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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Quezon City
-versus-
PREFATORY
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corruption, other high crimes and betrayal of public trust. Culpable
violation of the Constitution pertains to a willful violation of the
Constitution and excludes acts committed unintentionally or through
an honest mistake of judgment. (Carmelo V. Sison, et al., Impeachment Q
& A, 2000 Ed., p. 2) Treason and bribery should be understood in
accordance with their meanings in the Revised Penal Code. Treason is
committed in times of war by levying war against the Philippines or
adhering to the enemy, giving them aid and comfort. Bribery is
committed by a public officer who (1) receives a gift in connection
with the performance of his official duties in order to perform an act
whether constituting a crime or not, or (2) accepts gifts offered to him
by reason of his office, or (3) being a public officer entrusted with law
enforcement, refrains from arresting or prosecuting an offender who
has committed a crime punishable by life imprisonment or death, in
consideration of a gift or present. (Id. at 3) Graft and corruption, on
the other hand, refers to those acts enumerated in the Anti-Graft and
Corrupt Practices Act, including receiving any gift in connection with
any transaction wherein the public officer in his official capacity has
to intervene under the law, or giving any private party any
unwarranted benefits through manifest partiality, evident bad faith or
gross inexcusable negligence. (Id.) The terms other high crimes
and betrayal of public trust have not been given any definitive
meaning in law and jurisprudence. (Id.)
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disrepute. To which Commissioner Romulo added
obstruction of justice. (Id. at 1153)
The first issue goes into the merits of the second impeachment
complaint over which this Court has no jurisdiction. More importantly,
any discussion of this issue would require this Court to make a
determination of what constitutes an impeachable offense. Such a
determination is a purely political question which the Constitution has left
to the sound discretion of the legislature. Such an intent is clear from the
deliberations of the Constitutional Commission.
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and, three, employing the power of the office for an improper purpose or
personal gain.
MR. ROMULO. Yes. Firstly, we agree with the quotation that the
Commissioner has just read. Insofar as we are concerned, the procedure is
analogous to a criminal trial but it is not a criminal prosecution per se. The
goal of an impeachment is merely to remove the fellow from office for the
crimes indicated. However, Section 3(6) of this proposed Article itself
and this is really very close to the provision of the 1935 Constitution
says:
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against him, and the right to be confronted with adversary witnesses.
(Treaties on Federal Impeachment, p. 27)
MR. ROMULO. As the provisions now read, I think the Senate, as well as
the House, will set up its own rules. I do not know whether or not we have
to adhere to that because what the Commissioner has read, strictly
speaking, is a criminal proceeding. But the President like any citizen is
entitled to the bill of rights, like confrontation of witnesses, notice of the
charges and so on. I think those are fundamental and he is entitled to
them.
MR. ROMULO. Yes, but we will notice that, strictly speaking, for the crime
of treason under the Revised Penal Code, he is answerable for the crime
somewhere else. So my conclusion is that obviously, it is in the criminal
court where we will apply all the minutiae of evidence and proceedings
and all these due processes. But we can be more liberal when it comes to
the impeachment proceedings, for instance, in the Senate, because we are
after the removal of that fellow, and conviction in that case really amounts
to this removal from office. The courts of justice will take care of the
criminal and civil aspects.
MR. MAAMBONG. Last point, just to enrich the records. I would like the
Committee to comment on the quotation from Philippine Constitution by
Former Chief Justice Fernando, wherein he said:
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Would the Committee agree to this statement?
PARTIES
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Office of the Chairman, Commission on Elections, 8th Floor
Palacio del Gobernador, 1002 Intramuros, Manila.
Except for his business interest in the XMA Corp. - a holding company
with offices at 32 12th Street, Quezon City he has not declared any interest in
other corporations or businesses, here and abroad.
Bautistas SALN shows that his spouse is Patricia C. Bautista and Andres
Xavier C. Bautista, Jose Mateo C. Bautista, Juan Alvaro C. Bautista and Rafael
Jacobo C. Bautista, are his children. (Certified copy of the SALN is hereto
attached as ANNEX B)
Sometime between 20 and 27 March 2016, or before the May 2016
election, a massive personal data breach involving the Commission on Elections
website and/or data processing system transpired, and which catastrophic event
was investigated motu propio by the National Privacy Commission (NPC)
composed of Commissioner Raymund E. Liboro and deputy commissioners Ivy
D. Patdu and Damian Domingo O. Mapa.
3. That COMELEC officials so named in the case may have violated several
provisions of the Data Privacy Act:
a. There are facts that tend to show that the personal data in COMELEC
database was accessed due to lack of foresight, lack of skill or an
inexcusable lack of precaution.
