Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
which (paradoxically) is the only way in which 'proper' authenticity may be Although in practice these two processes are temporally and spatially divided, as
achieved. It seems apposite to explore whether, or rather how, these problems are processes of knowledge they are simultaneous or, rather, one cannot pinpoint
reflected in the practice of ethnographic film-making and in the theoretical the process begins or ends. In other words, what is interesting is not the two
debates of visual anthropology. Does authenticity constitute a predicament of the axis depicted above but the relationship between them. Leaving aside
shared by both written and filmic ethnography and what are the similarities and a moment the question of whether the ethnographic film is in itself a process
differences between the various discursive practices of anthropology?
knowledge or merely a technical aid in the anthropological process of knowledge,
One thesis governs my exploration of the similarities and differences between the diagram below attempts to map the ground covered so far and to anticipate
textual and cinematic anthropology: the two discursive practices or forms of what is at stake when drawing parallels between anthropological and filmic
representation are two different products of the same (anthropological) process, the
producers of which are engaged in and governed by the communicative conditions
of human intersubjectivity. The repercussions of Fabian's often quoted triadic
model (Fabian 1971; see for example Ruby 1980 and 1982; Banks, in this book), Representations Presence Product of
producer-process-product, are evident. knowledge
Following Fabian (1983; 1987), I find it fruitful to suggest a distinction
between representations (in the plural) and Representation. This reflects the 'Them'
common usage of the concept in the social sciences and in anthropology in which
distance
'representations' is, or at least was, most often used in the plural. The singular
(9 0
form emphasizes an activity or process. By giving priority to the plural, we are -i
Process of
talking about entities, products of knowledge or culture. Thus, when speaking of z knowledge
I
Anthropology
Representation m
anthropology as a process of representation, the product of this process is the 'Ethnography' ~ JJ
Other. Phrasing it in these terms we are operating at an abstract level which we 0 distance
() z
may call epistemological or meta-communicative. At another level, which we may w G)
graphic 'I', but also, it appears, to ensure that the 'native's point of view' is part of ethnographic writing the equivalent of footage would be 'data' stereotypically
and parcel of any ethnographic account. Turning anthropology into a story- existing in the form of words in the ethnographer's notebook. At this stage no
telling activity (among other story-telling activities such as film) appears to have meaning has emerged (except in the mind of the ethnographer). Meaning is
been a prerequisite for enabling anthropology to deal with the dialogic, established through textualisation by transforming words into utterances and
heteroglossic and polyphonic aspects of its encounter with the 'Other'. Ethno- sentences which are combined in particular ways in the final product (book or
graphic poetics, novels and films are seen as possible alternatives to 'traditional' article) to convey particular 'meanings'. In film 'utterances' have already been
ethnographic accounts which 'have failed to convey cultural differences in terms formed in the footage, the image not being the word but the utterance (Heath
of full-bodied experience' (Marcus and Fischer 1986, p. 73, emphasis added). 1981, p. I 09). C nedited film footage may be shown to an audience able to decode
Where ethnographic accounts were previously regarded as admissible evidence if the images whereas the data providing the raw material for ethnographic writing
they complied with certain scientific rules, it seems that they are now considered needs to go through some degree of codification in order to make (any) sense to
permissible evidence if they comply with various conventions of ethnographic others than the producer. This is what I was referring to above when I wrote that
discourse.
film is semantically rich but syntactically weak, the opposite being true of
Whereas ethnographic writing has been renewed, during the 1980s, through language.
