Você está na página 1de 5

Why China's Rise Will Be Peaceful: Hierarchy and Stability in the East Asian Region

Author(s): David C. Kang


Reviewed work(s):
Source: Perspectives on Politics, Vol. 3, No. 3 (Sep., 2005), pp. 551-554
Published by: American Political Science Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3689029 .
Accessed: 22/11/2012 06:11

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

American Political Science Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Perspectives on Politics.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Thu, 22 Nov 2012 06:11:52 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Policyresearchworkingpaper2509. Washington DC: David C. Kang
WorldBank.
WhyChina'sRise WillBe PeacefuhHierarchy
Mutti,JohnH. 2003. Foreign directinvestmentand tax and Stabilityin theEast Asian Region
competition.Washington, DC: InstituteforInter-
Will China'sexpectedemergence as thepredominant state
nationalEconomics.
in East Asia resultin hierarchy or balancing?'At least
Olofsdotter,Karin.1998. Foreigndirectinvestment,
threemajorbodiesofliterature predictthata risingChina
countrycapabilitiesand economicgrowth.Weltwis-
will be destabilizing.Realpolitikpessimistssee China's
Archiv134 (3): 534-47.
senschaftliches rise as inherently so. JohnMearsheimer writesthat if
Xu, Bin. 2000. Multinational
enterprises,technology Chinathreatened to dominatetheentireregion, "Itwould
diffusion,and hostcountry productivity growth. be a farmoredangerous place than it is now ... Engage-
JournalofDevelopment Economics 62 (2): 477-93.
mentpoliciesand thelikewould not dull China'sappe-
Wells,Louis. 1999. Attracting
foreign investment:In-
titeforpower."2Powertransition theorists alsoseerapidly
centives, and infrastructure.
institutions, Background
risingpower as a likelycause of conflict. RobertPowell
paperfortheFIAS (ForeignInvestment Advisory writesthat,"Arapidly of
shiftingdistribution powercom-
Service)/UNDP(UnitedNationsDevelopmentPro- binedwiththe states'inabilityto committo an agree-
gramme)High-LevelRoundtable,Bangkok. ment can lead to war."3Finally,thosewho focuson
WorldBank.2005. Worlddevelopment report:A better
investment climateforeveryone. DC: signalingemphasizethatan authoritarian statehas more
Washington in makingcrediblestatements about itsinten-
WorldBank. difficulty
tionsthana democratic state.4
However,China has alreadybeengrowingrapidlyfor
almostthreedecades,and thereis littleevidencethatthe
regionis devolvingintobalancing,or thatChina'sriseis
causingunduealarm.5Surely, giventheanticipatory nature
ofthepessimistic arguments-that states for
prepare future
contingencies today-China'sgrowth should alreadyhave
prompted a reaction from East Asian states. Stability is
also not theresultof theUnitedStatesactingas an off-
shorebalancer, attenuatingregionalconflicts andcounter-
balancing Chinese power,uniformly welcomed by East
Asian states.6Only Taiwan,and perhapsJapan,clearly
relyon a U.S. securityumbrella to balanceChinesepower.
In decidinghowcloselyto alignwitheitherChinaor the
U.S, statescanchooseto aligntightly withtheU.S., tightly
withChina, or a positionsomewhere betweenthe two.
Whileno stateis completely alliedwithChina,manystates
areat leastaccommodating itsrise(fig.1). Statessuchas
Vietnam, Thailand,thePhilippines, andevenSouthKorea
could alignmuchmorestrongly withtheUnitedStates,
buttheyhavechosennotto do so. Indeed,thecaseofEast
Asia beliesthenotionthatsome statesare "too smallto
balance."Witha potential offshore balancerin theUnited
States,evensmallstateshavea choiceaboutwhetheror
notto tryto balancerisingpower.IfTaiwan,withonly22
millionpeopleand closegeographic proximity to China,
can seekto balancebecauseof a U.S. umbrella,thenall
theotherstatesin EastAsiacouldas well.Ifmyargument
isright,thedirectionofstates'
alignments willmovetowards
ChinaandawayfromtheUnitedStates,eventhoughthey
may remainhesitantto clearlychoose one side or the
other.

