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ROSARIA VIGNOLO MUNSON
Artemisia in Herodotus
1. The term often serves to draw attention to the special significance of a fact about to be
discussed. See R. V. Munson, "The Celebratory Purpose of Herodotus: The Story of Arion in the
Histories," Ramus 15, no. 2 (1986) 93-104; H. Barth, "ZurBewertung undAuswahl des Stoffe durch
Herodot (Die Begriffe th6ma, thomaz6, th6masios und th6mastos),"Klio 50 (1968) 93-110.
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THE WOMAN-MAN
2. For analogous formulae of selection, cf., e.g., 1.29.1, 82.1, 184, and see Henry Wood, The
Histories of Herodotus: An Analysis of theFormal Structure (TheHague 1972) 14.
3. F. Jacoby, "Herodotus," inRE Suppl 2 (Stuttgart 1913) 205-520, esp. 216.
4. See A. Tourraix, "La Femme et le pouvoir chez Herodote," DHA 2 (1976) 369-86, for the
importance of women inHerodotus' narrative.
5. In a unique instance. The adjective andreios occurs six times, and in three cases a contrast
with women is expressed or implied: J. E. Powell, A Lexicon toHerodotus (Cambridge, England
1936), s.v.
6. Cf. 7.57.2, 210.2, 9.20, 107.1. Opposites in early Greek thought are discussed by G. E. R.
Lloyd, Polarity and Analogy: Two Types of Argumentation in Early Greek Thought (Cambridge,
England 1966), esp. 94-102. For Herodotus' treatment of opposites, seeM. Rosellini and S. Said,
"Usages de femmes et autres nomoi chez les "sauvages" d'Herodote: Essai de lecture structurale,"
ASNP 3, no. 8.3 (1978) 949-1005; D. Lateiner, "Polarita: II principio della differenza comple
mentare," QS 22 (1985) 79-193; J. Redfield, "Herodotus theTourist," CP 80 (1985) 97-118.
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MUNSON:
Artemisia inHerodotus 93
ans are not manly because they prove inadequate in themasculine task of war, as
the utterances of both Artemisia andXerxes convey. In addition, theBarbarians
are, in Herodotus and other Greek authors, female-like in a much broader
sense: their culture appears on the whole characterized by many different fea
tures which the Greeks regarded as female-softness, but also deviousness,
ferocity, and excess-as well as by the dangerous predominance of realwomen.7
Artemisia, the woman whom Herodotus callsmasculine, is both analogous
and antithetical to the Persians, and this ambiguity affects her relation to the
opposite side, theGreeks. As anAsiatic female invaderof Greece, assistant to
Xerxes and even caretaker of his children-a female function she shares, signifi
cantly, with a ferocious emasculated "slave"8-she identifieswith the Barbari
ans. She appears from the Greek point of view as the embodiment of a "monde a
l'envers,"where thewomen are "men" and themen are "women" and "slaves,"9
aworld threatening to overcome Greece, the place of normality and civilization.
Aristophanes in fact equates Artemisia with theAmazons (Lys. 671 ff.), and in
Herodotus the report that theAthenian generals, outraged that awoman should
appear in arms against Greece, put up a special reward for her capture (8.93.2),
reflects this contemporary view.10
On the whole, however, an opposite and apparently irreconcilable side of
Artemisia, her Hellenic and "male" side, predominates inHerodotus' portrayal.
Unlike most other ruling queens of theHistories," Artemisia is of Greek stock
and the ruler and commander of Greeks.'2 Her character corresponds to these
facts. IfHerodotus knew about her any gossip of female deviousness, passion, or
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they followed the expedition without authority, as mere slaves, just like any
other soldiers (7.96.1-2). In direct contrast to this passage, the historian intro
13. According to Ptolemy Hephaestion (Photius 190, 153a), Artemisia blinded in his sleep a
man who had spurned her love, and then jumped off the rock of Leucas. In Polyaenus 8.53.4, she
captures a town by feminine wiles: she hides her army and appears in a nearby grove of theGreat
Mother with eunuchs, flute and cymbal players, thereby taking by surprise the citizens who have
come out to admire her.
