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Ecocultural Effects on Infant Care 513
T
he integration of two modalities of human existence, agency
and communion (Bakan 1966) can be conceived of as central to
self conceptions across cultural environments. Agency refers
to an individuals self assertion, competence, and autonomy.
Communion refers to an individuals striving to relate to oth-
ers and focus on cooperation and relational harmony. Kagitiba si (1994)
proposed that agency and communion are two separate dimensions which
are interrelated empirically rather than logically. These orientations are
expressed in individuals perceptions, memory and cognition, moral rea-
soning, and social relationships (Markus and Kitayama 1991). They are
co-constructed within cultural environments and thus central to socializa-
tion processes. Through their parenting strategies, parents try to prepare
their children for the balance between agency and communion that may
be adaptive for their future environment.
Cultures differ substantially with respect to the emphasis that they
put on the development of agency and communion even in the develop-
mental phase of infancy (Keller 2003). A special emphasis on agency has
been ascribed to Western middle-class societies (e.g., Kagitiba si 1996).
At least as conceptualized by these researchers, the prototypical social-
ization setting for the small child is a nuclear family with no or few sib-
lings. The mother is the primary caregiver and spends most of her time
alone with the infant. Her attention alternates between exclusive interac-
tions with the baby and her daily chores (Rogoff et al. 1993; Verhoef and
Morelli 2004). She communicates with the baby as a quasi-equal interac-
tional partner whose needs, wishes, preferences, and desires are important
(Keller, Hentschel et al. 2004). Face-to-face interaction and object play
are the favorite parenting activities (Keller, Lohaus et al. 2004). Through
contingent responsiveness, the baby experiences causality from early on
(Voelker et al. 1999). This distal parenting style can be conceived of as
supporting agency (Keller, Borke et al. 2005). Moreover, orienting the baby
to toys and objects from the beginning supports separateness and accus-
toms the baby to spent time on his or her own (Keller, Hentschel et al.
2004).
A special emphasis on communion has been ascribed to rural farm-
ing communities, for example in Africa or Asia (Kagitiba si 1996). The
socialization scenario for infants in those communities can be described
as extended family with multiple caregiving arrangements. Yet the mother
also plays a special role during the first months of life, since breastfeeding
is regarded as a crucial aspect of good maternal care (Morelli and Tronick
1991; Yovsi and Keller 2003). Maternal attention is often divided or co-
occurring when monitoring the infant while doing household chores or
farm work (Keller 2000; Verhoef and Morelli 2004). Caregivers attention
514 ETHOS
health center with the help of a nurse or a traditional birth attendant, and
some go to the Banso Baptist Hospital (BBH), a large U.S.-American run
hospital located a few miles from the village. Villagers who cannot afford to
pay for modern health services go to practitioners of traditional medicine.
Some illnesses are believed to have supernatural causes, and seen as the
severing of the link with the ancestors. In this case, sacrifices are offered
at family altars.
Although rural Cameroon is a disease-prone area, the general health
of the Nso women and children is good. Pipe borne potable water is ac-
cessible in the village, and Kikaikelaki Nso women do not show signs of
malnutrition.
Most households are monogamous apart from ranked persons with
traditional titles, for example Fon, the lineage head, who by traditional
law is supposed to be polygamous. Some Muslim families are also polyg-
amous because the Koran permits a man up to four wives. There is close
contact with relatives and neighbors living in the same lineage or fam-
ily land. Farmlands are usually distant from the village, but people still
have small farms outside their houses. Subsistence is a combination of
communal efforts and endeavors by family members, with farming be-
ing the main responsibility of women. Men bring home the harvest from
the more distant farms, and some do handicrafts like weaving, carving
and fabrication of furniture from local bamboo as well as tapping palm
wine.
For the Nso, the aim of childrearing is to inculcate the moral values of
obedience, respect for authority and conformity to the group. The child
is regarded as the reincarnation of a deceased ancestor and a gift from
God. Ancestors send messages to the living through infants expressive
behaviors (e.g., giggling or body movements). Childrens socialization is
considered to be an instrument of the society; accepting social respon-
sibility, commitment, and involvement for the communal good such as
harmony and group stability and is embedded in a highly expressive in-
teractional exchange. The attainment of the moral values of the society
constitutes Nsoness (Yovsi 2003).
