Park, Robert. Suggestions of The Investigation of Human Behavior in The City Enviroment PDF

The City: Suggestions for the Investigation of Human Behavior in the City Environment
Author(s): Robert E. Park

Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 20, No. 5 (Mar., 1915), pp. 577-612
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
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THE AMERICAN
JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
VOLUME XX MARCH I9I5 NUMBER 5
THE CITY: SUGGESTIONS FOR THE INVESTIGATION

OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN THE CITY
ENVIRONMENT
ROBERT E. PARK
of Chicago
University
It will be convenientforthe point of view proposedin this

paper to regardthe city,not as a merecongeriesof personsand
socialarrangements, but as an institution.
An institution, accordingto Sumner,consistsof a "concept
and a structure."By concept,whichhe further definesas "an
idea,notion,doctrine, interest,"he meansorganizedattitudessup-
portedby theirappropriate sentiments."The structure," he adds,
"is a framework, or apparatus,or perhapsonlya numberof func-
tionariesset to co-operatein prescribed waysat a certainjuncture.
The structure holdstheconceptand furnishes theinstrumentalities
forbringing it intothe world of factsand actionin a way to serve
theinterests ofmenin society."'
The pointis thatan institution is a sectionofcorporate human
natureplus themachinery and theinstrumentalities through which
thathumannatureoperates.
Withthisconception ofan institution we can thinkof thecity,
thatis to say, the place and the people,withall the machinery,
sentiments, customs,and administrative devicesthat go withit,
' Sumner,Folkways:A StudyoftheSociological
Importance
ofUsages,Manners,
Customs,
Mores,andMorals,p. 54.
577
578 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY
publicopinionand streetrailways, theindividualmanand thetools

thathe uses,as something more thana merecollectiveentity. We
may thinkof it as a mechanism-apsychophysical mechanism-
in and throughwhichprivateand politicalinterests findcorporate
expression.Much of what we ordinarily regardas the city-its
charters,formalorganization, buildings,streetrailways,and so
forth-is,or seemsto be, mereartifact. However,it is onlywhen
and in so faras thesethings,through use and wont,connectthem-
selves,like a tool in the hand of a man, with the vital forces
residentin individualsand in thecommunity thattheyassumethe
institutionalform. As the wholethe cityis a growth. It is the
undesigned productof the laborsofsuccessivegenerationsofmen.
I. THE CITY PLAN AND LOCAL ORGANIZATION
The city,particularly the modernAmericancity,strikesone

at firstblushas so littlea productoftheartlessprocessesofnature
and growth thatitis difficultto recognize
itsinstitutionalcharacter.
The groundplan ofmostAmericancities,forexample,is a checker-
board. The unitof distanceis theblock. This geometrical form
suggeststhat the city is a purelyartificialconstruction, which
mightconceivablybe takenapart and put togetheragain,like a
houseofblocks.
The factis, however,that the cityis rootedin the habitsand
customsof the people who inhabitit. The consequenceis that
the citypossessesa moralas wellas a physicalorganization, and
these two mutuallyinteractin characteristic ways to mold and
modify one another. It is thestructure ofthecitywhichimpresses
us by itsvisiblevastnessand complexity, but thisstructure has its
in
basis,nevertheless, humannature, of which it is an expression.
On the otherhand, this vast organizationwhichhas arisenin
responseto theneedsofitsinhabitants, onceformed, impressesitself
upon themas a crudeexternalfact,and formsthem,in turn,in
accordancewiththe designand interests whichit incorporates.
The cityplan.-It is becausethe cityhas whathas herebeen
describedas its institutional characterthatthereis a limitto the
arbitrary modifications whichit is possibleto makein its physical
structure and its moralorder.
HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN THE CITY ENVIRONMENT 579
The city plan, for example,establishesmetes and bounds,

fixesin a generalway thelocationand characterof thecity'scon-
structions, and imposesan orderlyarrangement, withinthe city
area, upon the buildingswhichare erectedby privateinitiativeas
well as by public authority.Withinthe limitations prescribed,
however,theinevitableprocessesofhumannatureproceedto give
theseregionsand thesebuildingsa character whichit is lesseasyto
control. Underour systemof individualownership, forinstance,
it is not possibleto determine in advancetheextentof concentra-
tion of populationin any givenarea. The city cannotfixland
values,and we leave to privateenterprise, forthemostpart,the
task of determining the city'slimitsand the locationof its resi-
dentialand industrialdistricts. Personaltastesand convenience,
vocationaland economicinterests, tendto segregateand
infallibly
thus to classifythe populationsof greatcities. In thisway the
city acquiresan organization whichis neitherdesignednor con-
trolled.
Physical geography,natural advantages,and the means of
transportation determinein advance the generaloutlinesof the
urban plan. As the city increasesin population,the subtler
influences of sympathy,rivalry,and economicnecessitytend to
controlthedistribution ofpopulation. Businessand manufactur-
ing seek advantageouslocationsand drawaroundthema certain
portionof the population. Therespringup fashionable residence
quartersfromwhichthepoorerclassesare excludedbecauseof the
increasedvalue of theland. Then theregrowup slumswhichare
inhabitedby greatnumbersof the poorerclasseswho are unable
to defendthemselves fromassociationwiththederelictand vicious.
In thecourseoftimeeverysectionand quarterofthecitytakeson
something of the characterand qualitiesofits inhabitants.Each
separatepart of the city is inevitablystainedwiththe peculiar
sentiments ofitspopulation. The effect ofthisis to convertwhat
was at firsta meregeographicalexpression into a neighborhood,
thatis to say,a localitywithsentiments, traditions,
and a historyof
its own. Withinthisneighborhood thecontinuity ofthehistorical
processesis somehowmaintained. The past imposesitselfupon
the presentand the lifeof everylocalitymoveson witha certain
momentumof its own, more or less independentof the largercircle

of lifeand interestsabout it.
ofthecity,thecharacter
The organization oftheurbanenvironment
andofthediscipline whichit imposes,is finallydetermined bythesizeof
thepopulation, its concentration and distributionwithinthecityarea.
Forthisreasonit is important to studythepopulations ofcities,to com-
paretheidiosyncrasies in thedevelopment of citypopulations.Someof
thefirstthingswe wantto knowaboutthe city,therefore, are: sources
of population;immigration and naturalgrowth;distribution of popu-
lationwithinthe city as affected by (a) economic, i.e., land,values,
(b) sentimental
interests,
race,vocation, etc.; comparativegrowths ofthe
population withindifferent
portions ofthecityarea,as affected bybirth-
anddeath-rates, marriage anddivorce, etc.
The neighborhood.-Proximityand neighborlycontact are the
basis for the simplest and most elementaryform of association
with which we have to do in the organizationof city life. Local
interests and associations breed local sentiment,and, under a
system which makes residence the basis for participationin the
government,theneighborhoodbecomesthebasis ofpoliticalcontrol.
In the social and political organizationof the city it is the smallest
local unit.
"It is surelyone ofthemostremarkable ofall socialfactsthat,coming
downfrom untoldages,thereshouldbe thisinstinctive understanding thatthe
manwhoestablishes hishomebesideyoursbeginsto havea claimuponyour
senseofcomradeship .... . The neighborhoodis a socialunitwhich,by its
of outline,its innerorganiccompleteness,
clear definition its hair-trigger
reactions,maybe fairlyconsidered as functioninglikea socialmind.....
The localboss,however he maybe in thelargersphereof the city
autocratic
withthepowerhe getsfromtheneighborhood, mustalwaysbe in andofthe
people; andhe is verycareful notto tryto deceivethelocalpeopleso faras
are concerned.It is hardto foola neighborhood
theirlocal interests about
itsownaffairs.",
The neighborhood exists without formal organization. The
local improvementsociety is the structureerected on the basis
of the spontaneous neighborhoodorganization and exists for the
purpose of givingexpressionto the local sentiment.
Under the complexinfluencesof the citylifewhat may be called
the normal neighborhoodsentimenthas undergonemany curious
I RobertA. Woods,"The Neighborhood
in Social Reconstruction,"
Papersand
oftheEighth
Proceedings AnnualMeetingoftheAmerican Sociological
Society,
1913.
HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN THE CITY ENVIRONMENT 58I
changes,and producedmanyunusualtypesoflocal
and interesting
communities.More than that,thereare nascentneighborhoods
andneighborhoods inprocessofdissolution. Consider,
forexample,
FifthAvenue,New York,whichprobablyneverhad an improve-
mentassociation,and comparewithit I35th Streetin the Bronx,
(wherethenegropopulationis probablymoreconcentrated thanin
anyothersinglespotin theworld)whichis rapidlybecoming a very
intimateand highlyorganizedcommunity.
to knowwhatare theforceswhichtendto break
It is important
up thetensions, and sentiments
interests, whichgiveneighborhoods
theirindividualcharacter. In generalthesemay be said to be
anythingand everything that tends to renderthe population
unstable,to dinvdeand concentrateattentionsupon widelysepa-
ratedobjectsof interest.
What partof the populationis floating?
Ofwhatelements,i.e., races,classes,etc.,is thispopulationcomposed?
Howmanypeopleliveinhotels,apartments,
andtenements?
Howmanypeopleowntheirownhomes?
ofthepopulation
Whatproportion ofnomads,
consists hobos,gypsies
?
On the otherhand, certainurbanneighborhoods sufferfrom
isolation. Effortshave been made at different timesto recon-
structand quickenthelifeof cityneighborhoods and to bringit in
touchwiththelargerinterests of thecommunity.Suchis in part
the purposeof the social settlements.These organizations and
otherswhichare attempting to reconstruct
citylifehave developed
certainmethodsand a techniqueforstimulating and controlling
local communities.We should study,in connectionwith the
investigation of theseagencies,thesemethodsand thistechnique,
sinceit is just the methodby whichobjectsare practicallycon-
trolledthat reveals theiressentialnature,that is to say, their
predictable character(Gesetzmdssigkeit).
1
I "Wennwir daherdas Wort[Naturlals einenlogischenTerminusin derWissen-