14. Cf. the ferocity of Candaules' wife (1.8-12), Tomyris (1.214.4-5), Pheretime (4.202, 205),
Amestris (9.112), and theEgyptian Nitocris (2.100.2-3).
15. Unlike Atossa (3.31, 68.5, 88.1, 133-34, 7.2-3) and Phaidymie (3.68), among others.
16. C. Dewald, "Women and Culture inHerodotus' Histories," Women's Studies 8, no. 1/2
(1981) 93-127, esp. 111. The motif of women as foils formen's weaknesses is introduced in the
Histories with the Candaules-Gyges episode (1.8-13). See also Tomyris (1.205-14), the Babylonian
Nitocris (1.187), and the SpartanGorgo (5.51).
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MUNSON:
Artemisia inHerodotus 95
duces Artemisia by saying that "she served on account of daring and manly
courage, and not under any compulsion (oi6e&tfi;g ol FoiolS;avcayxaCrISg, 7.99.1).
Autonomy with regard to political choices is generally a prerogative of the
Greek side, and especially of the Athenians,17, not of Eastern peoples. With
small resources and voluntary bravery Artemisia is free like a Greek within a
huge force where even the leaders are slaves and all are compelled to serve.18
Freedom in an ally of Xerxes and manly courage in a woman are paradoxes
which set Artemisia aside as a special case-a thoma (99.1)-while relating her
to both sides in the war at the same time. Equally surprising is the statement
made shortly below (99.3) that her five shipswere "most famous" after those of
the Phoenician contingent (the largest and best inXerxes' fleet, 7.89.1, 96.1). In
the same sentence Herodotus adds thatArtemisia also provided Xerxes with the
best opinions (&QLxcta Yv6)twa). The Carian queen is here elevated to the first
rank of contenders, and her value to the Persian enterprise is defined in a way
that recalls those among the Greeks who in the present war can lay claim to the
same marks of excellence: an oustanding contribution to the navy and to strat
ARTEMISIA AS ADVISER
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The two speeches are examples of wise advice, one disregarded and the
other followed, according to a pattern frequent in theHistories.19The character
ization of Artemisia as an adviser is consistent. On both occasions her flattery of
the king and her expressed acknowledgment of the master-slave relationship
between Xerxes and his subjects befits a Persian ally.What is important, how
ever, is the difference in format between the two scenes and the special circum
stances of Artemisia's first advisory intervention.After Salamis, Xerxes consults
Artemisia in private, having dismissed all the other counsellors (8.101.2). This
setting dramatizes in a direct way the permanently operative fact of the king's
absolute arbitrium and of his unaccountability vis-a-vis subjects, allies, and advis
ers. Artemisia's previous speech, by contrast, is inserted in themore ambiguous
frame of a group deliberation, since on the question of whether or not to fight at
Salamis,Xerxes wishes to hear the opinion of themajority of his allied command
ers (8.67.1) and then actually chooses to abide by thatopinion (69.2).
Thus, a democratic element exceptionally intrudes in a Persian council,20
underlining by contrast its other more predictable autocratic features: courtly
formalities (67.2, 68.1), the speakers' address toXerxes asmaster (68.al) and,
most important, a final result (the decision to engage the enemy in a naval battle)
which corresponds to the king's own preference, according to the royal nomos of
aggression.2sOn the one hand, the substance of Artemisia's speech helps to
explain why the strategy thatwas adopted failed, as in other cases of wise advice
rejected (e.g., 1.71). On the other hand, the narrative frame represents the
deliberative process as a failed test of democratic behavior, in order to explain
why an unsound strategy was adopted in the first place. Since the vote of the
allied commanders, all of whom expect that punishment will strike the single
nonconformist speaker (69.1), clearly proceeds from fear of displeasing the king
rather than from strategic considerations, the voting procedure reveals how
despotism impairs the capacity of individuals to participate in public matters.