inspiration drawn mainly from literary theory and practice, the parallel changes The fundamental difference between the process of ethnographic writing
taking place in ethnographic film-making seem to be the result of, on the one (data---? textualisation---? text) and filming (footage ---? editing---? film) explains
hand, new trends in documentary film-making as such and, on the other, the why the 'authority' (or verisimilitude) of written ethnography rests solely on the
,auto-didactic implementation of new cinematic strategies. Although reflexivity, anthropologist. He or she is responsible for the codification of the final product,
;subjectivity, authnticity and the need to listen to 'indigenous voices' have been
the book or article, the raw material of which is uncoded. In film-making, the raw
)discussed in ethnographic and documentary film-making for at least thirty years, material is already heavily coded. Although the responsibility in the last instance
this seems to have had very little impact on the more recent discussions of . rests upon the director (anthropologist or not), codification relies very much on
ethnographic writing. These discussions, on the other hand, do not seem to have the contribution of the cameraman, the sound recordist and, most notably, the
served as an obvious source of inspiration for ethnographic film-makers. The editor. To use observational film as an example, one of the main points of
reluctance with which visual anthropology has been accepted as a sub-discipline observational cinema is to leave open the interpretation of the codes that form an
by 'mainstream' anthropology is probably one of the main reasons for this lack of inherent part of the film material. This explaines why Richard Leacock once
'exchange'. Ethnographic film-making has always run the risk of falling between praised observational cinema for allowing the audience to 'see' (for themselves),
the two stools of anthropology and cinematography. Recent debates and articles, this being made possible by the camera's 'watching how things really happen'
however, seem to indicate that radical changes are taking place. Several 'main- (Leacock, quoted in Blue 1965, p. 18). As MacDougall expresses it, observa-
stream' anthropologists 3 have started to intervene in discussions concerning tional cinema shows a 'stance of humility before the world':
ethnographic film and many visual anthropologists are committed to writing
about their particular sub-discipline. 4 Observational films are frequently analytical, but they also make a point of being open to
categories of meaning that might transcend the film-maker's analysis. This stance of
If the fundamental similarities between the processes of filming and writing,
humility before the world can of course be self-deceiving and self-serving, but it also
described above as the oscillation between 'othering' and 'becoming', are
contains the implicit acknowledgement that a subject's story can often be more important
accepted and if it is also accepted by now that both forms of representation are
than the film-maker's. (.'\1acDougall1992)
engaged in 'story-telling', why is it that film, until recently at least, was treated
with suspicion and disbelief by anthropologists? This question becomes even Observational film with its emphasis on objectivity, neutrality and transparency,
more pertinent once it is realized that many of the issues regarding 'textuality' has provided anthropological cinema with a filmic strategy which complies with
and 'authenticity' were being discussed by film-makers long before similar the requirements of modernist ethnographic representation, which presumably
questions were raised within anthropology (McDougall 1992). is why, to use the words of Banks (p. 124 below), 'observational films form the
The relationship between 'reality' and the record, constituting what I call the jewels in the crown of the ethnographic film canon'.
verisimilitude of ethnographic film, is probably established in the very first phase
of the film-making process, the shooting of footage. Unedited footage 5 already Ethnographic film as representation
contains much of the meaning that will finally exist (if edited) in the final product,
the film. The dual nature of film (described by Vaughan in this book), film being \Vhen a movie shows a fairy with seven dwarfs in a flying coach, one knows that such a
situation is fictional, even though one trusts the faithfulness of the recording apparatuses
both record and language, is evoked as soon as the shooting begins. In the process
~,-,~~~-v~--v~, '' "' - -
shooting it. (Eco 1986, p. 231)
74
Authori~y, representation and anthropological knowledge Film as discourse 75
The products of anthropological cinema are usually filmic texts, which means these components determines the ways in which a given film communicates its
film material edited into a more or less coherent whole. The raw material is message or in other words, how it comes to terms with the problems concerning
footage which, of course, may be used anthropologically, for example, for understanding and explanation described earlier in this chapter. The differences
research purposes. I have chosen to call these products ethnographic films, a in how this is accomplished constitute the differences between the three
-~ 11 category which may be sub-divided into (at least) seven categories according to modalities I have in mind.
lldifferences in form, content, purpose, intended audiences, methods, degree of I have chosen to call the first two modalities the perspicuous mode and the
;;01anthropological relevance, and so on.
