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  • Agua, Huacas y Ancestros

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    33 visualizações19 páginas

    Agua, Huacas y Ancestros

    Enviado por

    Maria Farfan
    xd

    Direitos autorais:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Baixe no formato PDF ou leia online no Scribd
    Sinalizar o conteúdo como inadequado
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    LATIN AMERICAN | ANTIQUITY Acute es NUMBER 4 DECEMBER 2003 SOCIETY FOR AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY Not 14, No 4, 2003p ‘authers and Cera ‘of Natural Hstry. erica sith Notes on of Washingion Pb, Washington, Wash. 4 Yuctén Popes of rchaeology and Be Pros, Cambs, lonamess of Play PAY “engi de la Selva (Guts Beene, 2 Temples intheNow ‘al of Asin Satay ‘ican Anthropologist. = Architecture and ipa, Are Journal WATER, HUACAS, AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP: TRACES OF A SACRED WARI LANDSCAPE May Glowacki and Michael Malpess eee ESS During the Midate Horizon (A.D. 40-900) the Wari of th central highlands Ayacucho veglon expanded thir contra ta mary pars of the des, While diferent motive have been ced for Wal ate expansion, we ouggest hat acter and pr longed drought during the sisthcentery may have played a significant oe, We pst tht the Wel responded goths oo romsenal crisis net oy by seeing practical solutions, suchas securing productive land cuside th heartland, bata ‘rimplomenting religious practices intended to cosmological restore fori to drought stcten areas and valde ap, ‘tion of arable land in foreign territories. Using a mode! of Inka lietogy developed by Peter Gose,w-propoce tat sirong religious complex involving ancertr worship, huacas, andthe eomnalogicl contol ef water led the Wan to eck cout and conirollocations whsre water could be drain from supernatural sources. The presence of large bodies ofworer ‘ear major Wari aaminisrative sites as well ar other natural phenomeno, partoularly cesain moran, rock forwations, and arg riones and site aferings of Spondylu, copper ad stone fenrines suppor ths madel. A saered War nascar 4s as sen as complementary tothe established politcal landscape and providing a tuperataral uation Durante el Horizonte Medio (540-000 Clas Wart del atiplano central en la region de Ayacucho logan a conrlar wna «ran parce delns Andes. Aunque han cfecide muchas explcaionss sre et endmeno,javorecen le ears de sete ‘movimiento inpusao por una sequta trib de larga ceacion durante siglo set. Bs probable que os Warso oa, ‘mente hayan suscado solucianes practic como la conquista de eritoio extant, pero también tmplimsniaon decay religiosas por resi cosmol6gicament a fridad de a eras) de esta aera valida «basin. Resade ol mo, elo de deologta Ink propuesto por Peer Gov, teorzames qu lon Wri feronmotivados porous practioas reigns tles {a yenenactn dels amsepasadc y huacas. Fo lex ompuliéburcary controlar coomoligicamenue et gua. La presenta de. srendes cuerpo de as, montaas, formaciones rcovas,yafrendas de Spondias, cobr, fgwinasdepiedra coca dela sede de cantosadraisetiae Wer soportan mugs tors Ex decir, que | ranorama sate corretponie al pancrana policy se complementan el wr aloe, 1 cal us la eistenca de ex ulin, vere people chose to lve include prox: the selection and us sites an he sae ate imityt fod and cuhurally important nat of the lmdscapetey compe, uralresoures,sfey fom inclement weather and Wale an xen cleget oie, as eons Potential aggressor and eccesiliytoccmidrs ten dicated where cay pple decade of wade. Religious belies and places iatgral tot. However, choosing which enact o entered then, although baer tient archacclogaly, the gre of posing) they ook, ns sense shoud also be considered in settoment ain religious meangestocated waheushastedlohe, snide. Inthe case ofron- Wester society, dock nomena. This Hakage is sopprt by the het het sions about many aspects of life are frequently water acquisition, management, and control-are based om both practical and religious considera- some of the most common themes of religious tions, wth no clear