The ultimate responsibility for thewrong decision falls implicitlyon Xerxes, who
is the master and can in any case do as he wishes, majority or no (see 8.103). But
Herodotus here emphasizes, rather, the endemic slavishness of his subjectswho,
for once, have been called upon to deliberate.
In these circumstances, Artemisia appears as disengaged from the barbarian
context as the introductory chapter already implied.While in both her advisory
interventions she recognizes the reality of an autocratic environment and assumes
it as the basis of her arguments (see supra, p. 00), in the Persian Council her very
role aswise adviser depends on her not being subject to the overbearing pressures
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MUNSON:
Artemisia inHerodotus 97
royal tradition and fear for personal safety.Artemisia ishere, inother words, the
unique ally identified earlier (7.99.1), who stands outside the generally accepted
master-slave norm and does her best to contribute to an enterprise inwhich she
is a voluntary partner: just as she has proven to be "not theworst" fighter (ofitE
xcxioxTj yEvo?Lvq... oiTE EXladoa ato6?E&aitv. 8.68.al)-in contrast with
the xaxoi 6boOot (8.68.y)-so now she gives what she thinks is the best strategic
advice (xa TvyXavwo cpgoveovoa aQLota, 68.al).
Since the freedom from compulsion attributed toArtemisia in the introduc
tory chapter manifests itself in the Persian Council as freedom of speech, her
advisory intervention is equivalent to an isolated display of what Herodotus
would call isegorie. This is the essential principle of political life in democratic
Athens: it results in the people's best efforts on behalf of the state. Herodotus
firstmentions it in order to explain why the Athenians became more eager
fighters after the fall of tyranny (5.78).22Later he describes its direct application
inAthens in the face of Xerxes' imminent invasion (7.142-44). At that time, on
two separate occasions, Themistocles, a private individual initially less influen
tial thanArtemisia in the Persian context, (at least according toHerodotus: see
vECaoTat 7.143.1), contributed his excellent opinions (see 144.1, yv(0[tq...
QLTQi?oe) to a community of men like himself, who chose to be persuaded
without regard for official authorities (see 1.142) or theirmost immediate per
sonal advantage (144.1). The Persian Council scene, insofar as it emphasizes
despotism as the cause of a wrong decision and therefore of defeat at Salamis,
recalls the earlier passage which shows how on the other side democracyworked
in the opposite way, taking the first strategic steps toward victory in the same
battle.
At the same time, the Persian Council scene falls between two sections of
Greek deliberations just before Salamis,23 towhich it is related by a different set
of analogies and contrasts. The parallel between Artemisia on the one hand and
Themistocles/Athens on the other is in this case made immediately obvious by
the simple fact thatArtemisia advises the Persians on the very same issue on
22. The term isegorie, which refers to the right of anyone who wishes to do so to speak (not
merely vote) in theAssembly, here designates, rightly or wrongly, theCleisthenic democracy. G. T.
Griffith, "Isegoria in theAssembly atAthens," Ancient Society and Institutions:Studies Presented to
Victor Ehrenberg on His 75th birthday (Oxford 1966) 115-38.
23. Herodotus seems to record three distinct Greek councils at Salamis (8.49-56, 56-63, 74
83), but because of interruptions in the narrative 8.56-63 and 74-83 form parallel units, before and
after the Persian Council.
24. In Artemisia's speech, oqpeag bLaoxeSbg xaxa t6XkLg b6eexaoTol (peviovTra recalls the
words of Mnesiphilus to Themistocles (57.2, xatd ... Jt6olkg exacTOLTxQelovtal; bLaToxYbtaootvaL
T1iVoaTacLrTv), while ov6e owpL EXiOEl TQo6 TCv 'A0Nvcov vavCtIaXZ ev, later confirmed in the
author's voice at 8.70.2 (cf. 74.2), is countered by Themistocles at 8.60.a, 6oiLos atrxoi eTevcov
tQovavacRaXjoEtg InekXoovviooov xactJiQog T( 'Io0uq. Themistocles' speech is not otherwise the
counterpart of Artemisia's, because it avoidsmentioning weaknesses on either side and concentrates
on what is in the best interests of the different groups of Greeks.