schaftslehre
gebrauchen wollen,so werdenwirsagendiirfen,dassNaturdie Wirklich-
keitist mitRiicksicht aufihrengesetzmlissigen Zusammenhang. Diese Bedeutung
finden wirz. B. in demWorteNaturgesetz.Dann aberkonnenwirdie Naturder
Dinge auch das nennenwas in die Begriffe eingeht,
oderam kuirzesten
uns dahin
ausdriicken: die Naturist die Wirklichkeit mitRucksichtaufdas Ailgemeine.So
gewinnt danndas WortersteinelogischeBedeutung."-H.Rickert, Die Grenzender
naturwissenschaftlicken p. 2I2.
Begriffsbildutng,
In many of the Europeancities,and to some extentin this

country, reconstructionofcitylifehasgoneto thelengthofbuilding
gardensuburbs,or replacingunhealthful and run-down tenements
withmodelbuildingsownedand controlled by themunicipality.
In Americancitiestheattempthas beenmadeto renovateevil
neighborhoods by the construction of playgrounds and the intro-
ductionof supervisedsportsof variouskinds,includingmunicipal
dancesin municipaldance halis. These and otherdeviceswhich
are intendedprimarily to elevatethemoraltoneofthesegregated
populations ofgreatcitiesshouldbe studiedin connection withthe
investigation of the neighborhood in general. They should be
studied,in short,not merelyfortheirownsake but forwhatthey
can revealto us of humanbehaviorand humannaturegenerally.
Coloniesand segregated areas.-In the city environment the
neighborhood tendsto lose muchof the significance whichit pos-
sessedin simplerand moreprimitiveformsof society. The easy
means of communication and of transportation, whichenables
individualsto distributetheirattentionand to live at the same
timein severaldifferent worlds,tendsto destroythepermanency
and intimacyof the neighborhood.Furtherthan that, where
individualsof the same race or of the same vocationlive together
insegregated groups,neighborhood sentiment tendsto fusetogether
with racialantagonisms and class interests.
In thisway physicaland sentimental distancesreinforceeach
other,and the influences of local distribution of the population
participatewiththe influences of class and race in the evolution
ofthesocialorganization.Everygreatcityhas its racialcolonies,
like the Chinatownsof San Franciscoand New York, the Little
Sicilyof Chicago,and variousotherless pronouncedtypes. In
additionto these,mostcitieshave theirsegregated vice districts,
like thatwhich untilrecentlyexisted in Chicago,and theirrendez-
vous forcriminals ofvarioussorts. Everylargecityhas its occu-
pationalsuburbslike the Stockyards in Chicago,and its residence
suburbslikeBrooklinein Boston,eachofwhichhas thesizeand the
characterofa completeseparatetown,village,or city,exceptthat
its populationis a selectedone. Undoubtedlythe mostremark-
able of these citieswithincities,of whichthe most interesting
characteristicis that they are composed of persons of the same

race, or of persons of different races but of the same social class, is
East London, with a population of 2,000,000 laborers.
"The peopleoftheoriginal East Londonhavenowoverflowed andcrossed
theLea, andspreadthemselves overthemarshes andmeadows beyond. This
population has creatednewtownswhichwereformerly ruralvillages,West
Ham,witha population ofnearly300,000;East Ham,withgo,ooo;Stratford,
withits "daughters,"15o,ooo;and other"hamlets"similarly overgrown.
Including thesenewpopulations wehavean aggregate ofnearlytwomillionsof
people. Thepopulation is greater
thanthatofBerlinorVienna,orSt. Peters-
burg,or Philadelphia.
"It is a cityfullofchurches andplacesofworship, yettherearenocathe-
drals,eitherAnglicanor Roman; it has a sufficient supplyof elementary
schools,butithasnopublicorhighschool,andithasnocolleges forthehigher
education and no university; thepeopleall readnewspapers, yetthereis no
East Londonpaperexceptofthesmaller andlocalkind... . In thestreets
thereare neverseen any privatecarriages;thereis no fashionable quarter
.. . .one meetsno ladies in the principalthoroughfares. People,shops,
houses,conveyances-alltogether are stampedwiththe unmistakable seal
oftheworking class.
"Perhapsthestrangest thingof all is this: in a cityof twomillions of
peopletherearenohotels! Thatmeans,ofcourse, thattherearenovisitors."'
In the older cities of Europe, where the processesof segregation
have gone farther,neighborhooddistinctionsare likelyto be more
markedthan theyare in America. East London is a cityof a single
class, but withinthe limitsof that city the population is segregated
again and again by racial and vocational interests. Neighborhood
sentiment,deeply rooted in local tradition and in local custom,
exercises a decisive selective influenceupon city population and
shows itselfultimatelyin a markedway in the characteristicsof the
inhabitants.
What we want to know of these neighborhoods,racial com-
munities,and segregatedcity areas, existingwithinor on the outer
edge of great cities, is what we want to know of all other social
groups.
Whataretheelements ofwhichtheyarecomposed ?
To whatextentaretheytheproduct ofa selectiveprocess ?
Howdo peoplegetin andoutofthegroupthusformed?
Whataretherelative permanence andstability oftheirpopulations?
I WalterBesant,East London,pp. 7-9.
What about the age, sex, and social conditionofthepeople?

What about the children? How many of themare born,and how
manyof themremain?
What is the historyof the neighborhood? What is therein the sub-
consciousness-in the forgottenor dimly rememberedexperiences-of
thisneighborhood whichdeterminesits sentimentsand attitudes?
What is therein clear consciousness,i.e., what are its avowed senti-
ments,doctrines,etc.?
What does it regardas matterof fact? What is news? What is the
generalrun of attention? What models does it imitateand are these
withinor withoutthe group?
What is thesocial ritual,i.e., whatthingsmustone do in theneighbor-
hood in orderto escape beingregardedwithsuspicionor looked upon as
peculiar?
Who are the leaders? What interestsof the neighborhooddo they
incorporatein themselvesand whatis thetechniqueby whichtheyexercise
control?
II. INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION AND THE MORAL ORDER
The ancientcitywas primarily a fortress,a place of refugein

timeofwar. The moderncity,on thecontrary, is primarily
a con-
venienceof commerceand owes its existenceto the marketplace
around which it sprang up. Industrialcompetitionand the
divisionof labor,whichhave probablydone mostto developthe
latentpowersof mankind,are possibleonlyupon conditionofthe
existenceofmarkets, ofmoneyand otherdevicesforthefacilitation
of tradeand comnmerce.
An old Germanadage declaresthat"city air makesmenfree"
(StadtLuftmacht frei). This is doubtlessa reference to the days
when the freecities of Germanyenjoyedthe patronageof the
emperor, and lawsmadethefugitive serfa freeman,ifhe succeeded
fora year and a day in breathingcityair. Law, of itself,could
not,however,have made thecraftsman free. An open marketin
whichhe mightsell theproductsofhis laborwas a necessaryinci-
dent of his freedom,and it was the applicationof the money
economyto the relationsof masterand man that completedthe
emancipation oftheserf.
Vocationalclassesand vocationaltypes.-The old adage which
describesthecityas thenaturalenvironment of the freeman still
holdsso faras theindividualmanfindsin thechances,thediversity

of interests and tasks,and in thevast unconscious
co-operation of
citylife,the opportunity to choosehis own vocationand develop
his peculiarindividualtalents. The cityoffers a marketforthe
special talentsof individualmen. Personalcompetition tendsto
select foreach special task the individualwho is best suited to
perform it.
"The difference of naturaltalentsin different menis, in reality, much
lessthanweareawareof; andtheverydifferent geniuswhichappearsto dis-
tinguishmenofdifferent professions,whengrownup to maturity, is notupon
manyoccasions so muchthecause,as theeffect ofthedivision oflabour. The
difference
between themostdissimilar between
characters, a philosopher anda
common streetporter, forexample, seemsto arisenotso muchfrom nature, as
fromhabit,custom, and education.Whentheycameintotheworld,andfor
thefirst
sixoreightyearsoftheirexistence, theywereperhaps verymuchalike,
and neithertheirparentsnor playfellows could perceiveany remarkable
difference. Aboutthat age, or soon after,theycome to be employedin
different
occupations.The difference oftalentscomesthentobe takennotice
of,and widensby degrees, tillat lastthevanityofthephilosopher is willing
to acknowledge scarceany resemblance.But withoutthe disposition to
truck,barter, and exchange, everymanmusthaveprocured to himself every
necessaryand conveniency oflifewhichhe wanted. All musthavehad the
samedutiestoperform, andthesameworktodo,andtherecouldhavebeenno
suchdifference ofemployment as couldalonegiveoccasionto anygreatdiffer-
enceoftalent.....
"As it is thepowerof exchanging thatgivesoccasionto thedivisionof
labour,so theextentofthisdivisionmustalwaysbe limitedby theextentof
thatpower,or,in otherwords,by theextentofthemarket ... . Thereare
somesortsof industry, even of the lowestkind,whichcan be carriedon
nowhere butin a greattown."'-
Success, under conditions of personal competition, depends

upon concentrationupon some single task, and this concentration
stimulatesthedemandforrationalmethods,technicaldevices,and
exceptionalskill. Exceptional skill,while based on natural talent,
requires special preparation, and it has called into existence the
tradeand professional
schools,and finallybureausforvocational
guidance. All of these, eitherdirectlyor indirectly,
serve at
once to selectand emphasizeindividualdifferences.
I AdamSmith,TheWealth
ofNations,pp. 28-29.
Every device which facilitatestrade and industryprepares

