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322 Politics and Society dW'ing the Early Medieval Period Lite and Thotlght at Ziyauddin Barani 323

sultan, and only comments on the practical consequences of his Chapter V


measures)1
Barani's final opinion on the state and its laws is to be found in THE GOVERNING CLASS
the thesis he puts in the mouth of Bughra Khan: "Only that ruler
can in truth and justice be called and deemed a king in whose ter- No person could have obtained the position of Sipahsalar Husa-
ritory no man goes to sleep naked and hungry, and who makes laws muddin in Billban's court unless he had been of pure Turkish birth,
(zawabit) and frames measures (mawazin) owing to which no subject for Balban was a faddist on the question of birth and genealol!Y,
of his has to face any material distress (dal'mandgi) from which there and so probably were the senior members of Barani's own family.
is a danger to his life,"12 They seem to have cruelly driven it into his young mind that owing
This may be considered his last word in the matter; there was to his high birth he was above the mass of mankind. Personal
nothing more that could be expected under medieval conditions of misfortunes drove him to make this childhood conceit into a philoso-
production, phy of life, and though he could never find a single theological text
in' support of his birth-theory, he nevertheless called in relie;ion and
the divine design to support it. (Advice XX!.) The Turkish officers
at the time of Barani's birth were divided into two groups-those
who had attained to hi!!h office as slaves, and sometimes called them-
l. The late Maulana Abul Kalam Azad calls them tllama-i StI or the 'wicked mtillahs. selves 'sultani'; and those who had entered government service as
2. Ta1'ikh-i Firuz Shahi, pp. 41'-44. freemen. Barani's family seems to have belonged to the latter
3. i.e. Malik Bektars.
4. Kataba ala' f1atsih;, rahmah.
group, for at some places he refers to the cash-purchased (zar-khari-
5. Tal'ikh-i Fil'uZ Shahi, pp. 50-5l. ita) slaves with contempt.
6. Masters here would mean Shihabuddin Ghuri and I1tutmish. But his family must have been living in India for many generations
7. That is, he would not allow a murderer to escape the death penalty by paying and lost all contacts with foreign lands, long before these relations
money compensation to the heirs of the murdered man. Firuz Shahi, p, 44.
were severed by the Monl!ol invasions. Unlike his friend, Amir
8. Khairul Maialis, ed. K A. Nizami, p. 241.
9. Barani greatly underrates 'Alauddin's knowledge of Islam. He was surrou~ded Khusrau, he shows no knowled!!e of Turkish; and there are no Tur-
by educated people and must have learnt the contents of the Quran and the Islamic kish words in his works except the titles in general use. His ignor-
creed tram them. Shaikh N asiruddin Chiragh, who was then in charge of the great ance of the geography of Central Asia and Persia is surprising. Barani
Shaikh's charities, leaves us in no doubt that 'Alauddin's reforms were cordially ap- nowhere calls himself a Turk in the three works of his that are avail-
proved by the circle of the great Shaikh. able, and in his modes of thou!!ht and feeling he is hundred per cent
lO. Tarikh-i Firttz Shahi, pp. 289-96.
11. It was not to be expected, however,' that the tllrlma would not object to
Indian. His governing class theory, thoufh he is unaware of the
the sultan's measures. The sultan during the famine ordered wells to be dug outside fact, is the philosophy of the popular Hindu caste-system put into a
Delhi and provided all necessmy requisites for agriculture. Maulana Afifuddin Kashani Muslim mould. The monld, as we shall see, did not fit in. Hindu-
a famous legist, objected to it because this agricultural work was being done by com~ ism postulated that God had created men in separate castes and that
pulsion for the royal granaries. Sultan Muhammed imprisoned him and then set him it was the duty of the law to prevent 'a mixture of castes'. Nothing
tree. But some time aftenvards the sultan heard that he had spoken against him to
equivalent to it is found in the scriptures of the Jews, the Christians
two other legists and he had all the three put' to death (Ibn Batuta, Aiaibal Asfar.
