Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
By Jorge M. Robert
I. Introduction
the looking inside and around myself stopped, and this speck of
this spots for differed evaluation all the time. The opportunity
cold blood long ago at sun set in a Florida shore south of St.
Augustine.
fleet still lays at the bottom of the ocean in the coastal area
1
of Cape Canaveral, Florida. They had lost everything and were
The encounter may have been a surprise for the French but
not for the Spaniards who two weeks before, on Sept 29th, 1565
had already been in the same area butchering about 200 French
elderly people.
died, who killed him, how was he killed and his spiritual
Although the first might seem the most reliable and the last
2
there is no compelling reason to treat all primary sources as
a) Spanish Accounts
3
Observer of events or as a detached critic of his contemporaries.
Allen Johnson, (The Historian and Historical Evidence, 1926, 82)
follows:
October 12th The Murder of Jean Ribaut. It was published for the
4
pg. 9 it is said that the Florida State Historical Society can
was used for the translation into English. This memoir contains
15, 1565
said:
5
Evangelio en estar partes y alumbrar, a los naturales
y traerlos a obediencia de V.M. que segun las tierras
son grandes,
"I had Juan Ribao, with all the rest, put to the
knife, understanding this to be expedient for the
service of God Our Lord and of Your Majesty; and I
hold it very great good fortune that he should be
dead;
6
yacer lo que sus generales m.dan, y que le auia de
atar las manos: Abiendoselas Atado y marchando Vn poco
adelante, El capitan sant bicente le dio Vna pualada
En la olla, y gonzalo de solis le atraues por los
pechos Con Vna pica que lleuaua, y cortaronle la
caueza:
by Kerrigan thus:
7
Some writers do not accept Barrientos version of the facts
as to (A) that Solis de Meras was one of the killers, (B) who
was the other killer, if any, (C) how he was killed, and (D)
that Ribault was beheaded. We will see that other sources add
that (E) his beard was cut and sent to Philip II, and that (F)
kept saying that from these materials the present work was
considered a primary source despite the fact that for him the
8
As to who killed Ribault and how he was killed, neither
other words they do not say that Vicente and Solis do not kill
say that Solis de Meras was not present at the second massacre
and the way Ribaut was killed. He adds that after the attack his
9
person and ship. 6 [See, Eugene Lyon, The Adelantamiento de
10
given case must always be ascertained. There remains
the further question whether the narrator of
historical happenings desired to the tell the truth. 7
David Edwards, Atrocities: Some days two heads and some days
four, History Ireland, vol. 17, No. 1 (Jan Feb, 2009), pp.
executioner used a knife to cut the head from the body. It was
11
As to Solis de Meras silence concerning his presence at
the parley with Ribault and moreover being one of the killers
also Menendez who allow it? Solis de Meras was from the Asturian
12
was uppermost in their social aspiracions. See, Helena Carretero
Maio de 2011.
09/08/2006.
Mr. Gracia Noriega who lives in the XXI century. The Spaniards
alive and well in modern Spain. Meras and Barrientos are almost
13
contemporaneous and Barriento seems to have had available to him
Meras, he was able to confront Meras with his other sources, but
not Barrientos.
Barrientos.
b) French Accounts
He was the mapmaker and artist who went with the Laudonnieres
along his narration was in great part taken from the narrative
14
of one of the Frenchmen who after the execution was left for
dead and was able to escape. Le Moyne says that so ends the
The problem with this narrative is that the killings did not
take place within any fort. All the other details, in general
because it is said that Ribault and Ottigny were first led into
from the fort. If the rest of the sailors and soldiers were
15
Winsor asserts that Le Moyne was so incorrect as to make
2. Le Challeux
Ft. Caroline which they did not know had been taken by the
Spaniards. This group met the Spaniards on the other side of the
name was Vallemande who swore to keep the French safe. The
them Ribault. All were walked to the fort and there killed.
Ribault was stabbed apparently more than once with a dagger, his
16
beard cut off and sent to Seville. Some of the French sailors
were spared and sent to Seville too. One of them was Christopher
added that Ribaults body and head were quartered, and stuck at
great plea to save his life to Vallemande: the same was made by
17
published in Paris a narrative of the massacre which may be
4. Jehan Memyn
pg. 426 saying that Ribaults beard was cut off and sent to
Philip II, but nothing about the head being cut off.
General Evaluation
he cannot afford to ignore the work of historians who may have preceded him
18
demas, diciendoles que habian de caminar cuatro leguas por
tierra, e de noche, que no se sufria ir sueltos. Y estando
amarrados todos, dijo: si eran catolicos o luteranos, e si
habia alguno que se quisiese confesar. El Juan Ribao
respondio: que el e todos cuantos alli estaban eran de la
nueva religion; y empezo a decir el salmo de Domine memento
mei: y acabado dijo: que de tierra eran, y que en tierra se
habian de volver; e veinte anos mas o menos todo era una
cuenta: que hiciese el adelantado de ellos lo que quisiese;
e mandando el adelantado los matasen, con la misma orden, e
en la misma raya, mando que se hiciese de todos lo que de
los otros. Solo saco a los pifaros, atambores e trompetas,
y a otros cuatro que dijeron eran catolicos, que eran en
todo diez y seis personas; todos los demas fueron
degollados.