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98 CLASSICAL
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prevent.
ARTEMISIA AT SALAMIS
thought of doing the following, which in fact turned out to her advantage (T6xcai
oUvvveIxE 3ToLTqodorl): she rammed an allied ship (vqYi(pin) from Calynda,
which carried the king of Calynda himself, Damasithymus (8.87.2). The histo
rian declares that he is unable to say if there had been a previous quarrel "at the
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MUNSON:
Artemisia inHerodotus 99
(TOLoiTOV V
aciT orvVlxe blaqpvye?vTExcal AI ajokXElah, 88.1). But
yEVeaLoO
besides that, she derived from a bad action the advantage of looking good
(xaxo6vEQyaoaitlEVv... evb6ox[iroal) inXerxes' eyes, because the king, watch
ing from afar, thought thatArtemisia had sunk an enemy ship (88.1-2). Arte
misia was also fortunate (acvTi ovvlvex? eg EUT/XvXir) in that no one from the
Calyndian crew survived to accuse her. Xerxes' alleged reaction to what he
thought he saw was to exclaim that his men had become women and the women
men (88.3).
This report, singled out from among deeds of Greeks and Barbarians
(8.87.1), somewhat surprisingly constitutes the central and most extensive epi
sode in the account of what Herodotus regards as the decisive battle of the
Persian Wars and an Athenian victory (see 7.139). In her preceding appear
ances, as we have seen, Artemisia emerged as possessing attitudes and assets
that make her similar to the Athenians: an important role in the naval part of the
war, political freedom, freedom from old conventions, and strategic expertise. I
will now argue that the prominence of Artemisia in the context of the battle of
Salamis can be explained in the light of a continuing analogy between this char
acter and Athens, and that the story of her action makes reference to the begin
ning of a new era of Athenian hegemony inGreece.
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100 CLASSICAL
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1/April
first seem to be an essential part of the ethical foundation to the new Athenian
democracy as it isof the Spartan state.
Both patriotic energy and utilitarian individualismmanifest themselves espe
cially in Themistocles, who in general embodies Athenian tendencies to an ex
treme degree.26 Themistocles in the Histories does everything in his power to
promote the success of his city; as he pursues that task, he also takes the opportu
nity to benefit himself separately but without direct damage to the state.27In the
eventuality that public and private interests should at a certain point cease to be
mutually compatible, then he is ready to choose between the two, even resorting
to some degree of treason for the sake of self-preservation (8.109-10). What
Themistocles plans and prepares for after Salamis, a daring change of sides in
order to secure an escape for himself (&aoorQocp1,109.5), is equivalent towhat
Artemisia actually does during the battle.
Among individualAthenians, Themistocles is of course as exceptional in his
actions as he is in his position of leadership, but Herodotus' account of earlier
Athenian history shows that Themistocles' motives stem from the climate of
Athens, which is both ethically and politically flexible, according towhat seems
most expedient.28At the time of Xerxes' invasion,Themistocles' attitude toward
his own city is closely comparable to that of the polis Athens-that is, "the
Athenians" as a deliberating citizen body-toward the rest of the Hellenes.
Athens saved Greece (7.139.7), just as Themistocles was instrumental to the
survival of Athens. But just as Themistocles is only conditionally loyal toAth
ens, so the city's Panhellenism, for all that ithas an idealistic component,29 is also
variable in themeasure towhich it servesAthenian interests.Herodotus praises
theAthenians for yielding the command of the fleet to the Spartans on the eve of
the Persian invasion, thereby avoiding internal strife in the face of an external
threat; but he adds that later,when they no longer needed the Spartans as allies,
the Athenians were quick to take the leadership of the fleet away from them
(8.3).30During the earlier stages of thewar against the Persians, the cooperation
of the other Greek stateswas absolutely required by the goal that theAthenians
had set for themselves, a successful resistance (7.143.3, 145.1). Therefore Ath
26. This point has been convincingly argued by Henry Immerwahr, Form and Thought in
Herodotus (Cleveland 1966) 223-25; see alsoWood (supra n.2) 185-86. It is necessarily connected
with the view that Herodotus' portrait of Themistocles is not as unfavorable as some critics still
regard it as being (e.g., recently, A. J. Podlecki, The Life of Themistocles [Montreal 1975] 68-72).