Mothers have primary responsibility for child care, and the mother
does not leave young infants except with female relatives or elder siblings.
However, other caregivers such as female relatives or the childs elder
siblings carry or hold the child as the mother goes about her work routines.
This shared care enables the mother to perform her household chores:
preparing food, washing dishes and clothes, carrying water, and sweeping
the compound. Women do not have to return to work on the farm until the
baby is about three months of age. Then they take their infants with them
and leave them in a bowl at the edge of the field or with a young caregiver
usually an elder sibling or cousin of the infant. The child is always within
Ecocultural Effects on Infant Care 517
view or at least within hearing distance of the mother, who is able to react
immediately to the infants crying and to breastfeed on demand.
with 5 per 1,000 live births; fertility is also among the lowest in the world
with a total of only 1.3 children per woman. Infants are expected to spend
time alone or entertain themselves with toys from early on in order to
give the mother some free time for herself. There are hardly any other
caregivers available because relatives usually do not live in the neighbor-
hood and other babysitters have to be paid. Independence from the parent
is thus the major socialization goal of infancy. This is not related to the
religious orientation of the parents, which may be Catholic, Protestant,
or, more often among more highly-educated Germans, atheistic.
In this study we focus on the early developmental phase of infancy.
The age of about three months is characterized by a sociobehavioral shift
in diverse cultures. Indian Hindu culture celebrates special ceremonies
at about this age, in which the baby is exposed to the sun and the moon
for the first time (Saraswathi and Pai 1997). For the Nso, the first three
months of life are part of the Wan phase, covering the first six months.
At about three months, the motherinfant seclusion ends and the mother
returns to her farm work (Yovsi 2003).
In German middle-class families, three months of age represents a fo-
cal developmental phase. Parentinfant interactions are characterized by
a peak in mutual eye contact (Keller et al. 1985), which can be interpreted
as an early outcome in relational development. Infants are expected to
have developed the first steps of autonomy at this time, including sleeping
through the night and the establishment of a mature circadian rhythm.
In longitudinal research it has been demonstrated that interactional
patterns between mothers and three-month-old infants are predictive of
infants later behavioral styles and competencies (Bornstein and Tamis-
LeMonda 1990; Keller, Borke et al. 2005). This may be rooted in the
fact that experiences provided by parents tend to be stable during in-
fancy, as research on behavioral stability by Holden and Miller (1999) has
demonstrated.
METHOD
Participants
24 Rajput families, 22 Nso families, and 20 German families partic-
ipated in this study. In all but one of the Gujarati families both parents
were Rajputs; in the remaining family one parent was Rajput. The religious
orientation of the Nso was 40.9 percent Catholics, 36.4 percent Protes-
tants, and 22.7 percent Muslims.The 20 German families all belonged to
Christian religions (Roman Catholic and Protestant), although only few
Ecocultural Effects on Infant Care 521
PROCEDURE
The Rural Samples
One of the authors and three German students who had been trained
in Germany, together with local interpreters collected the data in rural
Gujarat between March and October 1999. The Nso assessments were
conducted by one of the authors who is a native Nso, and by another author
with a local Nso guide who were supported by the local health center.
The fieldworkers in both places got lists of babies that had been born
two months previously. A traditional birth attendant or kindergartener
Table 1. Socio-Demographic Characteristics of Participating Nso, Rajput, and German Families.
522 ETHOS
Table 2. Civil Status of Participating Nso, Gujarati, and German Mothers as Percentages
of Cultural Groups.
introduced the fieldworkers to the families and stayed with them during
the complete first visit when the study was explained to the family. It was
stressed that we are interested in the normal daily routines. The family
was then asked for their consent, when it would be convenient for them
to be visited for the spot observations. Most of the families replied any
time. All of the contacted families agreed to participate. Finally socio-
demographic information about the members of the family was assessed.
The assessment took place when the infants were between 2.5 and
3 months old. The spot observations usually started on one of the days
following the first contact and were continued until 20 observations were
completed. The whole observation was completed within one week for
each family. One researcher (with an interpreter) visited the families to
do the observations. Due to their enormous workload, families were not
able to deviate from their usual schedule. If the researchers were not able
to find a family they came back later to do the observation.