1
experiential mode respectively, indicating that the former tends to emphasise
1. Ethnographic footage is unedited film material, which may be used in its exp}~gatory clarity whereas the latter conveys to the audience an understanding
unedited form for research purposes or eventually be edited into a film. ~pen to interpret~tion. The perspicuous mode is usually employed by television
2. Research films are edited films made specifically for research purposes and in its attempts to cater for the needs of a non-specialized mass audience. The
hence not intended for public screening or an audience other than a highly visual images, which are handicapped by the size and quality of the television
specialized academic audience.
screen/ are 'boosted' by the use of, for example, commentary/narration/voice-
3. The ethnographic documentary is a film which has a specific relevance to over, often provided by a 'talking head'. Contrary to what some critics seem to
anthropology but which is in one way or another part of documentary film- think, this is not necessarily because television people find images inadequate.
making in general. I have in mind what one may call 'large format' films, made Apart from the fact that i111ages have less 'punch' in the small format, they are very
for the cinema and ideally intended for a wide audience, which means both a often ambiguous. In the c1se of ethnographic film, 'exotic' images standing alone
specialized and a non-specialized audience.
could lead to misinterpretation. The problem, of course, is how to provide the
4. The ethnographic television documentary is a film made for, and very often by, audience with adequate contextual information on the assumption that it would
a television company, with the intention of reaching a wide non-specialized be very difficult to persuade television viewers in general to read ethnographic
audience. I call these 'small format' films.
monographs before watching an ethnographic film. Television as a mass-
5. Education and information films are made for educational purposes and meant audience medium must always try to relate 'their' societies to 'ours'. In a sense
for classroom audiences or general audiences. They include, for example, this means that !elevision is intrinsically 'ethnocentric'.
films made for instructional purposes in development communication pro- Whereas the images often tend to emphasise the differences between 'us' and
jects and films used in various community contexts. 'them', the verbal information provided by television, often assisted by profes-
6. Other non-fiction films include journalistic reports, newsreels, travelogues and sional anthropologists, tends to emphasise the similarities between different
so on. Today they are mainly made for television but previously were also cultures by using formulas to which we can all relate. Broadcasting companies,
made for the cinema.
being commercial enterprises, also depend on what is regarded as fashionable
7. Fiction films and drama documentaries may be labelled ethnographic because among their viewers. Very often this means that the general topics ofbroadcasted
of their subject matter. In recent years, several fiction films have dealt with anthropology are selected accordingly and explains why many recent ethno-
'typical' anthropological topics. r,
graphic television programmesH have been on issues such as the environment and
The boundaries between the seven categories are obviously fluid and any one gender.
film may well fall into several categories. It may, therefore, be more fruitful to To exemplifY some of the points made here I will use three examples from
follow Loizos's suggestion (Chapter 3 above) and distinguish between different Granada Television's Disappearing World series, together with one I have
'modalities' which may be employed in any one film. In the following I shall invented. Granada Television has in recent years published written material to
distinguish three 'modalities' of ethnographic film which tend to overlap the five accompany the programmes in the series. This material has been written by the
mentioned by Loizos. These three modalities belong to categories 3 and 4 above. anthropological consultants to the programmes in a colourful illustrated
The first two belong to ethnographic film as a representation of culture, whereas brochure. My first example is from the accompanying text for The Kalasha: Rites
the third corresponds to attempts to overcome the limits of representation ofSpring (Sheppard 1990):
through 'evocation' in the sense described by Tyler (1986, p. 130). Finally, these
Women may be treated as ritually 'impure' in respect of goats and sanctuaries, but they
modalities roughly coincide with three descriptive categories: the-fly-on-the- do have much personal .freedom and influence 111 community ajfoirs, in
wall, the-fly-in-the-soup and the-fly-in-the- I (Crawford 1991). marked contrast to the domestic seclusion of women among surrounding Iv1uslims.
If, following Metz (1971), we accept that cinematic language consists of five (Parkes 1990, p. 14, emphasis added)
different components (moving visual images, phonetic sound, non-phonetic The following quotation is from the accompanying text for The Trobriand
sound (including 'noise'), music, and writing or written text) the combination of Islanders ofPapua New Guinea (Wason 1990).