On this question, see H. Strasburger, "Herodot und das perikleische Athen," inMarg (supra n. 17)
574-608, esp. 603; C. W. Fornara, Herodotus: An InterpretativeEssay (Oxford 1971) 66-74.
27. In Euboea (8.4-5) he takesmoney forwhat he must think is in the city's interest anyway
(unlike Eurybiades and Adeimantus, who also accept bribes). For Themistocles' pleonexie among
the islanders (8.111-12), see infra, n.33.
28. H. J. Diesner, "Der athenische Burger bei Herodot und Thukydides," Wiss. Z. Halle 6
(1957) 899-903, esp. 901; Immerwahr (supran.26) 209-15.
29. Immerwahr (supra, n.26) 217-23. See infra, n.31.
30. I paraphrase according to the most common rendering of this passage. For a different
interpretation and related discussion, see Immerwahr (supran.26) 220-21 and n.87.
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Artemisia inHerodotus
MUNSON: 101
31. The Athenian speeches at 8.143 and 144, 9.7 and 11 should all be taken as sincere state
ments. They constitute a series, which shows the breaking point, not only of the greatly tested
Athenian Panhellenism, but of Athenian idealism in general (8.144.1-2). The transition to a purely
practical attitude starts in the centerpiece with an introduction of the antithesis between the useful
and the just (9.7.2). Fornara (supran.26) has rightly emphasized the allusive importance and ironical
effect of this group of passages.
32. See, e.g., Themistocles' cooperation with his enemy Aristides, paralleled by the coopera
tion of Athens with her rivalAegina (8.79-80, 83.2).
33. At 8.111-12. The Andros episode closely parallels the Athenian attack on Paros after
Marathon (6.132) and is the forerunner of Thucydides' Melian Dialogue. It is anticipated in the
account of Greek deliberations before Salamis by Themistocles' intimation toAdeimantos that the
Athenian fleet is strong enough to vanquish any of theGreek states (8.61.2). See Strasburger (supra
n.26) 602; R. J. Lenardon, The Saga of Themistocles (London 1978) 86.
34. See the Athenian ambassadors at Sparta in Thuc. 1.75.4-5, who conclude by saying that
"no one can blame those who in the greatest danger take care of their own advantage." Thucydides'
speeches at least reflect contemporary arguments and therefore bear evidence of some of the ways
theAthenians gave account of themselves or were regarded by other Greeks. For a recent discussion
of the problem of Thucydides' speeches, see J. J.Wilson, "WhatDoes Thucydides Claim for His
Speeches?" Phoenix 36 (1982) 95-103.
35. See Thuc. 1.86.1. I am especially indebted to C. Fornara, "Herodotus' Knowledge of the
Archidamian War," Hermes 106 (1981) 149-56, see esp. 155, for the view thatHerodotus correlates
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The Artemisia episode is related to the rest of the Salamis narrative by the
finalwords of Xerxes (88.3), which contrastArtemisia's behavior with the inade
quacy of the Persians in this battle, thereby equating her superioritywith that of
the victorious Greeks. At Salamis, however, the contrast between Greeks and
Barbarians competes with evidence of their similarity. The preceding delibera
tion sections have already suggested that theGreeks, no less than the Persians,
fight under compulsion (cf. 8.69.2 and 80). During the battle, both sides are
disunited,36 but they are also brave to an equal degree.37
internally
Thus, Xerxes' comment that "his men have become women," meant as a
complaint of the lack of valor of his force analogous to his perception of the
Persians at Thermopylae ("many human beings, few truemen," 7.210.2), is not
borne out by the surrounding context in the same way as in that earlier case. In
the light of Herodotus' narrative, it is, rather, with respect to competence that
Xerxes, without realizing it, confirms what Artemisia had said about his force in
the Persian Council ("inferior to the Greeks on the sea as women are to men,"
his narrative with events of his own time. That Herodotus was partially critical toward Periclean
Athens has been especially maintained by Strasburger (supra n.26), Fornara (supran.26) 75-90, and