David C. Kangisassociate
professor at
ofgovernment
Dartmouth (david.
College c.kang@dartmouth.edu).

September 2005 I Vol. 3/No.3 551

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Thu, 22 Nov 2012 06:11:52 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Symposium I TenYearsfrom
Now

Figure1
Currentand predictedalignmentbetweenthe UnitedStatesand China of selectedEast Asian states
North
Korea Vietnam Malaysia Philippines SouthKorea Japan,
Taiwan

I I I I I
withChina
Alignment withthe
Alignment
UnitedStates

Predicted
direction
ofalignment

China'sexpectedemergence as themostpowerful state (or "unbalanced")power,it is notjust security


and eco-
in East Asia has been accompaniedwithmorestability nomicrelations,but also the intentionsand preferences
thanpessimists believedpossiblebecauseChinais increas- ofbothdominantand secondary statesthatmakeChina's
inglybecomingthe regionalhierarch.7 It has provided emergence as the largestregionalstatestableand non-
credibleinformation aboutitscapabilities and intentions This coincideswithrecentformalworkon
threatening.
to itsneighbors; EastAsianstatesbelieveChina'sclaims, international
conflict
thathasidentifiedasymmetric infor-
andhencedo notfear-and insteadseektobenefit from- mationas one of the main causal mechanisms thatcan
itsrise.This sharedunderstanding aboutChina'sprefer- Signalsmustshow that the stateis
lead to conflict.12
encesandlimited thesecurity
aimsshort-circuits dilemma.8 moderateand willingto reciprocate cooperation.13 To
One needonlyimaginetheconsequences ofJapanattempt- theextentthatChinacommunicates to itsneigh-
restraint
ing to undertake sucha roleto realizehow important is bors,and its neighborsbelieveChina, thenthe system
thissocialunderstanding about China'spositionin East willbe stableevenin thecontextof itsrisingpower.
Asia.
Furthermore, theUnitedStatesmaynot be thekeyto
in EastAsia. If theUnitedStateswithdraws SignalingChina'sintentions. Viewed in materialterms,
stability sig-
China'sriseposesbothpotentialcostsand benefits. The
nificantlyfrom the region,East Asia will not becomeas
costsare obvious:the richer and more powerful China
dangerousor unstableas the balance-of-power perspec-
tive expects,because othernationswill accommodate becomes,the moreit can bullyotherstates.And were
China'scentralpositionin EastAsia,ratherthanbalance China to provokea warsomewhere in EastAsia,itwould
effect theentireregionandquitepossibly theUnitedStates.
againstit.9
However,thebenefits fromChina'srisearejust as obvi-
ous: as botha consumer and a producer, theChinesemar-
Themicrofoundations ofhierarchy. A hierarchic system is ket is increasingly seen to hold the future for many
one thatinvolvesa dominantpowerthatdoes not fold companies worldwide, andmanycountries-including the
secondary statesunder its in
wing empire, and yet also United States-are to
attempting gain access to it.14In
doesnotcauseotherstatesto balanceagainstit.Although addition,good relations withChina also hold thepossi-
muchoftheliterature emphasizes thepotentialcostsasso- bilityforregionalstabilityand a spilloverof increased
ciatedwitha risingpower,just as important to consider economicand diplomaticcooperation.
arethepotentialbenefitstosecondary states.A risingpower Of all theAsianstates,Japanis themostlikelyto have
may demand concessions or from
territory secondary states, the capabilityto challenge China'sregional leadership, and
but it may also offer benefitsfrom a growingeconomy the ultimate directionofJapan-China relations isstill
evolv-
and lowerdefensespendingifrelations betweenthetwo ing. However,Japanhas not soughtregionalleadership
areamicable.10Balancinga risingpowerputsthebalancer and appearsunlikelyto do so in thefuture.15Although
in a betterpositionto avoid potentialcostsif thereis Japanand Chinastillhaveunsettled historical animosities
conflict.However,balancing will also be more likely to and territorial
disputes,their economic ties have beenrap-
limitthe benefits of cooperation with the risingpower, idlyincreasing, and the two countries cooperate a range
on
and mayraisecoststhroughadded defense expenditures of issues.
and creatingconflict wheretherewas noneto beginwith. Leadersof East AsianstatesbelieveChina becauseits
Thus a secondarystate'sdecisionwilldepend part in on signalsaboutitsintentions havebecomemoremoderate
thetradeoffbetween thecostsandbenefits therisingpower even as itspower has increased. Chinahastoneddownits
potentiallyprovides. rhetoric, resolvedterritorialdisputeswithits neighbors,
are
However,while materialfactors important ele- and joined(andproposed) international andregional insti-
mentsof hierarchy, sharedexpectations about state pref- tutions. Most China
significantly, has in
put writing that
erencesare just as important." In a of
system unequal it has no intentionof using force in Southeast Asia.16 East