19
infringement in a still extant document (Ternaux-Compans
Recueil des Pieces sur la Floride, appended to the Compte-
Rendu of Guido de las Bazares, without a distinct title)
Did they imagine His Most Catholic Majesty would pass
lightly by this taunt cast in the teeth of the devoutest
nation of the world?.
There are small textual discrepancies between the Boston 1875 edition
of the Narrative of Le Moyne wherefrom this paragraphs was taken and the
version published by Stefan Lorant in his The New World, see pages 22 and
84 respectively. The Sparks version however contains more important
discrepancies citing Le Moynes Brevis Narratio, pg. 28 (in Latin). Sparks
indicates that on the French side there were two French sailors who left
accounts of what happened to Ribaut. One was a native from Dieppe, left
for dead with the other corpses, who told Le Moyne the story of what
happened. The other was Christophe le Breton of Havre-de-Grace who told
basically the same story to Challeux the carpenter. It is said that he
was carried by the Spaniards to Seville whence he escaped to Bordeaux.
(127) Ribaut and Ottigny alone were taken into the fort.
I have been directed to kill you. And thereupon he
plunged his dagger to the heart of Ribaut, and immediately
after Ottigny fell by the same hand. The rest were killed
outside the fort, three musicians alone being spared. The
author of this account, whose name is not given by Le
Moyne, was left for dead Other accounts, contemporaneous
with the event, say that Ribaut was quartered and his
dissevered body place on the four angles of the fort, and
that his beard was sent as a trophy to Spain a statement
indignantly denied by Spanish authorities. Besides this
20
account we find in De Bry a statement given in a
supplicatory letter addressed to Charles IX, offered in the
name of the widows, orphans, and relatives of those who
were slaughtered by the Spaniards in this expedition.
that Ribaut, after being forced to witness the slaughter of
his men, vainly appealing to the faith of Menendez, was
struck down from behind, his body treated with the grossest
indignity, his beard cut off and sent as a trophy to Spain,
and his head quartered and stuck upon spears in the area of
the fort. But these statements are denied by Spanish
writers, whose representations of the course of Menendez,
his pledges to Ribaut, and treatment of this body after he
had been killed, are so utterly at variance that the
historian has no means of deciding upon facts, and can only
state the probabilities of the case, which on this point
lean in favor of the Spaniards, -divesting Menendezs
conduct of none of its enormity, but relieving the tragedy
of some of the horrors which which the French records
surround it. The atrocity of the deed struck all Europe
with horror, even in that day; and the shocking story has
been perpetuated over three hundred years, giving the name
of Menendez a stain of infamy which time cannot wipe out.
The fact of the killing of Ribault taking place inside the fort
and the killing of the rest of the soldiers outside of it, repeats Le
Moynes narrative which in this main point is erroneous.
I think it was H.E. Carr who said that before to study history we
should study the historian. By the same token I offered here the
following paragraph taken from Mr. Fairbanks biography by Arthur
Joseph Lynch, in describing the historians mother Mary Massey
Fairbanks. It says that She was a Presbyterian and very anti-
Catholic. So strong were her feelings about the Roman Catholic Church
that, referring to a friends daughter who had become a Catholic, she
wrote, You do not know how much she has my pity. If she was my
daughter I would sooner put her in the grave. Georges life would
reflect the views, prejudices, and examples that came from his father
and mother, as well as their strengths of character.
Barnard Shipp (1813, Natchez, Miss.- 1904, Russum, Miss.), The History
of Hernando de Soto and Florida; Record of the Events of Fifty-six
years, from 1512 to 1568, Philadelphia: Lindsay, 1881.
Mr. Shipp tells the story of the first 56 years of Florida after Ponce
de Leons discovery. On page 559, the * footnote following on pg.
560, cites Solis de Meras, brother-in-law of Menendez as the source of
the killing of Ribault and his companions narrative. It does not cite
any location or editing for the manuscript. Mr. Shipps book was
published in 1881 well before any version of the Memorial either in
21
Spanish and/or in English was available. This may account for
discrepancies between Shipps text (obviously in English) and what
afterwards, 12 years later, was included in Ruidiaz (in Spanish). In
the preface to this book pg. vi, Shipp cites generally Francisco
Lopez de Mendez Grajales, who accompanied Menendez, tells the story of
his expedition to Florida.
22
Footnote 1 below says This is the Spanish account of Solis
de Meras. Lemoyne and other French men [Challeux and le
Breton] maintain that Menendez promised La Caille, under
oath and in writing, to spare their lives if they
surrendered. This seems utterly improbable; for Menendez
from first to last held to his original declaration, el
que fuere herege morira. Le Moyne is so incorrect as to
make this last slaughter take place at Caroline.