German Sample
The 20 German families were selected for this study from a larger
sample of 60 families. They were chosen to match the Nso and Rajput
samples as closely as possible with regard to the infants gender and birth
rank and the mothers age. Ten weeks after delivery home visits were
524 ETHOS
Spot Observations
Spot observations as described by Rogoff (1978) are a modified time
sampling method of observation in which the observer is relatively un-
obtrusive, taking a mental snapshot of the activity that is going on at
the moment when he or she enters the observation site (cf. Draper 1975;
LeVine et al. 1994; Munroe and Munroe 1971; for a summary see Gross
1984). Spot observations must be done over an extended period during
different times of the day, and days of the week to ensure that differences
reflect variations between populations and not merely random fluctuation
due to the variability in peoples activities. In the present study, we con-
ductes 20 spot observations spread evenly between 8 a.m. and 6 p.m. over
a period of one week. We restricted the observations to one week due to
the fast developmental progress of infants at that age.
Since spot observations do not provide information about the dura-
tion of situations, we complemented the spot observations with brief time
sampling observation periods of 15 minutes. During the 15 minutes, de-
fined behavioral codes were assessed within ten second intervals with a
recording time of 20 seconds. A total of five minutes of actual observation
resulted from each unit. For the 20 home visits, the net observation time
per family equaled 100 minutes. One team of observer and guide (Nso) or
interpreter (Gujarat) visited one family for all of the 20 observational units.
For the German sample the method was adapted for the coding of
video sequences. 20 sequences of 15 minutes duration each (for a total of
five hours) were randomly selected from the ten hour video recording for
coding before the video taped material was viewed by the coders.
Measures
The infants experiences within the three cultural contexts were as-
sessed by coding each present persons caregiving behaviors concurrently
Ecocultural Effects on Infant Care 525
with the infants state. The analysis of the state of the infant was es-
sential since the infants state creates the context of the interaction
(Schoelmerich and Weels 1998). Although certain caretaking customs
and practices are culturally recognized and have been ethnographically
documented, the question how frequently and consistently distinct behav-
iors can be observed remained to be addressed. We were therefore espe-
cially interested in caregiving behaviors that can be assumed to promote
communion (nursing, body contact, and body stimulation) as compared to
those promoting agency (object stimulation, face-to-face- or eye-contact).
Any code was applied only when the corresponding behavior lasted for at
least five seconds during the interval. The codes include the following:
Infant States
Sleep. The infant is sleeping or is about to fall asleep. Signs for falling
asleep are yawning, closed/closing eyes, and relaxed muscle tone.
Attentive. All signs of sleep and sleepiness are absent and the infant
does not fuss or cry.
Fuss/Cry. The infant is awake and cries or manifests signs of being
upset by moaning, whining, or whimpering
Persons presence
Each individual person with the infant
a) within reach (straight arm-length or closer), or
b) within viewing distance (the person can see the infant, but the infant
does not necessarily have to be able to see the person) was coded sep-
arately. Parenting behaviors were coded for each person as the category
applied, usually with the infant being within reach.
Responses to Crying
Nursing. The caregiver (usually mother) nurses the infant.
Body Contact
Body contact comprises more contact between caregiver and infant
than just caregivers hands touching infants body. The baby is carried or
held on caregivers arms, hip, or back, or the baby is held on caregivers
lap or legs. Caregiver and baby may also lie close to each other on a
bed or the caregiver may be sitting in body contact with a baby who is
lying.
Caressing
The caregiver caresses the infant with her/his own face or parts of the
face (mouth, nose).
Body Stimulation
Holding. The baby is held with hands in front of the caregiver without
body contact. The baby can also stand on caregivers upper legs.
Vestibular stimulation. The infant is rocked with the whole body or
upper trunk. The infant can have body contact or can be lying in a cradle.
526 ETHOS
Data Analysis
Both the total amount and the special kind of caregiving behaviors
an infant experiences may depend on the infants state. Beyond that, the
same parenting behavior may express different meanings depending on
the infants state. Therefore all scores for parenting categories were cal-
culated as percentages of specific infant states. Percentages were used
instead of contingent codes because these infant states last for some time
rather than being discrete events. Furthermore, behaviors were calcu-
lated for mothers and aggregated for all other persons involved with the
infants. Aggregation was necessary because in none of the three cultures
Ecocultural Effects on Infant Care 527
did any person (father, grandmother, siblings etc.) besides the mother
spend more than 10 percent of the observation time with the infant in
reach; for most of them it was even less than 5 percent. Any further
differentiation according to person was therefore deemed insignificant.
