheus N otarius. Pbilippus N otarius
. . ... .... cartam feci et ipse testis sum.

XXII
1160, 1i September, ind. 9.
Robert of Cremona, with the consent of Adelicia of Ademo, gives to the
Holy Sepulchre a vineyard next to its obedience, the church of St Ellas.
Copy in MS Qq E ISS, No. 10, of Bib. Com. Palermo.

In nomine Patria et Filii et Spiritus Sancti Amen. Anno ab Incamatione

Domini N ostri Iesu Christi millesimo centesimo sexagesimo, Indictionis none,
Mensis Septembris die xii. Ego Robertus de Cremuna una cum consensu domi-
norum domine Adelicie neptis [ .. . . .. ... ?] domini et inuictissimi Regis, dono,
et concedo ecclesie Sancti Sepulcbri domini nostri lesu Christi quamdam uineam
meam que est iuxta ecclesiam Sancti Helie [PropheteJ que ecclesia est obedientia
Sancti Sepulchri Iesu Cbristi. Ad huius autem concessionis et donationis mee
omne nobile iuramentum boc scriptum scribere (sic) feci per manus magistri
GofJredi scriptoris et testimonio bonorum hominum subscriptorum confirmari.
+
+ Signum manus domine Adelicie neptis Regia.
Ego Ioannes Clericus testis sum.
+ Ego Grimaldus testis sum.
264 Append:ix of 1 nedited Documenta

+ Signum manus Nicolai comestabili.

+ Ego Thomas Riccardi Notarii filiu.s testis sum.
+ Ego Gauinu.s confirmo.
+ Signum manus Gulielmi Caniserii.
+ Ego Rannellus Malfitano consensio.
+ Signum manus Aldobrandi presbyteri.
XXIII

No date, but after September 1160, when Robert of Cremona appears alive.
Maalda, widow of Robert of Cremona, gives a piece of land near Ademo to
the church of St Elias, an obedience of the Holy Sepulchre.
Copy in MS Qq E 188, No. 7, of Bib. Com. Palermo.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti Amen.

N otum sit omnibu.s hominibu.s tam presentibu.s, quam futuris, quod Ego
Maalda et filia mea Aldearda pro anima patris mei, et matris mee quam pro
anima uiri mei domini Roberti de Cremone et omnium parentum meorum coram
probis hominibu.s donamus, atque concedimus quamdam petiam de terra ad
ecclesiam Sanctissimi Sepulchri, que appellatur Sancti Helie Prophete, que est
foras Ademionis, cuius fines hec sunt: ah una parte est uia publica que diuidit
istam terram et terram cuiusdam domus; ah ala parte est terra Ioannis Grisinis,
quam a duabus partibus tenet eadem domus. Hanc donationem facio predicte
ecclesie Sancti Sepulchri in manu fratris Ioannis preceptoris et fratris Dauid
quam soror nostra Agnes [ . . .. ?] et donum hoc meum sine omni actione fi.nniter
teneat perpetuo iure omni tempore possideat.
+ Signum domine Maalde.
+ Signum filie sue Aldearde.
+ Signum heberat castellani.
+ Signum Araldus de Modeta.
+ Signum Gerao generi Domine Villanz.
+ Signum Gaufrini.
+ Ego loannes filius Aldebrandi testis sum.

XXIV

1160, ind. 9. (Sept.-Dec.)

At the request of Matthew Bonell, Bishop Gentile of Agrigento gives the
church of St Christopher of Prizzi to the monastery of St Stephan del Bosco, re-
ceiving in retum a census of two pounds of incense, and the right to approve the
prior of St Christopher's.
Copiea in Priuilegia eccluiae agrigmtinae, m, 24, in the archive of the Cathedral at Agrigent.o,
and in MS Qq F 69, fol. 258, of Bib. Com. Palermo.
 Appendix of 1nedited Documenta 265

In nomine dei etemi et saluatoris nostri lesu Christi. Anno incarnationis

eius MCL[X.] (marginal note: 1160} indictione ix. G[entilis] misericordia dei
agrigentine ecclesie indignus minister. Ad nostram pertinet sollicitudinem
ecclesiarum, que in nostra parrochia sunt, curam incessanter habere et in eis
uiros religiosos, ac domini timentes, tales ordinare, quorum exemplo, et beneficio
populus dei non solum corporaliter, sed etiam spiritualiter recreari, et refici pos-
sit, et eedem ecclesie ad diuinum cultum et statum religionis de bono in melius
peruebantur. Quam oh rem precibus et petitionibus carissimi filii nostri Mat-
thei Bonelli tibi domine N. uenerabilis prior sancti Stephani de hosco de turri,
tuisque successoribus eiusdemque ecclesie cnuentui ecclesiam sancti Christo-
fori, que est in territorio pirisii cum his que hodie habet, et imposterum adquisi-
tura est, saluo in omnibus, et per omnia, iure et auctoritate et reuerentia sancte
matris ecclesie agrigentine, concedimus, ea tamen constitutione, et pacto, ut
singulis annis eadem sancti Christofori ecclesia eidem ecclesie agrigentine libras
.ii. incensi persoluat, et si aliquem parrochianorum uiuum uel mortuum recipere
uoluerit, saluo predicto iure, cum consenso, iussu, et ordinatione episcopi recipiet,
et prior qui ad illam ecclesiam regendam a uobis, uel uestris successoribus missus
fuerit, prius ad agrigentinum episcopum ueniet, et sic cum eius beneuolentia ad
predictam ecclesiam regendam eat, et se uocatus fuerit ad synodum, nisi prepe-
ditus fuerit iusta occasione ad eum tamquam patrem et dominum et defensorem,
ut decet, ibit.

XXV

1164, October, ind. IS, regni 18 (sic.)

Gilbert, elect of Lipari-Patti, sells to Malgerius a house in Palermo for three
hundred taris.
Original in Patti Archive, loose, unnumbered, and tom down the center.

In Nomine Dei Etemi Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti Amen. Anno domi-
nice incamationis MC"LXIIII. Indictione xiii, mense octobris. Regnante
domino nostro inuictissimo et gloriosissimo Rege W 0 anno xiii. Ego Gillibertus
dei gratia humilis lipparensis et pactensis ecclesie electos, una cum uniuerso
nostrorum fratrum conuentu habentes domum quandam in felice urbe panormi
eiusdem pactensis ecclesie, cuius uicinia monachis per multum erat indecens et
inhonesta, communi consilio et fauore conuentus, ipsam domum uendimus Mal-
gerio burgensi predicti domini nostri ..... . . . gloriosissimi, pro .ccc. tarenis.
Istius siquidem domos hii sunt termini. A parte orientis est domus . . .. .. . .
saracene. Ab occidente autem domos marie de calatafime. A meridiana uero
parte murus ciuitatis uicinus porte sancte agathe. A septemtrione uia publica.
Hanc .. . . . .. . . . domum cum tota terra uacua quam coram se habet et cum
omnibus terminis et introitibus atque exitibus sois prescripto Malgerio suisque
heredibus pro iamdicta moneta libere et sine omni querela sine occasione uendi-
dimus, liberam potestatem ei damos de dom[o] uendendi, possidendi, donandi,
266 A ypendix of 1nedit,ed Documenta
seu per uelle suo alienandi. Ad huius itaque uenditionis et emptionis inuiolabile
firmamentum, presens scriptum per manum iohannis de pacto clerici mei
.......... sigilli nostri impressione corroborari fecimus.
+s. ..
1gnum propm ........... .
+ Ego petrus ................ magister concessi.
+ Ego iohannes .................... cellerarius concessi.
+ Ego iohannes francigenna ......... .
+ Ego bonus concessi.
+ Egoiohannes ........... .
+ Ego nicholaus concessi.
+ Ego Radulfus ............ panormitane ecclesie.
+ Ego Riccardus ................ ecclesie precentor.
+ Ego Matheus domine Beatricis cappellanus testis sum.
+ Ego Robertus cocus testis sum.
+Ego nicholaus marescalcus testis sum.

XXVI

1167, November, ind. 1, regni !l.

Chancellor Stephan of Perche, in the name of William Il and Queen Mar-
garet, confirms to Abbot Donatus of St John's of the Hermits the clauses of
Roger II's foundation charter of 1148 dealing with periodic perquisites of the
monastery.
Emta in a confirmation of the 10 April 1167, ind. 10, repi I; copy in MS Qq H 9, foll. M-117,
of Bib. Com. Palermo. MS Qq F 181, 16, No. 1, oontaina another very bad copy.

In nomine domini Dei eterni et Saluatoris nostri Iesu Christi Amen. Guil-
lelmus fauente Diuina clementia rex Sicilie ducatus Apulie et principatus Capue,
una cum domina Margarita gloriosa regina matre sua. Cum ad regendas au-
gendasque uniuersas regni nostri ecclesias, cuius ........................ per
quem regimur et regnamus, communis nos regiminis nostri cura compellat, earum
tamen indigentiam specialiore benignitate cogimur intueri, quas a parentibus
nostris diue memorie pro animarum eorum, nostrique, et heredum nostrorum
salutem nouimus esse constructas. Quapropter monasterio S. lohannis Euan-
geliste Heremitarum Panormi a patribus nostris felicis recordationis pie, et
religiose constructo interuentu tuo Donate uenerahilis eiusdem monasterii abbas,
omnia que dominus rex Rogerius quondam auus noster, et dominus rex Guil-
lelmus pater noster beate memorie, ac nos ipsi monasterio concessimus, ne
aliqua de eis in posterum aduersus illud controuersia, uel molestatio moueatur
presenti scripto confirmamus. Hec itaque sunt que a dohana sacri palatii
nostri ex donatione predictorum parentum nostrorum, et nostra singulis ams
monasterium ipsum habere debet absque dilatione uel diminutione aliqua.
uidelicet unaquoque die panes de simula sexaginta et duo et sex de farina,
 A ppendix of 1nedited Documents !l67

unoquoque mense tres tumulos de simula, et tres de farina, unoquoque anno

cungia uini mille minus duobus, quorum quarta pars erit de pede; de tumnina
barrilia uigenti unum, et quartum ad magnum barrile; pro uestimentis et
quibuscumque necessariis tarenos duomillia ducentos quinquaginta et duo, quos
debet accipere per quatuor terminos et incepto mense Augusti; quocies ecclesia,
capitulum, refectorium, dormitorium, et cetere domus predicti monasterii, que
intra ipsum sunt, preparande fuerint, eos curia prepa.rabit; casulas, cappas,
camisos, amictus, stolas, manipulos, zonas, quocies necessarie fuerint curia ipsi
tribuet; medicum et :f:lobatamatarem quocies eis indigebit a curia recipient; pro
aquandis uiridariis et ortis eorum debet accipere aquam de :f:lumine quod dicitur
Mataylhadid omni ebdomada una uice per integrum diem ac noctem a summo
mane unius diei usque ad mane alterius diei. Ut autem hec concessio et con-
firmatio perpetuum robor obtineat, hanc cartam per manus Iohannis nostri
notarii scribi et bulla plumbea nostro regio typario impressa sigillari iussimus,
et insignari. Anno, mense et indictione subscriptis.
Data in urbe felici Panormi per manus Stephani panormitane ecclesie
electi, et regii consiliarii. Anno dominice incarnationis millesimo centesimo
sexagesimo septimo, mense N ovembris, indictionis prime, regni uero domini
Guillelmi dei gratia gloriosissimi et magnificentissimi Regis Sicilie, Ducatus
Apulie, et Principatus Capue, Anno secundo feliciter. Amen.

XXVII

1171, ind. 4.
Anfusus of Luci gives to Bishop Peter of Patti the church of St Michael
of Petrano.
Copies of the 17th century in Patti Archive, Forul.., r, no. ant. 149, mod. 187, and in PreUnlUm.i
mrie, fol. 219; partial copy of 18th century in MS Qq G 12, fol. 46 of Bib. Com. Palermo.

+ In Nomine Sancte et Indiuidue Trinitatis, Amen. Ego Anfusus de

lucci filius Philippi de lucci. Dei gratia Domini Regis Baronus et Consan-
+
guineus sciens aliquatenus bona nostra temporalia omnino :f:luxa et caduca tune
uero perpetuari, tune uero certius ac plenius possideri, cum salubri festinatione
Sanctarum Ecclesiarum siue Dei cultus usibus erogantur, pro beatis animabus
dominorum nostrorum, scilicet, magni Comitis Rogerii et filii eius gloriosissimi
Regis Rogerii nec non et sanctissimi Regis Willelmi diue memorie, maxime
autem pro continua conseruatione et incolumi statu inuictissimi maiestatis pre-
excellentissimi Regis Willelmi Secundi, quorum quidem insuperabili fortitudine,
potentissimo brachio, immarcescibili sapientia Sicilie Regnum a seuissima Sara-
cenorum tyrannide cum magna proprii sanguinis effusione diuinitus est libera-
tum, omnibus pax reddita, Ecclesie quoque prius a nefanda barbarie dirute, in
integrum restaurate, muneribus ditate, possessionibus ampliate, et ah omni
seruitute, iuxta quod dignum est, erepte, omnia tandem cum summa iustitia in
268 A>pendiz of 1nedil,ed Documema
integra pace, et tranquilitate conseruata. Predecessoribus etiam nostris humili-
bus consanguineis, et fidelibus ipsorum ea, quibus uiuimus, beneficia in meritum
fidelitatis impertita, pro redemptione quoque anime et omnium meorum com-
muni consensu et uoluntate tam uxoris mee domine Aluyse, quam Gualter filii
mei et Willelmi fratris me, Sancte Pactens Ecclesie, quam prememoratus
Magnus Comes Rogerius beate memorie precipua quadam et speciale intentione
in honorem Sancti Saluatoris construi fecit, constructam tam uillanorum, quam
prediorum, aliarumque possessionibus facultatibusque donauit, Ecclesiam quan-
d.m Sancti Michelis, quam in territorio terre mee Petterrani in dominio meo
habebam, per manus Domni Petri eiusdem Sancte Pactensis Ecclesie uenerabilis
episcopi deuote obtuli, libere concessi, absolute deliberaui, ac per anulum quem-
dam, sicut in Villa Thermarum feceram, ita et apud Pactas ipsum super altare
ponendo adstante uniuerso Conuentu donum hoc confirmaui. Eo scilicet tenore,
ut, saluo censu Sancte Panormitane Ecclesie, scilicet, omni anno rotulo uno
cere, ipsa Pactensis Mater Ecclesia de cetero predictam ecclesiam possideat
cum uillanis, uineis, terris atque nemoribus, et ceteris omnibus que ad ipsam
pertinent, sicut in Priuilegio, quod inde Auia mea bone memorie fecit, expresius
continetur, exceptis terris quas ego eidem ecclese cambiui, unde et ipsi priuile-
gium feci. Nullam tamen habeat potestatem preponendi in [ea] laicalem per-
sonam, nisi solum quem uoluerit de filiis et fratribus suis, qui ibdem existens
pro salute omnum Dei fi.delium scat omnipotentem Dominum exorare. Et ne
alquis successorum meorum consanguineorum uel extraneorum hoc donum a
me, et predicta coniuge mea, et filio factum et confi.rmatum quoquo modo possit
corrumpere uel aliquatenus immutare, presens inde Sancte Pactensis Ecclesie
Priuilegium fier feci, et subscriptorum testium nominibus roborari. Hoc etiam
adiiciendum censeo, ut si contingerit uel ui, uel occasione alicuius iuris predictam
ecclesiam, et omnes eius possessiones, ac iurisdictiones me, aut meos successores
non posse uendicare ad opus predicte Pactensis Ecclesie, tam ego, quam mei
successores debitores existamos ut uel ipsam ecclesiam cum suis possessionibus,
uel ualens possessionum eius, predicte Pactensi Ecclesie et eius Conuentui
quorumque modo, uel quolibet labore aut expensa uendicemus, et sic tam ego,
quam uxor mea, et fil nec non et omnes heredes mei, et heredes heredum
meorum omnes semper sub nomine fraternitatis participes simus sanctarum
orationum prememorati Domini Petri Venerabilis Lipparensis et Pactensis
Episcopi, et totios Sancte Lipparensis, et Sancte Pactensis Ecclesie tam in
uita, quam in morte. Actum anno Incarnationis Dominice millesimo centesimo
septuagesimo primo, indctione quarta.
+ Ego Aluisa prenominati Domini Anfos uxor hoc confirmo.
+ Ego Galterius de luci filius Anfusi de luc hoc confirmo.
+ Ego Bartholomeus sacerdos testis sum.
+ Ego Willelmus capellanus Domini Anfosi eusdem temporis testis sum.
+ Ego Ioannes miles prememorati Domini Anfusi testis sum.
+ Ego Rogerius miles testis sum.
+Ego Gi.slibertus Peterrani castellanos testis sum.
+Ego Hugo Thermarum miles testis sum.
 A ppendix of 1nedited Documents 269

xxvm
1172 (1171), December, ind. 5, regni 6, Palermo.
William 11 gives to the church of Agrigento the church of St Mary of
Refesio, with three casalia. Forged. 1
Partially publiahed by Pirri (ed. 1788), 699-700, from the original 'quod extat autogr. in tab.
Eccl. Agrig.' 1 did not find this original. nor did K. A. Kehr (cf. Urkunden, 805) or Garufi (cf.
ABS, XXVIII [1908], H6). There exista however in the Cathedral Tabulary the original of an
official transumpt of the 18 October 1252. whence the copies in Privikgia agrigmlinM eccluiu, 1,
U, and m, 97, and Bib. Com. Palermo, MS Qq H 6, No. 82, and probably that in ibid., No. H.

Guillelmus diuina fauente clementia Rex Sicilie, Ducatus Apulie, et Prin-

cipatus Capue. Inter cetera Regie laudis preconia, hoc potissimum irradiat
uelut sit dies. Cum sue conditionis commemores, altissimo creatori (per quem
regnant, et a cuius dextere munificentia liberali ea, que habent, omnia perce-
perunt), perceptum muneris premium, quasi mutua recordatione compensant,
cum locis religiosis uenerabilibus, ad ipsius honorem et gloriam dedicatis, sic
competenti prouisione subueniunt, et succurrunt quod uita ipsis religionibus
deditorum ah omni egestate, et grauamine subleuetur, ipsarumque religionum
prepositi, et ministri ah earum amplitudinem, et obseruantiam quasi prouo-
cantibus meritis tam spiritualibus quam etiam temporalibus accersiti, in sui
habitu, ordinis perseuerent, et in fidei catholice exaltatione, tam ipsam fidem
spiritualiter, quam etiam bona ecclesiastica temporaliter multipliciter perau-
gendo. Sic enim Regie celsitudinis fama usque ad posteros protenditur, ortho-
doxa deuotione suffulta, et sanctitatis titulo insignita, propter qua spes est
nostra, et firma credulitas, deficientium animas post eorum exitum summo
Regum opifici presentari, et ceteris subsequentibus exemplum tribuitur ad
similia faciendum. Hinc est itaque quod nos, diuina moti clementia, per quam
omne bonum esse noscitur, et recensetur, perpetuo et irrovacabiliter concedimus,
et donamus de nostro gremio largitatis libere et absolute Agrigentine ecclesie
ecclesiam ad honorem genetricis dei Marie constructam in nemore, quod dicitur
Refesi una cum omnibus iuribus, rationibus, casalibus, tenimentis, et perti-
nentiis suis, uidelicet cum quodam casali, quod dicitur Billuchia, et cum quodam
alio casali, quod dicitur Gardalisi, et cum alio casali, quod dicitur Sebi cum toto
predicto nemore, in quo ipsa ecclesia est fundata, quam etiam cum omnibus
aliis nemoribus que sunt in montibus, et in giris, et omni tenimento, quod est
in pede montis Calatabillocte ex utraque parte fluminis, in quo tenimento est
saltus unius molendini, quem saltum deputamus, et concedimus ad opus ecclesie
supradicte, quarum omnium fines inferius describuntur. Fines uero dicte
ecclesie sunt huiusmodi: Dicta enim ecclesia que uocatur sancta Maria de Refesi
sita est, et constructa in predicto nemore de Refesi, et est sibi coniunctus ex
parte occidentali mons, qui dicitur Rauinusa, in quo monte est fons, qui dicitur
Ayn lorg; ex meridionali uero sibi sunt coniuncti colles, seu serre contigui cum
1 Cf. aupra, pp. 174-S.
270 A ppendi,x of I nedited Documenta
dicto monte Rauinuse, et tendunt usque ad montem de ~is, qui arabice
dicitur Geneleugrad, et est appositus ipsi ecclesie ex parte orientali, et ex sep-
tentrionali est appositus eidem ecclesie casale quod dicitur Rabal Nicola, et si
qui alii sunt confines. Fines uero supradicti casalis quod dicitur Billuchia sunt
hii: dictum casale situm est in territorio Xacce, et sunt sibi coniuncta ex parte
orientali tenimenta casalis quod dicitur Rahalnichola, ac ex meridionali pre-
dicta nemora, et montes; ex occidentali uero est sibi coniunctum tenimentum
casalis quod dicitur Villanoua, ex septentrionali autem est coniuncta uia publica.
per quam tenditur apud Xaccam usque ad fluuium, quod dicitur Mahaxulum,
et usque ad pedem montis qui dicitur Alafrid, et ascendit per uallonem siccum
usque ad montero qui dicitur Malayar, in quo est Fons Georgii, et si qui al
sunt confines. Fines uero dicti casalis quod dicitur Gardalisi sunt hi: supra-
dictum enim casale situm est in territorio Xacce, et est sibi coniunctum ex
parte occidentali tantummodo casale quod dicitur Biuone. Tenimentum eius
casalis Gardalisi descendit a predicto monte Geneleugrad usque ad Fontem
Salicis, et exinde usque ad uallonem Piragrinorum, et protenditur ad uiam
publicam, et descendit inferius, ubi iunguntur duo uallones et itixta quos sunt
coniuncta duo saxa magna erecta, seu yrta; ex meridionali parte sunt sibi
coniuncti supradicti colles, seu terre contigue cum prenominato monte Rauenuse;
occidentali uero est sibi coniunctum casale, quod dicitur Rahalnicola, ex qua
parte occidentali tenimentum predicti casalis Gardalisii incipit a stagno, seu
gurgite aque, que est iuxta predictos montes Rauenuse, et descendit exinde
per rupes, in quibus sunt lapides yarte usque ad uallonem siccum et usque ad
alium uallonem de eodem loco Gardalis profluentem; ex septentrionali autem
sibi coniunctum est tenimentum dicti casalis Biuone, et si qui alii sunt confines.
Fines uero dicti casalis quod dicitur Sebi sunt hi: Dictum enim casale Sebi
situm est in territorio Xacce, et est sibi coniunctum ex parte orientali tenimen-
tum casalis, quod dicitur Rahalnicola; tenimentum enim casalis Sebi incipit a
predicto stagno, seu gurgite, et descendit exinde per uallonem ficus usque ad
pede montis Billuchie, et exinde usque &d feudum, quod dicitur Mahagale, ex
occidentali uero parte sibi coniunctum est tenimentum casalis, quod dicitur
Villanoua, ex qua parte occidentali tenimentum dicti casalis Sebi sibi protenditur
usque ad supradictum montem Mahagali, et coniungitur cum predictis montibus
Rauenuse; ex septentrionali uero sunt sibi coniuncta tenimenta duorum casalium
Biuone et Rahalnicole, et si qui alii sunt confines. Ad huius autem muni-
ficentie donationis et concessionis nostre memoriam, et perpetuum fundamen-
tum, presens priuilegium nostrum per manus Roberti nostri notarii scribi, et
nostro sigillo decoratum, bulla plumbea typario impressa iussimus roborari.
Anno, mense, et indictione subscriptis.
Datum in urbe felici Panormi per manus Gualterii uenerabilis Panormitani
Archiepiscopi, Matthei Vicecancellarii, et Bartholomei Agrigentini Electi rega-
lium familiarium. Anno dominice incamationis M C 0 LXXD, mense Decem-
bris, lndictione .v. Regni uero domini nostri Guillelmi dei gratia munificen-
tissimi et gloriosissimi Regis Sicilie, Ducatus Apulie, et Principatus Capue,
anno .vi. feliciter Amen.
 Awendix of lnedited Documenta !t71

XXIX
1172. November, ind. 6, Comitini.
Sibil, widow of Bartholomew of Garres, gives to Bishop Peter of Lipari-
Patti a mili for his obedience of St Nicholas of Comitini.
Oriinal not extant; cop7 ol 17th centuey in Patti Archive. ~ ..W. fol. lts; partial
cop7 ol 18th century in MS Qq F Clt, fol. lMY ol Bib. Com. Palermo.

In nomine Sancte et Indiuidue Trinitatis, Patria et Filii et Spiritus Sancti

Amen.
+ Ego Sybilia quondam uxor domini Bartholomei Garresii cuius memoria
in benedictioni est, post ipsius obitum una cum filiis suis Alexandero et Riccardo
gratia Domini et Regia existens domina Commicini, pro anima Comitis Rogerii
bone memorie et gloriosi Regis Rogerii, nec non et gloriosissimi Regis Gulielmi
diue memorie, pro conseruatione etiam uite, salutis, et prosperitatis gloriose
maiestatis Regis Gulielmi secundi, pro anima quoque domini et coniugis mei
prememorati Bartholomei bone memorie, et communi consensu filiorum meorum
prememoratorum libera uoluntate dedi et concessi domino Petro lipariensi
uenerabili episcopo eiusque successoribus canonice sustituendis, et ecclesie Sancti
Nicolai de Cumecino assaltum molendini intus territorium et fines ecclesie
eiusdem, et ut nullus siue filiorum meorum siue successorum suorum consan-
guineus uel extraneus rem hanc confingere ualeat uel mutare, presens dem
priuilegium predicto domino episcopo et suis successoribus nihilominus etiam
predicte ecclesie Beati Nicolai fieri duxi, et subscriptorum testium nominibus
roborari quorum primus est Dominus +
Lando de capua frater meus, et Domi-
nus + lohannes frater meus, et dominus +
Rogerius de usuilla, et dominus
+ Alluisus, et dominus +Calterius peme, et +
Lordandus cappellanus, et
+ Robertus claricie, et +Vitalis uicecomes meus, et +
Henricus sacerdos
qui hanc scripsit cautionem, et lacta apud cumetinum Anno Dominice Incarna-
tionis 11 e L XXII, Mense N ouembris, vi Indictionis.
Ego Alexander filius domini Bartholomei Garresii et uxoris sue Sybilie hoc
donum concessi et signo manus mee firmaui +.
Et ego Rechardus similiter +.
Ex originale conseruato in Are& existente intus Sacristiam Matricis et
Cathedralis Ecclesie Pactensis extracta est presens copia.
Joseph Barbarus M. Not.