distseton made between the myths Actoning to Wiliams Back whotcnaes ‘580 (ee, fr example, Lansing 1991 repaing the ied waierelted ay of ety adioeroe Ane role of wate tonplesin Balinese sole) Clase. ica, neatly, He archaeological record should elect There no cone dstncton of purpose Fe influencing the sclection of places such decision-making processes and, in particular, wi Mary Glowacki» Pre-Columbian Archaeoiogial Research Groxp, lnc, 2018 Walnlaw Neos, Talabaaca FL32507 ‘Michael Malpess * Department of Anthropology, Usa College, 150 Garnet Cuca, NY 14850-7276 Latin American Ansty, 14, 2008, 9p. 431-48 Covsrigit@ 2008 by the Sociny for Armrcan Aachecology ar a2 between (1) construction of a modern dam to form a reservoir for storage of water along With the usual canals for diverting it t other seas, (2) construction of a clay pot to be filled with spring water for storage and “diverted” to an area of need by being caried cn the head of an Indian woraet, and (3) eon ssruction of a rial to be performed by en Thdian priest involving prayers, dance, art, and pethaps sacrifices to bring rain in time forthe planting season. In all three situations, human sctvity it being directed toward making the spatial and temporal occurrence of Water com- patible withthe spatial and temporal need for ‘tho water. This is the objective of all water management. Nor is there @ distinction a to Which of the three is assured of unfaltering success: dams fail, water jugs break, and prayers go unanswered [Back 1981:257] While many archaeological studies consider the ‘more practical means by which early societies con- trolled water, corresponding religious beliefs and decisions require further investigation. This is par- ticularly true for societies of the South American Andes where prehistory was repeatedly marked by climatic events producing too litle or too much rain, resuting in numerous secular and sacred activ- ities directed toward the control of water. ‘The Middle Horizon (A.D. 540-900) is marked by the appearance of Wari cultural influence throughout much of precolumbian Peru. The Wari were based at the site of Wari, Ayacucho, in the Peruvian cental highlands. This polity, generally accepted now as a state-level expansionist society, {s identified, in pat, by a widespread architectural style associated with moaumental complexes and asite distribution hierarchy (Isbell 1991; Isbell and Schreiber 1978; Schreiber 1992). Corresponding to this central Andean horizon is evidence for cer~ emonial activities closely tied to sacred natural topographical features and intimately linked to ‘ancestor worship and the cosmological control of ‘water. Drawing on later practices by imperial Inka society as an interpretive model, we present data that suggest a sacred Wari landscape concurrent withthe political ene. Background ‘The Wari initiated imperial expansion sometime between A.D. 600 and 700. This established an empire that endured until at least A.D. 800 LATIN anmeRICAN ANTIQUTY (ot 14, No.4, 2008 (Schreiber 1992:77-78), and probably later! Developing from earlier Huarpaculture (Knobloch 1983; Lumbreras 1981; see also MacNeish et al. 1981), Wari society built its capital into an impres- sive city. Tis architectural core covered an area of approximately 2.5 to 3 km?, comprised of numer- ‘ons muitistory building compounds.* Population estimates for Wari range from as few as 10,000 to 20,000 persons to as many as 35,000 10 70,000 per sons (Isbell 1984:98, 1986:191, 1988:168-169, 171,173; Isbell tal 1991:24, 51). Duringthe Mid- dle Horizon, it was the largest urban center ia the Peruvian Central Andes, ‘Tho character of Wari society has only recently been the subject of investigation and debate. Until the 1950s, Wari was considered a coastal manifes- tation of the Middle Horizon cltiplano culture, ‘Tiwanaku, Further research resuted in more com- prehensive analyses of Wari material calture and its stribution that led scholars to interpret Wari as a secular, militaristic state that expanded quickly out of the Ayacucho region north as far as Cajamarca ‘and south as far 2s the Department of Cuzco (Fig