Thus, we were able to compare the state-related parenting behaviors that
Nso, Rajput, and German infants experienced by the mother and other
persons.
As the first step of analysis (analysis 1), we computed a MANOVA
of cultural group (Rajput, Nso, German) for the following dependent
variables: 1) percentage of observation intervals the infant spent within
mothers reach, others reach and within reach of mother and other to-
gether during a) sleeping, b) attentive, and c) crying states, 2) percentage
of the total number of observation intervals the infant was alone without
anybody in view, 3) percentage of crying intervals the infant was nursed,
4) percentage of the total number of observation intervals the infant was
in a sleeping state, and 5) percentage of the infants waking state intervals
spent with crying.
Mothers age and years of school attendance were controlled as co-
variates because these variables potentially influence parenting behavior
(Keller, Lohaus et al. 2004).
As a second step of data analysis (analysis 2), a cultural group
(Rajput, Nso, German) x person (mother, other) MANOVA with repeated
measures for the factor person was calculated for the following dependent
variables:
body contact during a) sleeping, b) attentive, and c) crying states;
object presentation, face-to-face situation, caressing, and the categories
of body stimulation during attentive states.
The mothers age and years of maternal school attendance were again
controlled as covariates.
Results
The results of analysis 1 revealed a significant multivariate effect of
cultural group, F (26, 98) = 6.90, p < .001, and no significant effects of
covariates (see Table 4).
Analysis 2 yielded significant main effects of cultural group, F (24,
98) = 8.94, p < .001, person, F (12, 48) = 2.47, p < .05, and a significant
cultural group x person interaction, F (24, 98) = 4.54, p < .001. Further,
mothers age as a covariate was significant, F (12, 48) = 2.15, p < .05.
Univariate age effects were found for care during crying states, F (1, 59) =
6.54, p < .05, body contact during sleeping, F (1, 59) = 11.33, p < .001,
and attentive states, F (1, 59) = 8.18, p < .05. Older mothers infants ex-
perienced more care and less body contact (see Table 5).
Table 4. Differences between the Cultural Groups with Respect to Basic Descriptive Parameters: Mean Percentages of Observed Time Intervals
and Standard Deviations (corrected for covariate) Together with Summary Statistics for Univariate Analyses of Variance.
528 ETHOS
F-statistics
Cultural
Rajput Nso German
Cultural Groupa Person Group x Person
Mother Others Mother Others Mother Others df = 2, 59 df = 1, 59 df = 2, 59
Body Contact
Infant sleeps 0.00 1.65 39.53 15.11 12.79 2.18 89.73 13.09 16.12
(15.91) (12.87) (11.36) (9.18) (16.78) (13.57) (N > R, N > G, G > R)
Infant attentive 26.82 11.73 53.02 30.62 43.40 4.40 66.87
(18.21) (14.87) (13.00) (10.62) (19.21) (15.69) (N > R, N > G)
Infant cries 20.78 11.49 44.04 39.27 19.20 4.24 61.58
(25.58) (23.42) (18.26) (16.72) (26.99) (24.71) (N > R, N > G)
Object presentation
Infant attentive 0.07 0.40 0.83 0.54 2.33 0.22 3.17
(2.57) (1.19) (1.83) (0.85) (2.71) (1.25)
Face-to-face
Infant attentive 5.87 9.51 21.34 9.08 25.70 1.82 10.68 5.24 18.18
(10.43) (6.95) (7.44) (4.96) (11.00) (7.33) (R < N, R < G)
Caressing
Infant attentive 0.00 1.41 1.88 1.11 1.08 0.00 11.37 6.54 9.80
(1.74) (1.19) (1.24) (0.85) (1.83) (1.25) (N > R, N > G)
High energy body stimulation Infant attentive
Holding 0.15 0.42 0.17 0.19 0.06 0.13
vestibular (0.48) (0.61) (0.34) (0.44) (0.50) (0.65)
Body contact 0.91 1.67 3.57 14.78 2.22 3.72 16.36 6.91
vestibular (2.85) (13.48) (2.03) (9.62) (3.00) (14.22) (N > R, N > G)
Low energy body stimulation Infant attentive
Holding 6.86 5.67 2.20 0.66 4.27 0.00 13.70
no vestibular (4.85) (5.08) (3.46) (3.63) (5.12) (5.36) (R > N, R > G)
Cradling 3.42 4.84 0.03 0.01 0.00 0.00 22.45
(3.43) (3.26) (2.45) (2.33) (3.62) (3.44) (R > N, R > G)
Note. Standard deviations are in parentheses.