23
been told from the Spanish side, for the accounts of
Menendez and Solis bear upon them the marks of truth so far
as these are discoverable. They do not blink the facts, nor
do they show signs of consciousness that there was need of
concealment or apology. The accounts of the French who
escaped accuse Menendez of having promised on oath to save
the lives of those who surrendered. This it is difficult to
believe in view of the whole tone of Menendezs
correspondence with the king. That a man of honor and
religion could have done such a deed seems impossible
today.
Ms. Mays properly emphasized the dignity with which Ribault faced
his last moments.
24
Parkman next chapter VIII on pg. 131 is entitled Massacre of the
Heretics. Then Parkman gives the Spanish version of the final
killings followed on page 146 with the French version from Le Moynes
and Challeuxs. Then Parkman adds that the charge of breach of faith
contained in them was believed by Catholics as well as Protestants;
and it was a defence against this charge that the narrative of the
Adelantados bother-in-law was published. That Ribaut, a man whose
good sense and courage were both reputed high, should have submitted
himself and his men to Menendez without positive assurance of safety,
is scarcely credible; nor I it lack of charity to believe that a bigot
so savage in heart and so perverted in conscience would act on the
maxim, current among certain casuists of the day, that faith ought not
to be kept with heretics.
This last argument is a good one, but the problem with Parkman is
not only his obvious bias against the Spaniards, but also his
reputation as a historian. See, Francis Jennings, The Invasion of
America, 1975, preface, pgs. v-ix.
25
an idea in America (1997) ch. XIII, pg. 310. The Preface to the second
volume of Spanish Settlements contains a very detailed bibliography of
our subject where W.L. often reaches unwarranted conclusions. As to
our precise topic he says on pg. 199 that
Lowery says that Le Moynes version who comes from the Dieppe
sailor who survived deserves consideration [even tough contains
serious anachronisms as explained by McGrath]. Barrientos is of the
opinion that Menendez granted Ribaut an honorable death by cutting his
head when he could legally have burnt him alive. He thinks that he
killed him by divine inspiration (pg. 204)[Barrientos never read Mt.
25:40 Truly, I say to you, as you did it to one of the least of these
my brothers, you did it to me.
26
be sent to the galleys. And he wrote to Menendez, We hold that we
have been well served. The name of Menendez is popularly associated
in America almost solely with this inhuman episode.
27
commanders orders, which are to kill you. Whereupon he
thrust a dagger into Ribauts breast. Ottigny was killed in
the same way. Other Spanish soldier were detailed to slay
all the rest of the Frenchmen by beating their heads with
clubs, and axes, at the same time calling them Lutherans
and enemies of God and the Virgin. Thus were they murdered,
most brutally and a violation of an oath, all except four;
there of these were musicians who were kept alive to play
for dancing a drummer and a fifer from Dieppe, the former
named Dronet, and a fiddler named Masselin. The Fourth was
the sailor who escaped and lived to tell me the story. He
was among those tied up for slaughter and was battered on
the head, but when the three to whom he was tied fell on
top of him, he was left there for dead. He was not dead,
however, only stunned. A wooden pyre was built, on which
the Spaniards wanted to burn the victims, yet they put off
the burning till the next day. The sailor, coming to his
senses in the night, found himself among the dead bodies.
He remembered a knife he wore in a wooden sheath, and he
managed to twist himself around little by little until he
could get the knife out and cut his fetters. He then
slipped away, walking throughout the night. As he had long
been a sailor, he knew how to tell direction by the sun.
Thus he was able to lay his course the next day. He left
the fort behind, and in the next three days he covered
forty miles. He arrived at the place of a certain Indian
chief, and there he stayed.
28
Her article analyzes mainly the international and diplomatic
contest of the massacres. As to our topic, she only says:
29
Ribault would threaten them no more; his head now decorated a
pikestaff. True, some thought Menendez was cruel. But most,
being practical about the matter, rated him a good captain.
There was not enough food for both Frenchmen and Spaniards.
Besides, the prisoners outnumbered their captors. Furthermore,
since the French were heretics, it was legally permissible to
burn them; instead, Menendez had granted them honorable death
with blades of steel. Pg. 45.
30
It seems to me surprising that this historian does not mention
the colleague to whom he owes the availability of the Barrientos
manuscript. It was presented for the first time in 1902 at the 13th
Congress of the Society of American Americanists in New York by the
Mexican historian Genaro Garcia who published it as part of his book
Dos relaciones de La Florida. After that, 63 years later it was
translated into English by Kerrigan and published by the University
Press of Florida in 1965.
I was unable to find Mr. Garcias name in this book, but it is
not an exception because the historical community try to avoid
Garcia also. All this happened because he was an uncompromising critic
of Spain and the Church, being unable to silence the crimes during the
Spanish Conquest of America, and those carry out by the Catholic
Church.