Urdu tr. by Khan Saheb Muhammad Husain, Vo!' II, p. 142). and the Musalmans. Only a person very deeply imbued with the
12. Ta1'ikh-i Firuz Shahi, p. 148. . traditions of the Hindu caste-svstem, like Barani, could have had the
courage to state that pietv was onlv within the reach of persons of
good birth. Today we only know of the Turks who sett~ed in India
from our records. They are not to be found anywhere II1 the coun-
try. Probably even in 'the time of Barani the process of the merg~r
of the Turks with the Indian Muslims had already begun, thou/!h m
the sphere of politics they were distinct and hostile groups. The
Turks could only have maintained their separate social entity by re-
324 Politics and Society d!l1'ing the Ea1'7y Medieml Period
Life and 1'hollgl,t of Ziyallddin Batall' :i.is
fraining from marrying Indian women, but this thcy refuscd to do;
so while many persons claimed to be Turks on their paternal sidc, the ~tate had the right to nominate his successor, or series of succes-
their homes and with it the ideology of their childrcn becamc more sors, but the person nominated would only ascend ilie tlu'one if
and more Indianized with every generation, accepted by the high officers; if dissatisfiecl, these officers could
Islam taught that all men were equal and brothers, and it secured select another person from among the sons and brothers of the latc
this equality within the Islamic fold to an extent that had not been ruler. Tbrdlv, when Islamic religious sciences had been reduced to
possible for any groul) before, Nevertheless, the old ideas persisted; wnting in the timE: of the great Abbasids and their teaching had been
also no government could exist without a governing class before put on a proper basis, a group of officcrs for religiOUS and semireligi-
modern inventions made democracy possible. Consequently the ous hmctions-the lIlama-i zahiri or state-controlled scholars-was
whole of Persian. literature is full of contemptuous references to the also organised on the same lines as the bureaucracy; its members
lower orders on the ground of birth. It was the same in the convcr- were appOinted and dismissed at his discretion by the head of the
sation of well-born persons. Still too much insistence should not be state,
laid on this fact, for a very important section of the Muslim intelli- This framework lasted so long as i'"Iuslim monarchy lasted, but
gentsia came from the lower middle class or the upper working wiiliin this framework anv number of revolutions were possible.
classes, Nevertheless Muslim states, generally speaking, have never toler-
Barani's theory of birth has a basic contradiction of which he was ated a hereditarv bureaucracv or a hereditarv ecclesiastical class,
not consciolls. The only nobility that mattered to him was the offi- though the head' of state was expected to have due regard for the
cial bureaucracy of a unified state. He did not care for merchants relations of his deceased servants. Thev have also not tolerated a
and othel' classes, however prosperous, nor did he know of any such hereditary landed aristocracy (barring s~me exceptions such as thc
social order as the feudal aristocracy of medieval Europe; when he dihqaHs of Persia and the mis, Ulnas and 1'(lwats of the Delhi sul-
saw something similar to it, he condemned it like most Muslim poli- tanat); a landed aristocracy, when it appears, is generallv due to thc
tical thinkers as tawaiflll mlllllki or oligarchic anarchy, for it was ill- fact that the officers have seized the land assigned to their chargc
compatible with the implementation of state-laws and, in fact, with and the state is diSintegrating.
the state.
After postulating that (a) nobility goes by descent because the
With reference to pre-Muslim times, it was easy for Bat'ani to say sons of the nobles alone are noble and (b) that the nobles have thc
iliat every government office was hereditary, though a little reflec- exclusive right to government offices, Barani finds it impossible to
tion would have convinced him that such an arrangement would
define a noble family. The governing groups had been destroying
havf; led to the disintcgration of the shlte. Barani has a vcrv clear each other too rapidly. All that Bm'ani could have meant by a noble
idea of the Umayyads and Abbasids as governing class states, the familv was a family the 111embers of which had held high offices for
latter having been built on the ruins of the former. Then his know- three' or four gene;'ations; conversely, if a family was effectivcly and
ledge becomes dim, but as he surveyed the sultatiat of Delhi for a
permanently deprived of high offices, it ceased to be noble and took
century and a half, he saw the governing groups being overthrown
its place willi the masses.
one after another. The picture in Advice XXII is fairly well drawn,
but it is based primarily on the experience of the Delhi sultan at. The main bureaucratic revolutions noted by Barani are the fol-
In order to understand Bm'ani's ideas, the three principles that lowing:
lay at ilie basis of the normal Muslim state should he borne in mind. (1) Shihabudclin was succeeded by his slave-officers, but Shan:-
The Prophet and the pious caliphs appointed officers for specific ~uddin Iltuhnish had to overthrow Yilduz and Qubacha and theu'
duties; theil' office ended when their duties had been discharged olEcers in order to establish his power.
but they could also be dismissed at the discretion of the head of the
state. 'Amir Mu'awiya' established the system of iVluslim monarchy. (2) Iltutmish organised a part of his bure<lUcracy from the old
Fil'St, he organised a bureaucracy or governing class from the noble ~lave-officers of Shihabuddin and their descendants, but in order to
Arab clans; all officers were appOinted by the head of the state and balance them, he formed another wing of his hnreaucracy fr0111 the
thev could at any time be dismissed by him. Secondly, the head of noble-born and educated men who had fled to his capital from
, , 1
Life and ii"hought ot Llyauddin Raj'ani 311
326 Politics and Society during the EaJrly MedIeval Pmjod
as gad's chosen families, had been kept in office. This is the grea~est
(3) The death af Iltutmish led to. a canflict between the twa wings. single act of suppressian of the amil's or officers of a farmer regIme
During the reign af his successars, the great Turkish slave-afficers, that took place in the histary of the Delhi sultanat and it was very
known as the Chihalgani (ar the Farty), abtained cantrol aver the thorough. The suggestions tar treating a fallen official regime with
affairs of the government and removed the free-born maliks and which no. co.mpramise is passible, offered by Barani in Advice XXII,
nobles. "The people of the time saw clearly that till great men and may have been suggested to hiIp by this situation.