Ecocultural Effects on Infant Care 529
a
Significant pair comparisons are in parentheses. R = Rajput, N = Nso, G = German. p < .05 p < .01 p < .001.
530 ETHOS
than Rajput mothers, p < .05. Thus, in comparing the body contact expe-
riences of Rajput and German infants, we found no differences in crying
and attentive states, but German infants experienced more than Rajput
infants in sleeping states.
they had body contact with their caregivers than Rajput infants. As Scheffe
tests reveal, this difference is based on stimulation by others, not the
mother ( p < .01). Rajput infants were held more in front of the body with-
out vestibular stimulation than Nso infants, and they were also cradled
more. German infants experienced less vestibular stimulation when they
had body contact with their caregivers compared to Nso infants ( p < .05),
and were cradled or held in front of the body without vestibular stimula-
tion less often than Rajput infants.
Our assumption that body stimulation is related to the health and
nutritional status of the mother is only partially supported by our data.
Even though the behaviors that are implemented for body stimulation
differ between the Nso and the Gujarati Rajputs, the high energy body
stimulations of the Nso were mainly performed by caregivers other than
the mother. On the other hand, low energy body stimulation was done by
all Rajput caregivers, not only the mothers.
DISCUSSION
The goal of this study was to contribute to the understanding of early
socialization contexts in traditional farming communities as compared
to parenting in Western middle-class families, with a special emphasis
on parenting strategies that can be assumed to promote communion as
compared to those promoting agency. Moreover, we hoped to shed some
light on existing controversies about the caregiving style of subsistence
farmers, which has been characterized as harsh and unresponsive on the
one hand and warm and indulgent on the other. We found similarities
between Nso and Rajput caregivers as compared to German caregivers
in providing infants with multiple care experiences. The Nso and Rajput
infants of our study were hardly ever out of their caregivers view, and they
were taken care of by different persons for considerably higher amounts of
time than German infants. German infants spend a considerable amount
of time alone. When they were not alone, the German infants were nearly
always exclusively within their mothers reach. Thus, our data confirm
that with respect to the social matrix of the infants, both Nso and Rajput
Ecocultural Effects on Infant Care 533
orientation towards communion only for the Nso with respect to nursing
in response to crying and body contact. The high amount of face-to-face
experiences of the Nso babies was unexpected. We will come back to that
point later in discussion.
Nevertheless, the parenting pattern of the Gujarati Rajputs can also
be described as emphasizing the development of communion more than
the development of agency in some ways. Extensive multiple care ex-
periences support the infants growing into the hierarchically organized
social network. Face-to-face interaction and object stimulation as parent-
ing strategies to foster agency are uncommon. However, body contact is
also unexpectedly low.
With respect to infants experiences of emotional expressivity, we
could confirm the assumption that Nso mothers display more caressing
than Rajput mothers. Concerning other caregivers, there was no difference
between Nso and Rajputs. This highly significant interaction between cul-
ture and person reflects a characteristic of the Rajput culture, where it
is not deemed appropriate for a young mother to demonstrate too much
affection for her child openly, whereas other persons may do so.
With respect to body stimulation, we could confirm our assumptions.
Nso caregivers, particularly persons other than the mother, provided in-
fants with substantial amounts of body stimulation; also Rajput caregivers
emphasize this parenting system. Yet, there were marked differences in
the modulation of these practices. Rajput caregivers stimulated infants
by putting them on their feet. This was practiced for washing, but also
occasionally throughout the day. As a possible result of this practice three
months old Rajput babies were able to stand with only slight support of
the upper trunk (cf. Figure 1).
Another prominent means of Rajput body stimulation was cradling:
Rajput infants were put into a cloth swing which was moved by whoever
passed by. Nso infants were mainly stimulated vestibularly with a special
hip; however, others are not, for example: sitting or lying with close body
contact. However, Gujarati mothers cannot afford to sit and lie down very
much during the day due to their household and farming responsibilities.