XXX
1172, December, ind. 6.
Roger of Tirone gives some land at Buccheri and a mili to the church of
the Holy Cross, an obedience of Lipari-Patti.
Tbe original ia in the Patti Archive. F"""-.. i. no. ant. 151. mod. 190; copy ol lSth century,
ant. 15S. mod. UH; cop7 ol 17th century, ant. 151, mod. 189.
272 A wendiz of 1nedited Documenta
+ Ego Rogerius de Tirone Regius iustitiarius suhscripta confirmo.
+ Ego Constancia uxor eius libera uoluntate eadem confirmo.
+ Ego tafura filia eorum eadem confirmo.
Quoniam cuneta bona temporalia fluxa sunt, et fragilia, mortalibus omnibus
dubia, et dubitantur modicum stabilia: Idcirco ego Rogerius de tirone regis
iusticiarius una cum domina Constancia uxore mea, et tafura filia nostra, spiritus
sancti compuncti gratia, eadem considerantes, et optantes sancte matris ecclesie
lipparitane diuinis offi.ciis fieri participes, ac domini petri uenerabilis eiusdem
ecclesie presulis dignis orationibus commendari, primo pro domini Comitis
Rogerii, et felicissimorum regum domini Regis Rogerii, ac domini Regis W diue
memorie beatis animabus, pro conseruacione eciam, et augmentacione uite,
salutis, et prosperitatis gloriosissimi regis W secundi, nec non et pro animabus
predecessorum nostrorum bone memorie, que ad uitam etemam spectat, in
perpetuum aliquam de nostris possessionibus elemosinam prememorate sancte
lippariensi ecclesie dignum duximus impertire. Per manus siquidem predicti
domini petri uenerabilis lippariensis episcopi eidem lippariensi ecclesie, et obe-
dientie eius sancte crucis obtulimus, dedimus, et concessimus gratanter quam-
dam peciam terre in territorio terre nostri baccarati, que est subtus monte de
runcis, et talibus undique finibus continetur: incipit enim a loco ubi coniungitur
uia qua itur a baccarato ad calatagironem ualloni qui descendit a monte de
runcis, et descendit per eumdem uallonem usque ad coniuncionem alius uallonis
de fraxino, per quem ascendit uersus occidentem usque ad fontem uallonis
ipsius, et ex eo ascendit per confinia sancte crucis ad primum finem. Dedimus
eciam supradicte matri ecclesie molendinum nostrum quoddam quod dicitur
de Iohanne francigene, et est in decursu fluminis molendinorum nostrorum,
cum quadam petia terre quam dedimus pro uineis plantandis supra dem molen-
dinum, finis cuius incipit a piro quadam siluestri que est iuxta aquarium nter
ipsum molendinum et molendinum nostrum, quod dicitur de ferrario, et ascendit
usque orientem ad collectionem lapidum in quibus est ex superiori parte magnus
quidem lapis perforatus, et exinde ascendit ad alios lapides, ubi est area, et ah
eisdem ad murum anticum a quo porrigitur plane ad turonem lapideum, qui
est subtus fontem, et ah eodem turone directe ad uiam publicam qua itur a
sancta cruce ad placiam, et uadit per eandem uiam usque ad predictum flumen,
et per flumen ascendens primo fine concluditur. Et ne ah aliquo successorum
consanguneo, uel extraneo hec nostra gratuyta dona, et concessiones confringi
possint, uel aliquatenus mutari, eadem confirmauimus per presens priuilegium
acriptum, manibus nostris presignatum, et subscriptorum testium nominibus
roboratum, quod scribi fecimus per manus W. Notarii nostri, Anno dominice
incamatfonis Millesimo Centesimo septuagesimo secundo, Mense decembris,
lll:':d~ indcti<Jnis.
+ Y4{' Rt,gerius de uilla domini Regs solidarius testis sum.
+ JI.~,, Bruc:t>.ardus tanensis miles testis sum.
+ f!/~'' Jl.mit!'WI alii testis sum.
+ '1/r~~ U":'~;,; ":~~ P'OU( ?) .i.arpo;up~.
X.2'&''1'f
+ l'/1, l'AIJ tk u.nctigerio testis sum.
 Appendix of lnedited Documents !l78

+Ego loannes de melfia testis sum.

+Ego guarinus cauensi testis sum.

XXXI
1170-1176. 1
List of census dueto the church of Agrigento.
Copy in MS Qq F 69, fol. 61, in Bib. Com. Palermo.

In census per Agrigentinam Diecesim:

Paganus filius Maynerii cere libram i. pro domo.
Ecclesia S. Marie de fluminaria, que est in parrochia Agrigentina in terri-
torio Corrileonis per singulos annos pro censu unciam i. auri.
Ecclesia S. Michelis, que est in territorio Castronoui, in loco qui dicitur
trium fontium incensi libram i. et cere rotulum i.
Monasterium S. Trinitatis, et ecclesia S. Georgii que sunt in tenimento
Villenoue cere libras ii. et incensi libram i.
Vinea que est in territorio Sacce iuxta uineam ueterem Agrigentine ecclesie,
quam Nicolaus Grecus olim tenebat cere rotul. iv.
Ecclesia S. Catherine, que est in territorio melesendini iuxta flumen Bellisii,
quam tenet hospitale ecclesie S. Lazari de Hierusalem incensi libras ii.
Ecclesia S. Marie de Campogrosso pro ecclesia S. Marie de Revenosa quam
tenet incensi libros .. ....... .
Ecclesia S. Theodori que est in territorio Sacce cere libram i. vel libras
incensi . .. ...... .
Ecclesia S. Stephani de Bosco pro ecclesia S. Christophori, quam tenet,
que est in territorio Pirisii, incensi libram i. et cere rotul. i.
Ecclesia S. Benedicti que est in territorio Adulani cere rotul. i.
Ecclesia S. Marie de Adriano cere rotul. iii.
Ecclesia S. Stephani incensi libram i.
Ecclesia S. Ioannis, que sita est iuxta uillam que uocatur Calatanisset
incensi libram i.
Ecclesia S. Margarite Virginis incensi libras iii.
Ecclesia S. lacobi de Comiz incensi rot. iii.
Ecclesia S. Marie Virginis, que est in Casali Rahalbiath incensi libram i.
Ecclesia S. Nicolai que est in territorio S. Stephani incensi libram i.
Ecclesia S. Leonis de Caltanixetta incensi libram i. et cere libram i.
Ecclesia S. Antonii de Licata cere libras iv.
Ecclesia S. Marie de Licata cere rotul. ii.
Ecclesia S. Nicolai de Insula cere rotul. i.
(A marginal note saya that the laatfou.r it,ema 'erano aggionte con diverae carattere' .)
Ecclesia S. Marie de Balnearia apud Castrum novum incensi libram i.
Ecclesia S. Iacobi de Licata de hospitali cere rotul. i.
1 For the date. el. mpra, p. 178, n. 2.
274 A ppendiz of 1nedited Documenta
Ecclesia S. Leonardi de hospitali cere rotul. i.
Ecclesia S. Byppoliti extra Calatabillotta rotul. i.

XXXII
1176, August, ind. 9.
Bartholomew, a Genoese priest, gives himself and bis possessions to Bishop
Dalferius and the church of Patti.
The original exista in the Archive of Patti, Fond., I, no. ant. 156, mod. 194; alao a copy al
the 17th century, no. ant. 154, mod. 198.

+ In nomine sancte et indiuidue trinitatis, patris et filii et spiritus sanct.i.

Amen. Quamdiu in hoc seculo uiuimus a domino peregrinamur non habente.s
manentem domum nec stabilem mansionem in rebus fluxis et transitoriis que
aucte accidunt et orte senescunt. Proinde Ego Bartholomeus indignus presbiter
ianuensis dignum ducens conuersationem mutare in melius et rerum mearum
quas mihi dominus lucrari dedit ipsum statuere heredem, eorum imitando ali-
quatenus uestigia, qui omnia que habebant uendentes pretium eorum afferebant
ante pedes apostolorum, obtuli me sancte pattensi (sic) ecclesie et tibi domino
Dalferio uenerabili eiusdem ecclesie episcopo cum omnibus rebus meis; scilicet
cum uinea quam emi in territorio caccabi a iohanne clerico filio trotte, et cum
duobus bobus, et ceteris omnibus rebus quas babeo, aut in antea domino adiu-
uante acquisiturus sum ; quatenus amodo usque in perpetuum ego uobis omni-
modo fidelis subiectus et obediens atque ecclesie uestre existere debeam, tam-
quam quibus me ut ita dicam et vivum et mortuum omnino reddidi, res quoque
mee que prememorate sunt, in potestate uestra, et ipsius ecclesie uestre, sint
iure perpetuo. Quod si dominus futuro tempore lucrari dederit mihi alia, sicut
supradictum est, similiter in uestra sint potestate. Ut autem hec mea oblatio
firmissima maneat, nullaque possit ratione uiolari presens priuilegium exinde
uobis et ecclesie feci legitimorum testium subscriptionibus roboratum. Actum
anno domini .M. e. LXXVI, mense augusti, indictionis viiii feliciter. Amen.
+ Ego bartholomeus confirmo.
+ Ego Bartholomeus sancti gidii termarum magster cappellanus testis sum.
+ Ego Iohannes sancti petri castrinoui capellanus testis sum.
+ i16> iapa; fJ..cno; f&A p.orp-rup6> k&p ~O., norup6v.
+Ego nodaseius testis sum.
+ Ego Anfusus de luce regius lusticiarius testis sum.
+Ego lohannes capuanus testis sum.
+ Ego Raboanus caccabi testis sum.
 A rpendix of 1nedited Documenta '1.75

XXXIII
1182.
John of Melfi receives the habit from Prior Alfanus of the Holy Cross of
Buccheri and gives some land to that church.
Original in Patti Archive, Ftmd., 1, no. ant. 161, mod. 200; copy of 17th century, no. ant.
161, mod. 199.

+ In nomine patria et filii et spiritus sancti Amen. Anno ab incarnatione

domini nostri Jesu Christi M.C. octogesimo ii 0 Regnante domino nostro glo-
riosissimo rege.W. secundo. Et domino stefano uenerabili episcopo in lippa-
riensi et pactensi ecclesia presidente. Ego lohannes melfie uidens gloriam huius
aeculi caducam esse, ammonitione domini alfani tune temporis ecclesie sancte
crucis prioris, et propter bonum fauorem domini episcopi et sanctissimi conuentus
petii fraternitatem et elemosinarum et beneficiorum illius sanctissimi conuentus
participationem. Dominus itaque alfanus prefa tus prior petitionem meam
benignus exaudiens super altare sancte crucis in fratrem me recepit. Hinc
igitur ego lohannes melfie in tanta fraternitate receptus pro anima domini
rogerii tironis et domine constantie uxoris sue felicis memorie qui mihi hanc
terram contulerunt, et pro remedio anime mee, et pro anima domine leonora
(sic) uxoris mee bone memorie, Assensu et uoluntate boamundi filii mei, et
marsella (sic) filie mee, dono et concedo terram de la laseria ecclesie sancte
crucis in perpetuum libere et quiete possidendam. terra itaque quam dedi sic
diuiditur: a terra quam dominus rogerius tironis felicis memorie dedit ecclesie
aancte crucis iuxta conductus molendinorum, et transit coram molendino ecclesie
montis [syon ?] . .. . ......... .. .. . . . uadit usque ad furcas duarum uiarum et
deinde ad montem petre que est iuxta uiam et deinde ad aliam petram que
inclinat ad occidentem et est in medio perforatam, et deinde descendit uiam
uiam usque ad petram que est infra molendinum ecclesie sancte marie montis
syon, et molendinum ferrarie, et deinde uadit senterium ad montem ad montem
usque ad policaras, et de crista policare uadit ad montem ad montem usque
ad petram que est sisca per medium, et de petra sisca uadit la crista Ja crista
ad duas peczas (sic) terre sarraceni, et deinde Ja ualle la ualle usque ad fontem
la !aserie, et de fontana uadit ad terram quam dedit nobis dominus .R. de tirone
bone memorie.
+ Signum manus domini lohannis melfie. +
Signum manus bamontis
eius filii. Signum petri prioris sancte andree Et de oc (sic) sunt
testes h qui ic nominantur +Genatos militi (sic) testes (sic). R . de +
osmundo uice comiti baccarati testes +
Girardus uice comiti sancte crucis
testis. + Bonus filius testis. +Osbertus de baJsama testis +
W. de manffe
testis. + Rogerius presbiter testis. +
frater Araldus sepulcri testis. sa- +
cerdos francus testis. + Dominus R. militi et tancredus monachi filius testis
sum.
Ego A. presbiter filius Jeti sancte crucis qui hanc cartam scripsi ex oc testis
SU.ID. +
276 A ppendix of I nedited Documenta

XXXIV

118(4?), ind. 2 (?).

William 11 confirms to Bagnara ali the gifts of Count Roger I, and adds
to them.
Exista in a transumpt of the 8 July 1274. P. Kehr saw the badly damaged original in the
Barbarini Archive belore it wu transported to the Vatican (cf. GlittingUcM Nacliril:ldm (UIOI).
244, and (IDOS), 296). 1 have not found thia. A oopy 'ex orig. pergamena magnam part.em
corroa. que est in Bib. Barb.,' carefully collated by Gaetano Marini (d. 1815), Prefect ol the Vatican
Archive. exista in that archive in the Mi-1lanea Garampi, No. 875.

Guillelmus Dei gratia Rex Sicilie Ducatus Apulie et Principatus Capue

. . . . . . . . . . N ecessarium est illis qui nobis temporaliter secundum corpus de-
seruiunt benefacere .... ... ... magis necessarium nobis est illis benefacere qui
nostris deseruiunt animabus. Quod nostre Ecclesie et Ecclesiasticis facimus
........................ est inde laudabile quoniam .................... .
Et propterea nos Guillelmus Rex Sicilie ........................ gloriose Dei
Genitricis Marie in cuius nomine Monasterium Balnearie dedicatum est pro
remissione etiam peccatorum .................... Monasterio conrmamus
priuilegia possessiones et omnia que quondam Dominus Rogerius Comes Sicilie
dedit uidelicet diuisionem Balnearie sicut ........ Bonus Frater scilicet quondam

possessionibus suis. ltem quinquaginta uillanos in territorio Agrigentino.

Item Monasterium .... . .. . . . ... .. . . ... .. .. Item Monasterium Sancti Stefani
de Castro nouo cum omnibus possessionibus suis et molendino quod Aymo de
Milacio ei dedit et Sanctam Mariam de Castro nouo ...... . ... . ............ .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sancti Petri de. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... .
Ecclesiam Sancti Petri de Palermo et omnia alia que in predicto priuilegio
Comitis Rogerii continetur. De habundanciori etiam gratia munificentia nostre
. ... . ........................ . . Bal .. . ..... .. ....... .... ...

montes alios per mare de una terra ad aliam et specialiter ........... . ...... .

et extrahere absque pi ... ... i passagio et aliquo iure quod et dicta doana uel
. ....... . . percipere deberet. Concedimus etiam eidem sub libera passagio
eorumdem ouium .......... pro .. ....... . .. ouibus ....................... .
gland[aticum] pro ................ ducentis sexaginta ........... .... lnsuper
concedimus et in perpetuum conrmamus eidem Ecclesie Balnearie consuetu-
dines ... .. ................. et honores quos a tempore . .. ....... . ........ .
ende consueuit habere. Ad cuius rei memoriam et predicti scripti robur p~
priuilegium fieri iussimus sigillo nostre celsitudinis roboratum. Datum apud
Panormi Anno ah Incarnatione ... . ..... . . . Millesimo centesimo octuagesimo
[quarto ?] .......... .. ..... . .... lndictionis secunde (?).
 A ppendix of 1ned:ited Documenta 'J.77

XXXV
1186, April, ind. S.
The priest Guido, being gravely ill, makes bis will, and offers himseU as a
brother of St Leo's, giving it certain properties near Patem~.
A copy ol the lSth century exista in the Catanian Communal Library, numbered 1.60.D,,;
another of 1878 in the book ol copiea in the ame library.

+ Signum meum Presbiteri Guidonis Rogerio Zoppo.

Anno Domenice Incamationis Millesimo Centesimo octagesimo quinto
mense Aprili Tertie lndictionis. Ego suprascriptus Presbiter Guido qui signum
sancte Crucis propria manu impressi fateor me per hoc presens scriptum quod
cum essem graui infirmitate oppressus cum in bona et plena existens memoria
presens condidi testamentum et ut infra exprimitur sponte dispono rebus meis
ut in sequentibus distinte (sic) notatur, in primis ah hodie in anthea offero me
et trado in confratrem Monasterio Sancti Leonis de Patemione, cui Monasterio
pro peccatorum meorum remissione et remedio animarum parentum meorum
adiudico offero do et dono et corporaliter traddo a predicta die in anthea quam-
dam pectiam mearum terrarum que est salmarum triginta pertinentem mihi
iure paterno que terra est in territorio Paternionis in contrata que dicetur de
Oliuastro, confinia cuius sunt hec. incipit ah oriente et ascendit per predictum
oliuastrum et uadit inde per cristam cristam usque ad mandram domini Martini
Militis et deinde reuertit per uiam publicam que uadit in contrata gerbinorum,
et inde reuertit a parte occidentali usque ad terram Iosaphat et ah eadem parte
occidentali reuertit per mediem Iusta (sic) Limitum ipsius terre losaphat u.sque
ad uiam publicam et deinde reuertit usque ad predictum oliuastrum et sic
concluditur. Dans confratribus ipsius Monasterii et eorum successoribus a pre-
dicto die in antea liberam potestatem et authoritatem predictam pectiam
terrarum in perpetuum tenendi, prouentus omnes inde ad opus ipsius Monasterii
et eorum recipiendi, pleno iure ipsam tamquam rem propriam ipsius ecclesie si
necessi fuerit uendendi, commutandi, et ad alium quorumque alienationis titulo
transferendi. Item adiudico maiori duorum filiorum meorum eo quod mihi
deuote seruiunt (sic) et ipsius duobus filiis meis (sic) quasdam terras meas que
8Ullt in uia qua uadit apud Sanctam Anastasiam iuxta terras Bisatuo (?)
que sunt due pectie de modiis decem una quarum pectia ipsarum terrarum est
super uiam ipsam, et altera pectia est inferius ipsius uie itata ualloni quod
dicitur Macrozonir. Similiter adiudico eis domum meam que est in terra
Paternionis et ortum quod (sic) est in contrata Bruzuse iuxta Cerami da Viam
post decessum ipsius mulieris predicti filii mei possint possidere bona predicta;
et si aliquis ipsorum filiorum meorum decesserit sine heredibus alter ipsorum
possidere debeat bona predicta, et si ambo sine heredibus decesserint bona
predicta omnia deuoluantur ad ius et proprietatem Monasterii supradicti; simi-
liter adiudico dictis filiis meis duos domunculas meas que sunt iusta domum
domine Peregrine quas uolo ut ipsi similiter possidiant in uita eorum cum pre-
dictis aliis bonis adiudicatis et post modum uero predicta bona omnia deuo-
~78 A ppendix of 1nedited Documers
luuntur ad ius et proprietatem predicte ecclesie ut superius expressum est; ut
autem predictum testamentum memoriam seruet in posterum et perpetua
gaudeat firmitate per manus Presbiteri Alexandri ipsum fieri rogaui testimonio
subscriptorum proborum hominum roboratum. Scriptum in Paternioni anno,
mense et inditione premissis.
+ Ego Presbiter Guglielmus de Vetrona testis sum.
+ Ego Presbiter lerimias testis sum.
+ Ego Presbiter Guglielmus Cappellanus Sancti Marc testis sum.
+ Ego Presbiter Siluester testis sum.
+ Ego Presbiter Gualterius de Ruggero Teruina testis sum.
+ Ego Cristoforus de Castello testis sum.
+Ego Guarnus Conater (?) 1 testis sum.
+ Ego Andrea de Carmina testis sum.

XXXVI
1186, January, ind. 4, regni 20.
Bishop Stephan of Lipari-Patti gves to Kaid Richard, Royal Chamberlain,
a le tenure of the priory of St Sophia of Vicari on condition that he aet in
order its decayed and scattered properties.
Patti Archive, FoniJ.., 1, no. ant. 168, mod. i06, may be the original; copies of the 17th century
in no. ant. 167, mod. !Wli, and Preteruioni mrW, fol. 196.

+ In nomine dei etemi et saluatoris nostri lesu Christi. Anno eiusdem

incarnationis M C 0 octagesimo sexto, Mense lanuarii, Indictionis quarte, Regni
uero domini nostri W dei gratia gloriosissimi Regs Sicilie ducatus Apulie et
principatus Capue anno xx feliciter, Amen. Ego Stephanus dei gratia lippa-
rensis et pactensis ecclesie humilis episcopus per hoc presens scriptum declaro
quod cum obedientia nostra sancte sophie cum casali suo myzalhir remota sit
ah ecclesia nostra pactensi propter quod et pro incuria et negligentia prelatorum
et priorum qui fuere hactenus in obedientia ipsa ... . ........... . ........ . . .
de nemoribus et diuisis eiusdem casalis amissa sint et a quibusdam occupat&
necnon et de hominibus et uillanis ipsius casalis piures fugunt, congruum duxi
super his omnibus informando pastorali cura et sollecitudine prouidere. Quia
igtur dominus Gaytus Riccardus domini Regs camerarius et magster regie
doane de secretis frater est nostre ecclesie et in omnibus necessitatibus ipsius
ecclesie patrocinium eius specialiter sectamur, rogatu nostro et precibus totius
conuentus pactensis ecclesie predictam obedientiam sancte sophie cum predicto
casali Myzalhar et cum fratre Girardo priore ipsius ecclesie sub protectione et
patrocinio suo recepit. Ita scilicet quod ipse dominus Gaytus Riccardus debeat
percipere omnes redditus et prouentus eiusdem casalis et hominum et uillanorum
tam in uictualibus quam in moneta in uita sua. Et debeat reducere pro posse
suo in demanium eiusdem obedientie omnes terras et omnia que occupata sunt
1 A certain Charinu CIJffthialor ia meationed oa the f.S April 1189, ind. 7. Cf. Ardiaone. No.11.
 A P']Je'ndix of 1nedited DocumenJ,s ~79

et usurpata de eodem casali, et reuocare ad propria uillanos fugitiuos quotquot

potuerit qui sunt de casali ipso et platea eius, et meliorare casale ipsum et
possessiones ipsius ecclesie sancte sophie. Post obitum uero ipsius domini Gayti
Riccardi quidquid ah eo edificatum, plantatum, insertum et melioratum fuerit
in terris ipsius ecclesie totum remanebit integre in demanio ipsius ecclesie. Cum
autem ego iuero in requirendam ipsam obedientiam sancte sophie, ipse dabit
rationabiliter mihi et omnibus qui comitatu meo aderint indui necessaria, et
cum uenero in regiam urbem panormi subueniet nobis de palea et lignis pro
quoquina. Unde bona et gratuita uoluntate mea cum consensu et bona et
gratuita uoluntate utriusque capituli nostri pepigi et promisi eidem domino
Gayto Riccardo ut ipse in uita sua teneat predictam obedientiam cum predicto
casali et habeat omnes redditus et prouentus ipsius sicut supra dictum est sine
nostra nostrorumque successorum contrarietate, molestia et requisitione. Si
quia uero contraire tentauerit, nisi resipuerit, Anathema sit. Conseruator
autem celesti benedictione donetur. Ad huius autem concessionis robur presens
acriptum scribi fecimus per manus clerici nostri Guillelmi notharii, quod robora-
tum est subscriptionibus [fratrum ?] nostrorum.
+ Ego Stephanus ecclesie lipparensis et pactensis episcopus suprascripta . .
+ Ego Willelmus tune temporis prior confirmo.
+ Ego frater Girardus prior sancte sophie concedo.
+ Ego frater Alfanus prior sancte crucis et sancti lohannis concedo.
+ Ego frater Stephanus cappellanus domini episcopi concedo.

XXXVII
1186, ind. 6 (Sept.-Dec.)
Baldwin of Noto grants to Prior Daniel of Bagnara and to the church of
St Lucy de M ontane certain lands and serfs.
Copr rJ. the llth century in the Lateran Archive, Q. 7. C. 11; copy of the 18th centmy in
Coda vaticaa111 sost. foil. ar and 40'.

Quoniam mortalium pacciones (sic) eorum mentibus multis cogitationibu.s

implicitis elabuntur, idcirco ut cicius ad memoriam reuocari possent scriptis
tradere consueuerunt. Anno igitur dominice incarnacionis M. c 0 .0ctuagesimo
sexto. indic. v. Ego balduinus olim runini de nota filius spontanea mea uoluntate
una cum uxore mea domina clemencia ac filiis meis parisio, et goffrido, et
rainaldo, et filiabus meis seracena, et francia concedo tibi Danieli priori balnearie
et uniuerso conuentui et ecclesie sancte lucie de montaneis, quandam peciam
terre de pantano pro quibusdam uillanis quorum nomina inferius scripta sunt,
que terra tali cingitur fine. A parte montis est uia puplica, que tenditur a
puteo buali usque ad rahalbalat, et ah aliis partibus circundatur terra notarii
guilielmi, concedoque pro eisdem aliam peciam terre que est supra eandem
uiam, capax duarum salmarum ut habeatis potestatem ex ea quidlibet faciendi.
supradictorum uillanorum nomina quos a ubere cepi hi sunt: primus machadet
 !l80 A ppendix of I nedited Documenta
et omnes filii sororis eius scilicet queflure, et abdille, qui manet in casali domini
riccardi de marturana. Et ut res firmior permaneat hoc instrumentum manibus
. proborum uirorum corroboratum fieri precepimus.
+ Ego qui supra balduinus concedo.
+ Ego clemencia hoc concedo.
+ Ego gofridus hoc concedo.
+ Ego rainaldus hoc concedo.
+ Ego seracena hoc concedo.
+ Ego francia hoc concedo.
+ Signu.m manus philippi taurini et hoc concedo et testor.
+ Signu.m manuu.m mearum raonis de theodoro.
+Ego brancaleonis hoc testor.
+Ego carulus bouis testis sum.
+ Ego alesius testor.
+Ego iohannes bonafilia testor.
+Ego loerius miles testor.
+ Ego guerrasius bonafilia testor.
+ Ego roggerius miles testis sum.
+Ego matheus sadutti testor.
+ Ego obertus petri pilati testis sum.

XXXVIII
1188, December, ind. 7, regni 25.
Geoflrey of Marturano, a royal justiciar, and Jordan of Calatahaly, settle
a dispute conceming the limits of the casale of Harsa, on the basis of Roger Il's
donation of the casale to Cefalu in 1182.
What is probably a contemporary copy en.ta in the Archivio di Stato. Palermo. Tab. di
Cefalll, No. 26; 18th-century copil!jl are in MSS Qq H 7, foll. ISS-186. and Qq G 11, fol. 98, al
Bib. Com. Palermo.