552 on Politics
Perspectives

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Thu, 22 Nov 2012 06:11:52 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Asian statesincreasingly see theireconomicand diplo- 8 Glaser1992.
maticfutures tiedto China.Thus statessuchas Vietnam, 9 I define"EastAsia"as comprising thestatesroughly
thePhilippines,andevenSouthKoreaarereorienting their fromJapanthrough theAssociation of Southeast
foreign to
policies adjust to it. AsianNations(ASEAN).
Why would China reassureotherEast Asian states? 10 Powell2002, 16.
Because its continuedeconomicgrowthand domestic 11 Powell(2002) writesthat"Although some
is predicated
stability on deepintegrationwith,and open- structural theoriesseemto suggestthatone can
ness to, the regionaland international economy.This explainat leasttheoutlineofstatebehavior
grandstrategy is oftencalled "peacefulrise.""17
China withoutreference to states'goalsor preferences...
recognizes thatit needscontinuedeconomicgrowthand in orderto specify a gametheoretic model,the
is dependenton continuedopen international economic actor'spreferences and benefits mustbe defined"
relations.Indeed,the ChineseCommunistParty'smain (p. 17).
claimto legitimacy is itseconomicrecord.Furthermore, 12 Kydd2005; Fearon1995, 381; Martin1993. Infor-
China realizesexplicitlythat it would gain verylittle mationis asymmetric or incomplete whendifferent
fromconflicts withits neighbors, but has muchto gain actorsknowor believemoreabouttheirownprefer-
fromwarmerties.18 encesand vitalinterests thando otherstates.This
can lead to conflict iftwosideshavedifferent assess-
mentsof theother'swillingness to fightoveran
Conclusion. Althoughmaterialfactorsare importantin issue.The othermainmechanism is the"commit-
predicting whether or not China's rise will be destabiliz- ment problem," which arises when twostatescannot
ing,I have focusedon theoften overlooked factor of infor- trust each otherto uphold theirsideofa bargain.
mationand assessments about preferences. Focusingon See Powell2004.
howChinasignalsitsintentions to neighbors leadsme to 13 Kydd1997.
concludethatEastAsia willadjustto China'srise,rather 14 Hoge 2004.
thanbalanceagainstit. 15 Heginbotham and Samuels2003.
If China is ascendingthehierarchy in EastAsia,then 16 In November2002 China signedtheDeclarationon
twootherpredictions follow.First,theUnitedStatesmay theConductofPartiesin theSouthChina Sea, a
notbe thekeyto stabilityin EastAsia.IftheUnitedStates memorandum thatprohibits theuse offorceto
withdraws fromtheregion,EastAsiawillnot
significantly settlerivalclaimsovertheoil-richSpratlyIslands.
becomeas dangerous orunstable as balance-of-power theo- Declarationon theConductofPartiesin theSouth
ristsexpect,because othernationswill accommodate China Sea, signedat theEighthASEAN Summitin
China'scentralpositionin EastAsia,ratherthanbalance PhnomPenh,November2002 (http://www.aseansec.
againstit. Second,if East Asian nationsdo not balance org).Foran assessment ofthedetailsoftheagree-
China as realistsexpect,a U.S. attemptto constructa see
ment, Ang 2004.
balancingcoalitionagainstChina usingEastAsianstates 17 Goldstein(forthcoming).
will be highlyproblematic.East Asian stateswill be 18 Shambaugh2004-5; Womack2003-4.
extremely reluctant
to choose sides, and ifforced to choose,
manywillnotchoosetheUnitedStates.
References
Alagappa,Muthiah.2003. ManagingAsiansecurity:
Notes and evolutionary
Competition, cooperation change.
1 This paperis a shortened versionofKang2005. In Asiansecurity order:Instrumental and normative
2 Mearsheimer 2001, 400. Forsimilararguments see features,ed. MuthiahAlagappa,571-605. Stanford:
Betts1993, 55; Friedberg 1993-94. Stanford UniversityPress.
3 Powell2004, 231. Ang,Cheng Guan. 2004. The SouthChina Sea dispute
4 Fearon1994. revisited. Unpublishedmanuscript, NanyangTechno-
5 Kang2003; Alagappa2003. logicalUniversity.
6 Mastanduno2003; Ikenberry 2004. Betts,RichardK. 1993. Wealth,power,and instability:
7 I use theterm"hierarchy" insteadof "hegemony," EastAsia and theUnitedStatesaftertheCold War.
becausehegemony a
implies comprehensive system- International Security 18 (3): 34-77.
leveldominance.My argument is focusedon a Fearon,JamesD. 1994. Domesticpoliticalaudiences
region,and noneof theEastAsianstatesarechal- and theescalationof international disputes.American
lenging theUnited States for globalleadership, nor PoliticalScienceReview 88 (3): 577-92.
do anystates-includingChina-want to drivethe ~ . 1995. Rationalist explanations forwar.Inter-
UnitedStatesout oftheregion. nationalOrganization 49 (3): 379-414.