In line with an emphasis on communion, they nevertheless express the
importance of body contact, for example when they describe the cloth
swing which is a usual requisite for infant care in the Nandesari villages,
as tightly surrounding the baby and giving it support and security, just
like body contact.
The Nso caregivers unexpected emphasis on face-to-face exchange,
akin to the Germans, however, cannot be explained within this frame-
work. In order to understand the socialization context of the early face-
to-face setting better, the emphasis within this parenting system needs
to be further specified. We observed that German caregivers often placed
babies on their legs or on the floor, and mixed object presentations and
mimic-verbal exchanges within this setting. Nso caregivers held infants in
an upright face-to-face position and mixed mimic-verbal exchange with
motor stimulation. The argument that we have put forward leads us to
speculate that the face-to-face systems may serve different functions for
the Nso than for the Germans. Whereas the Germans concentrate on
eye-to-eye contact, the Nso may be more oriented toward the display
of affectivity. This speculation is supported by the analysis of parental
ethnotheories among the Nso and Germans that revealed that eye-to-eye
contact is barely mentioned as important by the Nso (Keller, Voelker, and
Yovsi 2005). Further research needs to focus on the cultural significance
of similar and different parenting strategies.
What are the implications of these results for the understanding of in-
fants socialization experiences in traditional farming communities? The
Cameroonian Nso and the Indian Gujarati infants lives are similarly char-
acterized by multiple care and social cohesiveness within the family net-
work. It can be assumed that these similar social network experiences
foster the awareness of being part of a social group rather than being a
unique and separated individual. In contrast, physical separateness as a
predominant early context of German infants can be understood as em-
phasizing the development of separateness. However, multiple care may
also be a practical necessity of traditional farming life in order to allow
mothers to continue participating in subsistence activities.
Generally, our data confirm that there is not one parenting style char-
acterizing farming communities. Sociocultural and contextual parameters
further specify parenting strategies. There are similarities and differences
among all three samples. The Nso and Gujarati strategies can both be
regarded as supporting communion. Moreover, the Nso strategy can be
described as an indulgent parenting pattern. The Rajput strategy is cer-
tainly less indulgent. Further studies are needed to understand whether it
Ecocultural Effects on Infant Care 537
HEIDI KELLER is a professor of psychology and the head of the Department of Culture and Development at the University
of Osnabrueck, Germany.
MONIKA ABELS is a research assistant and doctorate candidate in the Department of Culture and Development at the
University of Osnabrueck, Germany.
BETTINA LAMM is a research assistant and doctorate candidate in the Department of Culture and Development at the
University of Osnabrueck.
RELINDIS DZEAYE YOVSI, PhD, is a research associate at the University of Osnabrueck, in the Department of Culture
and Development.
SUSANNE VOELKER is a PhD associated with the Department of Human Sciences, University of Osnabrueck, Germany.
ARUNA LAKHANI is the director of Deepak Foundation, an organization dedicated to the livelihood needs of women
(including self development), womens health, infant and maternal mortality and gender issues.
NOTES
Acknowledgments. This study was supported by grants of the VW foundation, the
German Research Council, the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD), the Carl
Duisberg Society, and the University of Osnabrueck. We would like to express our gratitude
to all the participating families who supported our work with their friendliness and
patience. We are gratefully indebted to the staff of Deepak Charitable Trust/Deepak Medical
Foundation who introduced us to the Nandesari villages and resource persons who helped
us to get into touch with families with infants. We thank our Gujarati interpreters Tinaben,
Deepaben, Nayanaben and Shilpaben for their valuable contributions as interpreters during
the home visits and Romy Kreher, Birgit Meineke, and Sabine Diehl for their help in the
fieldwork in the Nandesari villages. We thank Emma Fai and Josephine L. Ngum for the help
in data collection in the Nso villages in Cameroon. This article was completed when the first
author was a fellow in residence at the NIAS, Netherlands Institute for Advanced Studies in
the Humanities and Social Sciences. Corresponding author: Heidi Keller, University of Os-
nabrueck, Faculty of Human Sciences, Department Culture and Development, Seminarstr.
20, 49069 Osnabrueck, Germany; tel.: +49-541-9694393; e-mail: hkeller@uos.de.
1. We are not dealing here with combinations, as proposed by Kagitiba si (1996, cf. also
Keller et al., under review).
538 ETHOS
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