ure 1), While this view acknowledged the impor- tance of Wari religion in state enterprise, the emphasis was on amore secular perspective of activ ities engaged in at the main sites (see Cook 1986:18-58, 1994:33-60; Isbell and McEwan 1991; see also other chapiersin Isbell and McEwan 1991). ‘While most Andean prehistorians subscribe to the view of a Wari expansionist state, afew adhere toa more religious characterization. For example, some have interpreted Wari activity as partof a pan- Andean religious phenomenoa propelled by ‘Tiwanaku proselytization and closely tied to eco- nomic exchange (Bawden and Conrad 1982:30-31; ‘Shady 1982), ‘The impetus for Wari expansion from Ayacu- cho has also been atopic of considerable discus- sion. Research atthe Wari capital and provincial sites has led to the view of Wari as militaristic aggressor, and as a conquest state (Isbell 1991; Isbell and Schreiber 1978), though evidence for specific acts of militarism have yet to be docu- mented. Some scholars working outside the Wari heartland have challenged tis position. A few have siressed the importance of Pachacamac, the oracle center on the central coast, as a significant factor inthe spread of Wart influence (Shady 1982; Shea 4 No. 4, 2008 ably later." + (Knobloch Neish etal, >a impres- dan area of dof numer. "Population 2 10,0000 »70,000 per- 38:168-169, ‘ng he Mid- enter inthe only recently cbate. Unt stall manifes- ano calture; ‘a more cor cultore and its rot Wari as 8 quickly out vs Cajamarca *Curco Fis ‘sd the impor- terprise, the setive of activ- s (see Cook 4eEwan 1991; Ewan 1991). 3 subscribe t0 afew adhere For example, spartofapan- >ropelled by ly tied to ec0- 41982:30-31; \ from Ayact erable discus- and provincial as militaristic (bell 1991; 1 evidence for at to be doct- side the Watt ion. A fewhave ‘nae, the oracle nificant factor dy 1982; Shea ‘towsck ane alpass] WATER, MUACAS, AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP COLOMBIA ‘igure Map of Peru showing sites deeused intext, 490 404 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY 1965), With the discovery of large ceremonial ums that were ritually smashed and buried at Con- cchopata near the Wasi capital Isbell and Cook 1987), and similar vessels earlier recovered from Pacheco in the Nazca drainage (Tello 1942), the ‘dea of a powerful religion motivating the expan- sion has gained favor. Others scholars have seen the expansion 2s economic, focusing on the into- duction of successful agricultural terracing and ini- ¢gation as the hallmark of War influence (Moseley 1992), Still others (See Topic 1991:162; Topic and ‘Topic 1992:177) have proposed thata combination ofreligious and economic incentives ie at the heart cof Wari expansion, As with many early states, multiple causes could Ihave been at the core of Wari expansionism. Ice- core data from the Quelocayaice cap in central Peru (Thompson etal. 1985) provide a detailed view of short-term climate change over the past 1,500 years ‘A major drought, affecting much ofthe Andes for several decades during the sixth century A.D,, may’ hhave le! the Wari toseek arable land and fertile pas- tures elsewhere.‘ This expansion was rapidly exe~ cuted and by A.D. 650, the Wari polity had some presence in much of what is now coastal and high- and Peru ‘Wari expansionism manifested itself differently indifferent regions. Inibe highlands, the Wari built ‘monumental complexes. Inthe southern highlands, they built Pikllacta (McEwan 1984, 1991), the largest Wari planned complex, and the less rigidly designed settlement of Huaro (Glowacki ‘2002a:282). Inthe northern sicrra they established ‘Viracochapampa (Topic and Topic 1984). Between the central highlands and the south coast they con structed Jincamocco (Schreiber 1978, 1992), and in the Ayacucho Basin, Azdngaro (Anders 1986, 1991), and there were numerous other sites (foram enumeration and description, see Schreiber 1992:94-112), Until recent, no diagnostic architecture had ‘been definitively identified on the coast, although ‘Wari presence has been documented through ceme~ tories and isolated burials, and