nables are not overthrown, worthless and cash-purchased slaves do . (6) Barani, curiausly enaugh, does nat bring the charge of low
not attain to high office and leadership."l birth and' mean origin against the officers af 'Alauddin Khalji. Their
(4) Since all the Chihalgani Turkish officers cansidered themselves fathers and grandfathers had not held high affices but they may have
equal to each other and everyone of them proclaimed, 'I and none worked in the lower gavernment pasts Which were apen to. nan-nobles.
ather', there was a periad af anarchy for same thirty years (1236-66) 'Alauddm's coutrol was stern. but his officers were able men and he
and the authority af the cenh"al pawer vanished. Balban (1266-87) ~ave them the discretianary pawers. they needed. Bar~ni divides
restared the authority of the central pawer by annihilating his rivals; 'Alauddin's o.fftcers into.' three generahons. The first generatIOn, led by
still he was a great faddist for birth and kept .the Turkish aristacracy the six afficers who had conspired to. assassinate Sultan Jalaluddin,
intact. But during the reign af Kaiqubad, his minister, Malik Niza- was brilliant. The second generatian was campetent and able, and
muddin, though himself from an old Turkish stack, had a large num- Bm'ani has great respect for it. In the third generation of 'Alauddin's
ber of Turkish. officers executed by the sultan's arders. Thus the afficers too many 'yes-men' had crept in, while far reasans u~lkno~n
backbane of the remnant of the aId Turkish slave-bureaucracy was he put to. death his great minister of ~e.venue, ~hara.f Qaam. Still,
broken, and Aitmar Kachchin and Aitmar Surkha were unable to subject to the mishaps af medieval pohtics and m spIte ?f the enar-
prevent the accession of Sultan Jalalucldin Khalji. But Jalaluddin mo.us strain put on it during the reign of Muhamma.d bm. Tnghluq,
was not the man to. push a revalutian to. its inevitable canclusian and the continuity of 'Alauddin'~ bureaucracy was mamt~m~d till ~he end
he confirmed many Turkish. officers af the old regime in their posts. o.f Muhammad bin Tughluq s reign. Thus at the begmnmg of Ala~d:
(5) 'Alauddin won over the officers af the uncle he had murdered din's reign we find Muhammad Ayaz ko~wal of Siri;, his ~o.n, KhwaJa-1
through offers of gold and re-appointment to. their pasts. "But in the Jahan Ahmad Ayaz, was Mllhalllma~ bm Tughluq s ncub (depu~y~. at
second ar the third year of his reign, when his authority had been Delhi when the sultan died. Qutbuddm Mubarak Shah, to. the smpme
fully established, all the former officers of Jalaluddin, who had de- af all, re-appo.inted the high offi~ers of ~is father, and they mai?tain-
serled their old master's family and joined 'Alauddin and taken mans ed his empire intact for him. G~Iyasuddm. Tu?hluq Shah was hlms~lf
of gvld and offices and territories from him, were seized in the city a bureaucrat, and so far as possIble he mamtamed the st~hls and dIg-
and the army. Some were thrown into forts and imprisoned; others nity af his former colleagues. Twa royal favourit~s, Mahk K.afur and
were blinded or killed. All the money they had obtained from 'Alaud- Khusrau Khan, whose sto.ries are well-known, tned to dammate the
din, along with their own wealth, houses and properties, was seized. bureaucracy, but the main bady of maliks and umara managed to
Their houses were made state-property (sultani), their villages were survive bath.