77
76 Authority, representation and anthropological knowledge Film as discourse
To accumulate huge amounts ofbundles [ofbanana leaves, PIC], a woman needs far more had been introduced.
than she can make herself. Surprising(y, it is her husband who must spend hundreds of kina The use of images in ilie experiential mode often emphasises the similarities
to supply her with the surplus she needs. (Weiner 1990, p. 11, emphasis added) between 'us' and 'iliem' whereas ilie verbal components may underline the
differences. The hilarious (to a European) dialogue of ilie film Under the Men's
My third example is from the accompanying text for The Mende of Kpuawala Tree (MacDougall1974) would have an exoticising effect on ilie audience were it
Village (MacDonald 1990): not coupled with ilie visual images of the facial expressions and gestures of the
But, in spite of their formal subordination to male authority, women do have ways of people involved. What I here call ilie expe.rie!}~i~lJnode incorporates the use of a
achieving their goals and protecting their interests. (Ferme 1990, p. 5) number of Q!l:x_~ntions, many of whichl1ave been developed in observational
All three films exhibit stunning imagery of the respective cultures, as most
cinema and nave
alrriOst become rules of eilinographic film-making. Here are
Disappearing World films do, 'and, compared with many other ethnographic some of ilie~~j))
- Strong emphasis is given to ilie visual images that are considered the bearers
programmes on television, are informative and interesting. The accompanying
of ilie film's meaning. Examples are Jerstad's A Tibetan New Year (1987) and
texts, however, with their didactic and normative interpretations, using either
Forest of Bliss (Gardner 1986), ilie latter of which exhibits many of the
~-~~O,~e~~f~r,~oQal C<(~':i~tfolls pf W~~~,~"-~~~~ pr,rigl}t, seem tO clos~ the characteristics of ilie evocative mode I shall briefly describe later.
I avenues open for mterpretatwn by any cnttcal VIewer. My final example IS an - A very limited use of narration or commentary and oilier 'digital' and
entirely fictional one: a Disappearing World programme set in Milton Keynes (a
setting very exotic to a Mende or Trobriand Islander): The English of Milton 'auilioritative' devices.
- No or very little use of non-synchronous and unauilientic sound.
Keynes. In the accompanying text, the anthropologist writes:
- Long takes and no jump cuts. This gives the film a slow pace and rhythm
Although women are in general subjugated by male society, they are allowed to vote at which may accommodate ilie rhythm of the filmed event. A good example is
general elections and extra-marital affairs are almost a norm. This, of course, stands in UndertheMen's Tree(MacDougall1974).
sharp contrast to the social seclusion of Muslim women in Bradford. The use of the camera for 'primary' editing, which gives a low ratio of footage
Television tends to mediate its exotic images of otherness by using verbal to final film.
information to relate the images to a conceptual frame recognised by the audi- - When explanation is needed, culturally neutral techniques are employed,
ence. The 'expertise' of the anthropologist is used not only as an 'entry card' to such as brief captions, or what MacDougall has called 'interior commentary',
the portrayed culture but also as an interpreter for an audience which is assumed where ilie protagonist or an oilier person in the film or of the filmed culture is
to be unable, or to lack the time, to carry out this task on its own. The perspicuous used as narrator.
mode of ethnographic film is 'ready-made' with a nice wrapping and detailed Subtitling of indigenous dialogue, as in ilie MacDougalls' Turkana films or
instructions for use. Marshall's N!Ai, the Story ofa !Kung Woman (1978).
Authenticity is conventional (and contextual) in the sense that the devices and - The use of ilie wide-angle lens and avoidance of close-ups.
corivenllonsemployed in eihnograplllc film-making in, for example, the 1930s, Exploratory or intuitive use of ilie camera, which means no scripts.
in order to achieve an optimal degree of authenticity, are different from those Reflexivity, underlining that 'iliis is a film' by revealing ilie presence of ilie
employed decades later~ ~ew. technologies have, of course., ~idened the,<zgp_o~l-. camera and ilie film crew. Chronique d'un Ete (Rouch & Morin 1961) is a
opeQto tlt~ film-maker. To appreciate iliis one need only contrast Bateson and classical example, A Wift Among Wives (MacDougall and MacDougall 1980)
MeaJIS.Chilil!/o~dRi~airy in Bali and New Guinea (1940), an early example ofilie a more recent example.