He published Vidas y Hechos by Barrientos who said that Ribaut
was killed by Menendezs order who directed his brother-in-law Solis
de Meras and the captain San Vicente to killed him. San Vicente used
his dagger and Meras used a pike. Then he added that they cut
Ribaults head. This is the way that the French commander died
executed by San Vicente and Meras who then cut his head.
It seems understandable that neither Meras nor Menendez were
eager to reveal the atrocity and its authorship, and even less the
cutting of his head. As to Barrientos, he could be described as a
ravid catholic who hated deeply the heretics and believed that as such
Ribault could have been legally burnt.
So, his version of the events sounds very credible, because if he
was bias, his discrimination was against the Huguenots and in favor of
catholics as Meras and Menenedez. Besides, Menendez in his letters to
Philip II, and even Vasalique do not say that the killing of Ribault
had taken place in any other way or by the hand of any other person,
he remains silent about these details.
Thus if we follow the primary Spanish sources (not the French
accounts) Barrientos version must be taken as the final truth of the
matter.
31
Ribaults beard and a piece of his skin were sent to Philip
II and the Frenchmans head was cut into four parts, which
were penetrated by lances and raised at each corner of the
Spanish fort at St. Augustine.
32
times of peace to execute seamen engaged in attacks on Spanish
ships and possessions after putting them to a summary trial,
regardless of what legal title they claimed under letters of
reprisal. The execution of the French in Florida had been
recommended by Juan Rodriguez de Noriega as early as he end of
March, 1565 (AGI, IG 2004, fls. 289-289 v). In justifying the
action to the French, Philip II had his ambassador say that
Ribault was a pirate sent by Admiral Coligny, and a heretic,
and that Menendez had lacked supplies and ships to send them
to France (Spain, Negotiation VIII, 246-50). It is clear,
however, that the Spaniards were uneasy about what they had
done, because they knew, although the denied it, that Ribault
had a commission from the king of France. A royal agent,
Ribault and his men were not pirates outside the protection of
the law, even Spanish law. Pg. 230, n. 49.
33
commander to remind him of his promise, wrote Le Moyne,
but his words fell on deaf ears. The Spanish chronicler
Bartolome Barrientos described what happened next: Ribault
had been wearing a felt hat and Captain San Vicente now
asked him for it. When it was handed to him he said: You
know that captain must obey their generals and carry out
their orders, and so we must tie your hands. His hands
bound, Ribault was marched ahead for a little distance.
Captain San Vicente then thrust a knife in his belly, and
Gonzalo de Solis ran him through the heart with his pike,
they they cut off his head. Pg. 168/69.
As to Spains pretensions in America Harvey says that the
French found ways to plunder Spains New World interests
almost as soon as the Spanish began plundering the New
World itself. Pg. 28.
34
Christianity. They challenged the Spaniards to colonize Florida.
At Smerwick, the English invaders were colonizing Ireland while
the Irish and his European allies, Italians and Spaniards try to
invade Ireland in their support. In our more focused approach we
see what happened in the Sixteenth century to two small armies
and its commanders surrendering to Spain in 1565, and to England
in 1580.
The siege was part of the final phase at the Great Desmond
War (Second Desmond Rebellion). This rebellion, the looming was
on the continent, the undeclared war at sea were befining to draw
forth the entire nation, not just the dregs of the shires or a
few soldiers adventurers.An unanimous favorite of the puritan
faction, Lord Grey arrived with his army in Dublin. After taking
the oath of office, Grey formed his green troops into marching
formation and launch his attack headfirst into the Wicklows.
Unfortunately for the English Grey was defeated at Glenmalure and
500 soldiers perished in the glen. Other officers were also
killed or wounded. For the English was his first defeat to date
in Ireland. Then Greys army turned South to face more serious
challenges. The long-awaited Spanish aid was arriving at Dingle
bay where it installed itself into old breastworks at Smerwick,
Fort del Oro. The entire English army was ordered to converged on
the West. Greys inspection of the army at Smerwick revealed they
were Basques and Italians. They were the papal troops. Few
soldiers could speak English or Gaelic. With this 600-people army
came Oliver Plunket, William Walsh and Nicholas Sanders; they
entered the fort and remainded as interpreters. The papal troops
were under the command of the Italian Captain Sebastiano di San
Gisseppe. After a few skirmeshes between the two forces it became
clear that Fort del Oro had to be surrendered on the basis of,
hopefully, lenient terms.
35
The surrendered was virtually accomplished and Greys soldiers
searched the fort dragging out Plunket, Walsh, father Lawrence Moore
and a crowd of Irish women. San Joseppi and his principal officers
(gentlemen) were safe. Gallows were erected and the Irish women
despite pleading their bellies were hanged by the troops. As to
Plunket, Walsh, and Moore, they were led in chains to the blacksmith
of Smerwick where their arms and legs were broken in three places
each. They were bellow to suffer without food and water in a shed for
two days before they were carted back up the hill to the English
encoampment and hanged, drawn, and quartered.