In nomine Dei etemi et Saluatoris nostri Iesu Christi. Anno ah lncarna-

cione eius Millesimo Centesimo octuagesimo octauo, Mense Decembris, lndic-
tionis septime, Regni uero domini nostri W. Dei gratia gloriosissimi et excel-
lentissimi Regis Sicilie, ducatus Apulie, et principatus Capue, Anno uicesimo
tercio feliciter Amen. Nos Gosfridus de marturano magne Regie curie magister
iusticiarius, et lordanus de calatahaly per hoc presens scriptu.m declaramus,
quod du.m nos ex mandato domini nostri serenissimi Regis missi fuissemus ad
inuestigandas diuisas generales biccari, et ad specificandas distincte diuisu
ecclesiarum, baronu.m, et militum, qui infra ipsas generales diuisas biccari tenere
uidentur, contigit quod iuxta tenorem eiusdem quatemi duane Regie, qui factus
fuerat olim per manos protonotarii curie transactis annis sexaginta et quinque,
quem quatemum ex precepto Regio nobiscum pro ipsis diuisis ferebamus, diuisa
ipsa biccari comprehendebat medietatem Casalis Arshe, quod est ecclesie ce-
phaludensis, et ascendebat per quemdam collem, et descendebat per uallonem
 A ppendix of I nedited Documenta 281
strictum usque dum perueniebatur ad quemdam locum ubi dicebatur fuisse
casale Sankegi, et inde usque ad magnum uallonem, per quem itur ad diuisas
michiken. Dum autem nos pro indagandis ipsis certis diuisis, et regiis iussioni-
hus adimplendis, et apud hiccarum moraremur, recepimus quasdam litteras ex
parte sacre Regie maiestatis, quas detulit nohis frater Donatus uenerahilis
cellararius ecclesie cephaludensis, in quihus continebatur quod dominus Guido
uenerabilis episcopus ecclesie cephaludi conquestus fuerat Regie maiestati nos
cepisse ecclesie sue maximam partem de terris suis, dum nos predictas diuisas
hiccari faceremus, quas terras idem uenerabilis episcopus asserehat ecclesiam
suam ex dono domini gloriosi Regis Rogerii beate memorie tenuisse, sicut con-
tinehatur in priuilegio eiusdem domini Regis Rogerii, quod ecclesia habehat,
et quod ostensum fuerat predicto domino nostro serenissimo Regi, et propter
hoc in eis litteris iniunctum fuit nobis ex parte Regie celsitudinis ut priuilegium
ipsum uideremus, et iuxta eiusdem priuilegii tenorem prefatum Episcopum
terras ipsas tenere permitteremus. Quod utique mandatum Regium nos quan-
tum potuimus et prout dehuimus fideliter attendentes, uidimus, et relegimus
priuilegium ipsum domini gloriosi Regis Rogerii diue memorie, quod ecclesia
cephaludi habehat, et perreximus ad locum, qui de diuisa hiccari fuisse uide-
hatur, et qui continehatur in priuilegio ipso, Ihique multis astentihus fecimus
legi et intelligi litteras regias, et mandatum, quod pro parte cephaludensis
ecclesie recepimus de diuisis ipsis, et inuenimus quod quatemus predicti pro-
tonotarii factus fuerat transactis iam annis sexaginta et quinque, sicut predictum
est. Priuilegium uero ecclesie cephaludi factum, et indultum eidem ecclesie
fuerat a predicto domino glorioso rege Rogerio inclite recordationis transactis
annis quinquaginta et sex, et inde auctoritatem sumentes ex precepto regio,
quod inde recepimus iuxta tenorem prefati priuilegii, quod distincte tenehat
omnes diuisas ipsius Casalis. Incepimus a loco illo, uhi est confinium Haiar
Mingel, uidelicet a loco qui dicitur Aiar Lifac, et uidimus pro certo, et cognoui-
mus, quod diuisa ipsa terrarum ecclesie cephaludi protenditur ah eodem loco
aiar lifac usque ad flumen tortum, et inde ascenditur uersus orientem per flu-
men flumen usque ad quoddam pantanum, uhi est quidam locus spaciosus, et
planus, cuius loci, et pantani medietas est casalis Mustaste, et reliqua medietas
est casalis Cassari, et mandra est in tenimento cassari, et scripta est in sigillo
Harshe, et debent hahere iacinam, et ah ipso pantano ascenditur per uallonem
per uiam uiam usque orientem, usque ad locum uhi est quadruuium, inde pro-
cedit uia, que ducit hiccarum, et conducit pnormum, et conducit petraliam, et
conducit castrum nouum, et a predicto quadruuio itur ad orientem recta uia
usque ad locum non longe existentem, qui dicitur beb ramel, et inde uersus
meridiem declinatur per uallonem uallonem, et preteritur uallo ille ubi primas
diuisas feceramus iuxta tenorem prefati quatemi, usque dum peruenitur ad
diuisas Michiken, et inde itur per predictum uallonem beh ramel usque ad
montem super mandram Zumac, et ubi sunt relique diuise, que continentur in
predicta priuilegio ecclesie cephaludensis. Hec predicta sicut aperte, et distincte
continebantur certis terminis et diuisis in prefato priuilegio ecclesie cephaludi,
et sicut ex dono domini gloriosi Regis Rogerii beate memorie ea possiderat
282 Appendix of I nedited Documenta
ecclesia cephaludi transactis iam quinquaginta et sex annis, ita ex mandato
domini nostri gloriosissimi Regis, quod inde recepi.mus, permisi.mus ea tenere
prefatam ecclesiam cephaludi, et ea sibi ex parte Regia, et nostra de mandato
Regio confirmaui.mus. Ad huius itaque rei, et confirmacionis memoriam, et
inuiolabile :fi.rmamentum, pro maiori securitate ecclesie predicte cephaludi hoc
presens scriptum per manus Philippi Regie curie notarii inde fieri iussimus
supradicte ecclesie cephaludi. In quo propriis manibus nos signaui.mus, Anno,
Mense, et Indictione Supradictis.
+ Ego Gosfridus de marturano magne Regie curie magister Iusticiarius.
+Ego Iordanus de Calatahaly, qui supra.
(Note in hand oj 14th (?) century) Presentatum est hoc penes Acta Magne
Regie Curie xxiiii. Nouembris xiv. Indictionis pro Episcopo Cephaludensi in
questione quam habet cum filiis, et heredibus quondam Domini Francisci de
Aragona.

XXXIX

1189, 8 March, ind. 7.

Roger Hamut, royal justiciar, settles a dispute concerning the limits of
Harsa and Huedmarram.
Copy of ISth century in Arcbivio di Stato. Palermo. Tab. di Cefala. No. 27; copy of 18th
century in MS Qq H 7, fol. 187-9, of Bib. Com. Palermo.

Quoniam ea que racionali genmtur prouidencia perpetua debent soliditate

uigere, ne uel protractu temporis labentis (?) in fuga. uel sub repenti detracto-
rum inuidia ualeant adnulari, litteris rerum indicibus alligare curaui. Quod
cum Ego Rogerius Hamutus regius Iusticiarius ex precepto regie curie pro
altercacione quadam, et contrauersia diuisionum Harse, et Huedmarram, apud
Harsiam uenytur in ipso casali consistens, Inueni dominum cellararium ce-
phaludi cum aliis canonicis fratribus suis, Qui quoddam priuilegium quod Sehet
Butahib Magister regie duane illis fecerat hostenderunt. Cui quidem priuilegio
non consenciens ego priuilegium domini regis Rogerii felicis memorie, quod de
ipsis diuisionibus se dicebant habere, petii. quod mihi prefati canonici hostende-
runt. Quo autem diligenter super ipsas diuisiones perlecto, astantibus quam-
pluribus probis hominibus Christianis, uidelicet, et Sarracenis, et de loco ad
locum, prout in ipso priuilegio locorum nomina scripta continebantur perueniens,
inueni ipsas diuisiones factas ex regio priuilegio sicuti in priuilegio Sehet Butahib
continebatur. lnterrogans uero homines, qui mecum adherant, tam Christianos,
quam Sarracenos, utrum ipse diuisiones legitime fuissent, et ut ipsa locorum
nomina, que in regio priuilegio scripta erant, ita nominarentur prout ipsum
priuilegium regium asserebat, equaliter responderunt, quod ea nomina taliter
uocari semper audierant. De terra autem quam Sarraceni Huedmarram semi-
nauerant, pro qua fuit altercacio facta, et Sarraceni si.militer Harse, super
illam semper aliud addiderunt. Vidi eam esse intra diuisiones Darse
 A ppendiz of l nedited Documents 283
prout in priuilegio regio continebatur. Hoc autem actum est Anno ah incar-
nacione domini M e octuagesimo nono, tercio die mensis madii, vii.me in-
dictionis. Ut autem firmius maneat, et tenacius persistet, predictis fratribus
hanc cartam fieri fecimus, et nostro signo signauimus, Anno et indictione pre-
scriptis, coram subscriptis testibus qui interfuerunt.
+, Signum proprie manus Rogerii Hamuti regii Iusticiarii. + Ego bonus
homo interfui. + Ego Roggerius burdo interfui. + Ego Philippus de rocca
interfui. + Ego Guido de Giffene interfui. + Ego Guillelmus Golias testis
sum + Ego Samson de panormo interfui. + Ego Benedictus de sancta lucia
interfui. + Ego Goffredus de casale met interfui. + Ego lohannes de sansa
interfui. + Ego lohannes de Gulisano interfui. + Ego Pascalis de sancta
lucia interfui. + Ego Fidelis de sancta lucia interfui. +Ego Amelinus de
castro nouo interfui. + Ego lohannes filius Georgii de michiquen interfui.
+ Ego Sebaldus de capicio interfui. + Ego Guido domini sumatani interfui.
+ Ego Tancredo de petra perfecta interfui. + Ego Leo filius marie crasse
de michiquen interfui. + Ego Lucas filius alferii testis sum. + Ego Petrus
Clericus interfui. + Ego Guillelmus N otarius domini adonis de cormario regii
Iusticiarii hanc cartam scripsi precepto domini Rogerii Hamuti regii Iusticiarii
et subscripsi.
(Note of 14th (?) century). Presentatum est hoc penes Acta Magne Regie Curie
xxiiii N ovembris xiv Indictionis pro Episcopo Cephaludensi in questione quam
habet cum filiis et heredibus quondam Domini Francisci de Aragona.

XL
6698 (1189), 16 December, ind. 8.
Basilissa, widow of Nicholas Mantell, 1 is received as a nun into St Mary's
de Scalis of Messina by Abbess Mabela.
MS Qq H ill7, foil. il" and ii', of Bib. Com. Palermo, a Latn translation made by Joseph
Vinci, Protopope ol the Greek.s ol Messina, on the H April 1768, from the Greek text ol ibid., fol.
il", 'Ex originali membranaceo asaervato in Collegiata D. Mariae de Grapheo.'

+ Signum manus Basilissae uxoris quondam Nicolai Mantelli.

Mense Decembrio Ind. 8, die 16, anno 6698. Veni [ego Basilissa] uxor
quondam Nicolai Mantelli ad te Abbatissam Domnam Mabelam immaculatae
Deiparae Messanae, et ad coenobium. Signum venerandae et vivificae Crucis
propria manu describens, proprio meo consilio et voluntate cum magna depre-
catione erga te tuumque conventum, ut me faceretis vestram spiritualem sororem
sicuti et meus vir fuit vobiscum, tu vero examinans me et conventum, accipiens
me per manum introduxisti in Sanctam Ecclesiam simul et in Monasterium, et
fecistis me spiritualem vestram sororem, et professa sum de more. Conveni
autem et contenta fui Sanctam Ecclesiam habere post nostram mortero res
1 Strangely Cuaa. 876, mentiom a 'N1d~11or 6 1'11.aAor' at Messina in September 6760 (1196)
ind. 6 (sic.).
284 A ppendix of 1nedited Documenta
nostras omnes ex mobilibus et stabilibus, et quae possideo hodie ex mobilibus.
Oves septuaginta quinque, capellas 40, hoves indomitos novem, domitos duos,
porcorum capita 88, et mulam, asinos duos; in futurum vero per singulos annos
per usufructum habere agnos 20, pariter ex capellis haedos 20, ex bebus vero
ovibus atque aliis animalibus supradictis non habere me facultatem vendendi
nec donandi praeter agnos et haedos absque tuo consensu. Similiter me habere
caseum, lanam, et hutyrum in meum peculium, haec omnia habebo per omnem
vitam meam, post meam vero mortem habebit omnia Sanctum Monasterium.
Post meum obitum sepelietis me sicuti mos est fieri cum sororibus. Ita convenit
inter me et vos in anno et indictione suprascriptis.
+ Theodorus filius quondam Leonis ceramedarii precibus supradictae Baailissae
testis subscripsi.
+ Quondam Gregorii et Rhamadae filius Arcadius testor.
+ Constanstinus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . et gener Sacerdotis.
+ Theodorus quondam Nicolai Mantelli testor.
+ Leopard testor.
+ Petrus nepos supradictae Dominae Baailissae testor.
+ Theodorus frater quondam Nicolai Mantelli testor.
+ Leo filius quondam Nicolai Mantelli praedictis consensi et me subscripsi.
+ Ego Ricardus Presbyter secundum quod continetur in carta testimonium
perhibeo.
+ Ego H[ar]naudus Presbyter similiter huic carte testimonium perhiheo.
+ Robertus Hospital. testis.
+ Magister Gulielmus Rhegenus testis.

XLI
1190, March, ind. 8.
Bishop Stephan of Lipari-Patti gives judgement at Lipari in a case involv-
ing the theft of falcons and rabbits.
A carla dio. The original, badly damaged. ia in the Patti Archiv, Forul., t. ao. aat. 17S,
mod. 111. A copy of the 18th ceatuey ia in MS Qq G H, fol. 47, ol Bib. Com. Palermo.

S[tephanus] diuina gratia lippariensis et pactensis episcopus cunctis legenti-

bus. Anno incarnationis dominice M. e. lxxxx. mense mart, vi indictionis.
Residente me in proloquutorio lipparitane ecclesie in quo exercende iusticie
gratia solet resideri, facta est conquestio ah uniuerso populo assistenti pro
falconibus qui ab [a]r[ciJs suis furtiue a quibusdam rapiebantur, inde sepe
cliffamati in ca[rcerem] a nobis trahebantur et penam cum labore subibant.
Item et tumultus factus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . dicentihus . . . . .. . . . ...... . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . atque cabellam cuniculorum a ........... . ... . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . potant
uolnearis (?) exsoluehitur, quidam furtum . .. . . .. . . . .. . ..... . . .... . ....... .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ante tempus deuastabant .. . .. . . . .. . . . .. . .......... .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ad quod maleficium per ..... . .. . ... . . . ........ .
 A 'PPendiz of 1nedited Documenta 285

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . mease postu .. .... .. . ..... .... . . .. .. ..... .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . uillam et expellatur
extra .......................... ... .............. . ... . . . . . ...... ... .. .
cu.niculorum uastando ....... . .. .. .. . ......... fuerit .... . ......... . ... .

. . . . . . . . . . . . Ego Thomas lippariensis tune stratigotus testis et constitui et

finnaui. Ego Paulus statui ibidem. Ego Augustus laudaw et statui. Ego
Pbilippus laudaui et statui. Ego Iohannes marisco (?) laudaui et statui. Ego
Robertus de portu statui. Ego Theodorus .......... .. . .

XLII
1190 p
John the Greek and his wife Beatrix sell to the church of (St Elias) of
Adern~ their vineyard, receiving 584 taris.
Cop1 iD MS Qq E USS, No. 8, ol Bib. Com. Palermo.

+ Signum manus loannis greco (sic) quidam (?).

+ Signum manus Beatricis uxoris.
Ego loannes, qui in superiori presenti scripto [signum salutifere crucis
feci P], de spontanea uoluntate et consensu uxoris mee [uendo ecclesie Sancti
Belie Prophete P] que sita est in Adernione et est subdita ecclesie Dominici
Sepulchri, uineam meam, que est et se tenet insimul cum ea, quam uineam
extruxit et alienauit pater soceri mei ........... . ........ . ... . ... . .. . . . .. .
. . . . . . . . . . . . habuerit ad plantandum eam a quodam qui nominabatur de
Carbone sicuti extruxit. Instrumentum ............. ... .......... ... ... .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . et est scriptum greca littera, et eidem ecclesie tradimus
ego et uxor mea. Diuiditur enim ipsa uinea . . .. . .. . . ... ... ......... est per
circuitum a vinea et tenimentum prenominate ecclesie .. .... . .. . ....... . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . uinee est modica terra uacua que similiter est
uendita cum uinea. Hac uero uenditione ecclesie prenominate ego Ioannes et
uxor mea uineam iam dictam uendimus pro tarenis quingentis triginta quatuor.
Recepimus per manus ipsius Gulielmi de rinis, et fratris Ugonis de Messana
uisitatoris domus dicte ecclesie, qui persoluit ipsos predictos tarenos pro pre-
ceptore nomine fratris Araldi preceptoris. Quod si forte in posterum aliquis,
uel aliqua de predicta uinea calumniam inferre tentauerit defensores inde
erimus. Quod si lacere noluerimus uel aliquam dissimulauerimus fraudem
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iurare nos obligamos totidem in curia
et prius (sic) comprobationem ea que perleguntur firma, et stabilia permanere
in perpetuum. Hanc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . uenditionis firma manente quam
rogatus a nobis scripsit Rinaldus presbyter habitator Adernionis et filius Gu-
lielmi.
~86 A ppendix of 1 nedited Documenta

Actu.m est hoc coram subscriptis testibus anno salutifere Incarnationis

anno 1190.
+Ego Nicholaus comestabelus testis sum.
+ Ego Baronias filius Philippi sineschalchi testis sum.
+Ego Ugo Lucensis testis su.m.
+ Uguishius.
+ Ego Maurus de Alexandro testis sum.
+ Ego loannes Salo testis sum.
+ Ego loannes Butone ecclesie Sancti Helie testis sum.
+ Ego loannes filius Aldobrandi testis sum.

XLIII
6702 (1198-94).
The priest Balcaes Nicipho and his brothers exchange lands with Abbess
Mabela of St Euplus's (in Calabria).
:MS Qq H 287, fol. 6', of Bib. Com. Palermo, a Latin tramlation made by J011ePh Vmci, Pro-
topope of the Greeks in Messina, the 10 April 1768, from the Greek text of ibid., fol. IS".

+ Signum manus Presbyteri Balcaes Nicipho cognomento Sicleri.

+ Signum manus Nicolai fratris eius.
+ Signum manus Galapa alius fratris eius.
+ Signum manus Andreae alius fratris eius.
+ Signum manus Roberti alius fratris eius.
Nos qui supra scripsimus signa pretiosae et vivificae crucis propria manu
facientes hanc permutationis chartam ponimus et facimus spontanea nostra
voluntate ac placito cu.m Sancta Ecclesia S. Eupli et tecu.m nobilissima et
Reverendissima Abbatissa Domina Mabela, quoniam ambobus convenientibus
permutavimus cum Sancta Ecclesia, et tecum nobilissima et Reverendissima
Abbatissa nostrum agru.m, quem habemus in Petrizi prope culturam Sanctae
Ecclesiae, concluditur vero sic: ah Oriente est confine culturae Sanctae Ecclesiae
Petritzi (sic), et sunt vineae Tempureorum ( np.1ri>up6>v), ab Occidente est
ager filiorum Constantini Cricelli, a Septentrione similiter est ager filiorum
Cricelli, et filiorum Leonis Cordari, a Meridie pariter est ager filiorum Con-
stantini Cricelli, et Preshyteri Joannis Macri, et Leonis Rapti et concluduntur.
Gyrus vero agri est mensuratus Schenia vigenti octo, unumquodque autem
Scheniam habet orgas sex, et angulum unum, et concluditur quantum et quale
est. Hunc vero agru.m dedimus nos Sanctae Ecclesiae tibique nobilissimae et
Reverendissimae Abbatissae quantum et quale est. Tu vero Reverendissima
Abbatissa dedisti nobis permutationis titulo agru.m Sanctae Ecclesiae dictum
Sacerdotis Philippi, ita vero circumscribitur; ah Oriente est cannetum mei
Presbyteri Bal[caes] et meorum fratrum, ah Occidente similiter est vinea nostra,
a Septentrione similiter est vinea nostra, a Meridie vero est cannetum N otarii
Joannis, quod habuit a Sancta Ecclesia. Est autem similiter mensuratus gyrus
eius Schenia vigenti octo sicuti noster et unumquodque Schenion continet orgiaa
 A ppendix of I nedited Documenta ~87

sex et angulum, et sic concluditur quantum et quale est. Nos vero praedicti
contenti sumus Sanctam Ecclesiam facere ex nostro agro quidquid voluerit
quasi Domina et potestatem a nobis sumens, non impedietur Ecclesia neque a
nobis neque a nostris propinquis et haeredibus nulla vice quaestionem vel
molestiam inferemus contra Sanctam Ecclesiam neque contra nostrum agrum,
obligantes nos, et vindicabimus agrum ipsum ab omni persona et.si quavis de
causa contrafecerimus ohligamur ad poenam dupli valoris agri, et ad fiscum
ohligamur ad numismata 86; et nihilominus contentamur quod praesens permu-
tatio permaneat usque ad finem saeculorum, quae scripta fuit manu mea Joannis
eo tempore Camerarii Domini Leonis Vicecomitis ipsius Monasterii precihus
Preshyteri Bal[caes] et fratrorum eius in anno 6702 in praesentia fidedignorum
testium.
+ Theocharitos testis.
+ Sergius Cortisces testis suhscripsi.
+ Preshyter Kalcem testis suhscripsi propria manu.
+ Leos Biscomes.

XLIV

1194, May, ind. li.

John of Monte Marano sells a vineyard to Brother Peter, Hospitaler of
the Hospital of St Bartholomew's of Lipari.
The original, now loose in the Patti Archive, waa formerly in the volume Alcuni atabili, la
doana, etc., fol. l.

+ In nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti amen. Anno incamationis

eiusdem M C 0 lxxxxiiii 0 mense madii indictione xii. +
Signum manus iohannis
de monte marano uendentis. +
Signum manus Alexandrie uxoris eius con-
cedentis. +
Signum manus [Simonis (from margin)] filii eiusdem concedentis.
N otum sit tam presentihus quam futuris hoc scriptum legentihus uel legi au-
dientihus quod ego predictus iohannes de monte marano, una cum uxore mea
et filio meo nulla ui uel monitis coactus sed spontanea uoluntate mea pro sola
utilitate mea facienda uendidi fratri Petro hospitalario ad opus hospitalis quan-
dam peciam uinee, que mihi ex parte prefate uxoris mee cedehat[ur], ipsa
concedente pro tarenis xxviii quihus ah ipso fratre susceptis uineam iam dicto
fratri assignaui, ut sit detenta de dumanio (sic) ecclesie sancti hartholomei
libere et quiete mea meorumque omniumque remota calumnia. Vinee uero
ipsius fines isti sunt: a superiori parte uinea filiorum pandonis, ah utroque
latere uinea hospitalis, ah inferiore parte uinea Perrete de bernasunt, et sic
concluditur. Ad huius igitur uenditionis memoriam et stahilitatem hoc presens
scriptum feci eidem hospitali per Willelmum de trana domini uenerahilis
pactensis episcopi clericum suhscriptorum testium manibus signatum. Anno
mense indictione prescriptis.
288 A ppendix of 1nedited Documents
+ Ego Balduinus lodex testis sum.
+ Ego Viuianus de bertramo testis sum.
+ Ego SeTgius de pandone testis sum.
+ Ego Faynonus de acc .... . ......... .. ... . testis sum.
+ Ego Symon de balduino testis sum.
+ Ego Harmannus de feTrara testis sum.

XLV

1194, May, ind. H, regni l.

Admira] Eugene 1 reccives from Bishop Stephan of Patti a house in Termini
built by Anfusus of Petrano (or Luc) for a census of an ounce of gold annually.
Original loose in tbe Patti Archive.

In Nomine Dei Etemi et Saluatoris N ostri lhesus Christi Amen. Anno

dominice Incarnationis Millesimo Centesimo N onagesimo quarto, Regni uero
domini nostri Wi. dei gratia serenissimi Regs Sicilie ducatus Apulie et prin-
cipatus Capue, Anno primo eliciter, Amen, Mense Madii, lndictionis duo-
decime. Quoniam uos domine Stephane dei gratia uenerabilis pactensis episcope
karissime in Christo pater noster con[sensu et] uoluntate [fratrum] uestrorum
concessistis nobis Eugenio regio Amirato et heredibus nostris . ... . ....... . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . domum quam Anfusus de petrrano construxit in thermas et
ah ecclesia pactensi . ... ..... . . ..... . .. . . . .. . .. .. . etiam annuatim debebat
soluere eidem ecclesie pro censu unam unciam [auri] ... ... .... . . ... . .. . . .. .
amodo prenominate pactensi ecclesie similiter pro ipsa domo an[nualiter]
. . .............. .. ...... unciam [auri] in pasea quam si quomodo adueniente
[tempore nos aut ?] heredes nostri memorate pactensi ecclesie non soluerimus,
et exinde requisiti, ipsi . . ... ... ..... . . . . . . . .... imus et liceat eidem ecclesie
domum ipsam sagire (sic) et tenere donec ei de predicto censu . ....... . .... .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . domus ipsa ad dominium nostrum uel heredum nostrorum
reuertatur. Si uero, quod deus [auertat] ..... .. ...... .... .. . ... ...... sine
herede decesimus, liceat prenominate ecclesie domum ipsam ad suum dominium
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ssionis nostre memoriam et inuiolabile firmamentum
pre.seos priuilegium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . per manus Nicolai . . . . . . . ... . .. .
not.arii scribi fecimus, propria manu nostro subsignatum. Anno Mense et
lndictione suprascriptis.

+ + +
1 ThiB may be the fa.mous poet and translator of uncertain date, on whom see RMkins, Mnli-
aeml ~ 2nd edn.. (B.arvani. 1927). 171-76. However there wa.s an earlier Admiral Eugene,
w flQll wu m.atme in 1144; n pra., p . i.59.
 Appendix of lnedited Documenta !l89

XLVI

1194, August, ind. 12, regni l.

William lli and his mother Queen Sibil grant a house in Palermo formerly
belonging to Adelicia of Golisano to Aloysa, wife of Geoffrey of Marturano, in
which to found a nunnery.
Two copiee in MS Qq F 89. foll. 817 and 818, of Bib. Com. Palermo, the aeoond apparently
made &om the &nt.

In Nomine Dei &terni et Saluatoris nostri Iesu Christi Amen. W. diuina

fauente clementia Rex Sicilie, Ducatus Apulie, et Principatus Capue una cum
Domina Sibila Illustri Regina matre sua. Et si uotorum preces de consuetudine
nostre mansuetudinis admittamus, que iam propositi sanctitate nituntur in
adiutorio nostre clementie maioris gratie inueniunt, et fauorabiliorem assensum
impetrant pietatis. Inde est quod cum tu Aloysa uxor Goffridi de Marturano
fidelis nostri serenitati nostre cum deuotionis instantia supplicares ut in ciuitate
nostra Panormi concederemus tibi domus curie nostre, que fuit Adelitie de
Goliaano, ut in ea constitueres monasterium in quo uirginalis dedicata religio
(sic) Christo sponso suis prudentes occurrant lampadibus, et sequantur, Nos
propositum tuum pia honestate subnixum merito commendante illud oculis
nostre benignitatis intuendum decreuimus, et supplicationes tuas in hac parte
pronices admictentes concedimus tibi predicte Aloyse fideli nostre supradictam
domum curie nostre, que fuit dudum Adelitie de Golisano per cuius obitum
extitit ad manus nostras per excadentiam rationabiliter deuoluta, cum omnibus
iustis tenimentis et pertinentiis suis ad tuum uotum iuxta tue intentionis arbi-
trium prosequendum. Cuius domus fines sic distingunter: Ah oriente et meridie
sunt menia Cassari ciuitatis nostre Panormi. Ah occidente est tenimentum
ecclesie Sancte Marie de Admirato, et darbus unde habet introitum et exitum
dicta domus; et a septemtrione est uia publica unde similiter dicta domus habet
introitum et exitum suum, et si qui alii sunt confines. Ad huius autem con-
cessionis, et terminationis memoriam, et inuiolabile firmamentum presens
priuilegium nostrum per manus Maximiani de Brundusio notarii et fideli.s nostri
ecribi, et bulla plumbea typario nostro impressa iussimus roborari. Anno,
meme et indictione subscripti.s.
Datum in urbi felici Panormi per manus Bartholomei uenerabilis Panormi-
tani archiepiscopi, et Romualdi1 uenerabilis Salernitani archiepiscopi domini
Regis familiarium. Anno Dominice lncarnationis 11. e. xc 0 1v0 mense Au-
gusti, x Indictionis. Regni uero Domini nostri W. Dei gratia serenissimi
Regis Sicilie, Ducatus Apulie, et Principatus Capue anno primo feliciter. Amen.