perspicuous mode where '2.uthenticity' is achieved ilirough a combination of an
unintrusive camera at social distance and a sincere scientific narration by ilie If the perspicuous mode of eilinographic film can be said to reach its audience
guarantor of auilienticity herself, Margaret Mead, wiili the work of ilie by means of explanatory devices, ilie experiential mode invites the audience to
"-, MacDougalls in East Africa in ilie 1970s. In films such as To Live with Herds understand and sense oilier cultures by emphasising analog forms of repre-
(1972) and A Wift among Wives (1981) ilie intrusiveness of ilie camera was sentation open to interpretation. This, of course, does not imply that some films
acknowledged by revealing the presence of the film crew and diminished by a are strictly explanatory while others are merely sensous. All films rely on the
long stay in the field in which people became used to ilie camera. The relationship between explanation and understanding, a relationship which may
authenticising voice no longer belonged exclusively to the film-maker or be established wiiliin the film itself, through links to external accompanying
anthropologist ('exterior' commentary was kept to a minimum by using concise written texts or ilirough 'intertextual' links to oilier films. Most films of ilie
explanatory captions) but was shared by the people filmed, now iliat subtitling experiential mode provide contextualisation using all three approaches.
79
78 Authority, representation and anthropological knowledge Film as discourse
Contextualisation within the film itself may be exemplified by The Feast (Asch In the film she (deliberately) breaks all the 'rules' of ethnographic film. Apart
and Chagnon 1969), the first few minutes of which consist of heavy narration from being a collage of image, sound and poetic narration evoking a sensuous
illustrated by still photos, thus 'preparing' the audience for the latter part of the : impression o!sellegal, the film functions as critique. The film, as well as her
film which provides very little additional explanation. The Feast also relates to ' writing (1984), derides many of the conventioiis''of documentary film-making:
external written texts, both professional academic texts, the work of the film's the long take, for example, and its assumption of life being an uninterrupted
anthropologist, N. Chagnon, and texts made specifically to accompany the film. process and therefore 'the longer the truer'; the use of hand-held or shoulder-
The contextualisation of some experiential films is established only if they are born camera; the use of the wide-angle lens and avoidance of close-ups; the use
viewed in correlation with many other films in what, in fact, constitutes a series. of synchronous sound; the paternalistic 'giving voice' to the 'Other', 'letting them
This is the case in the so-called sequence filming carried out by Marshall among speak for themselves'.
the Ju/wasi of the Kalahari as well as in his Pittsburg police films (Marshall Minh-ha's evocative alternative to filmic representation may be described as
1991). the-fly-in-the-I, in which the camera is used to comment on and 'deconstruct'
The ~eriential mode, adhering to the conventions listed above, which have Westernconventions of represe~ting other cultures. It is pure critique of the 'I' of
almost assumed the status of doc!fine, is employed by two filmic approaches 'the -Western eye. It exaggerates reflexivity to an extent where the boundaries
which I have called the-fly-on-the-wall and the-fly-in-the-soup (Crawford between fiction and non-fiction no longer exist. Reassemblage is a critique which
1991). 9 The former is used to label observational cinema in which the camera may offer, in its deconstruction, constructive solutions to some of the problems
acts as~ passivefecording device which, as already noted, allows the audience to with which ethnographic film and writing are trying to cope. Its rejection of
see and the ev~'uts to speak for themselves. The latter refers to a filmic approach contextualisation, as noted by Moore (1991), however, implies that the critique
in which the camera is not merely serving as a passive recorder but intervenes , can hardly eradicate the paradoxes described at the beginning of this chapter.
actively in the film process. The intervention may take the form of either --The ques-tion is whether the criticisms of ethnographic representation made
\~.
catalysing events, as is the case in Chronique d'un Ete, and/or confer to the film a by Minh-ha and others, themselves make up a discourse of critique, which, in
stance o(reflexivityhts inA Wife Among Wives. Tyler's words, 'is already and inextricably involved in what it criticises' (1991, p.
91). If so, then we are merely offered yet another contribution to the invention of
anthropolo~cal reali~es.
The fly-in-the-I: from representation to evocation?