36
The two military campaigns, Menendez de Aviles expedition, and
Lord Greys army were sent by their respective monarchs to confront
the French in Northeast Florida, and to destroyed the Irish mobilized
by the Desmond Rebellion in Ireland. Both were campaigns for
colonization.
For both kingdoms the stakes were high, England had Ireland in
front of her coast, and Spain was defending its exploitation of the
riches from Peru and New Spain, and the continuation of its occupation
of the New World. Both were ideologies of justification and entire
libraries have been written on this theme.
V. Appendixes
37
translates lengua as interpreter. Menendez called him brother
providing for him who was naked with a new shirt, a pair of breeches,
a hat, and some food.
The lengua narrated to Menendez his service under Ribault, the
sack of Ft. Caroline, and then the wreck of the French armada. He said
that for these reasons he went to live with the Indians who married
him to the caciques daughter.
At this point Solis manuscript is truncated and about two pages
are added. According to Mercado, Ruidiaz provides the lost text taken
the missing paragraphs from Barcias Ensayo Cronologico.
The contents of the fragment are as follows. The interpreter
informed Menendez about the war between Guale and Orista and the
famine prevailing in Guale because of the draught. They reached the
Indian town and were well received by the cacique due to the
interpreters recommendation who indicated that the Spaniards were
good people who treated the Indians very well. The cacique asked
Menendez how come that the Christians fight among themselves killing
each other. Menendez answered that they were not real Christians but
his enemies because they rebelled against the church and the king.
That if the King of Spain had not help him to punish them, they would
have taken over the kingdom to give it to the spurious sect. That
those whom he killed deserve and even crueler death because they come
to deceive the caciques and his Indians. That these people were so
evil and bad that he appeased them by killing them. That he made war
to them to destroy so bad and pestilential sect. On the contrary,
Menendez said that the war with Orista was unjustified because they
were from the same country and the offenses were very minor.
This addition to the manuscript ends saying that Guillermo, the
interpreter explained the cacique all said by Menendez.
The interpreter called Guillermo was another French character who
should be distinguished from the lengua. In effect, Mercado
indicates that this individual was Guillaume Rouffi or Rufin who
stayed in Port Royal after Ribault escaped to France in 1562 marrying
and Orista Indian. The other interpreter who was in Guale was a
Lutheran. (Mercado, 153, n. 286 & Thurber Connor, 169, n. 8).
38
Solis further says that Menendez begged the interpreter as Spaniard to
become a Catholic, that he loved him very much and would give him many
things. The lengua answered that he wanted to stay in Florida and
become a Christian catholic, and to work to Christianize the Indians.
Menendez thanked him much and asked him to mediate between the Guale
and Orista tribes.
The Guale cacique chose two Spaniards to stay as hostages for the
peace negotiation with Orista. They were Menendezs nephew Alonso and
Vasco Zabal who carried the real banner. Their names were suggested to
Guale by the lengua. Menendez told Guale that if he did not treat well
the Spaniards he would come back to the Indians heads.
Menendez departed to Santa Elena the next day and told Guillermo to
cheet up the Indians and recommended to all the soldiers treat the
Indians well. Menendez used Guillermos interpreting services in his
dealing with the Orista Indians who did not allow Guillermo to be
present at their deliberations.
On May 8, 1566, Menendez went back to Guale with Guillermo. Then,
his nephew Alonso and Vasco Zabal told him that the French interpreter
was Lutheran and sodomite, that Guillermo could tell him with what
Indians he had relationships. In secret, Menendez found out that the
French interpreter mocked the Christians and spit on the cross.
Menendezs nephew said that the French should be killed but because
the caciques son loved the French, the Indians would become restive
and go back to war. Menendez asked Guillermo to take the French to
Santa Elena carrying gifts for the tribe. He gave the French a letter
for Esteban de las Alas. At the same time, Menendez wrote another
letter to de las Alas ordering him to kill the French in secret
because he was sometico and Lutheran and sent the letter with a
soldier. Menendez asked also de las Alas to fake a lot of concern
afterward when the French did not show up any longer saying that he
had escaped to the hills so not to have to come back to Guale. So, de
las Alas killed the French giving him the garrote.
The garrote or garrote vil was an execution procedure
consisting in killing by strangulation, typically with an iron collar.
Woodbury Lowery in his Spanish Settlements called the executed French
39
unfortunate Lutheran interpreter, the poor fellow.
Albert Manucy in his article entitled The Man who was Pedro
Menendez, 44 F.H.Q. 1/2 (Jul-Oct 1965): 67-80, 79, said that In
warfare, the word is no less a weapon than the sword; and he and
Ribault were at war, whether or not it was openly sanctioned by their
sovereigns at home. Whatever the reason, this is one of several
recorded instances where Menendez used guile to gain the objective.
Some months later, he decoyed a French sodomite (who had formed an
attachment with the caciques son) into leaving Guale, by having him
told that Captain De las Alas up the coast would pay very well for an
interpreter. The man made the trip posthaste, only to find his neck in
the garrote. Menendez sometimes bent the truth to his own ends.