brought back to the khalsa, and nathing was left for their children. Muhammad bin Tughluq's po.licy tawards the bu:~aucracy. ca~ anly
Theil soldiers and servants were put in the charge of 'Alauddin's be briefly reviewed here. All the three great autho.nhes on hIS relgn-
officers and their families were overthrown."2 Three of the old officers, Bm'ani 'Is ami and Ibn-i Battuta-are firm in stating that he was a
with the surname of Alavi, Khalji and Rana, Barani tells us, were great shedder af blaad.4 Th~re was somet~in~ in his ways and man-
spared3; the rest were totally uprooted. Most of th,e officers thus ners that excited the SuspiCIOn o.f even hIS hIghest ?ffi~ers fro~ the
punished must have been the descendants of Balban s o~cers-me? very beginning af his career. Thus whe~l he w.as beslegmg ~ara~~al
of true Turkish blue blood whose ancestors had come mta promI- in the reign of his father, four great maltks of hIS army-Tarnal, Tlg~n,
nence as slave-officers. 'Alauddin demanded efficiency and obedience; Mal Afghan and Kafur Muhrdar-marched back fram the fo.rt ~Ith
blue bload meant nothing to him. Also these officers af tll~ ?ld reg~me their men because Ubaid, the poet, had convinced them that, smce
were accustomed (as Barani himself makes clear) to conspmng aga~nst
the king. The new schemes 'Alauddin had in mind would have fmIed
they were Sultan 'Alaucldin's officers of standing and presumably :0-
nartners in the kine:dom. Muhammad bin Tughluq (who had the trtle
i+ nrnru:".,oC" r.+ ...h ..... n.l...l .....n ....... .;.....,...,.. ......... ,.. .......... n...-n..a,.l .Jon ..... " ........ .;,.1'O ... .; ..... 1'l" 1-. """"""'.0.1 .. 7'>.C"
..
328 Politics and SQciety, during (h Ewrly Mediecal Period Life (mel Thought of ZiyauC/(li.n Bam/li 329
of Ulugh Khan at the time) would seize and behead them all on the bureaucracy consisted of khans, maliks and amirs only. The a11111'-1
same day. Similarly when the sultan, owing to the famine, had moved sadah of Baraui are the sipahsalal's of Bughra Khan. The strength
to. Sargdwari .along with the inhabitants of Delhi, he was so pleased ,of their position la) in the fact that they constituted the backbone
wIth the efficIency of Ainul Mulk in providing grain for his men that of the army that had conquered the Deccan under 'Alauddin Khalji
he decided to promote him hom the governorship of Zafarabad to and were under no obligation to Muhammed bin Tughluq.lO When
the Viceroyalty of Devagiri in place of his former teacher, Qutlugh the Deccan territories were annexed, they would be spread out 011
Kh~n. But Ainul ~Iulk got frightened, and though not a fighting man, the land. If there were ten horsemen at a thana'or military post, an
decIded to 1'ebe1.:o The rebellion of Bahram Aiba (Kishlu Khan), the amir-i sadah would he commanding ten thanas or a territory of the
&overnor of Multan,. who had been a comrade in anns of Tughluq size of a parganah. They maintained the whole administration of the
Shah and was One of the senior-most officers of the empire, was due to conquered lands, and the Bahmani kingdom originated owing to
a s~mi1ar misunderstanding. Bahram was driven to take firm steps their revolt. Thev could not have been men of noble birth and do
agamst an agent of the sultan on account of his insolence. The sultan not evoke Barani;s sympathy.
refused to hear any explanations and marched against Bahram and Barani's great complaint against Muhammad bin Tughluq is that
Bahram considered it a pOint of honour to die fighting.6 Still the sultan he appOinted Hindus and men of low-birth to high offices. "I have
succeeded in keeping the majority of the officers, high and low, of the ~erved the court of sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq and obtained
homelands of the empire loyal to himself. plenty of gold owing to his constant inams and gifts. I am surprised
It was otherwise with the lower officers of the distant provinces of at the contradictory qualities of that king, who was a unique product
the empire., When the sultan appointed Aziz Khammar, 'the low-born', of creation. During all this time I heard from his sacred lips stories
governor of Dhar and the whole of Malwa, he instructed him as concerning the contemptible and worthless character of men of low
tollows ,: 'J hear that everyone \vho rebels does so owing to the $UP- and mean origin. He would prove with arguments and illustrations
port or the amiran-i sadah (saclah (ill/irs: commanders of one hun- that meli of mean origin are ungrateful, untrue to their salt, mis-
dred) and the amiran-i saclah support him owing to their angcr~(at chievous and wicked. He talked as if he hated low-born people more
the imperial policy) and love of plunder: Aziz Khammar summoned than he hated idols. Nevertheless I have seen him promoting Najba,
eighty-nine sadah amirs and ordered their heads to be cut off,7 This the low-born son of a musician, to such an extent that he rose higher
started the conHagration which cost the sultan all his Deccan posses- in status than many 11laliks; for Gujarat, Multan and BadaUl: were put
sions. "It did not occur to the mind of this doomed and low-born in his charge. Similarly he raised Aziz Khammar11 and IllS brother,
lllan (Aziz Khammar)", Bat'ani remarks, "that if being an amir-i sadah Firuz Iiaiiam (the barber), Manka Tabbakh (the cook), Masud Kham-
was a sufficient offence for the inHiction of the death-penalty, tlien mar (the vintner), Laddha Baghban (the gardener), and many other
wherever there are sadah-amirs-ill Devagiri,Gujarat and else- gems of low-birth (jawahir-i latrah) to a high status and gave them
where-they will all be embittered and rise in rebellion. And how offices and territories. I-Ie gave Shaikh Babu, the son of a Nayak
will the army of the country be maintained, if" the saclah-,amirs are weaver (Nayak bachcha jlllaha), a position near to himself and eleva-
embittered
,
and rebel? The news of the slauahter0
of the sadah-amiTs ted the ranks and position of such a low-born man among mankind.