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b. There are facts that tend to show that COMELEC, as personal
information controller, failed to implement reasonable and appropriate
measures to protect personal data against human dangers, such as, but not
limited to, unlawful access, fraudulent misuse, unlawful destruction,
alteration, and contamination; COMELEC failed to implement stricter
security measures, which include:
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iv. The website vulnerabilities and failure to monitor regularly for
security breached allowed unlawful acces to COMELEC database.
After affording the respondents due process, the NPC concluded that:
It is quite clear from the foregoing that there was very little to no
awareness on the part of COMELEC Chairman Bautista regarding his
accountability toward handling personal data. There is no documentation that
shows that there were continuous efforts to increase the level of protection of
personal data that was in COMELEC custody, or what other steps were taken to
achieve adherence to data protection standards, as required by the Data Privacy
Act of 2012.
xxxx
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xxxx
NPC further forwards the Decision and a copy of the pertinent case
records to the Secretary of Justice, recommending the prosecution of respondent
J. ANDRES D. BAUTISTA for the crime of Accessing Personal Information Due
to Negligence under Section 26 of the Data Privacy Act , and for its further
action. (Certified copy of the Decision is hereto attached as ANNEX
C.)
That is not all.
The DOJ indicated that Marlon Garcia himself, admitted that he made
the change in the script of the transparency server as advised by Mauricio
Herrera.
Rouie Penalba, along with Fances Mae Gonzale and Nelson Herrera, as
Comelec representatives assigned to the PPCRV Center and holding of the
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password to access the system, acquiesced to the access or interference effected
by the Smartmatic personnel, beyond their authority, the DOJ indicated.
Bautistas alleged receipt of referral fees from the Divina Law Office, the
counsel of Smartmatic, as revealed by the Comelec chairmans wife Patricia
Bautista, is constitutive of betrayal of public trust and/or graft and corruption
warranting his impeachment.
DISCUSSION
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16. It need not be stressed that personal data handling is a
public trust and carries with it burden of accountability, and no
amount of ignorance or legal naivete can erase that accountability.
[see Janvic Mateos report entitled: Agencies reminded to appoint data
protection officers, Philippine Star, 1/15/2016)]
17. The Data Privacy Act of 2012 is about making sure those we
entrust with our personal data are usually trustworthy by compelling
them to do everything they can to protect such data. (Id.)
21. Suffice it to say that the massive data breach is very serious
privacy violation the implications of which may be beyond
quantification and arguably long-lasting. Hence, Bautistas neglect of
his duties and responsibilities irrefutably constitutes a betrayal of
public trust. Unless he is impeached, the dictum public office is a
public trust; public officers and employees must at all times be
accountable to the people, serve them with utmost responsibility,
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integrity, loyalty, and efficiency, act with patriotism and justice, and
lead modest lives, will be meaningless.
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by their colonial heritage, the early state constitutions, and common law
traditions, especially the British legacy. The records show that Edmund
Randolph of the State of Virginia presented to the Convention what came
to be known as the Virginia Plan of structure of government. It was largely
the handiwork of James Madison, Father of the American Constitution. It
called for a strong national government composed of an executive, a
bicameral legislature and a judiciary. The Virginia Plan vested jurisdiction
in the judiciary over impeachment of national officers. Charles Pinckney of
South Carolina offered a different plan. He lodged the power of
impeachment in the lower house of the legislature but the right to try was
given to the federal judiciary. Much of the impeachment debates, however,
centered on the accountability of the president and how he should be
impeached. A Committee called Committee on Detail recommended that
the House of Representatives be given the sole power of impeachment. It
also suggested that the Supreme Court should be granted original
jurisdiction to try cases of impeachment. The matter was further referred
to a Committee of Eleven chaired by David Brearley of New Hampshire. It
suggested that the Senate should have the power to try all impeachments,
with a 2/3 vote to convict. The vice president was to be ex-officio president
of the Senate, except when the president was tried, in which event the
Chief Justice was to preside. Gouveneur Morris explained that a
conclusive reason for making the Senate instead of the Supreme Court the
judge of impeachments, was that the latter was to try the President after
the trial of the impeachment. James Madison insisted on the Supreme
Court and not the Senate as the impeachment court for it would make the
President improperly dependent. Madisons stand was decisively
rejected.
xxx Prof. Gerhardt points out that there are eight differences between the
impeachment power provided in the US Constitution and the British
practice: First, the Founders limited impeachment only to [t]he
President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States.