(B) The Way that ISIS deals with gay people in the XXI century
40
on Facebook Share on Twitter. A crowd which includes young
children watch from the ground. In horrifying echoes of these
new pictures, the video titled The Voice of Virtue in Deterring
Hell shows ISISs version of Sharia Law in action. His head was
turned away from the camera as he awaited his fate. A
blindfolded man was then flogged in the street by ISISs
religious police the Hisbah. An ISIS militant who is thought to
be from the Hisbah speaks from the ground Their full title Rijal
al-hisbah means men who guard against infringements. Their job
is to enforce their harsh form of Islamic Law, and it is
believed that the masked men in these new photos are from this
group. 14
Our main topic in this writing is the death of Jean Ribault with
the additional marginal issue presented in the previous appendix on
the story of the French interpreter, basically two atrocious killings
carried out by the founder of St. Augustine, the oldest city located
in continental United States. For both stories the main primary source
is one and the same, Solis de Meras Memorial written by Menendezs
brother-in-law who traveled with the Adelantado as the Spanish
expedition of 1565s official chronicler.
This document is divided in 29 chapters and it was written down
probably in 1567, but not published in full until 1893 when it
appeared in Ruidiaz. See above, n. 3. Despite the title indicating
that is a narrative of the Menendezs voyage to Florida, actually
includes at the beginning an entire biography of Menendez.
What is this memorial? In the first place, it must be remembered
that the writer of memoirs seldom has a purely scientific purpose in
view. He rarely writes as a dispassionate observer of events or as a
detached critic of his contemporaries. Whatever his motive, he writes
out of the fullness of his own experience. (Johnson, 82).
The first chapters of the memorial show clearly that la busqueda
41
de ascenso social es un anhelo constant en todas las familias de la
pequena y mediana nobleza, siendo la consecucion de un titulo de
Castilla la expression del exito. 15 To be also more specific about
the context of Menendez expedition, it should be remember that it is
sometimes forgotten that Florida was only a small and relatively
unimportant part of Spains vast American empire. 16
What was Solis de Meras dominant purpose in writing this
memorial? It was clearly and apology and justification to exalt
Menendez and Solis himself.
For the Asturians, Solis is a hero to the point that even now he
receives praise in the unusual form of, for instance, a Fictional
Interview to Solis de Meras, by Jose Ignacio Gracia Noriega. 17 See
below some extracts of the fictional interview.
I did not take part in the massacre, but 130 Huguenots were put to
the sword The tinetense provided the main Asturian contribution to
the history of the Indias with his narratives of the feats of his
brother-in-law Pedro Menendez de Aviles in Florida.
42
Crdenas y Cano, en 1722, y ms tarde en La Florida, de Eugenio
Ruidaz y Caravia, Madrid, 1893. En 1990 fue publicado con el ttulo
de Pedro Menndez de Avils y la conquista de La Florida, en Grupo
Editorial Asturiano, meritoria aventura editorial, pese a que su
editor nunca consigui reprimirse de la mana de aadir a los textos,
en forma de anotaciones, prlogos y eplogos, algunas botaratadas de
su propio magn.
Another famous Tinetense, Jesus Evaristo Casariego, does not say much
about him in his Asturian Migrations, where he lists the Asturians
who participated in the discovery and conquest of America. The
Memorial by Solis de Meras was included partially in the Ensayo
Cronologico para la historia de La Florida, by Eugenio Ruidiaz y
Caravia, Madrid, 1893. In 1990was published with the title of Pedro
Menendez de Aviles y la Conqueista de la Florida, in Grupo Editorial
Asturiano, praiseworthy editorial adventure, despite the fact that its
editor was never able to suppress his craze to add to the texts by the
way of annotations, prologues and epilogues, nonsense from his own
imagination.
About Solis de Meras is not much what is known: he is a man not used
to show himself off, and he knows, on the other hand, that the great
renown of the Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles casted a shadow over
him. He is also aware that to be a brother-in-law is to occupy a
secondary position in the familiar structure, and also that the
biographer is subordinated to the subject of the biography, as the
soldier is to his superior in rank. Solis de Meras served as captain
in the conquest of La Florida, under his brother-in-law authority.
43
en aquel tiempo la lengua castellana, en que siempre fueron
aventajados los asturianos, como se conoce en el marqus de Santa Cruz
de Marcenado, en don Valentn Morn, obispo de Canarias, y en el seor
conde de Campomanes . Y Constantino Surez aade, refirindose al
Memorial : Es un documento de admirable valor histrico y no mal
escrito .
44
bishopric of Oviedo, and he lives free of cares and concerns, after he
put to rest many years ago, the sword and the pen.
..
45
the pike; then he knock him down and cut his head. My uncle was
wounded in a finger of his right hand, and he liked to show his
collapse nail as a corroboration of his feat. Such achievement is
reflected in our coat of arms.