September2005 1Vol.3/No.3 553

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Thu, 22 Nov 2012 06:11:52 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Symposium I TenYearsfrom
Now

Friedberg, Aaron.1993-94. Ripe forrivalry: Prospects JytteKlausen


forpeacein a multipolar Asia. InternationalSecurity The Re-PoliticizationofReligionin Europe:
18 (3): 5-33. The Next Ten Years
Glaser,Charles.1992. Politicalconsequencesofmilitary
In thecomingdecadereligion willbecomean increasingly
strategy: Expandingand refining thespiraland deter-
salientissuein Europeanpolitics.'This predictionruns
rencemodels.World Politics44 (4): 497-538.
counterto theconventional wisdomthatEuropeansare
Goldstein,Avery. Forthcoming. Risingto thechallenge: When
China'sgrandstrategy and international "post-Christian." comparing Europeto theUnited
security. States,observers note thatchurchpews are empty,that
Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
fewerpeopleprofess to believein God, and thatEurope-
Heginbotham, Ericand RichardJ.Samuels.2003.
ans are moralrelativists who shyawayfromprincipled
Japan.In Strategic Asia2002-03: Asianaftershocks, ed.
authoritarian countries. In theEuropean
RichardJ.Ellingsand AaronL. Friedberg withMi- positionsagainst
view,modernization implies secularization, and by this
chaelWills,87-121. Seattle:NationalBureauof
standardEuropeansare modernwhile Americansare,
AsianResearch.
dependingon who theobserver is, eitherpostmodern or
Hoge,Jr.JamesE 2004. A globalpowershiftin the irrational.2 then arewe flooded with evidence of the
Why
making:Is theUnitedStatesready?Foreign 83
Affairs ofEurope?
"re-Christianization"
(4): 2-7.
G. John.2004. Americanhegemony and East Surveys show recent growthin thenumberof Europe-
Ikenberry, ans who expressan increasing measureof religiouscom-
Asianorder.Australian Journalof InternationalAffairs mitment.It is only in Sweden and the formerEast
58 (3): 353-67.
Germanythatnonbelievers are themajority.3 When the
Kang,David C. 2003. GettingAsiawrong:The need newconstitution oftheEuropeanUnion(EU) wasdrafted,
fornewanalyticframeworks. InternationalSecurity27
German,Italian,Polishand Slovakiandelegatesargued
(4): 57-85. thata reference to "God" and to "Christian values"should
-. 2005. China reassures EastAsia: Hierarchy and
be incorporated in thetext,and theyweresupportedby
stabilityin international relations.Unpublished
DartmouthCollege.
theformer Frenchpresident, ValkryGiscardd'Estaing,a
manuscript, RomanCatholic.4Greece,Denmark,and Irelandfought