of Dhar, on account of their being sadah-amirs, reached Devagiri He assigned the diwan-i wizal'at (minis by of revenue) to Pera Mali
and Gujarat. Consequently the sadah-amirs of these two provinces (the gardener), the lowest of the low-born and 'mean-born men of
became Vigilant and made preparations for rebellion."8 Hind and Sind, and placed him over the heads of maliks, amirs, waliS'
The term, amir-i sadah, has not been used by other historians of and governors (maqtas). He assigned to Kishen (Krishna) Bazran
the reign, but their position is not difficult to understand. In the Incb'i who wa, the meanest of the mean-born, the territorv of Awadh.
advice he puts in the mouth of Bughra Khan, Bm'ani explains the To Muqbil, the slave of Ahmad Ayaz, who in appearance' and charac-
organisation of the army as folIows 9 : "A sarkhail commands ten ter was a shame for all slaves, he gave the wizamt (governorship) of
chosen horsemen; a sipahsalar, ten sal'khails; illl amir, ten sipah- Gujarat, which had been a post for great khans and wazir~. It w,:s
sa lars; a malik, ten a111il"s, a khan, ten maliks; and a king should have strange how: he gave high offices and governments of. ext~,nslVe tern-
at least ten khans under his command." An amiT, properlv so-called, tories and great provinces to men of low and mean bIrth. 12
would he a commander of one thousand horse; and the higher The professions indicated in thc above surnames are the ancestral
330 Politics and Society during ~he Early Medieval Period
Life and thought at Zlyauddin Baranl 331
professions of the officers mentioned; the officers themselves, it has
to be assumed, were highly e~ucated and efficient men. Looking back to all sane calculations had come to stay. We find clear indications
at the matter through the distance of six centuries we cannot but of progress in this respect. A new middle-class man emerges the
admire Muhammad bin Tughluq for the breadth of his vision. The nawisandah or clerk. It Sharaf Qaani had the central revenues com-
rapidity of the Turkish conquest of India, as I have tried to prove pared with the patwal'i's papers and exacted every jital, he must have
elsewher.e,13 was due to the fact that Hindu society was divided into had a large bilingual staft. If the number of nawisandahs undergoing
two sectIOns, between whom there was an impassable gulf-the four~ punishments for their offences varied from 7,000 to 10,000, their total
Aryan cas.tes and the non-caste groups, the latter being the basic work- number (even if these figures are somewhat exaggerated) must have
ers of India; also the fact that Muslim kings could sit on Indian thrones been fairly large.l 4 .
t.or five cent~ries ~f~er Shihabuddin Ghuri was primarily due to the The membership of a governing-class, whatever the character of
fact that then posItion was a guarantee to the working classes that that governing-class, requires not only a common language and cul-
the worst features of the caste-system would not return. ture but also a common way of life-or at least a knowledge and
Barani conveys to us a wisdom of which he is himself unaware. tolerance of each other's ways of life. During the period of the Slave
India could not have been _properly governed without help from the kings, membership of the higher bureaucracy was dangerous for an
Sons of the soil. The Slave kings, unable to obtain that co-operation, Indian Musalman and impossible for a Hindu. But the Khalji revo-
merely made arrangements for the payment of revenue with the exist- lution seems to have brought about a change. Amir Khusrau in his
ing Hindu chiefs-rais, l'anas, rawats, and (lower than them) the Khazainul Futuh15 tells us that Sultan <AlauJdin sent an army of
chauclhw'is, khuts and muqaddams. The government of the Delhi sul- thirty thousand horsemen under a Hindu officer, Malik Naik, the
tanat could not be carried on without a knowledge of Persian as well Akhiu'-bek Maisamh, against the Mongols, Ali Beg, Tartaq and Targhi.