C. W. Forrest, "Herodotus andAthens," Phoenix 38 (1984) 1-11.
36. At one level, theArtemisia episode itself indicates Persian disunity, confirmed at 8.90. For
disunity among the Greeks, see 8.92 as well as the two reports of conflicting claims (8.84, 94.4),
which suggests quarrels in the aftermath of the battle.
37. "Great deeds" were performed by the Greeks (see esp. 8.91) and also by the Barbarians
(8.85, 90.3). Herodotus stresses that the Persians were braver than usual (8.86, 89.2). On the other
hand, 84.2 and 94 temper the representation of Greek valor, furtherminimizing the discrepancy
between the two sides.
38. The Barbarians do nothing with a plan (aorvv6o), drown ingreat numbers because they do
not knowing how to swim, and accidentally inflictdamage upon each other (8.86, 89).
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MUNSON:
Artemisia inHerodotus 103
represents it throughout the Histories starting with Solon,40 but they become
more prominent with its last embodiment, Themistocles, who on two other
occasions deceives several parties at the same time.41 In every case, the decep
39. Cf. the discussion of "hard" and "soft" cultures inRedfield (supra n.6) 111-15.
40. See the contrivances of Solon (1.29) and Pisistratus (1.60.3, 63.2). The fifth-centuryview of
Themistocles as heir of Solon is discussed byG. Ferrara, "Temistocle e Solone," Maia 16 (1964) 55
70. For deception as a sign of intelligence according to theGreeks, see J. P. Vernant, Les Ruses de
l'intelligence:La Metis des Grecs (Paris 1974), esp. 18-31.
41. At 8.5: the Euboeans, Eurybiades andAdeimantus; 8.109.110: Xerxes and theAthenians.
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MUNSON: 105
46. See especially L. Edmunds, Chance and Intelligence in Thucydides (Cambridge, Mass.
1975);H. Herter, "Thukydides und Demokrit fiberTyche," WS N.F. 10 (1976) 106-28.
47. This is not to deny the role of chance, but, rather, to emphasize that men can react to itwith
intelligence, thus planning and techno are primary, and bad luck is often the result of human error.
See Pericles inThucydides (especially 1.40.1, 2.62.5) and cf. Democritus, fr. 119, 176, 196;Edmunds
(supran.46) 1-6, 7-36, 70-75.
48. At 1.32.4, tdv eoaL adv@QOYog ovu(poQpi , "man is utterly a thing of chance" (cf. 7.49.3). We
cannot presume that this corresponds exactly with Herodotus' view, but the narrative at 1.34-45, for
example, seems designed to confirm its correctness.
49. Only at 7.144.1 the suggestion of lucky timing for theNaval Bill proposal ismade inevitable
by Herodotus' version, according to which an internalwar ironically caused the salvation of Greece
from an external threat.
50. The insistence on chance is also reinforced by the occurrence of oJvvIrvexe three times
deliberating well. XvvxvXIT tends especially to be used to indicate a chance happening unrelated to
planning (1.68.1, 3.121.2, 5.41.1, 65.1, 9.91.1).
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106 CLASSICAL
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discussing them with me. I also thank Professors W. Robert Connor, Carolyn Dewald, C. W.
Fornara, and Donald Lateiner, who also have read the article and have offered valuable suggestions
and criticism. The responsibility for allmatters of fact and interpretation rests solely with me.
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