1 Cf. ftlprtl, p. lM, D. i ,

!l90 A ppendix of I nedited Documenta

XLVII
ut71, April, ind. 14, regni 6, Palermo.
An official transcript given to Brother Walter, Cantor of the Cistercian
house of Belmont in Syria, and rreceptnr of the monastery of the Holy Trinity
of Refesio, of

1198, 8 November, ind. 2, pontif. 1, Lateran.

A bull of Innocent ill to Abbot William and the brethren of the Cistercian
house of the Holy Trinity of Refesio.
Copy in Bib. Com. Palermo, MS Qq H 9, loll. 98-lM. 'Ex Tabulario Canooioorum S .Joannia
Eremitanun.' Ibid., loll. 106-110, containa an independent, but leas complete, copy. The archive
of San Giovanni degli Eremite, now in the cathedral ol Palermo, no longer contaim this document;
el. Vmcenzo Mortillaro, CaWogo ragionato dei diplomi uUtenti nel ta1mlario della oalttx/.ra di Pal.rwto
(Palermo, 1842). Mongitore, in MS Qq E 5 (loll. unnumbered), aflirma that in hia day (early 18th
century) this transumpt waa in the cathedral archive. Cf. 111pra. p. 177, n. S.

In Nomine Domini Amen. Anno Dominice Incarnationis Milleaimo Du-

centesimo Septuagesimo primo, die . . . . . . . . . . mensis Aprilis, quarte decime
Indictionis, Regnante Serenissimo Domino N ostro Excellentissimo Rege Karolo
Dei Gratia Inclito Rege Sicilie, Ducatus Apulie, et Principatus Capue, Alme
Urbis Senatore, Antegavie, Provincie, ac Folkalkerie Illustrissimo Comite, et
Romani lmperatoris in Tuscia per Sanctam Romanam Ecclesiam Vicario gene-
rale, Regni uero eius Sicilie Anno sexto feliciter. Amen.
Nos lohannes de Lamfredo Iudex Panormi, N otarius Benedictus publicus
Tabellio Ciuitatis eiusdem, et subscripti literati testes ad hoc uocati specialiter,
et rogati, presenti scripto publico notum facimus, et teatimus quod Frater
Gualterius Cantor Monasterii Belli Montis in Syria Tripolitane Diecesis Cister-
ciensis ordinis et Preceptor Monasterii Sancte Trinitatis de Refesio filie Belli-
montis Diecesis Ecclesie Agrigentine, et Frater Thomas Monacus predicti
Monasterii Bellimontis socios dicti Preceptoris in nostra presenta constituti
ostenderunt nobis quoddam priuilegium quondam Reuerendissimi Domini In-
nocent Pape tertii felicis memorie cum bulla plumbea pendente in eo cum
filo sete rubee, et ialino (sic) indultum ah eodem Domino Papa Venerabili
Monasterio Sancte Trinitatis de Refesio continentie infrascripte, petentes pre-
dictum priuilegium a nobis auctoritate iudiciaria per manus mei dicti Tabellionis
ad eorum cauthelam in formam publicam redigi, et transcrib pro eo quod ipsi
Fratres asserebant predictum priuilegium papale uelle conseruare et presens
sumptum inde transumptum ostendere ubi necesse fuerit ad cauthelam Mona-
sterii predicti. Quorum petitionem utpote iustam, et iuri consentaneam ad-
mittentes, dictum priuilegium papale uidimus, legimus, relegimus seriatim, et
inspeximus diligenter, et uidentes ipsum priuilegium non abolitum, non abraswn,
non cancellatum, non relineatum, neque in aliqua parte sui et bulla predicta
uicium aliquod imminere, sed prima figura sua illesum existere, et omni uicio
 Appendiz of I nedited Documenta ~91

et suspicione carere, illud de uerbo ad uerbum, nullo addito, uel mutato, seu
etiam diminuto in hanc presentem formam publicam per manus mei dicti
Tabellionis ad eorum cauthelam et fidem apud alias exinde faciendam fideliter
duximus transcribendum, cuius priuilegii tenor per omnia talis est.
Innocentius Episcopus Seruus Seruorum Dei Dilectis filiis Guillelmo Ahbati
Monasterii Sancte Trinitatis de Refesio, eiusque Fratribus tam presentibus
quam futuris regularem uitam professis in perpetuum. Religiosam uitam eli-
gentibus Apostolicum conuenit adesse patrocinium ne forte cuiuslibet temeritatis
incursos aut eos a proposito reuocet, aut robur, quod absit, Sancte Religionis
infringat; ea propter dilecti in Domino filii uestris iustis postulationibus cle-
menter annuimus, et prefatum Monasterium Sancte Trinitatis, in quo mancupati
estis obsequio, sub Beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus, et presenti
nostro priuilegio communimus. In primis siquidem statuentes ut ordo monasti-
cus, qui secundum Deum, et Beati Benedicti regulam, atque institutiones
Cisterciensium Fratrum in eodem loco constitutum esse dignoscitur perpetuis
ibdem temporibus inuiolabiliter conseruetur. Preterea quascumque posses-
siones, quecumque bona idem monasterium possidet, aut in futurum concessione
Pontificum, largitione Regum uel Principum, oblatione fi.delium, seu aliis iustis
modis prestante Domino poterit adipisci firma uobis, uestrisque successoribus,
et illibata permaneant, in quibus hec propriis duximus exprimenda uocabulis.
Locum predictum in quo prefatum monasterium situm est, cum pratis, uineis,
terris, nemoribus, usuagiis, pasquis, et omnibus tenimentis et pertinentiis suis;
Casale Buligie cum molendino, et aliis tenimentis et pertinentiis suis; Granciam
que est iuxta Calatabellot cum terris, molendinis, et omnibus pertinentiis suis.
Quidquid habetis in territorio Villenove nemus; et usuagium quod habetis in
territorio . .. .. .. .. ..... ; domos, et possessiones quas habetis apud Panormum.
Terras, uineas et domos quas habetis cum Casale Sibeti; sane laborum uestrorum,
quos propriis manibus, aut sumptibus colitis, tam in terris cultis, quam incultis
siue de ortis, et uirgultis, et piscationibus uestris, uel de nutrimentis animalium
uestrorum millus a uobis decimas exigere, uel extorquere presumat. Liceat
quoque uobis clericos uel laicos liberos et absolutos a seculo fugientes ad conuer-
sionem recipere, et eos absque contradictione aliqua retinere. Prohibemus
insuper ut nulli Fratrum uestrorum post factam in Monasterio uestro profes-
sionem fas sit absque Abbatis sui licentia de eodem Monasterio habesse; dis-
cedentem uero absque communium litterarum cautione nullus audeat retinere
quod si quis forte retinere presumpserit, licitum sit uobis in ipsos monachos,
siue conuersos sententiam regularem proferre; Illud destrictius inhibentes ne
terras, seu quodlibet beneficium Ecclesie uestre collatum liceat alicui personaliter
dari, aut alo modo alicui absque consensu totius capituli, uel maioris et sanioris
partis ipsius. Si que uero donationes uel alienationes aliter quam dictum est
facte fuerint, eas irritas esse censemus. Licitum preterea sit uobis in causis
propriis, siue ciuilem, siue criminalem contineat questionem, Fratrum uestrorum
testimoniis uti, ne pro defectu testium ius uestrum in aliquod ualeat deperire.
lnsuper auctoritate Apostolica inhibemus ne nullus Archiepiscopus, Episcopus,
uel quelibet alia persona ad Synodos uel conuentus forenses uos ire, uel iudicio
 Append: of I nedited Documema
seculari de uestra propria substancia, uel possessionihus uestris suhiacere com-
pellat, nec ad domos uestras, tam ordines celehrandi, causas tractandi, uel aliquos
puhlicos conuentus detinendi uenire presumat; Nec regularem electionem Ab-
hatis uestri impediat, aut de instituendo, uel remouendo ipsum pro tempore
existentem contra statuta Cisterciensis ordinis se aliquatenus intromitat. Si
uero Episcopus in cuius Parochia domus uestra fundata est cum humilitate, ac
deuotione qua conuenit rei istius suhstanciam .. .. . .. . .... .. . . .... . .... . . .
uohis conferre renuerit, licitum sit eidem Ahhati, siue Priori ipsos N ouicios
benedicere, et alia que ad officium .......... .. .......... . . pertinent exercere,
et uohis omnia ah alio Episcopo ............. . ........... .. . .. . .. ....... .
fuerit indehite denegata. Pro consecrationibus uero altarium ac Ecclesiarum

. .. ... .. ..... .. .. . . . . . ... . a uohis ohtentu ...... . ........ ... .... . .. . .. . .

uel alio modo ........ ...... ... . . . .. .. .. . . . ... . . . .. . .... .. ... . ...... . alio
Episcopo Diecesano impendat, alioque liceat uohis quemcumque malueritia
Catholicum adire antistem gratiam, et communionem Sacrosancte Romane
Sedis habentem, qui nostra aucthoritate quod postulatis impendat. Quod si
Sedes Diecesani Episcopi forte uacauerit, interim omnia Ecclesiastica Sacra-
menta ah aliis Episcopis libere accipere, et ahsque contradictione possitis. Sic
tamen ut ex hoc in posterum propriis Episcopis nullum preiudicium generetur.
Preterea illud adiicimus, ut in recipiendis professionibus que a ............. .
. . . . . . . . . . . . benedicendis Ahhatibus exhibentur ea sint Episcopi forma, et ex-
pressione contenti, que ah origine ordinis noscitur instituta, et similiter Abbates
ipsi saluo ordine suo profiteri debeant, et contra statuta ordinis sui nullam
professionem facere compellantur. Porro si Episcopi, uel alii Ecclesiarum Rec-
tores in Monasterium uestrum uel per se, uel per quascumque personas sus-
pensionis, excommunicationis, uel interdicti sententiam promulgauerit, siue
etiam in mercenarios uestros pro eo quod de decimis non solutis, uel alia occa-
sione eorum que Apostolica benignitate uobis indulta sunt, seu benefactores
uestros pro eo quod aliqua uohis beneficia, uel obsequia ex charitate prestiterint,
uel ad laborandum adiuuerint in illis diebus in quibus ... ....... . . . .. . ... . et
alii feriantur, eandem sententiam pertulerint, ipsam tamquam contra Sedis
Apostolice indulta prolatam duximus irritandam, nec littere ille firmitatem
habeant, quas tanto nomine Cisterciensis ordinis, et contra tenorem Apostolico-
rum priuilegiorum constiterit impetrari; paci quoque, et tranquilitati uestre
paterna in posterum sollicitudine opportune prouidere uolentes Aucthoritate
Apostolica prohihemus ut infra clausuras laicorum seu Grancias uestras, nullus
rapinam, seu furtum facere, ignem opponere, sanguinem fundere, hominem
temere capere, uel interficere seu uiolentiam audeat exercere. Preterea omnes
libertates et immunitates a predecessoribus nostris Romanis Pontificihus ordini
uestro concessas, nec non libertates et exemptiones secularium exactionum a
Regibus, et Principibus, uel aliis fidelihus rationabiliter uohis indultas Aucthori-
tate Apostolica confirmamos, et present scripto priuilegio communimus. De-
cemimus quoque, ut nulli omnino hominum liceat prefatum Monasterium temere
 A ppendix of 1nedited Documenta !l98

perturbare, aut etiam possessiones auferre, uel ablatos retinere, minuere uel
quibuslibet uexationibus fatigare, sed omnia integra conseruentur eorum pro
quorum gubematione ac sustentatione concessa suiit, usibus commodis pro
futura, Salua Sedis Apostolice Aucthoritate. Si qua igitur in futurum Ecclesi-
astica, secularisue persona huius nostre constitutionis paginam scienter contra
eam temere uenire temptauerit, secundo tertioue commonita, nisi factum suum
congrua satisfactione correxerit, potestatis, honorisue sui careat dignitate,
reamque se Diuino iudicio existere de perpetrata iniquitate cognoscat, et a
Sanctissimo Corpore, ac Sanguine Dei, et Domini Redemptoris nostri lesu
Christi aliena fiat, atque in extremo examine districte ultioni subiaceat. Cunctis
autem eidem loco sua iura preseruantibus sit pax Domini nostri Iesu Christi,
quatenus et hic fructum bone actionis percipiant, et apud districtum Iudicem
premia eteme pacis inueniant. Amen. Amen. Amen.
(The rota of Innocent 111 is reyroduced.)
+ Ego Innocentius Catholice Ecclesie Episcopus subscripsi.
+ Ego Octauianus Ostiensis, et Velletrensis Episcopus subscripsi.
+ Ego Petrus Portuensis, et S. Rufine Episcopus subscripsi.
+ Ego lordanus S. Prudentiane titulo Pastoris Presbiter Cardinalis subscripsi.
+ Ego lohannes titulo S. Clementis Cardinalis Utrobiensis et Tuscanus Epi-
scopus subscripsi.
+ Ego lohannes tituli S. [Stephani] in Celiomonte Presbiter Cardinalis sub-
scripsi.
+ Ego Guido S. Marie transtiberim titulo ........... .
+ Ego Ugo Presbiter Cardinalis Sancti [Martini et S. Egidii] titulo ......... .
+ Ego Cinthius tituli S. Laurentii in Lucina Presbiter Cardinalis subscripsi.
+Ego Gerardus S. Adriani Diaconus Cardinalis subscripsi.
+ Ego Gregorius S. Maria in Porticu Diaconus Card. subscripsi.
+ Ego Gregorius S. Georgii ad Velum aureum Diaconus Cardinalis subscripsi.
+ Ego Nicolaus S. Marie in Cosmedin Diaconus Card. subscripsi.
+ Ego Gregorius S. Angeli Diaconus Cardinalis subscripsi.
+ Ego Bobo S. Theodori Diaconus Cardinalis subscripsi.
+ Ego Centius S. Lucie in Orta Diaconus Cardinalis subscripsi. Datum
Lateran. per manum Raynaldi Domini Pape N otarii, Vicem Agentis
Cancellarii. iii nonis N ovembris. lndictione ii. lncamationis Dominice
Anno MCXCVIII. Pontificatus uero Domini lnnocentii Pape iii. Anno
pruno.
Ad huius autem sumpti, ex dicto originali de uerbo ad uerbum
transumpti, fidem apud alios faciendam presens publicum instrumentum
predicti Fratres sibi fieri rogauerunt per manos mei predicti Tabellionis,
meoque signo signatum, et subscriptione mei dicti ludicis, et sub-
scriptorum meoque signo signatum, et subscriptione mei dicti Iudicis,
et suhscriptorum testium testimonio roboratum. Scriptum Panormo,
Anno, Die, Mense, et Indictione premissis.
(The names of 1S witnesses follow.)
!l94 A ppend:iz of I nedUed Documenta

XLVIII
1199, February, ind. 2, regni l.
Bartholomew of Amalfi, Lord of Mazzarino, gives lands near that city to
St Mary's of Mazzarino, an obedience of the church of Patti.
Copies of the 17th and 18th centuriea in MSS Qq F 89, fol. lM, G H, fol. 100, and H 5, fol.
86, ol Bib. Com. Palermo.

In nomine domini dei uiui et saluatoris nostri Iesu Christi. Anno ah in-
carnatione eiusdem MCXCIX, mense Februarii, indictione ii, anno primo regni
domini nostri Friderici dei gratia serenissimi Regis Sicilie, ducatus Apulie,
principatus Capue. Nos Bartholomeus de Amalfia dominus Masarini per hoc
presens scriptum tam presentibus quam futuris notum fieri uolumus, quod
spontanea et gratuita uoluntate nostra, et domine Kunezay uxoris mee et
Matthei nostri fif benedicti, diuini amoris intuitu, et nostrarum animarum
remedio concessimus, atque donauimus quamdam terram tenimenti predicti
casalis nostri Masarini, ecclesie sancte Marie que constructa est in monte Masa-
rini, que est de obedientia ecclesie pactensis sine omni nostri uel nostrorum
successorum contrarietate, uel molestia, absolute et libere imperpetuum possi-
dendam. Cuius fines inferius iussimus adnotari. Incipit autem a uia qua itur
ad buliatum, et dimissa uia uadit ad cristam montis uultorum, indeque uadit
per cristam usque ad magnam petram que est infra petram longam, et inde
uadit per cristam usque ad fontanam buliati, et sic uadit per cristam usque ad
arcam iuncorum, et ibi coniungitur cum alia terra predicti ecclesie sancte Marie.
Ut autem hec nostra donatio imperpetuum firma stabilisque permaneat, hoc
presens scriptum inde fieri fecimus nostris propriis [manibus] roboratum coram
presentiam testium subscriptorum.
+ Signum proprie manus domine Cunezay.
+ Signum Mathei filius eius.
+Ego Guilelmus clericus testis sum.
+Ego Allerius testis sum.
+ Ego Guido auriclam testis sum.
+ Ego Alaymus baiulus Masarini.
+ Ego Traxallus testis sum.
+ Ego Petrus filius quondam Donatei testis sum.
+ Ego Paganus clericus testis sum.
+ Ego Iacobus . .. . . . .. . . .. ... ..... . . testis sum.

XLIX
An account, written probably in the middle of the 18th century, of the
settlement of monks from Syria at St Mary's of Refesio, and of certain nuns
in white babits, also from the East, at St Michael's of Prizzi.
 Ap>endix of 1nedited Documenta 295
In an antitlecl parchment book in the catheclral archive ol Agrigento, foil. tl and 11'; copim
iD ~ eocluiae a,iglftli11M, m, t. in the ame archive. and in MS Qq H 6, fol. t. ol Bib.
Com. Palermo from 'ltem eodem tempore .'

Antiquo tempore propter metum sarracenorum quidam monachi de partibus

ultramarinis uenerunt. quibus episcopus agrigentinus concessit ecclesiam sancte
Marie de Rephesio cum omnibus iuribus et pertinenciis suis, secundum quod
continetur in scripto quod est in thesauro ecclesie agrigentine.
Item eodem tempore uenerunt quedam moniales albis indumentis indute
de ultramarinis partibus, quibus episcopus agrigentinus concessit ecclesiam
aancti Michaelis de Pericio cum toto casali uassalis et uillanis suis. Ibi enim
babitabant sarraceni piures qui erant uillani ecclesie, et christiani quam piures,
qui erant uaasali, et burgenses Ecclesie, tam spiritualia quam temporalia dicte
ecclesie contulit dictis monialibus dominus episcopus. Fines tenimenti casalis
ecclesie sancti Michaelis sunt: subter pericium per pedem de balatis pericii,
usque ad portam de botaca, et descendit usque ad casale de agera moneta, et
descendit per flumen flumen agere monete usque ad coniunctionem fluminis
magni, et deinde ascendit per uallonem uallonem usque ad portam sancti petri,
et deinde uadit ad pedem montis indrice, usque ad flumen magnum, et uadit ad
pedem montis ypane, et ascendit per uiam ueterem, usque ad petras sancti
philipi, et ascendit poste& ad duos toronos, et deinde per serram serram ad
serronem de trankedo, et per serram serram usque ad serronem de furcia.
Huius diuisionis memoria lacta fuit tempore domini Matthei Bonelle, qui fuit
dominus Pericii et Sperlinge, et fuit pater patris domini Riccardi (Ricci P) de
Sperlinga, dominus Riccardus (Riccius P) fuit pater comitisse Venecie, comitissa
Venecia fuit mater domine Ysabelle, Ysabella fuit uxor domini Manfredi.
Malettus Camerarius.
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biblioteca di S. Nicola l'Arena di Catania,' ASS, m (1876), 585-48.
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A valuable register marred by errors in detail.
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sull'ordinamento amministrativo dei normanni in Sicilia nei secoli XI e
804 List oj Printed Worka Cited
XII,' A.SS, XLIX (1928), 1-100. Very important for the social organiza-
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- - 'Il conte Enrico di Paterno e le sue donazioni al monastero di S. Maria
di Valle Giosafat,' Revue de l'orient latin, (190i), 206-29.
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(1918), 846-78.
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196-205.
- - - 1 documenti inediti deU' epoca normanna in Sicilia, in Documenti 1Jn'
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most important publication of N orman Latin documents since Pirri.
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1095,' A.SSO, IX (1912), 159-97.
- - - 'Memoratoria, chartae et instrumenta divisa in Sicilia nei secoli XI a
xv,' BulleUino dell'lstituto Storico Italiano, xxxn (1912), 67-127.
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A.SS, XXIll (1898), 1-171.
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data delle sue falsificazioni,' A.SSO, v (1908), 161-88, 815-49.
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mridionale?,' M&lngea Bertauz (Paris, 1924), 110-28.
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normande,' Byzantion, I (1924), 215-28.
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Geatafrancorum lhenualem ezpugnantium, in Recueil dea hiatoriena dea croisadea,

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The definitive work on the Sicilian royal chancery. See Chalandon's
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- - - 'La prima introduzione del cristianesimo e dell'episcopato nella Sicilia e
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l'" and Ughclli.
l 1f11f14r i , A hillc, 'Les registres d'lnnocent 111 et les Registra de Potthast,'
 List of Printed W orks Cited 809
Bibliotheque de la Facult des Lellres, Univerait de Paria, fase. 18 (1904),
1-88.
LUnig, J ohann Christian, Codex I taliae diplmnaticua, 4 vols. (Frankfort, 17!t.5-85).
Mabillon, Johannes, Acta aanctorum Ordinia S. Benedicti, 9 vols. (Paris, 1668-
17~).
---Annalea Ordinia S. Benedicti, 6 vols. (Lucca, 1789-45).
Maccarrone, N unzio, La mta del latino in Sicia fino aU'eta normanna (Florence,
1915).
Magonuco, Enzo, 'Linamenti e motivi di storia dell'arte siciliana,' ASSO, XXVIIl
(1982), 267-88.
al-Makln, George, Hiatmia aarooenica, ed. and tr. by Thomas Erpenius (Leiden,
1625).
Malaterra, Gaufridus, DB rebua gema R.ogerii Calabriae et Siciae comitia et
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Maurolico, Francesco, Sicanarum rerum com-pendium (Messina, 1562).
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- - Vita di S. Guglielmo da VMcelli (Rome, 1907).
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Millunzi, Gaetano, 'Il tesoro, la biblioteca ed il tabulario della chiesa di Santa
Maria Nuova in Monreale,' ASS, XXVIII (1908), 1-72, 249-459.
Minasi, Giovanni, L'abbazi.a normanna in Bagnara Calabra allafine dell'undeci.mo
aecolo (Naples, 1905).
- - L e chieae di Calabria (Naples, 1896).
- - - 'lnnocenzo 111 e l'abbazia di Bagnara Calabra,' Riviata a'lorica calabrese
(1897), "257-65.
Minutolo, Andrea, Merrwrie del Gran Priorato di Meaaina, (Messina, 1699).
Misset, E., 'Troparium abbatiae Sancti Ebrulfi in Normannia, XII saec.,' with
W. H. l. Weale, in Analecta liturgica (Lille, 1892), u, 218-22.
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logue, 4me srie, 11 (1908), 59-90.
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(Palermo, 1784).
810 List of Prired W orks Cited