as the local dialect just as the British Indian government needed a The position of low-born men (whether Hindus or Muslims) in the
kno:-"ledge of b?th English and the provincial language. It is also government of Muhammad bin Tughluq was the natural culmina-
obvIOus that while government work at the lowest level-i.e. that_of tion of a process covering a century and a half. The list given by
the patwal'i-had to be carried on in the local language, for the higher Barani is only of <precious specimens' and not complete. Isami men-
officers a knowledge of Persian and of Muslim ways of life would tions Kandi Rai among the leading officers of Qutlugh Khan, the
be necessary. ' viceroy of the Deccan; he also refers to the fact that a Hindu by the
But what groups of Hindus would be incited to learn Persian name of Bharan was the governor (maqta) of Gulburga.l 6 And even
immediately after the Ghurian conquest? Not the great mis, who Barani can record a fact like the following withont comment: "'A
could employ interpreters fol' their slight administI'ative contacts mehta (Hindu administrative officer) was appOinted to Kamal and
with Delhi. The great merchants and bankers could employ inter- its rana, Kankhar, was brought captive before the court."17 But
preters, but they would find a knowledge of Persian at the conver- Barani (for good reasons as we shall see) had not the courage to name
sational level useful. Now knowledge of conversational Persian is the greatest man in the list-Kannu, a Hindu convert, whom M;l-
not hard to acquire for a north Indian; Persian verbs differ from hammad bin Tughluq promoted gradually to the post of the nalb
those of the Indian languages, but a small percentage of nouns is wazir of the empire.
the same, and the construction of sentences is similar. An illiterate These facts cannot fail to suggest some reflections. If every Rajput
Indian (whether Hindu or Muslim), if taken to Persia and com- rai had kept a composite government, inclusive of the non-caste
pelled to shift for himself in a purely Persian environment, can groups, like that of Muhammad bin Tughluq, a truly national resist-
learn to express himself in Persian in six to eight weeks. A Hindu ance to the Turks would have been possible and Shihabuddin Ghuri
in <Alauddin's Delhi could have learnt to speak Persian almost would have failed; and, in any case, the Turkish power in India
effortlessly in five or six months. would have been shortlivedlike the Mongol (or Yuan) dynasty of
But Persian at the clerical and, later on, at the literary level China. Secondlv these low-born men were a source of strength to
would be learnt by all members of the non-caste groups (whether the sult~n' eve~ 'Barani's hostile account leaves us in no doubt about
converted to Islam or not) who were determined to better their lot their loy;ltv. Thirdly, these 10'.v-born men were the only Hindus
by co-operating with the government of the day, which according whose co-operation the sultan could get. The 1'ais of his day would
n"t- h""" h""n ",;IBn" t() pntpr hi~ sp.rvice as imnerial officers like the
Life ,ani! Tli,ot,glll of Ziyallddin Barall; 333.
332 Polifics and Society darillg the Eady Medieval Period
been tragically inefficient. Later on, when the su~tan ,~as hot ill
Rajput princes of Akbar's time. The fourth paint is only a matter for his pursuit, Taghi came to Anhilwara and put Mmzzuddm and all
speculation, but perhaps we are on the right track. The functions of his officers to death.20 It is a sorry tale, which proves the correct-
the kayasthas in the administrative and revenue history of India are ness of Iban-i Khaldun's remark. The 111(1111 a, in general, have con-
well known. But it is said, perhaps correctly, that they are a profes-
fined themselves to the wiser policy of declaring academically as to
sion and not a caste. ,Vill we be justified in finding the origin of the
how affairs should be conducted instead of undertaking the harder
kayasthas in those Hindus who, regardless of caste, began learning
and more dangerous task of conducting thern.
Persian in the thirteenth century, gradually acquired the culture of
To sum up: The great test of truth is experience. Bm'aui's the'OlY
both the communities and ultimately made themselves indispensahle
in revenue anel accounts?' about state laws (zawabit) is correct because il was based on the
administrative experience of the Delh,i sultanat. But it is not possi-
Muhammad hin Tughluq's relations with the mystics and the ble to discover any value, practical or theoretical, in his doctrine that
1Ilama neeel not be discussed here. Barani does not raise the ques- the offices of the state should he the monopoly of the well-bo~n and
tion, and though some of them refused to serve the sultan and others "0 by descent from father to son. He admits again al~d again that
were tempted into his service, their careers as administrative officers 'his doctrine will not work, but attributes its failure to the wicked-
were temporary and tragic. Mr. Khaliq Nizami after examining the
iless of Time and the revolving Sky!
whole evidence available comes to the following opinion: It seems
obciolls that Muhammad bin Tughluq wished to exact the same work
from religious scholars and mystics as the piolls caliphs and demand-
ed from the learned and the pious-the service of the state. 18 This
is correct. But it was nevertheless an error. "Our religious scholars", 1. Tarikh-i Firu~ Silahi. Pl'. 26-27.