the way fora further divisionof labor and so tendsfurther to
specializethetasksin whichmenfindtheirvocations.
The outcomeofthisprocessis to breakdownormodify theolder
organizationof society,whichwas based on familyties, local
associations,on culture, caste,and status,and to substitute
forit an
organization based on vocational interests.
In the city,everyvocation,even that of a beggar,tendsto
assume the characterof a profession, and the disciplinewhich
successin anyvocationimposes,together withtheassociationsthat
it enforces,emphasizes this tendency.
The effectof thevocationsand the divisionof laboris to pro-
duce,in thefirstinstance,not socialgroups,but vocationaltypes,
the actor,the plumber,and the lumber-jack.The organizations,
likethetradeand laborunions,whichmenofthesametradeorpro-
fessionformare based on commoninterests. In thisrespectthey
differfromformsof associationlike the neighborhood, whichare
based on contiguity, personalassociation,and the commontiesof
humanity. The different trades and professionsseem disposed
to groupthemselves in classes,thatis to say,theartisan,business,
and professionalclasses. But in the modem democraticstate
theclasseshave as yet attainedno effective organization.Social-
ism,foundedon an effort to createan organizationbasedon "class
consciousness," has neversucceededincreating morethana political
party.
The effectsof thedivisionoflaboras a disciplinemaytherefore
be beststudiedin thevocationaltypesit has produced.
Amongthe typeswhichit wouldbe interesting to studyare: the
shopgirl, thepeddler,thecabman,thenightwatchman,
the policeman,
theclairvoyant,thevaudeville thequackdoctor,
performer, thebartender,
thewardboss,thestrike-breaker,thelaboragitator, theschoolteacher,
thereporter, thepawnbroker;
thestockbroker, all ofthesearecharacter-
isticproducts ofcitylife;each,withitsspecialexperience,
oftheconditions
insight,and pointofview,determinesforeachvocational groupand for
thecityas a wholeitsindividuality.
To whatextentis thegradeofintelligence
represented inthedifferent
tradesandprofessionsdependentuponnaturalability?
To whatextentis intelligencedetermined by the character of the
occupation and theconditions
underwhichit is practiced ?
To what extentis success in the occupationsdependentupon sound

judgmentand common-sense;to what extentupon technicalability?
Does nativeabilityor special trainingdeterminesuccessin the differ-
ent vocations?
What prestigeand what prejudicesattach to different trades and
professions and why?
Is the choice of the occupation determinedby temperamental, by
economic,or by sentimentalconsiderations?
In whatoccupationsdo men,in whatoccupationsdo women,succeed
better,and why?
How far is occupation,ratherthan association,responsibleforthe
mental attitude and moral predilections? Do men in the same pro-
fessionor trade,but representing different
nationalitiesand differentcul-
tural groups,hold characteristicand identicalopinions?
To what extent is the social or political creed, that is, socialism,
anarchism, syndicalism, etc.,determined byoccupation? bytemperament ?
To whatextenthave social doctrineand socialidealismsupersededand
takentheplace of religiousfaithin the different occupations,and why?
Do social classes tend to assume the characterof culturalgroups?
That is to say, do the classes tend to acquire the exclusivenessand inde-
pendenceofa caste or nationality;or is each class alwaysdependentupon
the existenceofa corresponding class ?
To what extentdo childrenfollowthe vocationsof theirparentsand
why?
To what extentdo individualsmove fromone class to another,and
how does thisfactmodifythe characterof class relationships ?
News and themobilityofthesocial group.-The divisionof labor,

in making individual success dependent upon concentrationupon
a special task, has had the effectof increasingthe interdependence
of the different vocations. A social organizationis thus created in
which the individual becomes increasinglydependent upon the
communityof which he is an indivisiblepart. The effect,under
conditionsof personal competition,of this increasinginterdepend-
ence of the parts is to create in the industrialorganizationas a
whole a certainsort of social solidarity,but a solidaritybased, not
on sentimentand habit, but on communityof interests.
In thesensein whichthetermsarehereused,sentiment is themorecon-
crete,interestthemoreabstract,term. We maycherish a sentiment fora
person,a place,oranyobjectwhatsoever.It maybe a sentiment ofaversion,
ora sentimentofpossession.But topossessorto be possessedbya sentiment
for,or in regardto, anything
meansthatwe are incapableof actingtoward
it in a thoroughly rationalway. It meansthattheobjectofoursentiment

corresponds in somespecialwayto someinherited or acquireddisposition.
Sucha disposition is theaffection ofa mother forherchild,whichis instinctive.
Oreventhefeeling shemayhaveforthechild'sempty cradle,whichisacquired.
The existence of a sentimental attitudeindicatesthatthereare motives
foractionofwhich theindividual whoismovedbythemisnotwholly conscious;
motivesoverwhichhe has onlya partialcontrol.Everysentiment has a
history, eitherin theexperience oftheindividual, or in theexperienceofthe
race,buttheperson whoactsonthatsentiment maynotbeawareofthehistory.
Interests are directed less towardspecific objectsthantowardtheends
whichthisorthatparticular objectat onetimeoranother embodies.Interests
imply,therefore, theexistence ofmeansanda consciousness ofthedistinct-ion
betweenmeansand ends.
Moneyis thecardinaldeviceby whichvalueshavebecomerationalized
and sentiments have beenreplacedby interests.It is just becausewe feel
no personaland no sentimental attitudetowardourmoney,suchas we do
toward,forexample,our home,thatmoneybecomesa valuablemeansof
exchange.We willbe interested in acquiringa certainamountofmoneyin
ordertoachievea certain purpose, butprovided thatpurposemaybe achieved
inanyotherwaywearelikelyto be justas wellsatisfied.It is onlythemiser
whobecomessentimental aboutmoney, andin thatcasehe is likelyto prefer
onesortofmoney, saygold,to another irrespectiveofitsvalue. In thiscase
thevalueofgoldis determined bypersonal sentiment ratherthanbyreason.
An organization which is composed of competing individuals
and of competinggroups of individuals is in a state of unstable
equilibrium, and this equilibrium can be maintained only by a
process of continuous readjustment. This aspect of social life
and this type of social organization are best representedin the
world of business which is the special object of investigationof
political economy.
The extensionof industrialorganization,which is based on the
impersonalrelationsdefinedby money, has gone forwardhand in
hand with an increasingmobilityof the population. The laboring
man and the artisan,fittedto performa specifictask, are compelled
under the conditionscreated by city life to move fromone region
to another in search of the particular kind of employmentwhich
they are fittedto perform. The tide of immigrationwhich moves
back and forthbetween Europe and America is to some extent a
measure of this same mobility.'
I Walter Bagehot, The Postulatesof Political Economy,London, I885, pp. 7-8.
On theotherhand,the tradesman, themanufacturer, thepro-

fessionalman,thespecialistineveryvocation,seekshisclientsas the
of traveland communication
difficulties decreaseover an ever-
wideningarea of territory.This is anotherway in whichthe
mobilityof thepopulationmay be measured. However,mobility
in an individualor in a populationis measured,not merelyby
changeof location,but ratherby the numberand varietyof the
stimulations to whichthe individualor the populationresponds.
Mobilitydepends,notmerelyupon transportation, but uponcom-
munication. Educationand the abilityto read,the extensionof
themoneyeconomyto an ever-increasing numberof theinterests
oflifein so faras it has tendedto depersonalize
social relations-
all thesehave vastlyincreasedthemobilityof modernpeoples.
The termmobility,like its correlative,isolation,covers a wide rangeof
phenomena. It may representat the same timea characterand a condition.
As isolationmaybe due to theexistenceofpurelyphysicalbarriers
to com-
munication, or to a peculiarity
of temperament
and a lack of education,
so
mobilitymaybe a consequenceofthenaturalmeansofcommunication, or ofan
agreeablemannerand a collegeeducation.
It is now clearlyrecognizedthatwhat we ordinarilycall a lack of intelli-
gencein individuals,races,and communities, is frequentlya resultof isolation.
On the other hand, the mobilityof a population is unquestionablya very
large factorin its intellectualdevelopment.
There is an intimateconnectionbetweenthe immobilityof the primitive
man and his so-calledinabilityto use abstractideas. The knowledgewhicha
peasantordinarily possesses,fromtheverynatureofhis occupation,is concrete
and personal. He knows individuallyand personallyeverymemberof the
flockhe tends. He becomesin the courseof yearsso attachedto the land he
tillsthat the meretransposition fromthe stripof soil on whichhe has grown
up, to anotherwithwhichhe is less intimatelyacquaintedis feltby himas a
personalloss. For such a man the neighboring valley,or even the stripof
land at theotherend ofthevillageis in a certainsensealienterritory.A large
part of the peasant's efficiencyas an agriculturallaborerdependsupon this
intimateand personalacquaintance with the idiosyncrasiesof a singleplot
of land to the care of whichhe has been bred. It is apparentthat undercon-
ditionslike these,verylittleof the peasant'spracticalknowledgewill take the
abstractformof scientificgeneralization. He thinksin concretetermsbe-
cause he knowsand needs no other.
On the other hand, the intellectualcharacteristics of the Jew and his
generallyrecognizedinterestin abstractand radical ideas are unquestionably
connectedwiththe fact that the Jewsare, beforeall else, a city folk. 'The
Wandering Jew'acquiresabstracttermswithwhichto describethevarious

sceneswhichhe visits. His knowledge oftheworldis baseduponidentities
Rearedin
that is to say, on analysisand classification.
and differences,
intimate withthebustleand businessof themarketplace,con-
association
stantlyintenton theshrewdand fascinating gameof buyingand sellingin
whichheemploys thatmostinteresting ofabstractions,
money, hehasneither
opportunitynorinclination to cultivatethatintimateattachment to places
oftheimmobile
and personswhichis characteristic person.'
Concentrationof populations in cities, the wider markets,the