- - Monumenta his>rica aacrae Domua Manaionia SS. Trinitatia Mitari8

Ordinia Theutonicorum urbis Panormi (Palermo, 1721).
- - - Siciliae sacrae celeberrimi abbatia netini D. Rocchi Pirri additionu et
correctiones, editio secunda correctior (Palermo, 1785).
- - - see R. Pirri.
Morcaldi, Michele, CO<lex diplomaticus cavensis, 8 vols. (Naples, 1878-98). The
rich archive of La Cava remains largely unpublished after about 1050.
Mortillaro, Vincenzo, Catalogo ragionato dei diplmni esistenti nel tabulario Ulla.
cattedrale di Palermo (Palermo, 1842).
- - - Elencho cronol,ogico delle antiche pergamene pertinenti alla real chiesa Ulla.
Magione (Palermo, 1859).
Muratori, Luigi Antonio, Antiquitates italicae medii aevi, 6 vols. (Milan, 1788-42).
- - - Rerum italicarum acriptorea, 25 vols. (Milan, 1728-51).
Nakielski, Samuel, De antiquitate Ordinis Canonici SS. Semlchri (Cracow, 1625).
Napoli, Filippo, I diplmni del monastero di S. Michele di Mazara (Mazara, 1984).
N aselli, Carmelina, 'Letteratura e scienza nel convento benedettino di S. Nicolo
l'Arena di Catania,' ASSO, xxv (1929), 245-849.
- - - 'Una redazione volgare dell'epistola del vescovo Maurizio sulla trasla-
zione delle reliquie di S. Agatha da Costantinopoli a Catania,' ASSO,
XIX (1922-28), 1-28.
Niese, Hans, 'Das Bistum Catania und die sizilischen Hohenstaufen,' GottingiscM
Nachrichten (1918), 42-71; Italian tr. in ASSO, xu (1915), 74-104.
- - - Die Geaetzgebung der normannischen Dynastie im Regnum Siciae (Halle,
1910).
Nitto de Rossi, G. B., Codice diplomatico barese: 1, Le pergamene del duomo di
Bari, 96B-1B64, with Francesco Nitti di Vito (Bari, 1897).
Orlando, Vittorio Emanuele, 'Contributo alla storia di Partinico,' ASS, XLIV
(1922), 1-85.
Orsi, Paolo, 'Byzantina Siciliae,' Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XIX (1910), 68-90,
462-75; XXI (1912), 187-209.
- - Le chieae basiliane della Calabria, with historical appendix by Andrea
Caffi (Florence, 1929).
- - - 'Chiese bizantine del territorio di Siracusa,' Byzantinische Zeitschrift, vn
(1898), 1-28.
- - - 'Giojelli bizantini della Sicilia,' M langea ojferts aM. Guatave Scldumberger
(Paris, 1924), 891-98.
- - - 'Nuove chiese bizantine nel territorio di Siracusa,' Byzantinische Zeit-
schrift, VIII (1899), 618-42.
Otto Frisingensis, Ottonis et Rahewi,ni gesta Friderici I imperatoria, ed. G. Waitz
(Hanover, 1884).
'K. P.,' R]J01lse a la brochure de M. Eugene Bor (Constantinople: Imp. Ant.
Coromila et Platon Paspalli, 1851).
Pace, Biagio, '1 barbari ed i bizantini in Sicilia,' ASS, xxxv (1910), 88-80, 298-
824; XXXVI (1911), 1-76.
Paladius, Histoire lausiaque, ed. A. Lucot (Paris, 1912).
 List of Printed W orks Cited 811
Palmarocchi, Roberto, L'abbazia di M onteca8aino e la conquista normanna (Rome,
1918).
Pardi, G., 'La popolazione della Sicilia attraverso i secoli: Periodo nonnanno
(1060-1198),' ASS, XLIX (19~). 160-78.
Parisius, Mattheus, Chronica major, ed. H. R. Luard, 7 vols. (London, 1872-88).
Pasea, Cesare, 'Documenti di Lucia di Cammarata,' Giornale di scienze, lettere
ed arti ptrr la Sicilia, LX (1887), 41-44.
Patricolo, Giuseppe, 'La chiesa della Trinita di Delia,' ASS, v (1880), 51-66.
'La chiesa di S. Maria dell'Ammiraglio e le sue antiche adiacenze,'
ASS, new series, 11 (1877), 187-71; 111 (1878), 897-406.
- - - 'Il monumento arabo scoverto in febbraro 1882 e la contigua chiesa di
S. Giovanni degli Eremiti in Palermo,' ASS, VII (1888), 170-88.
Peccheneda, Francesco, Dimostrazione dell'indiuiduo regal diritto di nomina ed
elezione che si appartiene al nostro sovrano aulla regal chiesa di Bagnara
(Naples, 1755).
Pecorella, Giuseppina, I templari nei manoscritti di Antonino Amico: Contributo
di documenti inediti aui templari di Sicilia (Palermo, 1921).
Pennisi, R., 'La cattedrale e l'annessovi convento henedettino dalle origini alla
fine del xvn secolo,' ASSO, XXIV (1928), 249-60. Deals with St Agatha's
of Catania.
Ptiet, Ren, Contribution a l'hisunre de l'Ordre de St.-La:zare de Jrusalem en
France (Paris, 1914).
Petronio Russo, S., 'Sul sito del Casa.le Antanosteri in territorio di Aderno,'
ASSO, XII (1915), 209-14.
Petrus Blesensis, Opera omnia, ed. J. A. Giles, 4 vols. (Oxford, 1847).
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Pflugk-Harttung, Julius, Acta pontificum romanorum inedita, 8 vols. (Stuttgart,
1881-88).
- - - 'Gefitl.schte Bullen in Monte Cassino, La Cava und Nonantola,' Neuea
Archiv, IX (1884), 478-98.
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Piazza, Filippo, Le colonie e i dialetti l.ombardo-aiculi (Catania, 1921).
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Pirenne, Henri, 'Un contraste conomique: Mrovingiens et Carolingiens,' Revue
belge de philologie et d'histmre, 11 (1928), 228-85. .
Pirri, Roccho, Sicilia sacra, Srd edn. by A. Mongitore, accesaere additiones et
notitiae abbatiarum Ordinis Sancti Benedicti, ciaterciensium et aliae quae
desiderabantur, auctore Vito Maria Amico (Palenno, 1788). Descrihed in
our introduction, p. 4. The form Pirri rather than Pirro is used by
most Sicilian scholars.
Pitra, Joannes Baptista, Juris eccleaia8tici graecorum historia et monumenta, 2
vols. (Rome, 1864-68).
Plummer, Charles, Irish litaniea, Henry Bradshaw Society, LXII (London, 1925).
Pometti, Francesco, 'Carte delle abbazie di S. Maria del Corazzo e di S. Giuliano
81~ Liat of Printed W orka Cited
di Rocca Fallucca in Calabria,' Studi e documenti di noria e diritto, XXII
(1901), 241-806.
Pontieri, Ernesto, 'L'abbazia benedettina di Sant'Eufemia in Calabria e !'abate
Roberto di Grantmesnil,' ASSO, XXII (1926), 92-115.
- - 'I primordi della feudalita calabrese,' NuotHJ rniata atorica, IV (1920),
566-82; V (1921), 278-99, 626-45.
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1874-75).
Prutz, Hans, Die geiatlichen RitterorUri (Berlin, 1908).
Pulci, Canon, 'Giovanni V archivescovo di Bari ed un periodo di storia siculo-
pugliese,' .ASS, XXXIX (1914), 896-429.
Puntumo, Biagio, L'antica Niaa o Niaaa e l'odiema Caltaniaaetta (Caltanissetta,
1901).
Raccuglia, S., 'Jachium,' Rendiconti e memorie della R . .Accademia di Scienu,
Lett.ere ed .Arti degli Zelanti di .Acireale, IV (1905), S7 ff.
Radice, Benedetto, 'Il casale e l'abbazia di S. Maria di Maniace,' .ASS, XXXIII
(1909), 1-104.
Rampolla del Tindaro, Mariano, Santa Melania giuniore (Rome, 1905).
Rey, Emmanuel Guillaume, Lea comiu franquea de S p (Paris, 1888).
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les tablissements latins de Jrusalem au Xe siecle,' M moi.rea de l' .Aca-
dbnie des lnscriptiona et Bellea-Lettrea, XXXI (1884), ii, 151-95.
- - :ttudea sur l'histoire de l'gle de Bethlem: 1, S . .Ambroiae de Varazze,
dpefuknce de l'6gle de Bet.ldm en Ligurie (Genoa, 1889). This appears
to be the only existing study of the occidental dependencies of a Pales-
tinian church.
- - 'lnventaire critique des lettres historiques des croisades,' .Architlu de
l'orient latin, 1 (1881), 1-224.
Riccardus de S. Germano, Chronica regni Siciliae, in Rerum italicarum acriptoru,
VII (17~), 967-1052.
Res, Robert, 'Regesten der Kaiserin Constanze, K6nigin von Sizilien, Gemablin
Beinrichs VI,' Quellen und Forachungen, xvm (1926), 80-100.
Robinson, Gertrude, Hiatory and cartulary of tJu Greek monaatery of St Eliaa
and St Anaataaiua of Carbone, in Orientalia chriatiana, Nos. 44, SS, and
62 (1928-SO).
RodotA, Pietro Pompilio, Dell'origi.ne, progreaao e atalo yreaente del rito gruo in
Italia, S vols. (Rome, 1758-68).
Rohlfs, Gerhard, Scavi linguiatici nella Magna Grecia (Rome, 1988).
Romano, G., lntorno all'origine del denominaione 'Due Sicilie' (Trani, 1899).
Romualdus Salemitanus, Annalea, ed. W. Amdt, in Monumenta germaniae hlo-
rica, acriptorea, XIX, 887-461.
Ropes, James Hardy, The tezt of .Acta, in The beginninga of Chri#i,anit11: I. tM
Acta of tJu .Apoatlu, ed. by F. J. Foakes Jackson and K. Lake (Londoo,
1926).
Rossi, Salvatore, 'Spoglio e catalogo di codice greci del SS. Salvatore esistenti
 Liat of Pri'lded W orka Ced 818

nella Biblioteca Universitaria di Messina,' Arcl&ivio atorico muaiMae, n-v

(1901-05), p!Uaim.
Rhl, Franz, 'Bemerkungen Uber einige Bibliotheken von Sicilien,' Phi/.ologtu,
XLVII (1889), 577-88.
Saewulfus, Ad Hieroaolymam el T61"fam Sanctam, ed. A. d' Arezac (Paria, 1889).
Salinas, Antonio, 'Escursioni archeologiche in Sicilia: n, MUBSomeli e Sutera,'
ASS, vm (1888), ti9-87.
- - 'Il monastero di S. Filippo di Fragala,' ASS, xn (1887), 885-98.
Sarnelli, Pompeo, Memorie cronologiche dei fJeacooi di BenetJento (Naples, 1691).
Scalia, Giuseppe, 'La Traslazione del corpo di S. Agatha e il suo valore storico,'
ASSO, XXIV (1928), 88-157.
Scaturro, lgnazio, 'La contessa normanna Giulietta di Sciacca,' ASS, XLIII
(1921), 205-.SO.
- - - 'Del vescovado triocalitano e croniense,' ASS, XLI (1916), 582-47.
Schefler-Boichorst, Paul, 'Das Gesetz Kaiser Friedrichs Il "De resignandis
privilegiis",' Sitzungsberichte dlJr kgl. preusaiache Akademie dlJr Wiaaen-
achaften zu Berln (1900), 182-62.
- - - 'Urkunden und Forschungen zu den Regesten der staufischen Periode,'
Neuea Archiv, XXIV (1899), 128-229; XXVII (1901), 71-lH.
Schlumberger, Gustave, L'bpo>e byzantine a la fin du dizieme ack, S vols.
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Schroeter, Jens Fredrik Wilhelm, Spe:;Mller Kanon der zentralen Sonnen- und
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etJO, in Documenti per smre alla storia di Sicilia, ia serie, VI (Palermo,
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{1984).
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Maniace: /, Pergamene latine, in Documenti per amre alla storia di Sicilia,
prima serie, XI (Palermo, 1887-89). The Greek and Arabic charters
were published by Cusa.
Sinopoli, Pietro, La badia regia di S. Maria Latina in Agira (Acireale, 1911).
- - 'Tabulario di S. Maria Latina di Agira,' ASSO, xxn (1926), 185-90.
An incredibly bad register. Dr. G. Greco of Agira plans to publim thia
archive shortly.
Siragusa, Giovanni Battista, ll regno di Guglielmo 1 in Sicilia, 2nd edn. (Palermo.
19i9).
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(Boston, 1877-87).
Sola, G., 'Codici bizantini di Sicilia,' ASSO, xxv (1929), 407-li.
Sommario di documenti delh ragioni della Sede Apoatolica aulla chiua e yriorato
814 List of Primed W orka Cited
della Bma. V ergine Maria e Santi X 11 A ponoli della terra di Bagnara
(Typis BemahO, 1759).
Spata, Giuseppe, 'Diplomi greci inediti ricavati da alcuni manoscritti della
Biblioteca Comunale di Palermo,' Mcellanea di storia italiana, IX (1870),
887-512. Also printed separately at Turin.
- - 'Diplomi greci siciliani,' ibl., XII (1871), 7-112. Reprinted at Turin
with slightly different pagination.
- - - Le pergamene greche esistenti nel Grande Architrio di Palermo (Palermo,
1862). Spata's publications of Greek charters have been replaced by
Cusa's, but are still useful because of bis translations and notes.
- - - I siciliani in Salonicco nell'anno MCLXXXV, OfJfJero l'upugnazione di
Tessalonica narrata daUo arcivescoro Eustazio (Palermo, 1891).
- - - Sul ci,melio diplomatico del duomo di Monreale (Palermo, 1865).
Starrabba, Raffaele, 1 dipWrrii della cattedrale di Measina raccolti da Antonino
Amico, publicati da un codice della Biblioteca Communale di Palermo, in
Documenti per seroi.re aUa noria di Sicilia, prima serie, I (Palermo, 1876-
90). An uncritical edition of very valuable documents.
- - - 'Di un codice vaticano contenente i privilegi dell'archimandritato di
Messina,' ASS, XII (1887), 465-69.
- - - Scritti inediti o rari di Antonino Amico e documenti relatiui al meduimo,
in Documenti per aeroi.re aUa noria di Sicilia, 4a serie, I (Palermo, 1891).
Stokes, Whitley, The martyrology of Oengua the CuMee, Henry Bradshaw Society,
XXIX (London, 1905).
Strazzulla, Vincenzo, M useum epi,graphicum aeu inacriptionum chrtianarum
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per aeruire aUa atmia di Sicilia, 8a serie, m (Palermo, 1897).
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Toeche, Theodor, Kaer Heinrich VI (Leipzig, 1867). Still the only scholarly
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Tomamira, Pietro Antonio, Idea congietturale della uita di S. Rosalia vergine,
monaca e ramita dell'ordine del patriarca S. Benedetto (Palermo, 1668).
An historical romance often mistaken for history.
Trinchera, Francesco, Syllabus graecarum membranarum (Naples, 1865). Does
for Southem Italy what Cusa does for the Greek charters of Sicily.
 List of Printed W orka Cited 815