Ibn-i-Khalclun remarks, "are farthest removed of all meI~ from poli- 2. Ibid, pp. 250-1.
tical affairs."19 Persons taken from religious circles, whether acade- 3. The surnames pave that they were not of Turkish descent.
mic or mystic, as Mr. Khaliq Nizami frankly admits, conld give' no 4. The following paragraphs will give some idea of the irnpression left On Barani' 5
help to the sultan in his administrative affairs, while some of them mmd bv ,],e bloodshed of the regime: "Everyone of the aforesaid designs, when im-
plemented in practice, led to disturbances, distress and ruin; the hearts of the select
perished in the course of the service. An example should suffice.
and the commons were filled with hatred ,of Sultan Muhammad; 'and firmly established
The sultan, who was a murid (spiritual diSCiple) of Shaikh Alauddin, regi0ns and telTitories went out of hand. As his orders were not carried ~ut in the
a grandson of the famous Shaikh Fadel of Ajudh:1n, apl~ointecl S~aikh way he wanted, the temper of the sultan became worRe and :-vorse; and owmg to the
Muizzuddin son of Shaikh Alauddin to the governorshIp of GUJarat. ch~nged temper of the sultan. people were heheaded like herbs and mdishes. This
In consonance with Chishti mystic principles, the appointment work of killing IVlusahnans, who believed in one God and were Sllnnis, was taken up
should have been refused. But the temptation of becoming a pro- bv a body of wicked men, the like of whom have not been created from the time
at Adam till today and even Hajjaj hin Yusuf did not deserve to be their slave or
vincial governor was too great. The sultan Qrdered Muizzuddin to servant in the matter of \\~ckedness-such \\"ere Zain Band Mukhtasul Mulk; Yusuf
be given two lacs of tankas so that he may organise a body of two Bughra; ,Khalil, son of the, Sar-Dawatdar; Muhammad Najib; the accursed Shahzada
or three thousand well-equipped horsemen and march with the royal Nihawandi;Qaranful Sayyaf (Swordman) the accursed Aiba; Mujir Abu Re;ah, on whom
,standard, On reaching Anhilwara the sultan ordered Muizzuddin to be it hundred thousand curses of Gael; the son of qazi Gujnrat Ansari; and 'all the three
establish himself there with his officers while the sultan himself wretched sons of Thanesari. They devoted themselves to nothing else except the' kill-
ing of Musalmans. By Gocl, it is my fiml conviction that if twenty prophets had been
marched to Mount Abu. But later on, when the sultan had march- nssigne(1 1"01' being put to cleath to Zuin Banda, Yusllf Bllghra and the worthless Khalil,
ed to the Deccan to suppress the first rebellion of the Deccan sadah they would not have allowed a night to pass before executing the order. The, king
I]mil's under Ismail Makh Afghan, Taghi, a shoemaker and a former was engaged day and night in the design of punishing the mischievous (sharir), and
slave of Safdar Malik Sultani, rebelled with, the assistance of the vil- thonsands of accused were put to death uncler tbis charge. The few above-mentioned
lage-headmen (1J1:Uqadda1l1s). His first step was to capture An~il persons, who have been the worst of men in this world and the next, were the chosen
wara; he Imt to death Malik :Muzalfar, who was a counsellor of MUlz- and specially trusted officers of his court" (Tllrikh-i Fimz Siwhi, Pl'. 471-72).
"With my own eyes I have seen that no day passed without Sunni Musalmans being
zuddin, but it suited his purpose to keep Muizzuddin andhi~ officers
beheaded like herbs and radishes, and a stream of Muslim blood being made to How
as prisoners and hostages. Taghi had only a small and mobIle army before the royal gate. They had organised a deparhnent of punishment and some wret-
of rebels and, Shaikh Muizzuddin's defence of Anhilwara must have
334 Politics and Society during the Etlrly Med/eval Period Life and Thought of Ziyauddilll Baranl 335
ched, irreligious people were appointed jurists (mufti) of this department, while other
persons, who were apostates and infidels in temperament, Were appointed its officers, Chapter VI
controllers and investigators. The work of punishment was carried to such an extent
that the sky and the earth, the heavens and the angels, became sick of it and began ZIYAUDDIN BARAN!: YOUTII AND AGE
to hate it" (Ibid, p. 497).
Under these circumstances 'Isami, a hostile critic, naturally reflects: "If the people
of the counhy hecome of onc mind and rebel with a united heatt .and suddenly attack Ziyauddin Barani talks as if he was the chosen victim of fate, but
this enemy of the Faith, it would not be surprising if they are able to throw his his life till his fall in 13.51 seems to have been fairlv comfortable.
(severed) head on the ground" (Futuh-I~' Salatin, p. 436). But not even an attempt We do not know when his father died, but such indications about
to assassinate Muhammad bin Tughluq has been recorded, and we always find him his life, as he has left us, make it clear that till about his fiftieth vear
surrounded by officers sternly loyal.