division of labor, the concentrationof individuals and groups on
special tasks, have continually changed the material conditions
of life, and in doing this have made readjustments to novel
conditionsincreasinglynecessary. Out of thisnecessitytherehave
grown up a number of special organizationswhich exist for the
special purpose of facilitatingthese readjustments. The market
whichbroughtthe modem cityinto existenceis one of thesedevices.
More interesting,however, are the exchanges, particularly the
stock exchange,and the board of trade,wherepricesare constantly
being made in responseto changes or ratherthe reportsof changes
in economic conditionsall over the world.
These reports,so far as they are calculated to cause readjust-
ments,have the characterof what we call news. It is the existence
of a critical situation which converts what were otherwisemere
informationinto news. Where there is an issue at stake; where,
in short, there is crisis, there informationwhich might affectthe
outcome one way or anotherbecomes "live matter," as the news-
paper men say. Live matteris news; dead matteris mereinforma-
tion.
Whatis therelation ofmobility to suggestion, etc.?
imitation,
Whatarethepractical andmobility
devicesbywhichsuggestibility are
increasedina community orinan individual?
Are therepathological conditionsin communitiescorrespondingto
hysteriain individuals?If so, how are theyproducedand how con-
?
trolled
To whatextentis fashion ofmobility?
an indication
Whatis thedifference in themanner and customs
in whichfashions
aretransmitted?
t Cf.W. I. p. I69.
Thomas,SourceBookofSocialOrigins,
HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN THE CITY ENVIRONMENT 59I
Whatarethecharacteristicsofa progressive,
whatthecharacteristics
in respectto itsresistance
ofa static,community to novelsuggestions?
Whatmentalcharacteristics of thegypsy,of thehobo,and of the
nomadgenerallycan be tracedto thesenomadichabits?
Thestockexchanges andthemob.-The exchanges, uponwhichwe
may watch the fluctuation of pricesin responseto the news of
economicconditionsin different parts of the world,are typical.
Similarreadjustments are takingplace in everydepartmentof
social life,where,however,the devicesformakingthesereadjust-
mentsare not so completeand perfect. For example,the pro-
fessionaland trade papers,whichkeep the professions and the
tradesinformed in regardto newmethods, experiences,and devices,
serveto keep themembersof thesetradesand professions abreast
of the times,whichmeans that theyfacilitatereadjustments to
changig condcitions.
There is, however,this importantdistinctionto be made:
Competition in the exchangesis moreintense; changesare more
rapidand,as faras theindividuals directlyconcerned, moremomen-
tous. In contrastwithsucha constellation offorcesas we findon
the exchanges,wherecompetingdealersmeet to buy and sell,so
mobilea formof social organizationas the crowdand the mob
exhibitsa relativestability.
It is a commonplace thatdecisivefactorsin themovements of
crowdsas in the fluctuations of marketsare psychologic.This
meansthatamongtheindividualswhomakeup thecrowdor who
composethepublicwhichparticipates in themovements reflected
in the market,a conditionof instability existswhichcorresponds
to what has been definedelsewhereas crisis. It is trueof the
exchanges,as it is of crowds,that the situationtheyrepresent is
alwayscritical,thatis to say, the tensionsare such thata slight
causemayprecipitate an enormous effect. The current euphemism
"the psychological moment"definessucha criticalcondition.
Psychological momentsmay arisein any social situation,but
theyoccurmorefrequently in a societywhichhas acquireda high
stateofmobility. They occurmorefrequently in a societywhere
educationis general,whererailways,telegraph, and the primting
press have becomean indispensable part of the social economy.
They occurmorefrequently in citiesthanin smallercommunities.

In the crowdand the public everymomentmay be said to be
"psychological."
Crisismaybe said to be thenormalcondition on theexchanges.
WVhat are called financialcrisesare merelyan extensionof this
criticalconditionto the largerbusinesscommunity.Financial
panicswhichsometimes followuponfinancial crisesarea precipitate
of thiscriticalcondition.
The fascinating thingabout thestudyofcrises,as ofcrowds,is
thatso faras theyare in factdue to psychological causes,thatis,
so faras theyare the resultof the mobilityof the communities
in whichtheyoccur,theycan be controlled. The evidenceforthis
is the factthat theycan be manipulated,and thereis abundant
evidenceof manipulation in the transactionsof the stockmarket.
The evidencefor the manipulationof crowdsis less accessible.
Labororganizations have,however, knownhowto developa pretty
definitetechniqueforthe instigation and controlof strikes. The
SalvationArmyhas workedout a book of tacticswhichis very
largelydevotedto thehandlingof streetcrowds;and professional
revivalists,like Billy Sunday,have an elaboratetechniquefor
conductingtheirrevivals.
Under the title of collectivepsychologymuch has been writtenin

recentyears in regardto crowdsand kindredphenomenaof social life.
Most thathas been writtenthusfarhas been based upon generalobserva-
tion,and almostno systematicmethodsexistforthe studyof thistypeof
social organization. The practicalmethodswhichpracticalmenlike the
politicalboss,thelaboragitator,the stock-exchange speculator,and others
have workedout forthe controland manipulationof the public and the
crowdfurnisha bodyof materialsfromwhichit is possibleto makea more
detailed,a more intimatestudyof what may be called, in orderto dis-
tinguishit fromthatof morehighlyorganizedgroups,collectivebehavior.
In addition to these and other materialsalready indicated,there
are the historiesof notable mass movements,the greatlabor strikes,the
financialpanics,religiousrevivals,etc.
A studymightbe made also of the sensationsand emotionalreactions
of individualswho participatein these mass movements. What is the
mentalconditionof individualsunderthe influenceof revivals,of panics,
etc. ? Is therea senseof loss of control,and of loss of personalresponsi-
bility?
HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN Tl1E CITY ENVIRONMENT 593
To what extentdoes the participantin a mass movementfeelexalta-

tion or depression? What is the differencein the feelingswhichaccom-
pany financialpanics and religiousrevivals? to what extent are these
effectstemporary ? to whatextentare theypermanent?
What deviceshave beenusedto preventfinancialpanic? whatdevices
to dispersemobs?
III. SECONDARY RELATIONS AND SOCIAL CONTROL
Modernmethodsofurbantransportation and communication-

the electricrailway,the automobile,and the telephone-have
and rapidlychangedin recentyearsthesocialandindustrial
silently
organization of the moderncity. They have been the meansof
concentrating in the businessdistricts;have changedthe
traffic
wholecharacterof retailtrade,multiplying the residencesuburbs
and makingthe department storepossible. These changesin the
industrialorganizationand in the distribution
of populationhave
been accompaniedby corresponding in
changes the habits,senti-
ments,and characterof theurbanpopulation.
The generalnatureof thesechangesis indicatedby the fact
thatthegrowthofcitieshas beenaccompaniedby thesubstitution
of indirect,"secondary,"fordirect,face-to-face,"primary"rela-
tionsin theassociationsofindividualsin thecommunity.
"By primarygroupsI mean thosecharacterizedby intimateface-to-face
associationand co-operation. They are primaryin severalsenses,but chiefly
in that they are fundamentalin formingthe social natureand ideals of the
individual. The resultof intimateassociation,psychologically, is a certain
fusionof individualitiesin a commonwhole,so that one's veryself,formany
purposesat least, is the commonlifeand purposeof the group. Perhaps the
simplestway of describingthiswholenessis by sayingthat it is a 'we'; it in-
volves the sort of sympathyand mutualidentification forwhich'we' is the
naturalexpression. One lives in the feelingof the whole and findsthe chief
aims of his willin thatfeeling.. . . ."I
Touch and sight,physicalcontact,are the basis for the firstand most
elementaryhuman relationships. Mother and child, husband and wife,
fatherand son,masterand servant,kinsmanand neighbor,minister, physician,
and teacher; theseare themostintimateand realrelationshipsoflifeand in the
small community theyare practicallyinclusive.
The interactions whichtake place amongthe membersof a community so
constitutedare immediateand unreflecting.Intercourseis carriedon largely
I CharlesHortonCooley,SocialOrganization,
p. I5.
withintheregionofinstinct and feeling.Socialcontrolarises,forthemost

partspontaneously,in directresponseto personal andpublicsenti-
influences
ment. It is theresultofa personalaccommodation ratherthantheformula-
tionofa rational
andabstract principle.
The church,theschool,and thefamily.-In a great city, where
the population is unstable,whereparentsand childrenare employed
out of the house and oftenin distantparts of the city,wherethou-
sands of people live side by side for years without so much as a
bowing acquaintance, these intimate relationshipsof the primary
group are weakened and the moral order which rested upon
them is gradually dissolved.
Under the disintegratinginfluencesof city life most of our
traditional institutions,the church, the school, and the family,
have been greatly modified. The school, for example, has taken
over some of the functionsof the family. It is around the public
school and its solicitude for the moral and physical welfareof the
childrenthat somethinglike a new neighborhoodand community
spirit tends to get itself organized.
The church, on the other hand, which has lost much of its
influencesince the printed page has so largely taken the place
of the pulpit in the interpretationof life, seems at present to be
in process of readjustmentto the new conditions.
thatthe church,theschool,and thefamilyshould
It is important
be studiedfromthepointofviewofthisreadjustment to theconditions
ofcitylife.
Whatchangeshave takenplacein recentyearsin thefamily senti-
ments?in the attitudesof husbandstowardwives?of wivestoward
husbands?ofchildren towardparents,etc.?
Whatdo the recordsof the juvenileand moralscourtsindicatein
regardto thismatter?
In what regionsof social life have the moreson the subject of the
family lifechanged?
To whatextent havethesechangestakenplaceinresponsetotheinflu-
encesofthecityenvironment?
Similarly mightbe carriedon withreference
investigations to the
schoolandthechurch. Here,too,thereis a changed attitude
andchanged
policyin response to a changedenvironment.Thisis importantbecause
it is, in thelastanalysis, in whichtheimmediate
upontheseinstitutions
andvitalinterests oflifefinda corporate thatsocialorganiza-
expression
tionultimately rests.
It is probablythebreakingdownoflocal attachments and the

weakeningof the restraints and inhibitions
ofthe primarygroup,
underthe influence of the urbanenvironment, whichare largely
responsibleforthe increaseof vice and crimein greatcities. It
wouldbe interestingin thisconnection to determineby investiga-
tionhow farthe increasein crimekeepspace withtheincreasing
mobilityof thepopulation. It is fromthispointofviewthatwe
shouldseek to interpretall thosestatisticswhichregisterthe dis-
integrationofthemoralorder,forexamplethestatistics ofdivorce,
oftruancy, and ofcrime.
What is the effectof ownershipofproperty,particularly
of thehome,
on truancy, and on crime?
on divorce,
In what regionsand classes are certainkindsof crimeendemic?
In what classes does divorceoccur most frequently? What is the
in this respectbetweenfarmersand, say, actors?
difference
To what extentin any given racial group,forexample,the Italians
in New York or the Poles in Chicago,do parentsand childrenlive in the
same world,speak the same language,and sharethe same ideas, and how
fardo the conditionsfoundaccount forjuveniledelinquencyin that par-
ticulargroup?
How far are the home moresresponsibleforcriminalmanifestations
of an immigrant group?
Crisis and thecourts.-It is characteristic
of citylifethat all
sortsofpeoplemeetand mingletogether whoneverfullycompre-
hendone another. The anarchistand theclubman,thepriestand
the Levite, the actor and the missionary who touchelbowson
thestreet,stilllivein totallydifferent
worlds. So completeis the
segregationof vocationalclasses that it is possiblewithinthe
limitsof thecityto livein an isolationalmostas completeas that
of someremoteruralcommunity.
WalterBesant tellsthefollowing anecdoteof his experience
as
editorofthePeople's Palace Journal:
"In that capacityI endeavoredto encourageliteraryeffort,in the hope
oflightingupon someunknownand latentgenius. The readersof theJournal
werethemembersof the variousclassesconnectedwiththe educationalside of
the place. They wereyoungclerkschiefly-someof themverygood fellows.
They had a debating societywhich I attended fromtime to time. Alas!
They carriedon theirdebates in an ignorancethe most profound,the most
unconscious,and the most satisfied. I endeavoredto persuadethemthat it
was desirableat leastto masterthefactsofthecase beforetheyspoke. In