Tritton, A. S., Tlu cal.ipu and tMir non-Mwlim 81lhject8, a critica/, 8tudy of tM
COfJenant of 'Umar (London, 1980).
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Vargas-Macciuca, Francesco, Esa'ITU delle tJantate carttJ e diplomi della certosa di
S. Stefano del Bosco in Calabria (Naples, 1765). Tromby's adversary.
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revised and tr. by H. Grgoire, etc. (Brussels, 1985).
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(Leipzig, 1894). A general account to 1085.
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iM-41.
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corutitutWnu (Lrins, 1907).
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(Palermo, 1910), 1, 165-78.
 INDEX OF ABBEYS, PRIORIES, CHURCHES,
AND HOSPITALS
S Agatha (Catania), 45, .S, 58-55, 59-61, 6S, 66-
67, 69-71, 79, 89, 105-17, 14i, HS; obediences.
117-U.
S Agatha (chapel given to H Sepulchre of Jeru-
salem), iSO.
S Agatha da Faro (Me.uina), H8, MO.
S Agnea (Corleone), HO.
Aln-Tamda (North Africa), ton.
S Alban (England), 5In.
All Saints (Palenno). 289.
S Anastasia (Gratteri), 191n.
S Anastasia (Miatretta), 41.
S Andrew (Lentini), 280n.
S Andrew (Maacali), IS.
S Andrew of Bebene (Palenno), 41
S Andrew (Piazza Armerina), 280, i74.
S Andrew on the Coelian (Rome), 11, IS, !Un.
S Angel (Brolo) S5, S9n., 40, 41, 88.
S Angel tk Camp (Calabria), 1S9.
S Angel (GedeBCeri), 94.
S Angel Juni.,,mti, W.
S Angel (Malveto), 178.
S Angel (Prizzi), 55n., I66, I76, 177, 29S.
S Angel (Val Demone), 4I, 19ln.
S Anne FuimtJ, 282.
S Anne (Galath), 209-IO, 2Hn., 282.
S Anne (Meaaina), 41.
S Anne (Monteforte), 41.
S Antony (Licata), i72.
S Arnulf (Crpy-en-Valois), 50n.
S Auxentius (Taonnina), Si.
S Barbara (Caltavuturo). 19ln.
S Barbarus (Demena), S5, '5n.
S Barbarus (San Marco), 41.
S Bartholomew (San Filadelfo), 148.
S Bartholomew (Lipari) and S Savior (Patti),
64, 55, 59, 60, 6S, Mn., 65, 77-100, 189n., 195,
2I6, i19; obediences, 100-04.
S Buil Girathelli, iSS.
S Buil (Naao), 4I, 187n., 191n.
S Buil (Troina), 41.
Bec (Nonnandy), 5ln.
Bellus Mons (Syria), 176, 177, 289.
S Benedict (Adulani), i72.
S17
S Benedict (Militello), 104n.
S Caloger (Sciacca), SI
Cappella Palatina, rea Royal Chapel (Palenno).
S Cataldus (obedience of S Mary of Bagnara),
187.
S Cataldus (Palenno), 1S9.
S Cataldus (Partinico), 206.
S Catherine of Alexandria (Catania), llOn.
S Catherine (obedience of S Mary of Maniace),
147.
S Catherine (Melesendini), 289-40, i72.
Chartreuse, Grande, 49.
Chiaravalle, lMn.
Chienti, lMn.
S Christopher (Cataniar), 199.
S Christopher (Prizzi), 49, 167, i6S, i72.
S Christopher (Taormina), 11.
Clairvaux, 50, IM.
S Clement (Mesaina), 1S7.
Cluny, 5/S, 70, 79n., I07, 1S5, 1S6, 150, 151, I95.
S Constantine (Malet), 4I.
S Constantine (Militello), H7.
S Conus (obedience of S Mary of Licodia), Hl.
S Cosmas (Gonata), 41.
SS Cosmas and Damian (Cefal\\), 191, i/SS.
SS Cosmas and Damian (Focero), 247.
H Croas (Buccheri), 94, 96, 98, lOI, i70, i74.
H Croas (Camerina), lOln.
H Croas (Mesaina), 229.
H Croas (Rasacambri), i19, Hl, 228, 226.
S Dominica (Polizsi), 196.
S Edmund (England), 5ln.
S Elias the Prophet (Adem), 114, 280-81, i61-
6S, 284.
S Eliaa (in Calabria), aubject to S Mary'a Latina,
HS.
S Eliaa (Carbone, Luoania). IS9, 1'5.
S Eliaa (Embula). 4, 41.
S Eliaa (Gratteri), 94.
S Eliaa (Oliveri), 41.
S Eunufrius (Calatahiano), 187.
818 Latin M onasticiam
S Euphemi& (in Calabria), Cluniac influence at.
7911., 107; colonista and ecclesiastica from, 48,
65-67, 79, 80, 106, 117; dispute with S Mar:r'
of Bagnara, 114, 184; founded by Robert
Guiacard. 48.
S Euplus (Calabria), 57, 15S, 208, Mt, 285.
S Ellltachius (Palermo), 160.
S ~vroul-ei-Ouche (Normandy), 47-48, 107, 109.
S Felix (San Marco), 41.
FOllll&Dova, 56, 165, 166.
S Frideswide (Oxford), 50.
S George (Agrigento), 41, 7ln.
S George (Bulera), 280.
S George (Gratteri), 199, 201, ~
S George (Bares), 187.
S George of the Kemonia (Palermo), 41.
S George (Lentini), 187.
S George in nuua M aratod, IS.
S George (Moac), 19ln.
S George ad Sedem (P1lermo), 71n., HS, 124.
S George, oratory of the Pa.riaio family, 218.
S George (Refesio), "" H Trinity (Relesio)
S George (Triocala), 41, 46n., 59, 7ln.
S Giles (Termini), 90, 94, 27S.
S Gregory (G;ypso), 41.
S Hermas (Palermo), 12, IS, lts, 124.
S Honufrius (Calatabiet), 41, 187n.
S Bippol;ytus (Bulera), lft.
S Hippol;ytus (Caltabellotta), 27S.
S Iconiua (Gratleri), 199.
B lnnocents (Miatretta), 191n.
S James (Calo), 41.
S James (Comiz), 272.
S James (Licata), 271.
S James (h01pital belonging to S Mary of Ma-
niace), 148.
S James (Partinico), 186.
S John (Ademe}), tSS.
S John the Baptist (Agira), 118.
S John (Caltaniuelta), 191n., 272.
S John (Fiumefreddo), 110.
S John (Focero), 42.
S John (Maniace), 147.
S John (obedience of S Mary of Maniace), 147.
S John the Baptist (Meuina), tsS-89.
S John of the Greeks (Meuina}, 42.
S John (Militello), 147.
S John (Oliveri), 147.
S John at the Ca1lello Mare (Palermo), 170.
S John of the Hermits (Palermo), Hn., 46, M,
56, M-&Gn., 67, 69, 71, 72. 116, I~, lSl,
178-75; obediences, 180-81, 265.
S John of the Lepera (Palermo), 240.
S John dei Napolitani (Palermo), 170n.
S John (Reggio), 189.
S John (Rocella), 191, 199, 258.
S John (Sichro), 42.
S John the Evangelist (Syracuse), 187n.
S John (obedience of B Trinity of Mileto), 19ln.
S John (Viuin.i), 94, 101.
S Julian (Rocca Fallucca, Calabria), 187.
S Julian (Rocella), 147.
S Kiriaca (obedience of S Mary NVOfKJ of Mon-
reale), IS7, 142.
al-~u.aai.r (Egypt), Mn.
S Lawrence (Avena), W.
S Lawrence (Carini), 82, M.
S Lawrence (Sciacca), W.
s Lawrence (Scicli), 219, ns.
S Lawrence (Vermula, Apulia}, ns.
S Lazarus (Enna), 240.
S Lazarus (Jerusalem), poueasiona in Sicily,
289-40, 272.
S Luarus (Lentini), 240.
S Leo (Caltanlletta), 272.
S Leo (obedience of S Mary of Maniatt), 147.
S Leo {Messina), 42, 11911.
S Leo (Pannachio), 68, 116-121, 261, 276.
s Leo (Sciara), 147.
S Leonard (Agrigento), 27S.
S Leonard (Asinello), 208.
S Lucy (Ademo), 114, 157-58.
S Lucy (Mendola), 20Sn.
S Lucy (Milauo), 61, 81, 84, 86, M, 98. 99.
S Lucy (Mistrelta}, 198, 19911.
S Lucy (Noto), 49, 56, 188-186, 278.
S Lucy (Rahalabiato}, 187.
S Lucy (Syracuse), 11, 15n., 24, Un., 154, lH,
1-.208.
Mafra (Portugal), 118n.
Magione, _, B Trinity of the ChaDcellor
(Palermo).
S Margaret the Virgin (Agrigento), 271.
s Marina (Paterno), tel.
S Mark (Paterno?), m.
S Martn (Palermo), IS.
S Martn (built by Peter lndulfus}, 1S9.
S Martn de/le Scale, IS9n.
S Mary of Carmel (Aci), 241n.
S Mary (Adriano), H9-1St. 271.
 Index of Abbeys, Priories, Ckurches, and Hospitals 819
S Mary (Aidone), llin. 64, 66, 71, 72, 87n., 115-17, 182-45, 158, 178n.,
S Mary (Altoplano), 170. 197; obediences, 145-48.
S Mary (Ambuto), .ti, 45, 155, 156. S Mary (Monte Maggiore), 151, 195.
S Mary (Bagnara, Calabria), 49, 56, 66n., 67, S Mary de Mu.rra. 19ln.
72. lH, 184-86, 189, 194-95, 201, ns, i78. S Mary (Novara), 164, 18!, 188.
S Mary (Baratathe), 182, n4. S Mary (oratory patronized by Pope Gregory
S Mary (Bordonaro), 4i, 7ln. the Great), 11, li, 124.
S Mary (Buffiniana), 124n. S Mary <U Palana, aee S Mary (Tusa).
S Mary (Butera), 88, 94, 101, 108, 251. S Mary (Palermo?), 170.
S Mary (Cabria, Calabria), 164. S Mary of the Admiral (Palermo), 42, 161, 288.
S Mary (Caccamo), 95, 100, 245, 255. S Mary of the Chancellor (Palermo), aee S Mary
S Mary (Calatahameth), ilS-14. of the Latina (Palermo).
S Mary or Montevergine (Caltabellotta), un. S Mary <U Crypta (Palermo), 42.
S Mary (Cammarata), 198, 199, 255. S Mary of the Latine (Palermo), 65, 159-61.
S Mary of Cacciapensieri (Cammarata), 198n. S Mary Marlu.rana (Palermo), 1nn., 157n., 161-
S Mary (Campogrouo), 42, ni. 62, 288.
S Mary de Cardia (Abruzzi), 164. S Mary of Mount Carmel (Palermo), 241.
S Mary (Caronia), 148. S Mary della Sperama (Palermo). 124.
S Mary (Castronuovo), 186, 187n., 249, r75. S Mary of Jehosaphat (Palestine), 68-69, 207-14,
S Mary of Bagnara (Caat.ronuovo), rfi. iSS.
S Mary de Flu.minaria (Corleone). ni. S Mary of Jehoaaphat (Patemo). no, 209-11,
S Mary (Curatio, Calabria), 170. no.
S Mary de Zibel Magno {Etna], 199. S Mary (Patrisanto), 112.
S Mary (Gala), 42, iOOn. S Mary (Pedali), 19in.
S Mary of the Latina (Jerusalem), 68, H, 214- S Mary of the Latina (Polizzi), !19, HS-U.
28, 188, 258. S Mary (Ragusa), UOn.
S Mary (Licata), 187n., n2. S Mary (Rahalbiath). n!.
S Mary (Licodia), 65, lOln., 116, 1180., 120-H. S Mary (Refesio), aee H Trinity (Refesio).
S Mary (Ligno, Calabria), 46n., 170, 178-79. S Mary (Revenosa), n!.
S Mary (Macla, Calabria), 187, 140. SMary (RoboreGrosso), 112, 118n., 120-!1, i6i.
S Mary (Mallimachi), 4!. S Mary of Roc-Amadour (Quercy, France), 188.
S Mary (Mand&nici), .ti, 145n. S Mary (Roccadia). 18h.
S Mary (Maniace), 46, M, 55, lSS, 145-48, 100. S Mary Antiqu.a (Rome), 20n., 24n., Un.
S Mary (San Marco), 147. S Mary (Sabuchi), 181.
S Mary de Grotl.a (Marsala), 42, 45, 60. S Mary (Sagittario, Basilicata), 165.
S Mary in vineia (obedience of S Mary of Ma- S Mary (Scala), 4!.
niace), 147. S Mary <U Ju.mmari (Sciacca), 54, 149-51, 195.
S Mary (Massa), 4!. S Mary.of Carmel (Scicli), 241n.
S Mary of Jehosaphat (San Mauro, Calabria), S Mary by the Wadi Musa (Simeto), 157.
ilin. S Mary of Carmel (Sutera). 241-42.
S Mary de Alto or de Jummariil (Mazara), 4i. S Mary <U Mmaialibu.a (Syracuse), 157.
S Mary (Mazzarino), 94, 108-04, 298. S Mary (La Torre, Calabria), 49, 110.
S Mary of Bethlehem (Mea.sin&), 188. S Ma.ry of Roccamadore (Tremestieri), 119n.,
S Mary of the Latina (Messina), 218, m-28. 182. 188.
S Mary of Massa (Mea.sina), 4!. S Mary (Tusa), 94, 10!-08, 250, 258.
S Mary of Mount Sion (Mea.sina), IS!. S Mary (Ustica), 54, 15!.
S Mary de Sealia or de Alt.o (Messina), 48, 45, S Mary (Valverde). 241.
51, 71, 158-57, 208, iBi. s Mary (Vicari), 85, S9n., 4!.
S Mary (Mezzoiuso), lrfn. S Mary Magdalene (Corleone), 188. lMn., 158-
S Mary (Milazzo), 98. 59.
S Mary of Glory (Mileto, Calabria), 187, 188. S Mary Magdalene of Jehosaphat (Meuina),
S Mary (Mili), S9n., 42. 71n., !S6n. 209-18.
S Mary (Militello), 147. S Mary Magdalene (Tripoli, Syria), 166, 177.
S Mary Nu.ooa (Monreale), 87, 54, 55, 57, 59, 6!, Matina (Calabria). 146.
820 Latin Monaaticiam
S Matthew (Me.uina), 187.
S MaW'WI (ROllll&Do, Calabria), 1S7.
SS Muimua and Agatha, 11, IS, 12SD.
S Mercury (Troina), 4i.
S Michael (Castronuovo), 172.
S Michael (Ctisma), Si, SSn., 86.
S Michael (Ficarra), 4i.
S Michael (obedience of S Mary of Man.iace),
147.
S Michael (Mazara), 41, 69.
S Michael (Me.uina), iSS.
S Michael Archangel (Petralia), 64, 67, 185, 186.
S Michael (Petrano), 97, 166.
S MichaeJ (Prizzi), IU S Angel {Prizzi).
S Michael (Troina), 4i.
Monte CILll8ino: forgeriea of Peter the Deacon,
10, 15; monb excluded from Sicily, 10, 67, 7i;
Sicili&D donation of Tertullua. 8-10, 67.
Morimond, 176.
Montevergin.e: Benedictine rule at. 117; colon-
ir.ea S John of the Hermita, 66, 71, 116, liS-i6,
180; monb in Refesio, 176.
Mount Athos, 70.
Mount Sion, Our Lady of (Jerul8lem), iSl-SS.
S Nicander (Me.uina), 42.
S Nicander (San Nicone), 41, 46n.
S Nicholas (Agrigento), 17i.
S Nicholas (Arena), 118, 120.
S Nicholas (Bari, Apulia), 117-28.
S u
Nicholas Cam>0 (Bisignano. Calabria), 140.
S Nicholas (Butana), 41, 42, 19ln.
u
S Nicholaa Caca, 19ln.
S Nicholas (Canneto), 41, In.
S Nicholaa (Canrata), 199.
S Nicholas (Caronia), 148.
u
S Nicholaa Ccutanea, 147.
S Nicholas (Comitini), 94, 98, lOS, 261, 170.
S Nicholas (Corleone), 187.
S Nicholas (Fico), 48.
S Nicholaa (Filocaatro), 60.
S Nicholas (Geraci), 84.
S Nicholas (Grati), 178.
S Nicholas (Gratteri), 206.
S Nicholas (Gurguro), 48, 140, 16'-86.
S Nicholas u lnaula, 172.
S Nicholas (Lampadia, Calabria), 117, iil, 218.
S Nicholaa (Malvicino), 192, 19S, 199.
S Nicholas de Regali (Mazara), 41, 48.
S Nicholaa (Militello), 147.
S Nicholu (Misilmeri), 170.
S Nicholaa u Lom.ba.rdia (Paterno). 48, 60, ns,
185, 186.
S Nicholu (Pellera), 48, 46n.
S Nicholas (Salter), 81, 94.
s Nicholas (Sciacca), 149, no, m.
s Nicholas (Sciara), 147.
S Nicholas u Alajico (Tortorici), H7.
S Nicholas (Valle, Calabria), 81, 94.
S Nicholas (Ysa), 48.
S Paneras (San Fratello), 48, 46.
S Pantaleon (Galli Rebalmat), 170.
S Pantaleon or S Savior (of the Preabyter Scho-
larios), 48, 70.
S Parasceve (Calabria), 80, M.
S Parasceve (San Marco), 147.
S Parasceve or S Venera (Sciara?), 147.
Patirion (Rossano. Calabria), 6h., 70, 71.
S Paul (Palermo), 160.
S Paul (Sciara), 147.
S Peter (Baiaa), 11, IS, iS.
S Peter (Castronuovo), 81, M, 149, 17S.
S Peter (Colleaano), 65n., 191, 197, 199.
S Peter (Deca), 48.
S Peter (Ficarra), 98, 98.
u
S Peter Impero, 170.
S Peter u Largo Flumiu, 48.
S Peter (Messuriachia), 147.
SPeter (Milazzo), 187, 19ln.
S Peter (Palermo), 186, 176.
S Peter (Petralia), 186.
S Peter (Prate Gangi), 206.
S Peter (Ruaca1D81'a), no.
S Peter (Tacina, Calabria), 117, m.
S Peter (Tavis), 217, Hl-IS.
S Peter (Vaccaria), 119, no, m.
SS Peter and Paul (Agro), 48, 44, 72.
SS Peter and Paul (ltala), 48.
S Philip, 6n.
S Philip (Ademo), lH, HO.
S Philip (Agira), SI, SS, 46n., 81, 81, 91, M.
110, 115, 214-!U.
S Philip (Capiui), 119, no, m, H6-ie.
S Philip (Fragali.), 28, 35, 86, 48, 146n., 148.
il4n., 215.
S Philip the Great (Meuina), 48, H4n.
S Philip (Mistretta), 191n.
S Philip of Pantano (Paterno), U, lH.
S Philip (Poliui), 197.
S Philip (Santa Lucia del Melo), 48, 46, 98, 99,
11fn., 246.
Praetorianum, H.
Royal Chapel (Palermo), 45, 60, 61, llS, 117,
1S9n.,W.
S Saba (Paleatine), 17.
 Index of Abbeya, Priori.ea, Churchea, and Hoapitala
Sambucina (Calabria), 56, 169, 181.
S Savior (Calanna, Calabria), U.in.
S Savior (Capizzi), 197, 199.
S Savior (Cerami), 41, Ht.
S Savior in LiflfU'J Plan (Measina), SSn., 40,
"8, 46-411, 10-11, 111, ns, 1S9n., 187n., 159.
S Savior, nunnery (Measina), 48,
S Savior (Mortello, Calabria), 1S9.
S Savior (Ni001ia), 118n.
S Savior (Palermo), 41, "8, 115.
S Savior (Patti), ~ S Bartholomew (Lipari) and
S Savior (Patti).
S Savior (Placo), 48.
S Savior or S Pantaleon (of the Preabyter Scho-
larioe), "8, 70.
S Savior and SS Peter and Paul (Cefali}), 87,
49,M,56,56,58,65,71,71,89,96, 157, 189-
tol.
H Sepulchre (Jeruaalem), 66n., lH, 175, 119-81,
161-61.
H Sepulchre (Meuina), 189, H9n.
S Silester (Monreale), 187, 188.
Sinai. Sl, S5n.
S Sophia (Vicari), 88. 90, 94, 101-0t, 150, 151,
m.
H Spirit (Brindiai), 189.
H Spirit (Buacemi), M, 151.
H Spirit (Caltaniuetta), 71, 198, tsl-81.
H Spirit (Palermo), 66, 67n., 71, 71, 168-71, 180,
1s1, 196, 11n.
S Stephan (Agrigento), IS, 171.
S Stephan tltJl Bo.oo (Calabria), 49, 56, 167, 179,
t6S, 171.
S Stephan (Cutronuovo), 41, 186, 175.
S Stephan (Meuina), "8.
8~1
S Stephan (Miatretta), 19ln.
Studion (Constantinople), relugeea in ltaly from,
17-18.
Tamwaih (Egypt), Mn.
S Theodore (Measina), 11.
S Theodore (Milauo), -4.S.
S Theodore (Militello), 148.
S Theodore (Mirto), 48.
S Theodore (Palermo), ll.
S Theodore (Sciacca), 171.
S 'fhomas Becket of Canterbury (Catania), 59,
115.
Todi, !W5.
H Trinity {&ri, Apulia), Sin.
H Trinity {La Cava, near Salerno), 40, 57, 60,
69, 71, 81n., 115n., 185-86, ln., l, 116.
H Trinity (Delia), S6-S7, 41, -4.S.
H Trinity (Focero), 94, 95.
H Trinity (Geraci), 81, 95.
H Trinity (Ligno, Calabria), 167, 179.
H Trinity of the Chancellor, or, the Mqione
(Palermo), 71, 71, 188, 180-81.
H Trinity (Refeaio), 55n., 171-77, 168, 171, 189,
as.
H Trinity {Venosa, Apulia), 48.
H Trinity and S Michael Archangel (Mileto,
Calabria), 48, 106n., 187n., 191, 194, t5S.
Vallombroea, W.
S Venera (Cammarata), 167.
S Venera (Tusa), 91, 119, t5S.
S Venera (Vanella), -4.S.
S Vitua (Etna), 11.
 INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES
Abdeluchate. 87, 94.
Abo Silih, the Armenian, Mn.
Achi ~f Vizzini, s7, ooo., 101, !US.
Aci, 65, 106, 107, US-H, 117; tu alao S Mary
of Carmel.
Adam, dooor, i18.
Adam of Anjou, W.
Adam of Cammarata. 267.
Adelaide. countesa-regeot of Sicily and queen of
Jerusalem, 154n., i-M; buried in S Savior's of
Patti, 88; donations to: S Anne's of Galath,
209, ilO, Lipari-Patti, 87, 950., 980., 249,
S Mary's of Ambuto, 155, S Mary's of Ma-
oiace, H5, S Mary's of Mount Carmel
(Palermo), 241, S Mary's de Scolia, 158, H
Spirit's of Caltanissetta, iSl; patronage of
Basilian abbeys, 42-45.
Adelasia, countess of Moliae, 154n.
Adelicia, countess of Adem~. dooations to: S
Agatha's of Catania, 660., lli, H0-21, S
Eliaa's of Adem~. 280, 261, Hospital of S Jobo
of Jerusalem, iS9, S Lucy's of Adem~. lH,
157-S. S Lucy'e of Syracuse. !WS, S Savior's
of CefalU. 65n., 157, 19i-9S, 198-99, iOl, H
Sepulchre at Jerusalem, 660., lH, 261, S
Stephan's del BOICO, 1670.; house in Palermo.
161n., i88; wife of Rainald Avenell, 870., lH,
155.
Adelicia, abbeas of S Mary Magdalene (Cor-
leone), 158.
Adeodata of Lilybaeum, 18.
Adem~. 107; 1u alao S Elias the Prophet. S Jobo,
S Lucy, S Pbilip.
Adoald of Calascibetta, 8i.
Adonis of Cormorio, royal justiciar, 282.
Adragnum, H4.
Adriano, 1u S Mary.
Adulani, 1u S Benedict.
Africa: arcbilectural inftuence on Sicily, S6-S'7;
Moslem immigratioo from, 80; Norman foot-
hold in, 44; refugees from, 7, 8, 20-il; refugees
in, 7, 8.
S Agatha, relica, 111.
S Agatha's gate, Palermo, 264.
Agatho, monk of S Hermas, Ho., 124n.
Agatho, bishop of Lipari. 79n.
Agatho, pope, H, iSo.
A.gira, 81, 81, i-M; IU aUo S Jobo the Baptist.
S Philip.
Agrigento: bishopric, 870., 89, 105n., 119, 151,
17Sn., 246, 268, 171, 175, 194; Greeks in, 15;
Saracens in, 59n.; 1u aUo S George, S Leonarcl.
S Margaret the Virgin, S Nicholas, S Stephan.
Agro, 1u SS Peter and Paul.
Aidone. 118; 1u allO S Mary.
Aimeric of Rochia, 151.
Alberic of Cavals, !US.
Albert. prior of S Mary (Robore Groll80), 111.
Albold, abbot of S Edmund (England), 510.
Alcber, archbishop of Palermo. S9n., 78.
AICWJB, 190.
Aleunder of Garres, 170.
Aleunder, abbot of S Mary (Ligno), 178.
Alex.ander lli, pope. 97, lH, 115, lSS-185, lSS.
H2, H6, 158-160, 190n., 19ln., 198, 196, 198.
205, HOo., ii5, 217, HDn., iSl, iSi, ts8, m.
Alexander IV, pope, 188n.
Alexander VI, pope, HS.
Alexander, abbot of H Spirit (Palermo), 170,
1780.
Alexandria (Egypt), Ho., 17, 19, iO, 17, Sl.
Alfanus, emissary of Roger 11 to S Bernard ol
Clairvaux, 16S.
Alfanus, prior of H Croas (Buccheri) and S Jobo
(Vinini), 101, 174, m.
S Alferius of Salema. 185.
Aloysa of Martirano. 161, i88.
Alphana. countess of Marsico. 152.
Altoplano, 1u S Mar,y.
Amatus, abbot of S Mary Jehosapbat. 61, 90, 91.
Amballut. 106.
Ambrose, abbot of Lipari-Patti, 60, 6S, 78-80,
88-88, 100, 106n., 144, 246-50.
Ambuto, 1ee S Mary.
Amelinus of Caetroouovo, 281.
Amelius, abbot of S Mary of the Latina (Jeru-
salem), 217, iiO, Hin.
Amellinus Gaetellinua, Si.
Anacletus n. antipope. 59, 89, 100, 111, 117,
16S, 189, iOl.
Anastasius IV, pope. tsS.
Andrew of Carmina. m.
SH
 lndex of Peraona and Placea
Anfwrus of Luci (or Petrano), 97, 266, 27S.
Angelus, archbishop of Bari, 1941.
Anna Basado1111&, 119, Ml.
Anaaldus, royal castellan, 129, 172-75, HD.
S Amelm, archbishop of Canterbury, 50, 58.
Amelm, abbot-bishop of Lipari-Patti, 98.
Amelm, prior of S Mary (Butera), 103.
Amelm, biahop of Mileto, m.
~. abbot-biahop of Catania, 418, 79, 80,
105-109, llS; donor, 110, 115, 117, 208-211,
118.
Antioch, 17, 20n., 27, SI.
Antiochia, abbess of S Mary de Scali.t (Messina),
156.
Antiochua, refugee Syrian monk, 17.
Antony, abbot of S Mary (Mili), 7ln.
Antony, Sicilian aacetic in Calabria. Sin.
Apulia, 51, 70; 1ee alao S Lawrence (Vermula),
H Trinity (Venoea).
Araldua of Modela, 268.
Araldus, monk of the H Sepulchre (Jerusalem),
ISO, 274, 284'.
Arcudiua Steletanus, W.
Arduin of Bagnara, biahop of Cefahl, 194, 195,
201.
.Argentios, martyr, SI.
Amald, biahop of Messina, 92, 98, 96, 99, iSS.
Ameriua of Terron, 24i8.
Amulf, donor, 186.
Amulf, patriarch of Jeruaalem, 207, 229.
Aachetillua, archdeacon of Catania, llS, 259.
Asinello, 1u S Leonard.
8 Athanaaiua of Catania, 7, 28n.
Attardus Caputasini, 18/J.
Aubert of Martirano, 161.
Augustus, bishop of Lipari, 79n.
Avena, 1u S Lawrence.
Avinellus, royal justiciar, 219.
Aychard, donor, 195.
Aymeriua, alleged bishop of Squillace, 227.
Aymo of Milazzo, 186, 275.
Bagnara (Calabria), 1ee S Mary.
Baida, 188.
Baldwin of Noto, 186, 278.
Baratathe, 1ee S Mary.
Bari (Apulia), 1u S Nicholas, H Trinity.
Bartholomew, son of Adlam Spiniac, 24i8.
Bartholomew, hishop of Agrigento, later arch-
bishop of Palermo, 188, Hl, 144, l/Jl, 161n.,
166, 178-77, M9, 288.
Bartholomew of Amalfi, !i!9S.
Bartholomew of Garres, 98, 108, 270.
Bartholomew of Genoa, priest, 98, !i!7S.
Bartholomew, chaplain of S Giles (Termini), 278.
S Bartholomew of Grottaferrata, S/J.
Bartholomew of Luci, count of Patemc}, 119,
182, 188.
Bartholomew, abbot of S Savior (Messina), 70.
Bartholomew of Moloc, 258.
Basil, son of Michael the Admiral, 115.
Basiliasa, widow of Nicholu Mantellus, 156, 282.
Battalario, 1S9, HO.
Benedict, royal chaplain, 45, 99.
Benedict, hishop of Cefalll, 201.
Benedict of Santa Lucia, 282.
S Benedict of Nursia, 8, 9.
Benedict XI, pope, 2Hn., !i!iOn., 224n.
Benedict, prior of S Stephan del Boaco, 167n.
Benincua, ahbot of H Trinity (La Cava), 18/J,
186, 148.
Berard or Bernard, prior of S Mary of the
Latins (Poli.ui), UIJ.
Berengar, ahbot of Venosa, 48.
Bergamo, 88n.
Bernard, ahbot-biahop of Catania, lH, !i!SO, Ml.
S Bemard of Clairvaux, 50, 56, 89, 150, 168, 164.
Bemard of Ocra, count of Butera, 119.
S Berthold, 242.
Billuchia, 129, 17S, 175, 177, 268
Bisacquino, HS.
Bisignano (Calabria). 1u S Nicholas de Campo.
Bitetto (Apulia), 1S7, 145.
Bivona (Calabria), 254.
Bivona (Sicily), M9.
Blandinus, 111, llS.
Blasius, prior of Caltavuturo, 198n.
Blasius, prior of S Lucy (Syracuse), 204.
Blasiw the Venerable, ahbot of the Patirion
(Rossano), 5b.
Boamund, son of John of Melfi, 274.
Bona, mother of Walter OOamil, 151.
Bonus, huilder of an ahhey, l!i!.
Bonus, 'prior Palatie,' 108, 115n.
Bonus-Johannes, prior ol S Mary (Robore
Grosso), 121.
Bordini, 129.
Bordonaro, 1u S Mary.
Boso, abhot-hishop of Cefalll, 96, 97, 151, 189n.,
195-98, 201.
Boso of Gorram, canon of S Savior (Cefalll),
195n.
Brienciw, daper (?), 246.
Brindisi, au H Spirit.
Brolo, aee S Angel.
Bruccardw lanen.ai.t mil11a, 271.
Bruccato, s~. 188.
Bruno of Clairvaux, 164n.
 LaJ.in M onaaticiam
S Bruno of Cologne, , Hn.
Buccheri, 170; .e. alao H Croas
Bula Mele, bid, m.
Bulchar, 187.
Bulichel, 157.
Busakemi, IS9n.
Buacemi, au H Spirit.
Butana, '" S Nicholu.
Butera, 96, 251; .e. alao S George, S Hippolytua,
SMary.
Cabria (Calabria}, 1ee S Mary.
Caccamo, 82, 17S; 1u al10 S Mary.
Cadema, 100.
Caeaariua, abbot ol S Peter (Baiu}, IS, U.
Calabria: Builian monka in, 25, 29-M, 70; bold-
inp of S Bartholomew (Lipari} in, 78, 80-81;
holdings of S Mary N""" (Monreale), 187,
lSIMO, H.S; linguistic divisiom, .Sin.; Nol'lll&ll