46
2. The Pope in Latinoamerica in 2015
Pope Francis gave direct apology on Thursday for the complicity of the
Roman Catholic Church in the oppression of Latin America during the
colonial era
I say this to you with regret: Many grave sins were committed against
the native people of America in the name of God.
I humbly ask forgiveness, not only for the offense of the church
herself, but also for crimes committed against the native peoples
during the so-called conquest of America.
Mexican Bishop Raul Vera, who attended the summit where Francis made
the apology, said the church was essentially a passive participant in
allowing natives to become enslaved under the Spanish "encomienda"
system, by which the Spanish king granted land in conquered
territories to those who settled there. Indians were allowed to live
on the haciendas as long as they worked them.
47
made headlines by decrying the iniquities of modern capitalism,
embracing the poor and people with disabilities and reaching out to
gays and lesbians. "I prefer a Church which is bruised, hurting and
dirty because it has been out on the streets, rather than a Church
which is unhealthy from being confined and from clinging to its own
security,"
48
destroyed the building?
Weve answered this one before, and were happy to do it again as
the mural has sentimental value for Ribault Room diners. Youll be
happy to know that its in an appropriate spot at the Main Library at
303 N. Laura St. Its on permanent display in the Florida Collection
area on the fourth floor across from the reference desk. Lee Adams
created the 31-foot mural in 1959, and it was in the Bay Street
department store until it closed in 1981. It depicts Jean Ribault
leading French Huguenots up St. Johns Bluff to meet with Timucuan
Indians in 1562. The oil painting was donated to the school system,
rolled up and stored in Lee High Schools basement.
It languished for some years until then City Council president
Jim Overton remembered the mural from its Sears days and spearheaded
the effort to have it restored. It had been heavily damaged by age,
neglect and pesky critters. In 1999, the council appropriated $10,000
for restoration, which was coordinated by Jacksonville artist Jim
Draper. Later, it was displayed at La Villa School of the Arts. Draper
did a new cleanup and repair before its move to the library.
sandy.strickland@jacksonville.com
To visit the Jacksonville Main Library in downtown is really a
worthy, beautiful experience. This writer, a Floridian for 35 years
has visited many main libraries in the state, many of them deserving
great praise. However, in my estimation the one in Jacksonville is one
of the greatest amont the mid-size American libraries, for its layout,
and beautiful architecture. There the Ribault mural can be
appreciated.
49
reviewing records, Prichett and his team discovered that the bronze
cannons and marble monument were not aboard Ribault's ships, but were
station at an early French Huguenot colony in Fort Caroline, which is
now Jacksonville, Florida.
Daily Mail, o8/16/2016.
Over 400 years ago, Jacques Le Moyne met Theodore de Bry in London
and as a result it grew one of the most profusely illustrated
collection of voyages and travels ever published. The Florida volume,
second in the series, was published in small folio in 1591 with Latin
text. For the following volumes most of the illustrations were
principally the invention of the engraver inspired only by
descriptions and woodents in the original text. With few exceptions,
this same practice was followed for the next fifty years in all of de
Brys subsequent publications.
After de Brys death, in 1598, the publishing business was at first
run by his son and grand-sons. Together, they continue to publish
volumes of the Grand and Petit Voyages for another 46 years These
were Abridgments of the original volumes, which were published by de
Brys descendants at first by Ziegler and then by Gottfriedt. They
contained many of the original plates, but which had to be re-set
without titles into continuous text on both recto and verso and some
had to be reworked or re-engraved. (Johann Ludwig Gottfriedt, Newe
Welt und Americanische Historien, Merian, 1655) [all this information
has been taken from Theodore de Bry and his Illustrated Voyages and
Travels, www.history-engraved.org].
The print which concerns us is the one found on page 336 of the
Gottfriedt book previously cited. It is available online at the web
page of the Wisconsin Historical Society, image ID: 23845 entitled
Spanish Massacre French, Collection name: Rare books. Further
reference indicates that it is a cooperplate engraving from Johann
Ludwig Gottfriedts Newe Welt un americanische historien (Frankfurt,
Bey Denen Merlanishen Erben, 1655). The second edition of an
50
abridgment of the German text of the Grands Voyages (1590-1634), Newe
Welt contains a series of illustrated exploration narratives that were
originally published by the de Bry firm. The engravings were made by
Theodore de Bry (1528-1598), his sons Johann Israel de Bry (died 1611)
and Johann Theodore de Bry (1561-1623), and other family members. The
engravings were not firsthand depictions but rather based on source
material that the de Bry firm obtained for publication. This image is
also viewable in the American journeys online edition of Newe Welt un
americanischen historien.
[engraving]
51
Spaniards each, and two other groups are already on the ground being
hatched up by one soldier each.
The entire picture may be interpreted syncronically or
diacronically, either the three scenes take place at the same time and
we can see a hierarchical order from left (the commanders), to right
(the officers and noblemen), and up (the soldiers and sailors being
executed in an undignified way). Or, we may see a story, first on the
left the parley, on the right the execution of the officers, and up
the massive killing of the rest of the French. It may be concluded
that this engraving does not depict the death of Jean Ribault but only
his dialogue with Menendez, if at all.