5. Tariklt-i. Firuz Shahi, pp. 489-9:\:.
he lived like a !!entleman. of leisure, leadine: that double life whieh
6. 'Isami, Flltllh-us Saiatin, pp. 420-27. till the last generation or two our Indian society considered to be the
7. Tm'ikh-i Firuz Shahi, pp. 503 and 507. proner thine: for rich citizens, and which as a
p'eneral rule was not
8. Ibid, p. 504. onlv tolerated but aTlproved. His father had left him a lar!!e, ner-
9. Ibid, p. 145. hars a palatial, house at KailuP'arhi, a suburb of Delhi which Sultan
10. Thus 'Is ami, their spokesman, while condemning Muhammad bin Tughluq, shows
the greatest respect for 'Alauddin Khalji.
Muizzuddin Kaiqubad had laid out as more sllitable for his <ray
n. Himar literally means 'the ass': this title. was given to people out of regard life. It is quite likely that after Kaiqubad's death many dancinp'-
for their physical stamina. But with the addition of a dot, it may be read as Klwm- ('irls, buffoons, musicians. bhand~ (iokers\ etc., went on living in
maT, meaning vintner. that suburb, where thev hAd built their houses. There was no nro-
12. Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi, pp. 504-5. hibition of a gay life under Talaluddin or Alauddin, provided law
13. Introduction to Elliot and Dawson, Vol. II, Cosmopolitan Puhlishers, Badar
Bagh, Aligarh. For the condition of the non-caste groups about 1030 A.D. see Sacbau's
and order were not disturbed. Accordinl! to Ferishta the rates for
translation of Alberuni's Iudia, Vol. I, chapter IX and Vol. II, chapter LXIV. It is dancim!-p'irls were also included in 'Alauddin's comnrehensive tariff,
not certain when the Manusmriti was written, but the position it prescribe" for so that the lives of voun!! men might not be ruined. Here our author
thl) chandalas or non-caste groups is not substantially different from the account given seems to have kept his shve-r-irls Rnd musicians. For the more res-
hy Albenmi on the 1:>asis of his personal observations (Code of Manu, Buhler's trans- pectable aspect of his life, he huilt a house for himself Jlt Ghiays-
lation, Chapter X). .
14. Tmikh-i Fil1lZ Shahi, pp. 296-97. 'Alauddin. says: "Owing to the thefts of
pnr. where he met his literary friends and where he led that life of
clerks (nawisandahs) and revenue-officers, perhaps I have reduced ten thousand clerks ')xtcrnalist relip'ion, which was necessary in the neighbourhood of
to destihition in the city and put worms info their bodies." See also p. 382) where the Q'reat Shaikh.
Sultan Mubarak Shah is said to have set free six thousand or seven thousand prisoners We have only Barani's own word for sayin!! that he had led a life
of Alauddin Khalji at Delhi and sent fast runners with instruction to set free those of pleasure; but he insists on the matter and there is no reason for
in the provinces. .
15. My translation, Campaign, of 'A/.auddin Khalii, (pp. 26-27). In his Dawal Rani
disbelievin!! him. "On readin\!' mv own narrative of the pleasures en-
Khizr Khan, Khusrau c1enitely declares that Malik Naik was a Hindu servant (banda) joved bv thJlt king (Kaiqubad)," Bm'ani writes in his Tarikh-i Fi1'UZ
of the august court. Barani also refers to Malik Nayak Akhur-bllk. (p. 320) but does Shahi.1 "and of sensualists (mlllash), beauties, habihlal lovers and
not definitely state that he was a Hindu, heart-throwers of that rei.[1n, I become unconscious. And in mv
16. 'Isami, Flltuh-.lS Sala"tiu, pp. 457 and 464. present condition, when owin[ to old age and weakness not a sin2'le
17. Tariklt-! Firuz Shahi, p. 523. tooth has remained in mv p'ums, and I am dish'essed in mind and :1
18. Religious Tendencies of the Delhi Sultans, (Urdu), p. 366.
19; Muqadda1lla, Ibn-i- Khaldun (Urdu Translation, 11')04) Vol. III, p. 218. "AT victim of my opponents (md bowed down by the kicks and blows of
u7nma ab~adun 110.<; 'ani~ sayasiuat." my enemies and rivals, I recollect my youth ae:ain as well as the
20. 'Tm'ikh-i Firuz Shah;, pp. 508-18, pleasure-parties and eniovments of the past, which I partook with
noble-minded persons of high resolve. In rnl/ 'maialis' (parties) them
were plentlf of beauties, witty persons, unrivalled humottrists, women
with excellent looks, rose-faced (beauties) with silvertf shanks, cypress-
statured 'saqis', !faun! boy.~ with sU[1ary lips, distinf!uished musicians
and ghazal-l'eciters. 2 It stings mIl heart! Owin!! to the scarcity of
thpc;:p O"r(uinc: Antl rruTlnO" t() mv 1~,.1- nf c:llvpl" !:Inrl O'n.lrl T o:lTn lnnflnQ.;J