policy in, 61-62, 57, 60; northem monutic
immigrants, 47-62; 1u allo S Angel Camp,
S Angel (Mileto), S Eliaa, S Euphemia, S
Euplua, S Jobn (Reggio), S JuliaD (Rooca
Fallucca), S Mary (Bagnara}, S Mary
(Cabria), S Mary (Curatio), S Mary (Ligno},
S Mary (Macla}, S Mary of Jehosaphat (San
Mauro), S Mary of Glory (Mileto), S Mary
(La Torre), Matina, S Mauros (RossanoJ, S
Nicholas Campo (Biaignano), S Nicbolu
(Lampadia), S Nicholas (Valle), S Parasceve,
Patirion (Rossano}, S Peter (Tacina), Sam-
bucina, S Savior (Calanna). S Savior (Mor-
tello}, S Stephan del Boaco, H Trinity aod S
Michael Archangel (Mileto).
Calanna (Calabria), ne S Savior.
Calatabiano, 1u S Eunufrius.
Calatabiet, 1ee S Honufriua.
Calatahameth, 21S, 252; 1ee alao S Mary.
Calatrasi, 187, 188, 140-41, 1'5.
Calces, 188.
Cali, founder of nunnery, Si, 86.
Calixtua 11, pope, 19ln.
Calo, aee S James.
Caltabellotta, 268, 290; ne al.o S Hippolytua, S
Mary of l\lontevergine.
Caltagirone, 221, 271.
Caltanissetta, m S John, S Leo, H Spirit.
Caltavuturo, 190, 199; 1u al..o S Barbara.
Calteriua Peme, 270.
Cammarata, 201; 1u al10 S Mary, S Mary
Cacciapmmri, S Venera.
Campogrosso, 1u S Mary.
Canneto, 1ee S Nicholu.
Canrata, 1 S Nicholaa.
Capile, widow of Jobn Alif, ISO.
Capitulioa, 11, 12.
Capiui, 1u S Philip. S Savior.
Carbone (Lucania), .u S Eliu.
Cardia (Abruzzi), IU S Mary.
Carini, IU S Lawrence.
Caronia, 1u S Mary, S N'icbolu.
Carruba, 119.
Carrabula, 169, UIO.
Carthage, 17n., 20.
Caru.s, abbot-archbiahop of Monreale, 1'4, 1'5.
Casaari, 280.
Cut.anea, ne S Nicholu.
Castrogiovanni (Enna), 107, 108, US; ltJe alao
S Lazarus (Enna).
Castronuovo, 82, 2", lff; - alao S Mary, S
Mary of Bagnara, S Michael, S Peter, S
Stephan.
Catania: abbatial jurildiction over, '8. 115, 108,
117; archdiaconate, llS; bishopric, M, 55, 59,
79, 89, 105n., 107-08, 111-12, 116-17, 142, 1'9;
ch&rter to citif.ell8, ll.S; Greeb in, H; Pope
Gregory 1 and cloiater in, 11, 12; ~ re-
volt, 10.S; 118 olio S Apt.ha, S Cat.herine o(
Alaandria, S Chriatopber, S Thomaa ol Caa-
terbury.
Catherine, Sicilian aaoetic in Calabria, Sin.
La Cava, 1u H Trinity.
Celalu, 66, 190, 197; ne alao SS Coenw and
Damian, S Savior and SS Peter and Paul.
Celeetine m. pope, Mu., 125n., 17&., 179,
l&&n., 187, 188.
Centuripe, 107.
Ceprano, 286.
Cerami, u S S.vior.
Chandak Alkastani, tt5.
Charluurus, son of Achi of Vmini, 248.
Chriatodoulos, admira!, 41, '5.
Christopher, admiral, 249.
Christopher of Castello, m.
S Chriatopher of Colleaano, St, SSn.
Chriatopher, confeuor of William I, 186.
Chusun, 181.
Cicero, fugitive monk, Hn.
Clement IIl, pope, lSSn., Ht-'4, H6, H8, 185,
187, 198.
Clement V, pope, 16211.
Collesano, 82, 190, 197, 199; 1t1e al10 S Peter.
Columbanus, abbot of Cat.ania, 228.
Comicchi, l._..
Comitini, ne S Nicholu.
Comiz, 1ee S James.
Condo Petrus, 2".
Conon, pope, 22.
 lndez of Persona and Places
Conatance, wife of Roger of Tirone, 271.
Conatance, queen-regent of Sicily, empresa, 46,
54n., 115, 119, Hl, H5, 156, 171, 18Sn., 228,
W,289.
Constans 11, emperor, 24.
Conatantine, deacon, rector of papal propertiea,
26n.
Constantine, knight, 99.
Constantinople, SSn., 85, 111.
Constantinople, patriarch of, and churchea in
Sicily and Calabria, 26; relations with Roger I,
S-44; and atauropegic abbeya, 70.
Corain, abbot of Adrianople, U6.
Corleone, 187, 188, HO, 146, 178n.; '" ao S
Agnea, S Mary u Fluminaria, S Mary Mag-
dalene, S Nicholaa.
Coaenza, archbiahop of, 106.
Coamaa, Syrian merchant, ln.
Coamaa, tutor of S John of Damaacua, Un.
Curatio (Calabria), '" S Mary.
Cyprian, abbot of S Savior (Calabria), Hl.
Dalmatia. 118n.
Daniel, biahop of Cefali, 161, 195.
Daniel, companion of S Eliaa of Enna, 82.
Daniel, prior of S Mary (Bagnara), 186, 278.
Dauferus, or Dalferiua, abbot-biahop of Lipari-
Patti, 98, 100, 278.
David, preceptor of S Eliaa (Ademo), 280.
David, abbot of H Trinity (Mileto), 191, 258.
Deca, 1u S Peter.
Delia, 1u H Trinity.
Demena, 82; 1ee allO S Barbarus.
Donatua, abbot of S John of the Hermita, 129-81,
266.
Donua 1, pope, 18n.
Drogo, biahop of Squillace, 192.
Egypt, 17-20, Mn.
Eleazar, knight, 209, 210.
Eliaa, Sicilian aacetic in Calabria, SSn.
S Elias Speleota, 82.
Eliaa, biahop of Syracuae, 24.
Eliaa of Tiron, 218.
S Elias the Younger, of Enna, 81-82.
Eligiua, abbot of S Mary (Novara), 182.
Elizabeth of Champagne, ducheaa of Apulia, 168.
Elpidiua, biahop of Catania, Un.
Elrylbium, 129.
Embula, 1ee S Eliaa.
Emma, Countess of Montescaglioso, 120, lH.
England: Greek refugees in, Un.; 1u al10 S
Alban, S Edmund, S Frideawide (Oxford).
Enna (Castrogiovanni), 107, 108, 118; ao
s Lazarua.
Eolian lalanda, 77, 91, M; IU alio Lipari.
Eraamua, alleged abbot of S Philip (Agira), 215.
Eremburga, counteaa, second wife of Roger I.
Ermelina, alleged abbeaa of S Mary da Scalil
(Measina), 15, 155.
Eruscus, 1u Herviu.
Eugene, admiral, 97n., 259, 287n.
Eugene of Pariaio, 221.
Eugene m, pope, 96, 185, 19ln., 2lln.
Eulalius, biahop of Syracuse, 8.
Euphemius, militia commander, 29.
Eusebius of Syracuse, abbot, 25n.
Eutropius, cantor, 172n.
Facundinua, abbot of S Mary of the Latina
(Jerusalem), HOn.-222, 224, 228.
Facundus, abbot of S Mary of the Latina (Jeru-
salem), 221-228.
Facundua, prior of S Mary of the Latina (Jeru-
salem), 22ln.
Falco, royal chaplain, 82n.
Falco, prior of S Philip (Agira), 219, 220, 224,
258.
Fantasini, 1"4.n.
Fausomeli, 180.
Faustus, abbot of S Lucy (Syracuae), 24.
Ficarra, 1u S Michael, S Peter.
Fico, '" S Nicholaa.
Fidelia of Santa Lucia, 282.
Filiberta, donor, 160, 161.
Filocastro, 1ee S Nicholaa.
Fitalia, Si, M, 92, M, 95, U..
Fiumefreddo, au S John.
F1andrina, counteaa of Paterno, 118, 119, 257.
F1orence, wife of Robert of Milla, 250, 252.
Pocero (Sichro), 87, 88, 247; iee ao SS Coamaa
and Damian, S John, H Trinity.
FragalA, 40n.; 1u ao S Philip.
France, 1u S Amulf (Crpy-en-Valoia), Bec.
Chartreuse, Clairvaux, Cluny, S 2vroul-en-
Ouche, S Mary of Roc-Amadour, Morimond.
San Fratello, 1u S Paneras.
Frederick 11, emperor, 2n., 62, M, 78, 82n.,
92n., 98, Hl, 125n., 158n., 156, 16ln., 166,
167n., 174, 181, MO.
Fredeaenda, fint wife of Rainard Avenell, 87.
Fredeaenda, mother of Robert Guiacard, .S.
Fundeca, 201.
Futtasini, 158.
Gala, ' " S Mary.
 Latn M onast:imm
GaJatJi. U S Anne.
Galduiu. aon of Acbi o( Vuzin. UB.
Galgana.. wdow of William of Altavilla, 1.55.
Galli Bebalauat, au S Pantaleon.
Galfuta, 230, 2.56(?).
Gandulf. royal jllllticia.r, ii:On..
Ga.rdal.si, 175, i.68.
Gucdmus, 111.
Gebilinus, prior of t.be Hoepital of M.wina, 258..
Gedeeoeri. au S Angd..
S Gel&aiua L pope. 8.
Gentile. biBhop of A.grigento, 181, 167, 172, 268.
Geoffrey of Andevilla, prior of t.be Hospital of
Meisina, 258..
GeoBrey of Battalario, 189..
Geoffrey of Bouillon, 'llJ7, 2~. iSl.
Geoffrey Burrel. 6Sn.., 82, 84., 86, 98, 246.
Geoffrey of Ca-mpiniaco, Templac, W.
Georey of Cu&le Met. 282.
Geoffrey Francigen. Francw or Franr.e, 21811~
219n., 221.
Geoffrey of Leoce. count of Montescaglioso, !82.
Geoft'rey Ma1&terra. ~. 70, 105, 109, 116.
Geoffrey, aon of M&lechosa, W .
Geoffrey of .M:alet, 246.
Geoffrey of Mutinmo, 161, 279, 288.
Geoffrey, prior of S .M.a.ry's of Bagnara. 185.
GeofJrey, prior of S Muy (Sciacc&), 150.
Geoffrey Il, biahop of Messina, 210, 212.
Geoffrey, bi.shop of Mileu>, 108n., 154.
GeofJrey of Moac. lOOn.
Geoffrey Overi. W .
Geoffrey of Potou, abbot of S M.ary (Bagnara),
49.
Geoffrey, count of Ragua, 110.
Geoffrey Bidell. 185, 246.
Geoffrey of Sageio, 82.
Geoffrey Secre.tua, 45, 45, ll5.
George of Antioch, admira!., 42, 161, 100, 259.
George, 'archon of archowi,' donor, 95.
George, b.llhop of Catana, 25n.
George, vi.scount of Jato, 87.
George .Mabrie, W.
George .Manakea, 34n., 85n., 111, 145.
George of Mich.iquen, 282.
George, biBhop of Syraeuae, 24.
Geraci, 81, 82, 84, 87, 247; au S Nicholaa, H
Trinity.
Gerald of Lentini, 168-54, 202.
Gerald, prior of lhe Hospital at Messina, !89.
Gerard, !7icecomea of H Cro88 (Buccheri), 274.
Gerard the Frank, archit.ect.. 72.
Gerard, founder of the Knighu Hospitaler, 217,
286.
Gerard, hiabop of M,,.rna, 21.h.
Gerard, prior .o f S Sophia (Vicari), 102. 277.
s Ge.da.nd of Agrigento, 105n..
Gide1. aon o! Kaprioulos, 87.
Gilbert, castellan of Petzano. 267.
Gilduin, &bbot of s M.ary of Jebos&pbt. 207.
Gilbert, &bbot-bisbop of Lipari-Patti. 96, fl7,
100, 195, 2M.
Girbaldua, donor, lOS.
Gonata, - s Coanu.
Grati. - S Nichola.s.
fuatteri. 190, 194; U aUo S Eli&a, S ~
s lcouius, s Nicholu..
s Gregory, Whop of Agrigento, 15.
Gregory Decapolita. hermit, 29.
Gregory G1UID&du. prot.o5pat.haus, W.
s
Gregory, abbot of Philip (Fragali). 28n., se.
145.
s Gregory L t.be <mat. pope. 9, 10, n. 12. lS.
15, 17, iS, liS, 124, 202, 216.
S Gregory II. pope, 2ln.
S Gregory IlL pope. iSn.
S fuegory VII. pope. 78.
Gregory IX. pope, 2S2n..
Guameria. count.ess of Gerace, 170.
Guerneric of Avenell. 87.
Guido, bishop of Agrigento, 15h
Guido, bishop of CefalU. 198, 199, 200, i.01,
!WSn..
Guido of Finulleria. 249.
Guido of Giffene. 282.
Guido, notary of Boger II. 255.
Guido, priest, donor, li.O, 276.
Guimund, deaoon, ca.non of Vicari. 250.
Gunther, prior of Mount Sion, iSln.
Gurguro, au S Nicholaa.
Gypso, u S Gregory.
Hadrian, African abbot, Un.
Hadrian IV, pope, 54.n., 114, 208, 2lln., 220.
226,W.
al-J.liikim. kalif, 81 n.., 207, 216.
llares, au S George.
Harold, preceptor o S Elia.s (Ademo), iSl.
Harsa, Arsa, Arsha or Charsa. 190, 279, 281.
Heberat, castellan, ~S.
Henry Aristippus, archdeacon of Catana, 50,
113n.
Henry of Bubly or Bugli, lOS, 284, W, 251.
Henry, prince of Capua, l.W.
Henry VI, Emperor: capture o Messina. 185, of
Naso, 92n., of Palermo, 99; chart.ers and con-
6.rmations, 57, 68, 116, 119, 157, 180, 181, lSS,
212n., 217n., 228, 225, 2U, 228. W; m.arriage
 lndex of Persona and Placea
to Constance. 125n.; troopa bum Catania
cathedral, 1080.
Henry, crutoa of S Leo (PaDD&Chio), 120, 261.
Henry, count of Montegargano, U4.
Henry, biahop of Nicaatro, 154.
Henry, count of Paterno, 60, 68n., 88, 96, 101,
108, 118, 18.5, 209, 211, 280, 287.
Henry of Rodino, 252.
Henry of Ti.non, MS.
Heracliua, emperor, religioua persecutiona, 18-19,
20.
Herman of Ferrara, i87.
Hervetua of Terona, 259.
Herviaa, or Erucua, priorofS Leo(P&DD&Cbio), 120.
S Bilarion of Egypt. abbot. 7, 8.
S Hilary of ' Galaaso,' 8h.
Honoriua I, pope, 280.
Hubert, abbot of S Euphemia (Calabria), 154.
Rubert of Micia, U9.
Ruedmarram, 281.
Hugo, prior of S Agatha (Catania), 110.
Hugo of Creun, 87, U7.
Hugo Falcandua, 60, lH, 155, 166, 167, 17h.
Rugo of Lucca, 285.
Hugo, abbot of S Mary of Jehosaphat, 207, 209.
S Hugo, abbot of S Mary (Novara), 182.
Hugo, archbiahop of Meaaina, 89, 112, 155n.,
189n., 190.
Rugo of Messina, of S Eliaa (Ademo), 281, iM.
Hugo, archbiahop of Palermo, 181.
Hugo of Payos, 284.
Rugo, prior of S Philip (Agira), 220, 224.
Rugo of Pou:uoli, 247.
lbn Abi ~m al-Miarl, Mn.
lbn al-Athn-, 78.
lbn Djubair, 62.
lbn I;Iamdls, 84.
lbn ath-Thumnah, 106.
lbn Tilllln, Mn.
lmbert, abbot of H Trinity and S Michael
(Mileto), 228.
lnnocent II, pope, confirmationa, 205, 208, UO-
tl8, 288; and Roger 11, 56, 57, 89, lll, 112.
150, 168, 191, 194, 204.
Innocent 111, pope, 148, 150n., 289.
lnnocent IV, pope, i87.
Ireland, Egyptian refugeea in. Un.
Isaac, alleged biahop of Syracuae, 28n.
hola (Calabria), 40n.
hola delle Femmiae, 187.
ltala, 1u SS Peter and Paul.
Ivan. abbot-biahop of Catania, 51, lli-18, 117,
259.
S!l7
James, abbot of S Mary (Roccamadore), IS,,.
James, patriarch of Jeruaalem, 287n.
James, biahop of Taormiaa(?), 109, 110.
Jato, 187, lSS. 140, 145.
Jeremiah, abbot of S Mary (Licodia), 116, 121.
Jerome, biahop of Otranto, 104.
Jeruaalem, 207, 215, 222; 1u al.o S Laurua, S
Mary of the Latina, Mount Sioa, R Sepulchre.
Joachim of Flora. 170, 171.
Joanna of England, queen of Sicily, 115, 141.
Jobert of Gagliano, 221.
Jocelmus, abbot-biahop of Cefalu, 89, 186, 189,
191-195, 201, 255.
John of Agello, abbot-biahop of Catania, 51, 54,
114, 115, 117.
S John the Almoner, patriarch of Alexandria, 17.
John of Amalfi, abbot of S Leo's of P&DD&Cbio,
116-121.
John Arcabitusa, 251.
John IV, archbiahop of Bari, 198, 194.
John V, archbiahop of Bari, 114, 158, 198, 194,
282, 255.
John of Bitalba. 225.
John Boaacasa, 250.
John of Brucato, 192. 198.
John Butone, 285.
John of Capua. 278.
John, strategos of Castronuovo, 249.
John, bishop of CefalU. 198a., 201.
John of Collesano, 282.
S John of Damascus, 21, 28n.
John Dapifer, 2lln.
John. preceptor of S Eliaa (Ademo), 280.
John Gaidorophagan. 245.
S John 'of Gal&880,' 8h.
John, prior of S George (Gratteri), 206, 206.
John the German, prior of S Mary (Robore
Grosso), 51, 121.
John ltalua, 8.5.
John. Jacobite physician of Khuarau 11, 18.
John, abbot of S John of the Hermits, 126, 129-
1!11.
John Kalomeaua, royal chamberlain. 189.
John of Lamac, prior of S John of the Hermita,
129, llll.
John of Lentini, abbot of S Mary (Roccadia),
18h.
John, abbot-biahop of Lipari-Patti. Mn., 88-98,
96, 99-102, 154, 219, 250, 252, 258, 255, 260.
John. abbot of S Lucy (Syracuae), Un., iOin.
John. biahop of Malta, iSGn.
John of Melfi, 101, 272, 274.
John of Measina, 115.
John Moechua, 17.
8~8 Latin Mona8ticiam
Jolm of Monte Man.no, 186.
John, abbot of Mount Sion, ISln.
Job.o, biahop of Nikiu, 19n.
S John of Nuaco, 126.
John, chaplain of S Peter (Cutronuovo), ns.
John of Pici, 215.
John IV, pope, ISn.
John VII, pope. 15n.
John of Roccaforte. 218.
John of Sanctigerio, 271.
John of Sansa, 182.
Job.o, prior of S S.vior (Patti), SS.
Job.o, abbot of Teleae, 61n.
S John Teriata. SSn.
John the 'I'Ulcan. chaplain of Counteu Adelaide,
M9.
Jordan, baatard of Roger I, 78, MS(?).
Jordan Bonell, 151.
Jordan of Calatahaly, 179.
Jordan Lupinus, lord ol Tavia, 221.
S Joeeph the Hymnographer, 28n.
JUCUDdua, abbot of S John of the Hennit.s, 1741.
Judith of Grantmesnil, wife of Roger I, 1641.
Juliana, casale, 14141.
Julianus of Catania, 12-lS, 14in.
Juliet, countess of Sciacca. 1419.
Lachabuca, 14141.
Lampadia (Calabria), '" S Nicholaa.
Lando of Capua, 270.
Luvinus, prior of the Grande Chartreuae, 419.
Lueria, 101.
S Lawrence of Fruzan, 215.
Lawrence. biahop of Syracuae. 152, 202.
Lentini, IS, 110, 187n.; ,_ allo S Andrew, S
George, s Luaru.s (hospital).
Leo of Anastaaiua, 215.
Leo V, the Armenian. emperor, 28n.
Leo Caietanua, prior of S Mary'1 of Maaarino,
104i.
Leo II, biahop ol Catania, Un.
Leo Ceramedariua, 28S.
Leo III. the laaurian, emperor, 26, 28.
S Leo Luke ol Corleone. SS.
s Leo n. pope. n.
Leo of Ravenna, aUepd abbot-biahop of Ca-
tania, 116.
Leo 1 Tbaumaturge of Ravmna, biahop of Ca-
tania, 116n.
Lihrizzi. 88, 96.
Licata. 1u S Antony, S Jamea, S Mar:y.
Licodia. 1u S Maey.
Lieodia Eubea. 87, 101, MS.
Lino (Calabria), 178; - aho S Mary, H Trin-
ity.
Li.pari: biahopric. 56, 69, 65, 79, 80, 81, 96; eol-
onisation. 84i-85, 91; earl7 hermita. S. i8;,..
olio S Bartholomew.
'Lombanlia.' communit7, 60-61.
Lothair, emperor, 57.
Louia VII, king of France, 50.
Luci111111, pope, 12'7n., 205.
Luciua III, pope, 99, 116-117, 115n., lSSn., ISS.
14i2-414i, 146, 168, 206, 289.
Lucy of Cammarata. 198, 155.
Ludovicus, abbot of H Trinity of the Chancellor
(Palermo), 181.
Luke. 80D of Hanno of Milla, 250.
S Luke of Armento, Si, SS.
Luke. ' biahop of the immunitiea,' FrapQ. 4iOD.
S Luke Cualiua of Nicolia, abbot of S Pbilip
(Agira), 215.
Luke, abbot of S.mbucina. 171, !Sin.
Luke. archimandrite of S S.vior s Lillf1UI
PAari. 156, 166.
S Luke of Taormina, SSn.
Maalda. widow of Robert ol Cremona, ISO, ta.
Mabela, abbaa of S Euplua ( Calabria) and ol S
Mar:y Scal (Messina), 156, 282, 185.
s Macarius, 82.
Macheldia, abbaa ol S Euplua (Calabria), 15S.
IOi.
s
Macla (Calabria),,. Mary.
Madiua, aUepd biahop ol Strongoli (Calabria),
tt7.
Maio of Bari. admiral. Ul6, U17, 195.
al-Makln. 18.
Malet. 1u S Comtantine.
MaJgeriUI, caatellan, 17211.. 2641(?).
Mallimachi, IU S Mary.
Malveto, 179; ne olio S Anel.
Mal vicino, 1u S Nicholu.
Mandanice, IU S Mary.
MMeeca!chia. 102, 151.
Manlred, count of Paternb, 96, 108, 104i.
Manlred, king of Sicily. 98n., 17S.
Manlred of Sicla, 185.
Maniace, '" S Job.o, S Mar;y.
Maniakea, 1u George Maniakea.
Marcellua, monk, lln.
Margaret of Navarre. queen-re,ent ol Sil;y, U.
55, lH, ll5n., ISS. lSh., 14141-HS. 158, 151n
170, 265.
Marprit1111, admiral, 177.
Marinian1111 (Mart.iniaoua), abbot ol S Georp
ad Ser/.em (Palermo), lt.n.. 128. lM.
Mark. abbot of S Mary (Novara). 181.
 lndex of Persona and Placea
Marocta, abbesa of S Mary of the Cbancellor
(Palermo), 160.
Mana1a (Lilybaeum), IS; '" a110 S Mary di
Orolla.
Martn of Biaignano, 196.
Martin Curator, donor, 9.S, 268.
Martin (Marciua), monk al S John of the Her-
mita, ISI.
S Martn 1, pope, Un.
~.is, 67, 110. 111, ns. 269; ' " alio s
Andrew.
Matilda. oounlella, wife of Robert of Aucetum,
Mili, '" s Mary.
Matthew of Agello, royal chancellor, 64, lH,
lSi, 169, 160, 180, 181, !89, !69.
Matthew of Aversa, notary, !OO.
Matthew Bonell, 49, 1.S.S, 166, 167, 17211., 176n.,
!68, 294.
Matthew of Creun, i-67, 261.
Matthew, bishop of Mazara, lSSn.
Mauger, son of Count Roger 1, MG.
Mauritiua, abbot-biahop of Catania, 70, 110-112,
117, 209.
s Maurua, 9.
Maurua Blancabarba, 197.
Maurua, monk of S John of the Hermits, 181.
Muimian of Brindiai, !88.
Maximian. biahop of Syracuae, IS, M.
S Muimua Confessor, 17n., 20, iln., !S.
Mazara, !9, 8!, 87n., 89, 10.Sn., lSSn.; '" olio
S Mary da AUo or da Jummariil, S Michael,
S Nicholu da &,ali.
Mauarino, 261, !98; ' " allO S Mary.
S Melania the Younger, 7.
Melesendini, ' " S Catherine.
Melviaum, 86, IM, 96.
Mendola, '" S Lucy.
Meralme Meslaime, 180.
Meaeph, 61.
Meuina, 8, U., !9, SSn., 46, 77, 78, 9.S, 108, 17.S,
182, 209, !11; archbiahopric, 65, 69, 88, 89,
96, 97, 111, 112; '"olio S Aptha da Faro, S
Anne, S Clement, H Croa.s, S John the Bap-
tiat, S John of the Greeka, S Leo, S Mary of
Bethlehem, S Mary of the Latina, S Mary
Magdalene of Jehoaaphat, S Mary of M&1111a,
S Mary of Mount Sion, S Mary da Scalil, S
Matthew, S Michael, S Nicander, S Philip the
Great, S Savior (nunnery), S Savior in Li11(1U4
Phari, B Sepulchre, S Stephan, S Theodore.
Meauriachia, 1ee S Peter.
S Methodiua, patriarch of Conatantinople, 28n.
Metrophanes, ucetic, !9.
Mezelchal, 250, 252.
8!l9
Meaoiuao, H?'n.; - olio S Mary.
Michael, prior of S Leo (Pann&chio) . HO.
Michael, abbot of S Mary (Ligno), 178.
Michael the Syrian. 18, 19n.
Michael, llt.rategos of Thracesia. !7.
Michael Vemuel, HG.
Michiken. 280.
Mi,luzo, 86, H; - olio S Lucy, S Peter, S
Theodore.
Mileto (Calabria), .SI, .Sin., 78, 80, 81, 264; ,,,.
allo S Angel S Mary of Glory, B Trinity and
s Michael Archangel.
Militello, '" S Benedict. S Conatantine, S John,
S Mary, S Nicholaa, S Theodore.
Minr.elalbulkair, 4211.
Mirto, 87, 88, IM; '"olio S Theodore.
Miailmeri, 78n.; ' " olio S Nicholu.
Miatretta, 78, 190, 199; '"olio S Anaatuia, B
Innocenta, S Lucy, S Philip, S Stephan.
Moac. 1ee S George.
Momea.le, Mn.; '" al' S Mary Nuoea_ S Sil-
veater.
Monte Cacumina, MG.
Monteforte. ' " S Anne.
Monte Maggiore, 199; '"olio S Mary.
Monte Menaiduato, 87.
Monte Pellegrino, 12.Sn.
Moriella, abbesa of S Mary's da Scalil, lM, 156.
Muriel, countess of Syracuae, 109, 185.
MW1C&tua of Acri, lSSn.
Muatasta, 280.
Myzalbar, m.
Naso, 82, 84, 92, IM, 95, !M; - alao S Basil.
Neophytua Munnera. M.S.
Nicephorua l, emperor, 28.
S Nicephorua of Mileto, SSn.
S Nicephorua, abbot of S Philip (Agira), S!.
Nicephorua, alleged biahop of Troina, 21.S.
Nichita, visoount of Milazzo, MG.
Nicholu, son of Admira! Eugene, 259.
Nicholu Fersi, 180.
Nicholu Gantecaelle, W.
Nicholu Grafeos, 4i.
Nicholas Mantellus, 156, 28h.
Nicholas (Nicodemus), administrator of S Mary
da Scali.r, 166.
Nicholu, archbiahop of Messina, 97, 98, 188,
146, 147, 196, !!1, !28, !88.
Nicholu, prior of S Philip (Agira), Hl.
Nicholas II, pope, 47.
Nicodemus, archbiahop of Palermo, SS, S9, llOn.
Nicosia, 215; 1u allO S Savior.
880 Latin M onasticism
S Nilus, 84.
Nilus Doi:opatrius, 44.
Normandy, 85n.; growth of monastic life in, 47;
monastic migrations to Southern ltaly and
Sicily from., 47-5 l.
Noto, 11ee S Lucy.
Novara, 11u S Mary.
Oddo of Morin, 248.
Odo Scarpa, 288.
Odro de Sancto Polo, 246.
Ola Grafeos, 41, 42.
Oliveri, 86, 92, 93, 258; 11ee alllo S Elias, S John.
Olympia, donor, 100.
'Omar, edict of, S6n.
Ordericus Vitalis, 47, 50, 109.
Orestes, patriarch of Jerusalem, 3ln.
Ortusum., 256.
Osbern. abbot of S tvroul-en-Ouche, 47.
Osbert of S&gona, 288.
Osbert of Sorevera, viscount, 246.
Paganus, priest, donor, 199.
Paganus, prior of S Mary Jehosaphat, 210.
Paganus, son of Mayner, 272.
Palermo, 29, 81, SS, 51, 62, 77, 78n.; archbish-
opric, 87, 89, 105n., 152n.; church archltec-
ture, 86, 87; possessions of abbey of Monreale
in, 137, 139, 148; llU a/110 AIJ Saints, S Andrew
of Bebene, S Cataldus, S Eustachlus (chapel) ,
S George of the Kemonia, S George ad Sethrn,
S Bermas, S John at the Castello Mare, S
John of the Hermits, S John of the Lepers,
S John dei Napolitani , S Martn, S Mary, S
Mary of the Admira!, S Mary de Crypta, S
Mary of the Latins (or of the Chancellor), S
Mary M arturana. S Mary of Mount Carmel,
S Mary of Mount Sion, S Mary della Speranza,
S Paul (chapel), S Peter, Royal Chapel, S
Savior, H Spirit, S Theodore, B Trinity of
the Chancellor.
Pale.tine: Arab conquest, 19; monastic relations
with Sicily and ltaly, 20, 81, 50n., 51, 68-69,
78, 205, ~. 229-4-0; Sassanid invaaion. 17;
1ee alllo S Lamrt18 (Jerusalem), S Mary of
J eho.aphat, S M.ary of the Latina (Jerusalem),
Mount Son (Jerusalem), S Saba, B Sepulchre
{Jeruaalem), Sinai.
Panagia, 82, 94, 95.
Pannach.o, 1ee S Leo.
Pantellaria, 2J n.
Partinioo, 1ee S Cataldu.e, S James.
PuchJ.l JI, pope. 19 Ln., 202, 208, 212n., 218,
i l 7, 281, 286.
Paachal of Santa Lucia, 282.
Paterno, 107, 261, 276; 11ee alllo S Marina, s
Mark, S Mary of Jehosaphat, S Nichola.s u
Lombardill, S Phllip of Pantano.
Patrisanto, 11ee S Mary.
Patti: colonists and villains 60, 80n., 82, 84-85,
90, 91 ; 11ee al110 S Bartholomew (Lipari).
Paul, abbot of S Mary (Novara), 182.
S Paul 1, pope, Un.
Paulinus, bishop of Taurianum., 11.
Pedali, llU s Mary.
Pelagius, heretic, 7, 8.
Pelagius 1, pope, Un.
Pelagius Il, pope, l ln.
Pellera, 11ee S Nicholas.
Pentargium., 285.
Peregrinus, bishop of Lipari, 79n.
Peregrinus, prior of S Mary (Adriano), 152n.
Peregrinus, bishop of Messina, 79n.
Petelmon, 121.
Peter, prior of S Andrew (Piazza Armerina),
280, 274.
Peter, prior of S Bartholomew (Lipari), 88.
Peter of Blois, 114, 145.
Peter, archbishop of Brindisi, 189.
Peter of Caltavuturo, prior of S Savior (Cefal6),
198.
Peter the Deacon, 10, 25, 57n.
Peter the German, abbot of Bellus Mons, 176n.
Peter Gudel, 225.
Peter, Bospitaler, 95, 286.
Peter lndulfus, 189.
Peter of Lentini, 259.
Peter, abbot of S Leo (Pannachlo), S Mary
(Licodia), and S N icholas (Arena) , 119, 120.
Peter, abbot-bishop of Lipari Patti, 97-108, 266,