vain. ThenI proposedsubjectsforessays,and offered prizesforverses. I
discovered,to myamazement, that,amongall thethousands oftheseyoung
people,ladsandgirls,therewasnotdiscoverable theleastrudimentary
indica-
tionof any literary powerwhatever.In all othertownsthereare young
peoplewhonourish literary
ambitions,withsomemeasureofliterary ability.
How shouldtherebe anyin thistown,wheretherewereno books,no papers,
no journals,and,at thattime,no freelibraries
?",
In the immigrantcolonies which are now well established in
every large city, foreignpopulations live in an isolation which is
different fromthat of the population of East London, but in some
respectsmore complete.
The differenceis thateachoneoftheselittlecolonieshas a moreor less
independent politicalandsocialorganization
ofitsown,andis thecenterofa
moreorlessvigorous nationalist
propaganda.Forexample, eachoneofthese
groupshas one or morepapersprintedin its ownlanguage. In New York
mostofthemsupported
Citythereare270 publications, bythelocalpopulation,
printedin 23 differentlanguages.In Chicagothereare 19 dailypaperspub-
lishedin 7 foreign languageswitha combined dailycirculation of 368,0o0
papers.
Under these conditions the social ritual and the moral order
which these immigrantsbrought with them from their native
countries have succeeded in maintaining themselves for a con-
siderable time under the influencesof the American environment.
Social control,based on the home mores, breaks down, however,
in the second generation.
We may express the relation of the city to this fact in general
terms by saying that the effectof the urban environmentis to
intensifyall effectsof crisis.
"The term'crisis'is nottobeunderstoodina violent
sense. It isinvolved
in anydisturbanceofhabit. Thereis a crisisin theboy'slifewhenhe leaves
home. The emancipation ofthenegroand theimmigration oftheEuropean
peasantaregroupcrises. Anystrainorcrisisinvolves threepossiblechanges:
reducedefficiency,
greaterfitness, or death. In biologicalterms,'survival'
meanssuccessfuladjustment to crisis,
accompanied bya modification
typically
ofstructure.In manit meansmentalstimulation andgreater or
intelligence,
mentaldepression,in caseoffailure."2
I WalterBesant,East London,
p. I3.
2William I. Thomas,"Race Psychology:Standpoint with
and Questionnaire
Reference
Particular to theImmigrant JournalofSociology,
and Negro,"American
XVII (May,I9I2), p. 736.
Undertheconditions imposedby citylife,in whichindividuals

widelyremovedin sympathy
and groupsofindividuals, and under-
standing,live togetherunder conditionsof interdependence, if
not ofintimacy,theconditionsofsocialcontrolare greatlyaltered
increased.
and thedifficulties
Theproblem thuscreatedis usuallycharacterized as oneof'assimilation.'
It is assumed thatthereasonforrapidincrease ofcrimeinourlargecitiesis due
to thefactthattheforeign elementin ourpopulation has notsucceededin
assimilating American cultureand doesnotconform to theAmerican mores.
Thiswouldbe interesting, iftrue,butthefactsseemto suggest thatperhaps
thetruthmustbe soughtintheoppositedirection.
"One of themostimportant factsestablished by theinvestigation con-
cernsthe American-born childrenof immigrants-the 'secondgeneration.'
The records ofconvictions in theNewYorkCourtofGeneralSessionsduring
theperiodfromOctoberi, I908, to June30, I909, andofall commitments to
Massachusetts penal.institutions, exceptthoseto thestatefarm,duringthe
yearendingSeptember 30, I909, form thebasisofthisanalysisofthecriminal
tendencies ofthesecondgeneration.
"Fromtheserecords it appearsthata cleartendency existson thepartof
thesecondgeneration to differ fromthefirstor immigrant generation in the
character ofitscriminality. It alsoappearsthatthisdifference is muchmore
frequently in thedirection of thecriminality of theAmerican-born of non-
immigrant parentage thanit is intheoppositedirection.Thismeansthatthe
movement ofthesecond-generation crimeis awayfromthecrimes peculiarto
immigrants andtoward thoseoftheAmerican ofnativeparentage.Sometimes
thismovement has carriedsecond-generation criminality evenbeyondthatof
thenative-born of nativeparentage.Of thesecond-generation groupssub-
mittedto thiscomparison, onemaintains a constant adherence to thegeneral
ruleabovereferred to,whileall theothers at somepointfailtofollow it. This
uniquegroupis theIrishsecondgeneration."'
What we do observe, as a result of the crisis, is that control
that was formerly based on moreswas replaced by controlbased on
positive law. This change runsparallel to themovementby which
secondary relationshipshave taken the place of primaryrelation-
ships in the association of individualsin the city environment.
oftheUnitedStatesthatgreatpoliticalchangesshould
It is characteristic
be effectedexperimentallyunderthepressureofagitationorupontheinitiative
of smallbut militantminorities.Thereis probably no othercountryin the
worldinwhichso many" reforms " areinprogress
as at thepresent
timeinthe
I ReportsoftheUnitedStatesImmigration
Commission,
Vol.VI, pp. I4-I6.
UnitedStates. Reformhas in factbecomea kindof popular"indoor sport."

The reformsthus effected,almost withoutexception,involve some sort of
restriction
or governmentalcontrolover activitiesthat were formerly
"free"
or controlledonlyby themoresand publicopinion.
The effectof this extensionof what is called the police power

has been to producea change,not merelyin the fundamentalpolicy
of the law, but in the characterand standingof the courts.
The Juvenile and Morals courts illustratea change which is
perhaps taking place elsewhere. In these courts the judges have
assumed something of the functions of administrativeofficers,
theirduties consistingless in the interpretationof law than in pre-
scribing remedies and administeringadvice intended to restore
delinquentsbroughtbeforethem to theirnormal places in society.
A similar tendency to give judges a wide discretionand to
impose upon them a furtherresponsibilityis manifest in those
courtswhichhave to deal with the technicalaffairsof the business
world, and in the growthin popularity of commissionsin which
Judicialand administrativefunctionsare combined, for example,
the Interstate Commerce Commission.
In orderto interpretin a fundamentalway the factsin regardto social

controlit is importantto start with a clear conceptionof the nature of
corporateaction.
Corporateactionbeginswhenthereis somesortofcommunication between
individualswho constitute a group. Communication may take place at
different maybe givenand responded
levels; thatis, suggestions to on the
instinctive,
senso-motor, or ideo-motor levels. The mechanism of com-
municationis verysubtile,so subtile,in fact,thatit is oftendifficult
to con-
ceive how suggestionsare conveyedfromone mind to another. This does
not implythat thereis any special formof consciousness,any special senseof
kinshipor consciousnessof kind,necessaryto explaincorporateaction.
In factit has recentlybeen shownthatin the case ofcertainhighlyorgan-
ized and staticsocieties,like thatofthewell-known ant,probablynothingthat
we wouldcall communication takesplace.
"It is a well-known factthat if an ant be removedfroma nest and after-
wardput back it willnotbe attacked,whilealmostinvariablyan ant belonging
to anothernest will be attacked. It has been customaryto use the words
memory,enmity,friendship, in describingthis fact. Now Bethe made the
following
experiment.An ant was placedin theliquids(bloodand lymph)
squeezedoutfromthebodiesofnestcompanions andwas thenputbackinto
its nest; it was not attacked. It was thenput in the juice taken fromthe
inmatesofa 'hostile' nestand was at once attackedand killed."'
A further instanceofthemannerin whichants communicatewill illustrate
howsimpleand automaticcommunication maybecomeon theinstinctive level.
"An ant, when takinga new directionfromthe nest for the firsttime,
always returnsby the same path. This shows that some trace must be left
behindwhichservesas a guideback to the nest. If the ant returning by this
pathbearno spoils,Bethefoundthatno otherants trythisdirection. But ifit
bringback honeyor sugar,otherants are sure to trythe path. Hence some-
thingof the substancescarriedover thispath by the ants mustremainon the
path. These substancesmustbe strongenoughto affecttheantschemically."2
The importantfactis that by means of this comparativelysimpledevice
corporateaction is made possible.
Individualsnot only react upon one anotherin this reflexway, but they
inevitablycommunicatetheirsentiments, attitudes,and organicexcitements,
and in doing so they necessarilyreact, not merelyto what each individual
actuallydoes, but to what he intends,desires,or hopes to do. The factthat
individualsoftenbetraysentimentsand attitudesto othersof whichtheyare
themselves onlydimlyconsciousmakesit possibleforindividualA, forexample,
to act upon motivesand tensionsin B as soon or even beforeB is able to do
so. FurthermoreA may act upon the suggestionsthat emanate fromB
withouthimselfbeingclearlyconsciousof the sourcefromwhichhis motives
spring. So subtleand intimatemay thereactionsbe whichcontrolindividuals
who are bound togetherin a social-psychological process.
It is upon thebasis of thissortofinstinctive
and spontaneouscontrolthat
everymoreformalsortofcontrolmustbe based in orderto be effective.
Changes in the formof social controlmay for the purposes of

investigationbe groupedunder the generalheads:
i. The substitutionofpositivelaw forcustom, and theextension of
municipal controlto activitiesthatwereformerly leftto individual
initia-
tiveanddiscretion.
2. The disposition of judgesin municipaland criminalcourtsto
assumeadministrative function so thattheadministration ofthecriminal
law ceasesto be a mereapplication of thesocialritualand becomesan
applicationofrational andtechnical methods, requiringexpertknowledge
oradvice,inordertorestore theindividual to society
andrepairtheinjury
thathis delinquency has caused.
3. Changesanddivergences in themoresamongthedifferent isolated
and segregatedgroupsin thecity. Whatare themores,forexample, of
theshopgirl? theimmigrant ? thepolitician? andthelaboragitator ?
oftheBrain,pp. 220-2I.
Physiology
I JacquesLoeb,Comparative
2Ibid., p. 22I.
600 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
It shouldbe the aim of theseinvestigationsto distinguishnot merely

the causes of these changes, the directionin which they are moving,
but also the forcesthat are likelyto minimizeand neutralizethem. For
example,it is importantto knowwhetherthemotiveswhichare at present
multiplyingthe positive restrictionson the individualwill necessarily
go as farin thiscountryas theyhave alreadydonein Germany. Will they
eventuallybringabout a conditionapproachingsocialism?
vice and theliquor traffic.-Socialcontrol,under