Kydd,Andrew.1997. Game theoryand thespiral to includea preemptive (ArticleI-51 [3]) that
model. World Politics
49 (3): 371-400. paragraph
. 2005. Trustand mistrust relations.
in international protectedexisting church privilegesagainsttheconvention's
antidiscrimination clauses,arousingtheireof theBritish
Princeton: Princeton University Press.
HumanistSocietyand the International Associationof
Martin,Lisa. 1993. Credibility, costs,and institutions: and Atheists(Internationaler Bund
Non-Confessionals
Cooperation on economic sanctions. World Politics
45
der Konfessionslosen und Atheisten) a German-based asso-
(3): 406-32. of the BBC the
criticized
ciation.5The governors corpo-
Mastanduno,Michael.2003. Incompletehegemony: rationforcutting A Danishsocial
The UnitedStatesand security orderin Asia. In Asian religiousprogramming.6
democratand formerNew Left historian,Karen Jes-
securityorder,ed. Muthiah Alagappa,141-70. Stan-
CA: Stanford Press. persen,has declaredthatshe does not wantto live in a
ford, University to stickto thenational
2001. The
multicultural societyand prefers
Mearsheimer, John. tragedy ofgreatpower a nineteenth-
valuesarticulated by N. E S. Grundtvig,
politics.New York:W. W. Norton. Lutheran reformer. The Norwegian pressis sud-
century
Powell,Robert.2002. Bargaining theoryand inter- filledwith references to
denly Christianity.7
nationalconflict. American ReviewofPoliticalScience Beforewe pronouncea Christianrevivalto be on its
5:1-30. on
use ofpower:Costlycon- way,we shouldpauseto consideriftheoriginalreports
-. 2004. The inefficient the dearthof faithwereperhapsnot exaggerated. The
flictwithcompleteinformation, American Political
empty-pews comparisonpresumesthatifyou do not go
ScienceReview98 (2): 633-48.
to churchon Sunday,youdo notcareaboutreligion.But
Shambaugh,David. 2004-5. China engagesAsia: Re-
religionmattersmoreto Europeansthan theirSunday
shapingtheregionalorder.International Security29
behaviorletson. Europeanspaytheirgovernments tosup-
(3): 64-99. churches
their and assume thatthe church
port quiterightly
Womack,Brantley. 2003-4. China and SoutheastAsia: ofessen-
willbe therewhentheyneedit.The consumption
Asymmetry, Leadership, and Normalcy. PacificAffairs tialreligiousservices-baptisms, confirmations, weddings,
76 (4): 529-48.

Klausenis associate
Jytte politicsat
ofcomparative
professor
BrandeisUniversity @brandeis.edu).
(klausen

554 on Politics
Perspectives

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Thu, 22 Nov 2012 06:11:52 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Você também pode gostar