VIII. CONCLUSION
After all these years of research, what to say about the death of
Jean Ribault? What is its meaning if any? He and Laudonniere too
represented the French civilization coming to America, including its
religious sect of French Protestants and the beautiful art of Le
Moyne. You may add their ambitions and the confrontations with the
other world powers.
It could have been a French-Spanish Florida, all of us Floridians
could have been richer and more diverse even under the political
control of the English and then the Americans. Instead, we have this
horrendous massacre of several hundreds, with all the hatred and
horror for generations to come. In the end the authoritarian
absolutism, and spiritual fanaticism of the Spaniards failed miserably
as it should.
By the 1800s they began going back to the peninsula, and by 1898
it was all over. The decadence of the Spanish project was evident for
all to see, and what is worse the consequences for the ex-American
dominions are evident: constant political instability, permanent
economic failure, generalized corruption, and the other spiritual
failures. It is our Hispanic heritage which, perhaps, began when
Menendez refused to absolve Ribault and his friends.
IX. Notes
52
1. David P. Henige, Historical Evidence and Argument, Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 2005
2. Genaro Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida,
Mexico, 1902. Vidas y Hechos de Pero Menendez de Aviles por Bartolome
Barrientos, p. 1-16 (after LXXXVII).
3. Eugenio Ruidiaz y Caravia, La Florida, su conquista y
colonizacion por Pedro Menendez de Aviles, Madrid, 1893, tomo II,
Apendice 9no, pg. 614.
4. Juan Carlos Mercado, ed. Pedro Menendez de Aviles. Cartas
sobre la Florida (1555-1574), Madrid: Iberoamericana, 2002, pg. 139.
5. Vidas y Hechos de Pero Menendez de Aviles by Bartolome
Barrientos, translated into English by Anthony Kerrigan, Gainesville:
University of Florida Press, 1965.
6. Eugene Lyon, The Adelantamiento de Florida: 1565-1568,
University of Florida, 1973, 16; Footnote 27: Menendez Describes his
adventures in a memorial to the Council of the Indies dated 1553, and
found in A.G.I. Santo Domingo 71. In Stetson Collection, mis-dated
1567, repeated by Sam Turner, Pedro Menendez de Aviles timeline: In
the kings service, posted: 01/18/2015, St. Augustine Records. See
also, Michael Kenny, S.J. (1863-1946), The Romance of the Floridas,
N.Y.: Bruce Publishing, 1934, at 125, note 5. Mr. Kenny says that
Bourne and Lowery recall the wholesale slaughters of surrendered
prisoners by Cromwell and others; but if Menendez had followed the
corsair practice in his own experience at Havana and elsewhere, he
would have hanged or burn them wholesale. Or he could have inclosed
them unarmed in a concentration camp, or on one of the islands, and
left them there foodless to die, after the fashion of Sir Francis
Drake.
7. Allen Johnson, The Historian and Historical Evidence, New
York: Scribners, 1926, 80.
8. J. Gears, Van het Barokke leven, Baarn, 1957, BI. 183-188.
9. Woodbury Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present
Limit of the United States, New York: Putnam, 1911, tomo II, Appendix
53
P, p, g. 427. See also, R.G. Marsden, Law and Custom of the Sea, 1999,
I, p. 13, 19.
10. Johnson, ibidem, 83.
11. Internet: Early Visions of Florida, translation by P.J.
Morrone and James Everett, 2011.
12. Carl N. Degler, Comparative History: An Essay Review, 34 J.
of Southern History 3 (Aug 1968):425/30. Ben Kiernan, Blood and Soil,
Yale UP, New Haven, 2007, 169.
13. Richard Berleth, The Twilight Lords. Elizabeth I and the
Plunder of Ireland, Lanham: Roberts/Reinhart, 2002 (rev. ed.),
174/175.
14. Andrew Sweeny, Isis Comits latest atrocity against gays,
04/19/2016, naij.com (Nigeria News).
15. Helena Carretero Suarez, Ascenso Social de la Nobleza
Avilesina en los Siglos XVI y XVII. El Servicio al Imperio,
University of Oviedo, May 2011, citing Enrique Soria Meza, La Nobleza
en la Espana Moderna, Cambio y Continuidad, Madrid, 2007, 231/254.
16. John Frederick Schwaller, Nobility, Family and Service:
Menendez and his men, Florida Historical Quarterly, vol. 66, No. 3
(Jan 1988): 298/310, 298.
17. La Nueva Espana, 2001, as part of the series Entrevistas en
la Historia: El Cronista Gonzalo Solis de Meras, La Nueva Espana,
06/18/2001, www.llanes.as. Also published in Jose I. Gracia Noriega,
Hombre de Brujula y Espada, Presentacion: Cajastur, Prologo de Gustavo
Bueno, 2002.
54