Whereas at the time of the founding of the Republic, anyone (except for a
member of the royal family) could be impeached in England. Second, the
delegates to the Constitutional Convention narrowed the range of
impeachable offenses for public officeholders to Treason, Bribery, or
other high Crimes and Misdemeanors, although the English Parliament
always had refused to constrain its jurisdiction over impeachments by
restrictively defining impeachable offenses. Third, whereas the English
House of Lords could convict upon a bare majority, the delegates to the
Constitutional Convention agreed that in an impeachment trial held in the
Senate, no Person shall be convicted [and removed from office] without
the concurrence of two-thirds of the Members present. Fourth, the
House of Lords could order any punishment upon conviction, but the
delegates limited the punishments in the federal impeachment process to
removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of
Honor, Trust, or Profit under the United States. Fifth, the King could
pardon any person after an impeachment conviction, but the delegates
expressly prohibited the President from exercising such power in the
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Constitution. Sixth, the Founders provided that the President could be
impeached, whereas the King of England could not be impeached.
Seventh, impeachment proceedings in England were considered to be
criminal, but the Constitution separates criminal and impeachment
proceedings. Lastly, the British provided for the removal of their judges by
several means, whereas the Constitution provides impeachment as the sole
political means of judicial removal xxxx [quoted in Jose Midas P.
Marquez The Constitutional Philosophy of Philippine Jurisprudence
(2005) at 315-318]
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society is always from various causes liable to abuse. The fondness
frequently felt for the inordinate extension of power, the influence of
party and of prejudice, the seductions of foreign states, or the baser
appetite for illegitimate emoluments are sometimes productions of
what are not unaptly termed political offenses (Federalist, No. 5),
which would be difficult to take cognizance of in the ordinary course
of judicial proceeding. The involutions and varieties of vice are too
many artful to be anticipated by positive law. [quoted in Dennis B. Funa,
The Law on the Administrative Accountability of Public Officers (2010) at 883]
27. Bautista obstructed justice for saying that the script tweak
was merely a cosmetic change which was in effect an exoneration of
Smartmatic and Comelec IT specialists pending investigation.
The first issue goes into the merits of the second impeachment
complaint over which this Court has no jurisdiction. More importantly,
any discussion of this issue would require this Court to make a
determination of what constitutes an impeachable offense. Such a
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determination is a purely political question which the Constitution has left
to the sound discretion of the legislature. Such an intent is clear from the
deliberations of the Constitutional Commission.
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Php1,000,000,000.00 worth of illegally-acquired assets while serving
as PCGG chairman and later, as chairman of the Comelec. Upon
discovery, she submitted an affidavit on Aug. 1, five days after she
sought an audience with President Duterte in Malacaang to tell him
about her discovery. In her affidavit, Patricia alleged, among others,
that she was disclosing certain information and documents that
would show that Andy (Bautistas nickname) might have had, or
currently has, misdealing and corrupt practices while in government
service. I understand that since Andy holds the position of Comelec
chair, he is liable to be impeached should there exist valid and
sufficient grounds to hold him in trial for an impeachable offense
under Sec. 2, Article XI of the 1987 Philippine Constitution.
34. Patricia said that except for two adjoining condo units in
Pacific Plaza Towers at BGC in Taguig City, the family home, she was
not aware of the 13 other real properties listed in her husbands
SALN.
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35. She also said that she discovered investments abroad in the
form of his interests in corporations and loan agreements that were
not declared in his SALN to wit:
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BAUTISTA, BY HIS OWN ADMISSION,
HAD RECEIVED REFERRAL FEES FROM
THE SMARTMATIC, THE LARGEST TECH-
NOLOGY PROVIDER OF THE COMELEC,
THROUGH THE DIVINA LAW OFFICE
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Assisted by:
VERIFICATION
That we have read and understood the same, and the allegations
thereof are true of our knowledge and belief and on the basis of
our reading and appreciation of documents and other records
pertinent thereto.
JACINTO V. PARAS
Affiant
FERDINAND S. TOPACIO
Affiant
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SUBSCRIBED AND SWORN to before me this 23rd day of
August, 2017 at Quezon City.
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Republic of the Philippines
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Quezon City
RESOLUTION OF ENDORSEMENT
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