Commercialized
the conditions of city life, can, perhaps, be best studied in its
attempts to stamp out vice and control the liquor traffic.
The saloon and the vice establishments have come into exist-
ence as a means of exploiting appetites and instincts fundamental
to human nature. This makes the efforts that have been made
to regulate and suppress these forms of exploitation and traffic
interesting and important as subjects of investigation.
Such an investigation should be based upon thorough study:
(i) of the humannatureupon whichthe commercehas been erected,
(2) of the social conditionswhich tend to convertthe normalappe-
tites into social vices, (3) of the practical effectsof the effortsto
limit, control, and stamp out the vice trafficand to do away with
the use and sale of liquor.
Among the things that we should desire to know are:
To what extent is the appetite for alcoholic stimulusa pre-natal
disposition?
To what extentmay such an appetitebe transferred fromone formof
stimulationto another; that is, e.g., fromwhiskeyto cocaine,etc.?
To what extentis it possibleto substitutenormaland healthfulfor
pathologicaland vicious stimulations?
What are the social and moraleffects of secretdrinking?
Where a taboo is establishedearly in life does it have the effectof
idealizingthe delightsof indulgence? Does it do thisin some cases and
not in others? If so, what are the contributingcircumstances? Do
mensuddenlylose thetasteforliquorand otherstimulants? Whatarethe
conditionsunderwhichthishappens?
Many ofthesequestionscan be answeredonlyby a studyofindividual
experiences. Vices undoubtedlyhave theirnatural historylike certain
formsofdisease. Theymaytherefore be regardedas independent entities,
whichfindtheirhabitatin humanenvironment, are stimulatedby certain
conditions,inhibitedby others,but invariablyexhibitthroughall changes
a characterthat is typical.
HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN THE CITY ENVIRONMENT 6oi
In theearlydays thetemperance movement had something the

characterof a religiousrevival,and the effectswere highlypic-
turesque. In recentyears the leaders have displayeda more
deliberatestrategy,but the struggleagainstthe liquortraffic
still
of a big popularmovement,a move-
has all the characteristics
mentwhich,havingat lengthconqueredthe ruraldistricts, is now
advancingupon the cities.
On the otherhand, the vice crusadestartedwith the cities,
wherein fact commercialized vice is indigenous.The meredis-
cussionof thissubjectin publichas meantan enormouschange
in the sex mores. The fact that this movementis everywhere
coincidentwiththe entranceof womeninto partypoliticsis sig-
nificant.
Thereare conditions peculiarto thelifeof greatcities,(referredto
undertheheading"MobilityofthePopulation of GreatCities")which
make the controlof vice especiallydifficult.For example,crusades
andreligiousmovements generallydo nothavethesamesuccessinthecity
environment that theydo in the smallerand less heterogeneous com-
munities.Whatare theconditions whichmakethistrue?
Perhapsthefactsmostworthstudying in connection withthemove-
mentforsuppression ofviceare those, whichindicatethechangeswhich
havetakenplaceinfifty yearsin sexmores,particularlywithreference to
whatis regarded as modestandimmodest in thedressandbehavior, and
withreference to the freedom withwhichsexualmattersare nowdis-
cussedby youngmenand youngwomen.
It seems,in fact,as ifwe werein thepresence oftwoepoch-making
changes, theonewhichseemsdestined to putintoxicating
finally liquors
in thecategory ofpoisonous drugs,and theotherto liftthetaboowhich,
particularlyamongAnglo-Saxon peoples,has effectuallyprevented up to
thepresent timethefrank ofthefactsofsex.
discussion
Partypoliticsand publicity.-There is everywhereat presenta
dispositionto increasethe powerof the executivebranchof the
government at the expenseof the legislative. The influenceof
and of citycouncilshas beendiminished
statelegislatures in some
instancesby the introductionof the referendum and the recall.
In others they have been largely superseded by the commission
formof government.The ostensiblereasonforthesechangesis
that they offera means for overthrowingthe power of the pro-
fessionalpoliticians. The real groundseems to me the recognition
of the fact that the formof governmentwhichhad its originin the

townmeetingand was wellsuitedto the needs of a small community
based on primaryrelationsis not suitable to the governmentof the
changingand heterogeneouspopulations of cities of three or four
millions.
Much,ofcourse,dependsuponthecharacter and sizeofthepopulation.
Whereit is ofAmerican stock,and thenumberof votingcitizensis not too
greatforthorough and calmdiscussion, no betterschoolof politicscan be
imagined,noranymethod ofmanaging morecertain
affairs topreventjobbery
and waste,to stimulate vigilanceand breedcontentment. When,however,
thetownmeeting has grownto exceedsevenor eighthundred persons,and,
still more,whenany considerable sectionare strangers,such as Irishor
FrenchCanadians, whohavelatterly pouredintoNew England,theinstitu-
tionworkslessperfectlybecausethemultitude is toolargefordebate,factions
are likelyto springup, and the immigrants, untrained in self-government,
becomethepreyofwirepullersorpettydemagogues.'
For one thing,the problemsof city governmenthave become,
with the growthand organizationof city life,so complicatedthatit
is no longerdesirableto leave themto the controlofmen whoseonly
qualificationforhandlingthem consistsin the fact that they have
succeeded in gaining officethrough the ordinary machineryof
ward politics.
Another circumstancewhich has made the selection of city
officialsby popular vote impractical,under the conditionsof city
life,is the fact that, except in special cases, the voter knows little
or nothing about the officialshe is voting for; knows little or
nothingabout the functionsof the officeto which that officialis to
be elected; and, besides all the rest,is too busy elsewhereto inform
himselfabout conditionsand needs of the city as a whole.
At a recentelectionin Chicago, forexample,voterswere called
upon to select candidates from a ballot containing 250 names,
most of them unknownto the voters. Under these circumstances
the citizen who wishes to vote intelligentlyrelieson some more or
less interestedorganizationor some more or less interestedadviser
to tell him how to vote.
To meet this emergency, created primarily by conditions
imposed by city life, two types of organization have come into
I JamesBryce, The AmericanCommonwealth,
I, 566.
existenceforcontrolling crisesthatwe call elections.

thoseartificial
One of theseis the organizationrepresented by the politicalboss
and the politicalmachine. The otheris that represented by the
independent and organiza-
voters'leagues,taxpayers'associations,
tionslikethebureausofmunicipalresearch.
It is an indicationof the ratherprimitive
conditions in whichour
politicalpartieswereformed thattheysoughtto governthecountry on
theprinciple thatthe remedyforall sortsof administrative evilswas
to "turntherascalsout,"as thepopularphraseexpressed it, a change
ofgovernment. The politicalmachineand thepoliticalbosshavecome
intoexistence in theinterestofpartypolitics. The partieswereneces-
sarilyorganized to captureelections.The politicalmachineis merely a
technicaldeviceinventedforthe purposeof achieving thisend. The
bossis theexpertwhorunsthemachine.He is as necessary to thewin-
ningofanelection coachisnecessary
as a professional tosuccessat football.
It is characteristicof the two types of organization which
have grownup forthepurposeofcontrolling
thepopularvotethat
the first,the political machine, is based, on the whole, on local,
personal,that is to say, primaryrelationships.The second,the
good-government organizations,make theirappeal to the public,
and the public,as we ordinarilyunderstandthat expression, is a
groupbased on secondaryrelationships.Membersofa publicare
not as a rulepersonallyacquainted.
The politicalmachineis in factan attemptto maintain,inside
theformaladministrative organizationof thecity,thecontrolofa
primarygroup. The organizations thusbuiltup, of whichTam-
appearto be thoroughly
manyHall is theclassicillustration, feudal
in theircharacter. The relationsbetweenthe boss and his ward
captainseem to be preciselythatof personalloyaltyon one side
and personalprotectionon the other,whichthe feudalrelation
implies. The virtueswhichsuchan organization calls out are the
loyalty,and devotionto theinterests
old tribalones offidelity, of
the chiefand the clan. The peoplewithintheorganization, their
friendsand supporters, consitutea "we"-group,whilethe restof
thecityis merelytheouterworld,whichis not quitealive and not
quite human in the sense in which the membersof the "we "-group
are. We have here somethingapproachingthe conditionsof
primitivesociety.
"The conceptionof 'primitivesociety' whichwe oughtto formis that of

small groupsscatteredover a territory.The size of the groupsis determined
by the conditionsof the strugglefor existence. The internalorganization
of each group correspondsto its size. A group of groups may have some
relationto each other(kin,neighborhood, alliance,connubium,and commer-
cium) whichdrawsthemtogetherand differentiates themfromothers. Thus
a differentiation arises between ourselves,the we-group,or in-group,and
everybodyelse, or the others-groups, out-groups. The insidersin a we-group
are in a relationofpeace, order,law, government, and industry,to each other.
Their relationto all outsiders,or others-groups, is one of war and plunder,
exceptso faras agreementshave modifiedit.
"The relationof comradeshipand peace in the we-groupand that of hos-
tility and war towards other-groupsare correlativeto each other. The
exigenciesof war with outsidersare what make peace inside, lest internal
discord should weaken the we-groupfor war. These exigenciesalso make
governmentand law in the in-group,in orderto preventquarrelsand enforce
discipline.",
The politics of most great cities offersabundant materials for
the studyof the type representedby the politicalboss as well as the
social mechanisms created by and embodied in the political ma-
chine. It is necessary,however,that we studythemdisinterestedly.
Some of the questions we should seek to answer are:
What,as a matteroffact,is thepoliticalorganization at anypoint
withinthe city? Whatare thesentiments and attitudesand interests
whichfindexpressionthrough it?
Whatare thepracticaldevicesit employsformobilizing its forces
andputting themintoaction?
Whatis thecharacter ofthepartyappealinthedifferent moralregions
ofwhichthecityis madeup?
How muchof theinterest in politicsis practicaland howmuchis
meresport?
Whatpartofthecostofelections ? Howmuchofitcan
is advertising
be classedas "educationalpublicity," and howmuchis puregraft?
To whatextent,underexistingconditions, as we find
particularly
themin greatcities,canelectionsbe practicallycontrolledbypurely tech-
nicaldevices,card catalogues,torch-light processions,spell binders-
machinery?
Whateffect willtheintroduction of thereferendum and recallhave
uponpresent methods ofconducting electionsin cities?
Advertisingand social control.-Jn contrast with the political
machine, which has founded its organized action on the local,
I p. 12.
Sumner,Folkways,
personal,and immediateinterestsrepresented by the different