Language is not an impediment that gets in the way of our expression, estranging us even
Notes
from our own passion and pain, nor something we could perfect by transforming it into
mathematics. It is not in the way, but on the way, as Highdigger sez. (Tyler 1991, p. 90) The concept 'othering' is derived from the work of Fabian (1983; 1987) while
'becoming' is borrowed from Hastrup (1986). Neither concept, however, is used here
The criticisms launched against traditional modes of ethnographic writing and in exactly the same way as by these authors and definitely not in the same context.
representation, referred to earlier, seem to be parallelled by new trends in cinema 2 I have discussed the significance of 'paradox' in further detail elsewhere (1985;
that challenge the doctrines held by the practitioners of the two modes of 1989). In a broad scientific sense the problems concerning 'paradox' were the core of
ethnographic film described above. The perspicuous and experiential modes of the discussions taking place in the natural sciences in the early part of this century,
ethnographic film both subscribe to a notion of mimetical representat,ip~ in most notably in the work of Bohr, Einstein and Heisenberg. Postmodernism in many
lt which f<mcepts such as authenticity, truth, contextualJsation and meaning are ways signals a renaissance of these discussions, albeit in a different conte:\1. George
Devereux has probably provided us with the clearest example of the problem by
~!still regarded as pertinent and desirable. If the advent of Gardner's Forest ofBliss
confirmed his status as the principal provocateur of ethnographic film-making, the referring to the difficulties involved in analysing sexual orgasm:
recent impact of, and interest in, the work of Trinh T. Minh-ha demonstrates 1. A fully experienced orgasm produces a clouding of consciousness which makes the self-
observation of the orgasm imprecise.
that he is not the only person challenging the doctrines of ethnographic film- 2. !fin order to observe it better, one makes an effort to prevent this clouding of consciousness,
making. that which one observes will no longer be a true orgasm, experienced in all its plenitude, but
Ridicule and irony ar~~nificant elements of the films and writings of Trinh simply a physiological spasm which culminates in an ejaculation. (Devereux 1978, p. 10)
11
;j T. MiJ1.h-ha. 10 whichtfeje!ft}he search for authenticity, truth and objectivity 3 Hastrup's contribution to this volume is an evident example as is Marcus's discussion
:\"'embedded in ethnogr~hlc representation. If evocation is a feature of post- of cinematic montage (1990). /1
~1
modern anthropology, transcending the alleged limits of representation, Minh- 4 Apart from Heider's Ethnographic Film (1975) and the book which has been con-
ha's first film, Reassemblage (1982), may be considered a contribution to a sidered the 'bible' of visual anthropology (Hockings 197 5), very few books have been
postrnodern ethnographic film practice which we could label the evocative mode. published on ethnographic films. The present volume and several recent books (for
81
80 Aut/writ}', representation and anthropological knon,fedge Film as discourse
Bateson, G. and M. Mead (1940), Childhood Rivalry in Bali and New Guinea, New York Part Two
University, New York. Black and white, 17 mins.
Gardner, R. (1986), Forest ofBliss. Film Study Center, Harvard University, Cambridge,
Mass. Colour, 90 mins. Image, audience and aesthetics
Jerstad,]. (1987), A Tibetan Ne1v Year, The National Film and Tebision School,
Beaconsfield. Colour, 43 mins.
Macdonald, B., (1990), The Mende o}Kpuawala Village, Disappearing World series, Granada
Television, Manchester. Colour, 52 mins. (Anthropologist: Marian Ferme)
MacDougall, D. (1972), To Live With Herds, Film Images, New York. Extension Media
Center, Berkeley. Black and white, 68 mins.
MacDougall, D. (1974, Under the Men's Tree, University of California Extension Media
Center, Berkeley. Black and white, 17 mins.
MacDougall, D. and]. MacDougall (1980),A Wife Among Wives, University of California
Extension Media Center, Berkeley. Colour, 70 mins.
Marshall,]. (1980), N!Ai: The Story of a !Kung Woman. Documentary Educational
Resources, Watertown. Colour, 59 mins.
Rouch,]. and E. Morin (1961), Chronique d'un ete, Argos Films, Paris. Black and white, 90
mins.
Sheppard, ]. (1990), The Kalasha: Rites of Spring, Disappearing World series, Granada
Television, Manchester. Colour, 52 mins. (Anthropologist: Peter Parkes)
Minh-ha, Trinh T. (1982), Reassemblage, Women Make Movies, New York. Colour, 40
mins.
Wason, D. (1990), The Trobriand Islanders ofPapua New Guinea, Disappearing World series,
Granada Television, Manchester. Colour, 52 mins. (Anthropologist: Annette Weiner)