270, 271.
Peter, cellarer of S Mary (Bagnara), 195n.
Peter, abbot of S Mary of the Latins (Jeru-
salem), 219, 220, 222n., 224.
Peter, abbot of S Mary (Ligno), 179.
Peter, prior of S Mary (Ustica), 152n.
Peter, archbishop of Palermo, 82, 90, 111.
Peter, papal rector, 12n.
Peter, prior of B Sepulchre (Jerusalem), 229.
Peter of Tolosa, 197.
Peter the Venerable, abbot of Cluny, 56, 107,
150.
Petralia, 11u S Michael Archangel, S Peter.
Petrano, 11u S Michael.
Phax Emeri, 130.
Philadelphus, abbot of S Mary (Mandanici),
1450.
S Phllaret, S4n., 85.
 lndez of Persona and P'zces 881
Pbilaret, monk of Palermo, 81. Ranulf of Baocis, 247.
S Philip of Agira. cuale, 119. Rapaldus, notary, donor, un.
Philip, flamiger, 249. Raaacamara, 1ee S Peter.
Philip of Rocca. 282. Raaacambri, 1ee H Croaa.
Philip, strategoa of the Val Demone, 88n. Raul Bunturn, NS.
Philippa, widow of Robert of Vizzini, H8. Ravenna, 17, H.
Photius. patriarch of Conatantinople, 29. Refeaio, 129, 166, 268; 1ee alao H Trinity.
Piazza Armerina, aee S Andrew. Reggio, 8, 82; '" alto S John.
Pinianus, 7, 8n. Reginald, chaplain of Roger I, 146.
Placa, au S Savior. Rendicella, 144.
S Placidus, 8-10. Revenosa, i69, t72; 1ee alto S Mary.
Pliero, 259. Ribaldus, abbot of S Mary of the Latina (Jeru-
Polizzi, 167n., 190, 199, 289; '" alao S Dominica, salem), non.
S Mary of the Latina, S Philip. Richard, oount of Agello, 181.
Polla, 190n., 198. Richard Bonell, 82.
Pollina, 97, 190. Richard of Broglio, 269.
Prate Gangi. '" S Peter. Richard of Bubly, IOS, 261.
Privatus, abbot, lb. Richard of Capua, donor, 100, 266.
Priszi, 1ee S Angel, S Chriatopher. Richard of Garres, t70.
Proeinakioa, hermit, SSn. Richard, kaid, royal chamberlain. 102. m.
Richard of Martirano. t79.
Quercia, 66n., 181. Richard, abbot of S Mary of the Latina (Jeru-
aalem), 217n., HOn., 22h.
Rablis, 94. Richard of Mont Cenia, 247.
Raboan of Caccabo, !78. Richard Paganellus, 247.
Rachalbuto, i19n. Richard Palmer, bis~op of Syracuse. arcbbishop
Radulf of Beauvais, 249. of Messina, 99, 181, 188, 228.
Radulf Maccabeus of Montescaglioao, 154, i61. Richard of Sperling, 294.
Radulf of Novevilla, 250. Richilda (Rachilda), abbess of S Mary ti.e Scal,
Radulf of Seminara, 250. 158, 155.
Rafred of Naso, 247. Robert Arpion, 249.
Ragusa, 110; '" alao S Mary. Robert of Aucetum. 82. 244.
Rahalbarois, 185. Robert Avenell, 249.
Rahalbiato, '" S Lucy, S Mary. Robert of Averi, 251.
Rahalhammut, m. Robert of Bell@me, 1 Hn.
Rahalnichola, i69. Robert of Bruccato, 82.
Rahaltavil, 257. Robert 111, abbot-biahop of Catania, IOS, 115-
Rahalzucliar, SS. Mn, 95. 117, 218, Hl.
Raimund, prior of S Mary (Bagnara), 188. Robert Claricie, 270.
Rainald, bishop of Agrigento, 174. Robert of Colleaano, donor, 200.
Rainald, aon of Arnald, donor, 260. Robert of Cremona, donor, 280, i62, 268.
Rainald Avenell, count, 87, 112. 155. Robert of Cricklade, prior of S Frideawide (Ox-
Rainald, arcbbishop of Bari, m. ford), 50.
Rainald, bishop of Biaignano, 189, Hin. Robert of San Giovanni, manager of churches
Rainald of Moac, count of Ariano, 156, 181. of Colleaano and Polizsi, 197, 199.
Rainald, abbot of Mount Sion (Jerusalem), Robert of Grantmeanil, abbot of S ivroul-en-
iSln. Ouche, 47, 48, 107, 109.
Rainald of Tiron, 218. Robert Guiscard, dulce of Apulia, SS, 44, 105,
Rainald of Tusa, royal justiciar, 88, 96, 102. 151, llSn.; donor, 41, 42. 48, 77, 78, 217.
195. Robert of Malcovenant, 14Sn.
Ramelia, 4h. Robert Mandaguerra, 99, 244n., 245.
Rametta, 29, 84. Robert, bishop of Meaaina-Troina, 40n., 81-84,
Randazzo, 85. 86, 92. 98, 105n., 158, 154, 244, 247.
Rannell of Melfi, i68. Robert 111, archbishop of Meaaina, 96, 195.
SS!l Latin M onasticism
Robert of Milia, 88, 94n., 102, 260, 262.
Robert, abbot of Montevergine, un.
Robert of San Giuliano, 261.
Robert, son of Schiao, donor, 226n.
Robert of Sperling, 266.
Robert, son of Tancred, count of Syracuae. 186.
Robert, bishop of Troina, aee Robert, bishop of
Messina-Troina.
Robert of Venosa, prior of S Sophia (Vicari), 102,
262.
Robert of Vizzini, HS.
Roboan, bishop of Anglona, 189.
Robore Grosso, 1ee S Mary.
Rocca Asini, 190.
Rocca of Barnavilla, 8ln.
Rocca Fallucca (Calabria), aee S Julian.
Roccadia, 11ee S Mary.
Roccis, mandra, 118.
Rocella, aee S John, S Julian.
Roger, duke of Apulia, son of Roger II, 114n.,
16S, 205.
Roger, duke of Apulia, son of William 1, 144.
Roger of Aquila, count of Avellino, 154, 155,
288, 289.
Roger of Barnavilla, 81, 95.
Roger, son of Bonus, 259.
Roger Borsa, duke of Apulia, 78n., 8ln., 106n.
Roger Burdon, 248, 282.
Roger Busnalla (Buxellus), royal justiciar, 200,
221.
Roger, abbot-bishop of Catania, 116, 117, 122n.
Roger, archdeacon of Catania, 114.
Roger Hamut or Achmet, royal justiciar, 201,
2SS, 281, 282.
Roger, prior of S Lucy (Syracuse), 204.
Roger Marchiaus, 82.
Roger of Pappavilla, 88.
Roger of Sardaville, 82.
Roger 1, count of Sicily: assumption of spiritual
authority, 89-40; conquests, S5, 88, 77, 105;
foundations and endowments, (S Agatha of
Catania), 48, 68, 65, 80, 105-06, 109, 110, llS,
JJ7, (H Croa of Caltanissetta), 281, 282,
fl.ipa~Patti) , 68, 78-88, 86, 92, 95n., 96,
U41J,, W, (others), 49, 145, 158, 155, 184,
JM, HHn., 21 8, 216; founds Nicosia, 215;
~ f.t> Ach of Vzzin, 87; and patriarch of
' ,;J9MfM1f rn<Jplf:, 48--U; patronage of Greek
_,,.......,~ ( Jl(>l<-yJ, fJfJn., 48-44; patronage of
l.11,,.,, NW'HrMf~ (polcy), 41-4.5, 62, 68, 56,
~. !\A f;,f,11;, 11 fl'fJ<l'fVilic lcgation), 4S, 44,
~ , llf/, IM
/1.-,,,., H. !'f.( 1A ~ ly: rul Anoc>Jetus II, 89,
,,,.1~. ,:11r P'~'1111a tA (;Juny, 66; 8 Bernard
of Clairvaux. 168, 164; Cistercians, 50, 66,
lM-66; confirmations, 86n., 186, 216, 217, 218,
219, 224 (to Lipari-Patti, 1184), 61, 68n., 77,
86n., 98-95, 101-08, 216; and Eugene ID, 97;
ei::emptions and reliefs, 67, 68, 211, 212, 218;
foundations and donations, (Cefahi) 54, 65,
67, 186, 189, 190, 194, 200, 201, 258, (S John
of the Hermits), 56, 67, 128, 126-28, ISO, 186,
(Knights Hospitaler), 68, 286-87, (S Mary
Magdalene of Jehosaphat of Messina), 208,
211-18, (others), 60., 45, 60, 67, 88, 110, 118,
166, 158, IM-66, 182n., 268; and lnnocent II,
89, 112, 160, 168, 191, 194, 204; judicial de-
ci.sions, 89, 90, 92, 98, 268; Marturana mosaic
of, 127n.; monastic policy and patronage, 48,
44, 68, 62, 64, 159; and Monte Cassino, 10, 57;
Nilus Doxopalrius, 44; Peter the Venerable,
150; Saracens, 78; S W'tlliam of Vercelli, l!U-
26.
Roger, bishop of Syracuae. 105n., 185, 202.
Roger of Tirone, royal justiciar, 101, 270, 274.
Roger of Usvilla, 270.
Rome, 7, 14n., 17, 18n., 20, 21, 27, 28, Si, SS;
aee alao S Andrew on the Coelian. S Mary
Antiqua.
Romuald Guarna, archbishop of Salemo, 78n
162n.
S Rosalia of Palermo, 125.
Rosemannus, archbishop of Benevento, 208, 204
Rospila, wood, 99.
Rossano (Calabria), aee S Maurus, Patirio11
Rudolf of Belbaco, 185.
Rufinianus, hermit, 8.
Rufinus of Aquileia, 8.
Rusticus, royal justiciar, 181.
Ruveto, 119, 120, 18Sn.
s Saba, 82.
Sabha, abbot, 115.
Sabrantha, 21.
Sabuchi, 66n., 181; aee ao S Mary.
Sagittario (Baslicata), aee S Mary.
Salatiel, prior of S George (Gratteri), 206.
Salomon, son of Guigo, 245.
Salter, 1ee S Nicholas.
Samson of Palermo, 282.
Sankegi, 280.
San Calogero, 220.
San Felice (Calabria), 161, 162.
San Filadelfo, ee S Bartholomew.
San Leonardo, 248.
San Marco, 78; u a/., S Barba.rus, S Felix.
S Mary, S Parasceve.
San Mauro (Calabria), N.e 8 Muy of Jehosapbat..
 1ndex of Persona and Places 888
San Nicone, 1u S Nicander. Squillace, 5h.
San Pantaleone (Calabria), 178. S Stepban, of Comtantinople, 17.
San Salvatore, 82, M. Stephan, hermit, H, 45 .
Sanson of Avenell, 87. Stephan, abbot-biahop of Lipari-Patti. Din., 97-
Sao.son, prior of Cat.ania, 115n. 102, 277, 288.
Sant' Anastasia, 107, 176. Stephan Malcovenant, W.
Santa Lucia, caa&le, 84, 246. Stephan, prior of S Mary of Jehoaaphat (Pa-
Santa Lucia del Melo, "" S Philip. terno), 208-09, 286n.
S.ytaymon of Castrogiovanni, donor, 288. Stephan of Perche, archbiahop of Palermo, royal
Scala, 88n., 260; 1u olio S Mary. chancellor, 60, IH, 129, 159n., 17h., 165.
Scarpello, 219n., HO, Hl, HS. Stephen IV (III), pope, 28n.
Scholarios, presbyter, '3. Stephan of Rouen, bishop ol Masara, 10.Sn., 110,
Sciacca, SI, 158, 218, 269, 172; au alao S Caloger, 218.
S X..wrence, S Mary de Jummariia, S Nicho- Stilo (Calabria), 81.
laa, S Theodore. Sutera, '"" S Mary of Carmel.
Sciara, 1u S Leo, S Nicholaa, S Paul (h01Pital). Syrac111e, 8, 11, 11. 14, 29, Sln., 84, 105n., H4,
Scicli, au S Lawrence, S Mary of Carmel. 152; au alao S John the Evangelist, S Lucy,
Scillutani, 178. S Mary de Monialibua.
Sclafani, 190. Syria: Arab invasion, 19; Cistercian refugees
Sc:ordia, 284. from. 55n., 166, 176, 289, 198; Monophysites.
Sebald of Capizzi, 182. 17-18; Nestoriana in Rome from, 14n.; Per-
Sebi (Sibeti), 129, 178, 175, 177, 268, 290. sian invuions, 17-18; Saladin in, 166, 176, 177,
Sehet Butahib, 181. 221; ""' alao Bell111 Mona, S Mary Magdalene
Senure, 144. (Tripoli).
s Sergi111 1, pope, H. 28.
Serlo, prior of Catania. 247. Tacina (Calabria), 1ee S Peter.
Sibeti, '"" Sebi. Tafura, daughter of Roger of Tirone, 171.
Sibil of Acerra, queen of Sicily, 161, 162, 288. Tancred of Hauteville, 48.
Sibil of Garres, 98, 108, 170. Tancred of Petra Perfecta, 181.
Sibil, wife of William Bonell, 255. Tancred. king of Sicily, 58, 99, 144, 201, 202,
Sichro (Focero), 87, 88, 247; au alao SS Coemaa 205, 206.
and Damian, S John, H Trinity. Tancred. count of Syracuae, 66n., 109, 184, 202.
Silveria, abbess of S Mary Martv.rana (Palermo), Tancred. prinoe of Taranto, IMn.
161, 162. Tancred. son of William Bonell, 255.
Silvester, count of Maraico, 226. Taormina, 11, 29, SO, 82, 108; aee al10 S Ausen-
Simeto, 1ee S Mary by the Wadi M111&. ti111, S Christopher.
Simon, abbot-bi.shop of Catania, 116, 117. Taranto, archbiahop of, 106.
Simon, count, nephew of Roger II, IH. Tavis, aee S Peter.
Simon, 'fili111 ducis,' donor, 218, 2H. Termini Imereae, 82, 87, 90, 97n., 249, 267; aee
Simon of Garres, royal j111ticiar, 98. alao S Giles.
Simon, son of George the Admira!. 159. Terrusium, 1'811.
Simon, abbot of S John of the Hermits, ISO. Tertull111, patrician, ~10, 57.
Simon, count of Montegargano, IH. Theobald. prior of Crpy-en-Valois, 50.
Simon, count of Paterno, Bulera and Policastro, Theobald, abbot of S Mary N'UQfKJ (Monreale),
65, 96, 101, 108, lH, 118, 119, Hl, 121, 119n., 186, 188, HO, 141, 145, 146, 158.
280, 287. Theocrit111 .M&irosini of Chioggia, 161.
Simon, royal seneachal, donor, 21 ln., MI. Theodora. counteas of Gravina, ISSn.
Simon, count of Sicily and Calabria, 247. Theodore of Antioch, 48.
S Simon of Trier, M-85. Theodore, biahop of Catania, l.sn.
Sixt111 V, pope, 9. Theodore of Cilicia, monk, 21n.
Soibrand, abbot of S Mary of the X..tim (Jeru- Theodore, son of Leo Ceramedari111, 288.
salem), 219, 25S. Theodore I, pope, 28n., M.
Solaria, 91. Theodore, Sicilian -=etic in Calabria, Sh.
Sophronius, patriarch of Jerwialem. 19. S Theodore the Studite, 18.
884 LaJ,in M anasticiam
Theodosius of Syracuse. monk, 29, Sin.
TheodotUB, nepbew of Drungarus, W.
Theopbanes, monk, 28.
Theopbanes, abbot of S Peter (Baiae), patriarcb
of Antioch, 28.
Theosterictos, abbot of SS Peter and Paul
(Agro), 71.
Thomu, archbishop of Reggio, 189.
S Thomu Becket, arcbbishop of Canterbury,
115n.
Thomu Brown, t59n.
Thomu, strategos of Lipari. 284.
Thomuia, countess of Paterno, Hl.
Thuringia, !In.
Timothy, abbot of S Mary (Maniace), 146-HS.
T'mdaris, ancient aee of, 80.
Tonna., 81.
La Torre (Calabria), 1ee S Mary.
Torretta, Hl.
Tortorice, 1ee S Nicholas de Alajico.
Tremestieri, 1ee S Mary of Roccamadore.
Triocala, Sin.; 1ee alao S George.
Trpoli (Syria), ton.
Troina, 88, 107, 244; 1ee olio S Basil, S Mercury,
S Michael.
Tusa, 88, 190, !50, t5S; IU alfO S Mary, S
Venera.
TUilan, bishop of Mazara, 188, 141, 160.
Ugutio of Caltagirone, 101.
Ula, abbeas of S Lucy (Ademo). 168.
Ullic, spring, 4h.
Urban 11, pope. S9, 40, 48, 44, 49, 59n., 79, 81,
SS, 105n., 106, 107, 111, Hh., 19ln., 281.
UrbiCUB, abbot of S Hermu, lh., IS, 128, 124.
Ursa, bishop of Agrigento, 189n., 150n., 16h..
174.
Ustica, 1ee S Mary.
Vaccaria, 1u S Peter.
Val Demone, 29, 80, 86-88, 77, 95.
Val di Mazara, 29, 80, 86-88.
Val di Noto, 29, 80, 88.
Valle (Calabria), 1u S Nicholas.
Valverde, 1ee S Mary.
Vanella, 1ee S Venera.
Venosa (Apulia}, 1u H Trinity.
Vermula (Apulia), 1u S Lawrence.
Vicari, !79; 1ee alao S Mary, S Sopbia.
Villanova (Refesio), 17!, 178, 177, !69, 290.
S Vitalian, pope, lln., 26.
S Vitalis of Castronuovo, 8!-88.
Vitalis., oiceoomu of Sibil of Garres, !70.
Vizzini, S; 1u alao S John.
Walter of BellUB Mon1, preceptor of H Trinity
(Refesio), 177, 289.
Walter Forestal, 168n.
Walter of Garres, H, 261.
Walter, abbot of S Lawrence (A versa}, W.
Walter of Luc, 267.
Walter of Moac, 171.
Walter I, arcbbi.shop of Palermo, 186.
Walter 11 Offamil, archbisbop of Palermo, lSt,
184, 188, 141, 144, 151, 168-160, 168, 169, 178,
181, 186, 196, tl8n., !69.
Warin, monk of S Alban (England), Sin.
Warin Cambiator, t77n.
Warin of Cava, !71.
Warin, son of Count Robert of Aucetum, ut.
William of Altavilla, IM.
William Arcbinus, U6.
William of Aucetum, ut.
William, duke of Apulia, 78n.
William of Blois, abbot of Malina, 50, M, 109n.,
114, 117, 145, 146.
William Bonell, 100, W.
William of Bubly, 108, 261.
William of Buxeria, 260.
William of Cammarata, 196.
William Caniserius, 168.
William of Creun, Sin.
William, abbot of S Eupbemia (Calabria). 50,
106.
William Golias, 281.
William fitz lngram, abbot of H Trinity and S
Michael (Mileto), 48, 50n.
William, patriarcb of Jerusalem, Hin., 268.
William, abbot of S John of the Hermits, 180.
William Malet, W.
William Maloseporarius, 81.
William, cbaplain of S Mark, 177.
William, count of Manico, 151, ttl, m.
William, bi.shop of Messina-Troina, IM, lMa.,
110, tlln.
William, abbot-archbishop of Monreale, 1S7n.,
H0-145.
William 11, duke of Normaady, fi7.
William of S Paul, Templar, 285.
William Plaxati, 128.
William, son of Raon, donor, tto.
William, arcbbishop of Reggio, IMn.
William RbegenUB, 288.
William, de Rin, of S Elias (Adem), tsl, tM.
Wdliam 1, king of Sicily, fiS, Mn., llfin., lSS,
196; burial place, 97; confi.rmation1, 96, 101,
166; and conspiracy of 1161, IM, 17!n.; doaa-
tiom and foundation1, 58, 119, 119-lSl, I05,
!OS, 126.
 lndex of Persona and Places
William Il, king of Sicily, 50, 99, 148. 171, 177,
178; burial. H4; coufirmatiom. lHn., 118.
119, 167n., 179, 186, 208, 111, 111, H6n., IS'T,
175; and S Jolm of the Hermits, 66n., 119,
178-175, 165; and Mon.reale, 57, 59, 66, 67,
87n., 116, 18i-44, 158, 159, 178n., tton.; and
H Spirit of Palermo, 66, 168-170; other dona-
tiom, 58, 189D., 151, 156, 197, 198, 168; ex-
emptioll8 and reliefa. 68. 68. 98, Hl, tu. m;
IDAl'riage, 115, Hl.
William 111, king of Sicily, 58, 65, 161, 161, 188.
William, biahop of Syracuae, 154, 185, IOS.
885
William, prin.ce of Taranto, lUn.
William, abbot of H Trin.ity (Refesio), 177, 189.
William of Tropea, H6, ti8n.
William Turcus, 185.
William Valerius, royal justiciar, tl9.
S William of Vercelli, abbot of Montevergine,
56, 109n., lff-116, 175D.
William. of Vetrona, m .
Yaa. ua S Nicholu.
S 1.osimus, biahop of Syracuae, 15n., tsn., 14.
 INDEX OF SUBJECTS
Architecture: Basilian church architecture, 86-
87; Desiderian basilica o Monte Cassino, 72;
Nonnan church architecture: origins and in-
fluences, 7I-72, remains, 7I-72, (S Agatha o
Cataoia), 71, 108-09, 116, 117, (S Bartholo-
mew o Lipari), 99, (cathedral o Ceahl), 20I,
(S Mary o the Chancellor, Palermo), I6I, (S
Mary NUOfJa o Monreale), S7, 71, 72, lSi-SS,
(H Trinity o the Chancellor, the Magione,
Palermo), 71, 72, ISS, I80; Norman domestic
architecture: remains in Palermo, I6In.; South
Syrian church architecture in West, 20n.
Art: Alexandrian artists in Rome, 20n.; rescoes
in S Mary Antiqua (Rome), 20n., Un.; Mo-
saica in S Mary NUOfJa (Mooreale), I I5n., in
S Mary o the Admira!, the Marturaoa (Pa-
lermo), I27n., I6In., in S Savior and SS Peter
and Paul (Ceralu), I89n., 201.
Augustioian canoas in Calabria and Sicily, 46,
54, I84-206, 229-SS, (Palestioian houses) 229-
SS; 1u alao S Mary (Bagoara).
Basilian monasteries: 'Benedictinization' o,
52o., 69-70; in Calabria and Apulia, 5I-52, 70;
cultural contributioos, 70-7I; in Sicily in early
Byzantine period, I6-26, in late Byzantine
period, 27-29, uoder Moslems, 29-87, 70, uo-
der Normaos, SO, 88-46, 51, 5S.
Benedictines, in Calabria, 49; in Sicily, IS, 24,
25, 48, 46, 54, 77-I62, 207-28, US, (nuoneries),
15s-62, (Palestioian houses), 207-28.
Carmelites, alleged possessions in Sicily, !WI-42.
Carthusiaos, in Calabria, 49; aee alao S Ste-
phan del Boaco.
Cisterciaos, in Calabria, 46n., 49, 50, I6s-65,
I78-79; in Sicily, 55, I6S-77, IS0-88.
Donatioos and possessioos: altar vessels, 228;
cistem, 118; hospices, I82, I95; houses, 95,
96, 97, IOS, 128, I75, I81, I82, I92; land,
(Byzantine policy), 62, 69-70, (Norman pol-
icy), 62-65, (Saracen policy), S5-S6, 1u par-
ticular abbey1 for holding1 ; leavings o the
table, 21S; livestock, lOS, 156, 161, 19S; milis,
69, 87, 98, 99, 101, IOS, 110, 112-13, 118, 119,
120, I21, I29, IS7, 175, 177, I88n., I86, 196,
201, 206, 211, 21S, 220n., 280, 282, 289, 259,
(sugar mili), 1S7; orchard, 285; oven, 192;
SS6
pond, 121; shops, I81;vineyards,87, IOO, IOI,
I02, IOS, I08, 110, 118, 119, ISO, 187, IS9, 15S,
18I, I95, 211, 2IS, 223, 2SI, 285n.; warehouse,
196; wine-cellar, 182; WoOO, 2IS; IU aUo
Revenues and charges, Rights and privileges,
Serls and villains, Teoants and colooists.
Exemptions, from military service Cor lands, 68,
64, 65, 85, 98, 99, llio., llS, 118, 119, 128,
187, I6I, I62, I94, 210, 280; rom sales taxes
and tolls on monastic produce, 66-69, 9S, 111,
II9, I21, I28, 187, I40, 170, I85, I87, 190, 195,
223, 227, 228; au alao Feudal obligatioos and
services, Revenues and charges, Rights and
privileges.
Feudal obligations and services: military, 68,
64n., 85, 98, 119, I28, 1S7; Norman policy
toward monastic lands, 62-65; recognizances,
6S, 64, 106, 128, 1S7, 147, 148, 159, 188; IU
alao Exemptioos, Reveoues and charges,
Rights and privileges, Teoants and colooists.
Forgeries, pertaioing to: Bari icon, I6; Knight.a
Hospitaler, 67-68, 286-87; S Mary (Cam-
marata), 19S-94, 255-58; S Mary o the Latina
(Messina), 227-28; S Mary de Scali.f (Mes-
sina), 154-55; S Mary NUOfKJ (Monreale), 14S-
44, 169; S Mary Magdalene o Jehosaphat
(Paterno), 110o., 208-09, 210o., 22I, 227; S
Mary (Refesio), I74-75, 268; S Mary (Rocca-
dia), 182o.; S Mary (Sciacca), 149-50; S
Michael (Mazara), 42n.; Monte Cassino, 10,
25; Montevergine, l!Wn.; S Nicholas (Pa-
terno), IS5n.; S Savior and SS Peter and Paul
(Ceralu), I96n.; S Stephan del Boaco, 167n.;
H Trinity (La Cava), 28n., 1S5n., Hin.
Hospitalers, 67, 68, 155, I80, 217, 285-S9.
Hospitals, 95, 140, 148, I80, 197, 288, 285, 286,
289, 240, 258, 286.
lmmigration and emigration : Cistercian refugees
rom Syria and Palestine, 55n., 166, I76;
Greek element, (Norman policy toward), 88-
40, 4s-46, 5I-5S, 57-60, (refugees from inva-
sioos o Syria and Africa), 7, 8, I6-2I, (refugees
rom religious persecutions in the East), I8-
I9, 27-28, (uoder Saracen rule), SI-86; Latin
element, (colonization in Norman period), U,
46, 52, 5S, 55, 58-6I, 85, 215, (Monastic emi-
 I ndex of Subjecta
gration from Northern Europe}, 47-H, (refu-
gees from barbariana), 7-8, n-lS, 15, (runa-
way monlta from mainland), 11-12; Saracen
immigration, 29-SO, S8-S7; Sicilian refugeea
from Saracena, 80-M.
lnquests, to determine boWldaries, S5, 88, 185,
190, UM1, 195, 197, !WS, 219, "4, ff.5, H6,
W, 249, i.50, i79, i81; to determine control
over S Mary (Refesio), 178-75, 176; to deter-
mine privileges, 68, 211-lS.
Jew11, monastic serfs, 82, 88, ns, 244; Syracuse
cemetery, 204; in Tennini, 87, 249; in Trpoli
(Syria}, iOn.
S Lazarus (Jeruaalem}, Order of, iSMO, i7i.
Legatine rights of Sicilian king, 89-40, 48, ff,
54-56, 69n., 107, 109, Ull, 184.
Libraries and 11criptoria, 70, 71, 109n.
Literature, 1u Geoffrey Malaterra, Libraries and
scriptoria, Mauritius, abbot of Catania.
Liturgy and riteJJ, Alenndrean influence on
South ltalian, iOn.; canlu.I Uti.ctm in Sicily,
48n.
Negro !llaves, ns.
Papacy: Donation of Constantine and Lipari,
81; estateJJ in Sicily confiscated by Leo the
lsaurian, 26; 'Greek' popes, ii-iS, i8; Sicilian
popes, ii-iS; 1u allO Legatine rights of Sicilian
king, and namu of indmauol abbey1, leing1,
andpopu.
Premonstratensian.s, 206-06.
Revenues and charges: of archdiaconate of Ca-
tania, llS; CmlUI and rents, 66, 81, SS, 97n.,
99, Hin., lSl, lM, 148, 151, 159, 178, 178,
186, 187, 196, 196, 197,ill,iSS,iS9-40;food
and clothing proviaion, 119, HS, 129, 170;
tithes, (ecclesiastical) see particular abbeya,
(fishery}, 86, 92. 9S, 1S7, 190, (Jew11), 87,
(town and port), 60-61, M, 92, 98-99, ns,
190; 1ee allO E:s:emptions, Feudal obligatiom
and services, Rights and privileges.
887
Rights and privileges: ecclesiastical, S9, 40, 66,
66, li7-i8, lSS, lM, 136, 1S9, Hi, HS, H6,
158-54, 159-60, 167, 177-78, 182, HO, iH, 218,
Hl, ii8, iSS, iSS; fishing and fishery tithes,
69, 86, 9i, 9S, 111, li8, 1S7, 170, 190; glan-
dage, 69, 86, 90-91, 92, 112, 118-19, Hl, 170;
hunting, 200; jwitice and court feea, 66-66, 84,
91, 99, 129, 1S7, 170, 178, 192. 194; milling,
69, 170; pasturage, 6n., 69, 90, 91, 109, 112,
118, 121, li8, 1S7, 170, 182, 192, 19S, 200, HS,
isa; prelmlption, 86, 194n.; services of court
physician, li8; tar manufacture. 111; water
and irrigation, 69, 109, ni, ns, no, 121, li8,
19S, 206, m, isa, iSl; wood-cutting, 69, 90,
91, 111, 118, lil, 128, 1S7, 192, 19S, 194, US,
isa; 1u alao Exemptions, Feudal obligations
and aervices, Revenues and charges.
Saracens, and Christian subjects. S0-86, llOn.,
214-15; conquests, 18n., 19-21, 26, 29; immi
gration and influence, 29-80; as monaatic serfs,
68, 61, 87, 88, 95, 106, HO, Hl, 156, 192, 200,
ilS, 246, 248, i.52, 294; N orman policy toward,
58-61, 7S; raids, 9, iSn., !Un., ili; rebellion of
lHO, 174.
Serf11 and vill&im: Jewish, 82, 88, n8, 244; labor
service, 86, 141; of monasteries, 58, 61, 80n.,
81, 82, 86, 87, 88, 95, 100, 102, 106, 110, 112,
118-H, 1S5, H0-41, 155, 1157, 158, 161, 178,
185,186, 189, 190, 192, 19S, 194, 199,200,ilO,
ill, 21S, isa; plateae, 95, 118-H, HO, 158,
190, 194; of royal domain (edict of William
11), Hl; Saracen, 58, 61, 87, 88, 95, 106, 140,
Hl, 155, 246, 248, 252, 294; llU alao Negro
!llaves, Tenants and colonists.
Templara, i84-85.
Tenants and colonists: COftltituta for eettlers, 60,
84-85, 90-91, lU, 197; labor service, Hl; mili-
tary service, Mn., 86; monasteries and colon-
i.zation, lii, 60-61, 86; right of preentption, 85,
194n.; 1u alao lmmigration, Serf11 and vill&im.
Teutonic Knights, 181, 240.