neighborhoods organizations,
and localities,the good-government
the bureausof municipalresearch,and the like have soughtto
representtheinterests ofthecityas a wholeand have appealedto
a sentimentand opinionneitherlocalnorpersonal. Theseagencies
havesoughtto secureefficiency and goodgovernmentby theeduca-
and publishing
tionofthevoter,thatis to say,by investigating the
factsregarding the government.
In this way publicityhas come to be a recognizedformof
socialcontrol,and advertising-"socialadvertising"-hasbecome
a professionwithan elaboratetechniquesupportedby a body of
specialknowledge.
It is one of thecharacteristic
phenomena of citylifeand of society
foundedon secondary relationshipsthatadvertising shouldhave come
to occupyso important a placein itseconomy.
In recentyearseveryindividual and organization whichhas had to
dealwiththepublic,thatis to saythepublicoutsidethesmaller andmore
intimate communities of thevillageand smalltown,has cometo have
itspressagent,whois oftenless an advertising manthana diplomatic
manaccredited to thenewspapers,andthrough themto theworldat large.
InstitutionsliketheRussellSage Foundation, and to a less extent,the
General EducationBoardhavesoughtto influence publicopiniondirectly
through themediumof publicity.The CarnegieReportuponMedical
Education,thePittsburgh Survey,theRussellSage Foundation Report
on Comparative CostsofPublic-School Educationin theSeveralStates,
are something morethanscientific reports.They are rathera high
form ofjournalism, dealingwithexistingconditions andseeking
critically,
through the agencyof publicityto bringabout radicalreforms.The
workoftheBureauofMunicipalResearch inNewYorkhashada similar
practicalpurpose. To thesemustbe addedtheworkaccomplished bythe
child-welfare bythesocialsurveys
exhibits, undertaken in different
parts
ofthecountry, andby similarpropaganda in favorofpublichealth.
As a source of social controlpublic opinion becomes important
in societiesfoundedon secondary ofwhichgreatcities
relationships
are a type. In thecityeverysocialgrouptendsto createits own
milieuand, as theseconditionsbecomefixed,the morestendto
accommodatethemselvesto the conditionsthus created. In
secondarygroups and in the city, fashion tends to take the place
of custom,and publicopinionratherthanthemoresbecomesthe
dominantforcein socialcontrol.
6o6 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
In any attemptto understand thenatureofpublicopinionand

its relationto social control,it is important to investigate
firstof
all theagenciesand deviceswhichhave comeintopracticaluse in
theeffort to control,enlighten, and exploitit.
The firstand themostimportant of theseis thepress,thatis
thedailynewspaperand otherformsofcurrent literature
including
booksclassedas current.'
Afterthe newspaper,the bureausof researchwhichare now
springing up in all thelargecitiesare themostinteresting and the
mostpromising devicesforusingpublicityas a meansof control.
The fruitsof these investigations do not reach the public
directly, but are disseminatedthroughthe mediumof thepress,
the pulpit,and othersourcesof popularenlightenment.
In additionto thesethereare theeducationalcampaignsin the
interestofbetterhealthconditions, thechild-welfare exhibits,
and
thenumerous "social advertising" deviceswhicharenowemployed,
sometimes upon theinitiativeofprivatesocieties,sometimes upon
thatof popularmagazinesor newspapers, in orderto educatethe
publicand enlistthe massesof the people in the movementfor
the improvement of conditionsof community life.
The newspaperis the greatmediumof communication within
the city,and it is on thebasis oftheinformation whichit supplies
thatpublicopinionrests. The firstfunctionwhicha newspaper
suppliesis that which was formerly performed by the village
gossip.
In spite, however,of the industrywith which newspapers
pursue facts of personalintelligenceand human interest,they
cannotcompetewiththevillagegossipsas a meansofsocialcontrol.
For one thing,the newspapermaintainssome reservations not
recognized by gossip,in themattersofpersonalintelligence.For
example,untiltheyrunforofficeor commitsomeotherovertact
that bringsthem beforethe public conspicuously, the private
life of individualmen or womenis a subject that is for the
newspapertaboo. It is not so withgossip,partlybecause in a
small communityno individualis so obscurethat his private
affairsescape observationand discussion;partlybecausethefield
z Cf. Bryce,TheAmerican
Commonwealth,
p. 267.
is smaller. In small communities thereis a perfectlyamazing

amountof personalinformation afloatamongtheindividualswho
composethem.
The absenceofthisin thecityis what,in largepart,makesthe
citywhatit is.
Someofthequestionsthatarisein regardto thenatureand functionof
and ofpublicity
thenewspaper are:
generally
What is news?
What are the methodsand motives of the newspaperman? Are
theythoseofan artist? a historian
? ormerely
thoseofa brigand?
To whatextentdoesthenewspaper controland to whatextentis it
?
controlledby public sentiment
What is a "fake" and why?
What is yellowjournalismand whyis it yellow?
What would be the effectof making the newspapera municipal
monopoly?
What is the difference
betweenadvertisingand news?
IV. TEMPERAMENT AND THE URBAN ENVIRONMENT
Great citieshave always been the melting-pots of races and

ofcultures. Out ofthevividand subtleinteractions ofwhichthey
have been the centers,therehave comethenewerbreedsand the
newersocial types. The great cities of the United States, for
example,have drawnfromthe isolationof theirnative villages
great masses of the ruralpopulationsof Europe and America.
Underthe shockof the new contactsthe latentenergiesof these
primitive peopleshave been released,and the subtlerprocessesof
interactionhave broughtinto existence,not merelyvocational,
but temperamental types.
Mobilizationof theindividualman.-Transportation and com-
munication haveeffected,
amongmanyothersilentbutfar-reaching
changes,what I have called the "mobilizationof the individual
man." They have multipliedthe opportunities of the individual
man forcontactand forassociationwith his fellows,but they
have made these contactsand associationsmore transitory and
less stable. A verylargepart of the populationsof greatcities,
includingthosewho make theirhomesin tenementsand apart-
menthouses,livemuchas peopledo in somegreathotel,meeting
6o8 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
but not knowingone another. The effectof thisis to substitute

fortuitousand casual relationshipfor the more intimateand
permanent associationsof the smallercommunity.
Underthesecircumstances theindividual'sstatusis determined
to a considerabledegreeby conventionalsigns-by fashionand
"front"-and the art of lifeis largelyreducedto skatingon thin
surfacesand a scrupulousstudyof styleand manners.
Not onlytransportation and communication, butthesegregation
of the urban populationtends to facilitatethe mobilityof the
individualman. The processesof segregationestablishmoral
distanceswhichmakethecitya mosaicoflittleworldswhichtouch
but do not interpenetrate.This makesit possibleforindividuals
to pass quicklyand easilyfromone moralmilieuto anotherand
encouragesthe fascinating but dangerousexperiment of livingat
thesame timein severaldifferent contiguous, perhaps,but widely
separatedworlds. All thistendsto give to citylifea superficial
and adventitious character;it tendsto complicatesocialrelation-
ships and to producenew and divergentindividualtypes. It
introduces,at thesame time,an elementofchanceand adventure,
whichadds to the stimulusof citylifeand givesit foryoungand
freshnervesa peculiarattractiveness.The lureof greatcitiesis
perhapsa consequenceofstimulations whichact directly uponthe
reflexes.As a typeof humanbehaviorit may be explained,like
the attractionof theflameforthemoth,as a sortof tropism.
The attraction of themetropolis is due in part,however,to the
factthatin thelongruneveryindividualfindssomewhere among
of
the variedmanifestations city life the sort of environment in
whichhe expandsand feelsat ease; finds,in short,the moral
climatein whichhis peculiarnatureobtainsthe stimulations that
bringhis innate qualities to full and freeexpression.It is, I
suspect,motivesofthiskindwhichhave theirbasis,notin interest
nor even in sentiment, but in somethingmorefundamental and
primitivewhichdraw many,if not most,of the youngmen and
youngwomenfromthesecurityoftheirhomesin thecountryinto
thebig,boomingconfusion and excitement ofcitylife. In a small
community it is thenormalman,theman withouteccentricity or
genius,who seemsmostlikelyto succeed. The smallcommunity
oftentolerateseccentricity.The city,on thecontrary, rewardsit.

Neitherthe criminal,the defective, nor the geniushas the same
opportunity to develop his innate dispositionin a small town,
thathe invariablyfindsin a greatcity.
Fiftyyearsago everyvillagehad one or two eccentricchar-
acterswho weretreatedordinarily witha benevolenttoleration,
but who were regardedmeanwhileas impracticableand queer.
These exceptionalindividualslivedan isolatedexistence,cut off
by theirveryeccentricities,whetherof geniusor of defect,from
genuinelyintimateintercourse with theirfellows. If they had
themakingofcriminals, therestraintsand inhibitionsof thesmall
community rendered themharmless. If theyhad thestuff ofgenius
in them,theyremained sterileforlack ofappreciationor opportun-
ity. MarkTwain'sstoryofPudd'n Head Wilsonis a description of
one suchobscureand unappreciated genius. It is notso trueas it
was that-
Full manya floweris bornto blushunseen
And waste its fragranceon the desertair.
Gray wrotethe "Elegy in a CountryChurchyard"beforethe

existenceof the moderncity.
In thecitymanyof thesedivergent typesnowfinda milieuin
whichforgood or forill theirdispositions
and talentsparturate
and bearfruit.
In the investigationof those exceptionaland temperamentaltypes
which the city has produced,we should seek to distinguish,as far as
possible,betweenthose abstractmentalqualities upon which technical
excellenceis based and those more fundamentalnative characteristics
whichfindexpressionin temperament. We may therefore ask:
To what extentare the moralqualitiesof individualsbased on native
character? To what extentare they conventionalizedhabits imposed
uponby themor takenoverby themfromthegroup?
What are the native qualities and characteristicsupon which the
moralor immoralcharacteraccepted and conventionalized by the group
are based?
What connectionor what divorce appears to exist betweenmental
and moralqualitiesin thegroupsand in theindividualscomposingthem?
Are criminalsas a rule of a lower order of intelligencethan non-
criminals? If so, what typesof intelligenceare associatedwithdifferent
6io THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY
typesofcrime? For example, do professionalburglarsand professional

confidencemenrepresentdifferent
mentaltypes?
Whatare theeffects uponthesedifferent typesof isolationand of
mobility,
ofstimulusandofrepression?
To what extentcan playgrounds and otherformsof recreation
supplythestimulation
whichis otherwise soughtforinviciouspleasures?
To whatextentcan vocationalguidanceassistindividuals in finding
vocationsin whichtheywillbe able to obtaina freeexpressionoftheir
temperamentalqualities?
The moral region.-It is inevitable that individuals who seek
the same formsof excitement,whetherthat excitementbe furn-
ished by a horse race or by grand opera, should find themselves
fromtime to time in the same places. The result of this is that,
in the organizationwhich city life spontaneouslyassumes, a dis-
position of the population manifestsitself to segregateitself,not
merelyin accordance with its interests,but in accordance with
its tastes or its temperaments. The resultingdistributionof the
population is likely to be quite different
fromthat broughtabout
by occupational interestsor economicconditions.
Every neighborhood,under the influenceswhich tend to dis-
tributeand segregatecity populations,may assume the character
of a "moral region." Such, for example, are the vice districts,
which are found in most cities. A moral regionis not necessarily
a place of abode. It may be a mere rendezvous, a place of
resort.
In ordertounderstand theforces whichin everylargecitytendtodevelop
thesedetachedmilieus,in whichvagrantandsuppressed impulses,passions,
andidealsemancipate themselves fromthedominant moralorder,it isneces-
saryto referto thefactortheory oflatentimpulses ofmen.
The factseemsto be thatmenarebrought intotheworldwithall the
passions,instincts,and appetites, uncontrolledand undisciplined. Civiliza-
tion,in theinterestsofthecommon welfare,demandsthesuppression some-
times,and the controlalways,of thesewild,naturaldispositions.In the
processof imposing its discipline uponthe individual,in makingoverthe
individualin accordance withtheacceptedcommunity model,muchis sup-
pressedaltogether,and muchmorefindsa vicariousexpression in forms that
are sociallyvaluable,or at least innocuous.It is at thispointthatsport,
play, and art function.They permitthe individualto purgehimselfby
meansofsymbolic expression of thesewildandsuppressed impulses.Thisis
thecatharsis ofwhichAristotle wrotein hisPoeticand whichhas beengiven
HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN THE CITY ENVIRONMENT 6ii
newand morepositivesignificance of SigmundFreud

by theinvestigations
and thePsycho-Analysts.I
No doubtmanyothersocialphenomena suchas strikes,wars,popular
and religious
elections, revivals,performa similarfunctionin releasing
the
tensions.Butwithin
subconscious smallercommunitieswheresocialrelations
aremoreintimate andinhibitions
moreimperative,therearemanyexceptional
whofindwithinthelimitsofthecommunal
individuals nonormaland
activity
andhealthfulexpressionoftheirindividual
aptitudesand temperaments.
The causes whichgive rise to what are here describedas "moral
regions" are due in part to the restrictions
whichurban lifeimposes;
in part to the license which these same conditionsoffer. We have
until very recentlygiven much considerationto the temptationsof
citylife,but we have not given the same considerationto the effects
of inhibitionsand suppressionsof natural impulses and instincts
under the changed conditionsof metropolitanlife. For one thing,
childrenwhichin the countryare countedas an asset become in the
citya liability. Aside fromthis fact it is very much more difficult
to rear a familyin the citythan on the farm. Marriage takes place
later in the city,and sometimesit doesn't take place at all. These
facts have consequences the significanceof which we are as yet
wholly unable to estimate.
Investigation oftheproblems involvedmightwellbeginby a study
and comparison of thecharacteristictypesof socialorganizationwhich
existin theregions referred
to.
Whatare the externalfactsin regardto the lifein Bohemia,the
Half-World, the Red-LightDistrict,and other"moralregions" lesspro-
nounced in character?
Whatis thenatureofthevocationswhichconnectthemselves with
theordinary lifeof theseregions? Whatare thecharacteristic mental
typeswhichareattracted bythefreedom whichtheyoffer?
How do individuals findtheirway into theseregions? How do
theyescapefromthem?
To whatextentaretheregions referredto theproductofthelicense;
to whatextentaretheydueto therestrictions imposed bycitylifeon the
naturalman?
and socialcontagion.-Whatlendsspecialimpor-
Temperament
tance to the segregationof the poor, the vcious, the criminal,and
exceptionalpersons generally,which is so characteristica feature
' Cf.Dr. Sigmund
Freud,The Interpretation
ofDreams.
of citylife,is the factthatsocial contagiontendsto stimulatein

divergenttypesthe commontemperamental and to
differences,
suppresscharacters whichunitethemwiththenormaltypesabout
them. Associationwith othersof their own ilk providesalso
notmerelya stimulus, but a moralsupportforthetraitstheyhave
in commonwhichtheywouldnot findin a less selectsociety. In
the greatcitythe poor,the vicious,and the delinquent,crushed
together in an unhealthful
and contagiousintimacy,breedinand in,
soul and body,so thatit has oftenoccurredto me thatthoselong
genealogiesof the Jukesand the Tribes of Ishmael would not
showsuch a persistent and distressinguniformity of vice, crime,
and povertyunlesstheywerepeculiarlyfitforthe environment in
whichtheyare condemned to exist.
WVemustthenacceptthese"moral regions"and the moreor
less eccentricand exceptionalpeoplewhoinhabitthem,in a sense,
at least,as partofthenaturalifnotthenormallifeofa city.
It is not necessaryto understand by the expression"moralregion"a
placeora society thatiseither orabnormal.It is intended
criminal
necessarily
rather to applyto regions inwhicha divergent
moralcodeprevails, becauseit
is a regionin whichthepeoplewhoinhabitit are dominated, as peopleare
ordinarily notdominated, bya tasteorbya passionorbysomeinterest which
has its rootsdirectlyin theoriginalnatureof theindividual.It maybe an
art,likemusic,ora sport,likehorseracing. Sucha region woulddiffer
from
othersocialgroupsbythefactthatitsinterests aremoreimmediate andmore
fundamental. For thisreasonits differences
are likelyto be due to moral
ratherthanintellectual isolation.
Because of the opportunityit offers,particularlyto the excep-
tional and abnormal typesof man, a great city tends to spread out
and lay bare to the public view in a massive manner all the char-
acters and traitswhich are ordinarily
obscuredand suppressed
in smallercommunities.The city,in short,showsthe good and
evil in human nature in excess. It is thisfact,perhaps,more than
any other which justifiesthe view that would make of the city a
laboratoryor clinicin whichhumannatureand social processes
maybe mostconveniently and profitably
studied.

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The City: Suggestions for the Investigation of Human Behavior in the City Environment

Author(s): Robert E. Park

THE CITY: SUGGESTIONS FOR THE INVESTIGATION

It will be convenientforthe point of view proposedin this

publicopinionand streetrailways, theindividualmanand thetools

I. THE CITY PLAN AND LOCAL ORGANIZATION

The city,particularly the modernAmericancity,strikesone

The city plan, for example,establishesmetes and bounds,

momentumof its own, more or less independentof the largercircle

I "Wennwir daherdas Wort[Naturlals einenlogischenTerminusin derWissen-

In many of the Europeancities,and to some extentin this

characteristicis that they are composed of persons of the same

What about the age, sex, and social conditionofthepeople?

II. INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION AND THE MORAL ORDER

The ancientcitywas primarily a fortress,a place of refugein

holdsso faras theindividualmanfindsin thechances,thediversity

Success, under conditions of personal competition, depends

Every device which facilitatestrade and industryprepares

To what extentis success in the occupationsdependentupon sound

News and themobilityofthesocial group.-The divisionof labor,

it in a thoroughly rationalway. It meansthattheobjectofoursentiment

On theotherhand,the tradesman, themanufacturer, thepro-

Wandering Jew'acquiresabstracttermswithwhichto describethevarious

Concentrationof populations in cities, the wider markets,the

They occurmorefrequently in citiesthanin smallercommunities.

Under the title of collectivepsychologymuch has been writtenin

To what extentdoes the participantin a mass movementfeelexalta-

III. SECONDARY RELATIONS AND SOCIAL CONTROL

Modernmethodsofurbantransportation and communication-

withintheregionofinstinct and feeling.Socialcontrolarises,forthemost

It is probablythebreakingdownoflocal attachments and the

was desirableat leastto masterthefactsofthecase beforetheyspoke. In

Undertheconditions imposedby citylife,in whichindividuals

UnitedStates. Reformhas in factbecomea kindof popular"indoor sport."

The effectof this extensionof what is called the police power

In orderto interpretin a fundamentalway the factsin regardto social

Changes in the formof social controlmay for the purposes of

It shouldbe the aim of theseinvestigationsto distinguishnot merely

vice and theliquor traffic.-Socialcontrol,under

In theearlydays thetemperance movement had something the

of the fact that the formof governmentwhichhad its originin the

existenceforcontrolling crisesthatwe call elections.

"The conceptionof 'primitivesociety' whichwe oughtto formis that of

personal,and immediateinterestsrepresented by the different

In any attemptto understand thenatureofpublicopinionand

is smaller. In small communities thereis a perfectlyamazing

IV. TEMPERAMENT AND THE URBAN ENVIRONMENT

Great citieshave always been the melting-pots of races and

but not knowingone another. The effectof thisis to substitute

oftentolerateseccentricity.The city,on thecontrary, rewardsit.

Gray wrotethe "Elegy in a CountryChurchyard"beforethe

typesofcrime? For example, do professionalburglarsand professional

newand morepositivesignificance of SigmundFreud

of citylife,is the factthatsocial contagiontendsto stimulatein

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