ceramic offering deposits. With the discovery of Sonay,asmall Wari architectural complex in the Camané Valley of southem Peru (Malpass etal, 1997), and Pataraya in the Nazca drainage (Schreiber 1999), it now appears that the corporate manifestations of the [Wok 14, Mo. 4, 2008 \Weri were preset in coastal contents as well. Its interesting to note, however, that these complexes are (wo ofthe smallest known ortery also distinguishes Wari highland from coastal occupations. During Epoch 1 ofthe Mid- «le Hosizon (A.D. 540-700), the fistphase of Wari expansion, Waripresenceis recognized onthe coast by the appearance of Chakipampa pottery (Men- 221 196468), whereas inthe sera, Olaos is the dominant Wari provincial ceramic style (Glowacki 1996:388, 391, 479-480). These pottery styles may beindicative of War contingents dispatched to dif ferent temitores. In Epoch 2 (A.D. 700-800), dur- ing the posited height of Wasi imperialism, Wari presence is best characterized by Viflage pottery {in tho highlands, and by Ataroo and Pachacamac pottery on the south and central coats, respec- tively. According to Dorothy Menzel (1964:36,68), the introduction ofthese ceramic styles represented new centers of Wari infuence and power estab- lished during the second wave of expansion. “We propose thatthe Wari expansion hada strong religious component that left materialremainssug- esting a sacred landscape. We believe that Wari state ideology, which revolved around ancestor ‘worship as a means of cosmologically controlling secred places (.e, huacas, stirulated teritorial expansion. An important component of that ideol- ‘ogy may have been ancestor worship associuted with the control of water. Our model fortis inter pretation is Inka ideology. Ethnographic, Ethnohistoric, and Ethnoarchaeological Analogs and the Inka ‘Model The Use of Analogy Ideology defines and explains religious, politcal, social, and economic aspects of a society. Reli- tious ideology is perhaps the strongest and most enduring (c..,.liade 1959) in traditional and pre~ Titerate society where religious beliefs and their material associations are both conservativeandper- ‘vasive. Consequently if analogies ar to be made between living or historic cultures aud prehistoric cones, the strongest ofthese should be religious Ethnographic, ethachistoric, and ethnoarchaeo- logical studies suppor the notion that religious ido- ology isthe least likely component of culture to Glowacl change 1 19642295. change do conveyed 1961:157) symbolic cisely expe Tninte ogy, hep meaning addressing unlikely tc larmneanin tices of ar by theiran and config ‘dentifiab ‘An ana notonly ot cultural sp underlying economic, may reveal ing the cha ciated me 1976208), tion, can be arabic, et reliability prehistoric historie-on markedly 1935; Wede Mostar sraphic and adherence t ofthe iter analogic ar strong anal bbetwoon the ofsimilaity relevance o Comparativ (eg. social gistc, and responden¢ proximity (@ ‘Montmollin 14, No.4 2008, sas well Ibis, se complexes ighland from {of the Mid- ‘phase of Wari ‘donthecoast pottery (Men ‘Okros is the ye (Glowacki erystylesmay >atched to dif 00-800), dur- svalsmn, Wasi siaque pottery 4 Pachacamnac fasts, respec- (1964.36, 69), lesrepresented power estab- ‘pansion. nad astrong alremainssug- lieve that Wart cound ancestor aly contolling lated territorial tof thatideok- ship associated for this inter~ vic, and and the Inka gious, political, a society. Reli- rngest and most Sitional and pre- lief and their sxvative and per are to be made + and prehistoric be religious. «d cthnoarchaeo- hat religions ide- ant of culture t0 (Gowack! and Halpass] change overtime (W. Isbell 1978:270; Lévi-Strauss 1964:295-296, 1967-264-268; Vogt 1969), When change does occur, its slow, belief being carefully conveyed from one generation to the next (Vansina 1961:157). Religious ideology is also where we find symbolic meaning o be most consciously and pre- cisely expressed (Mill 1970:94; Robertson 1992:84). TIninterpreting religious ideology through anal- ‘fy; the probability of otal disjunction of form and ‘meaning overtime can be significantly lessened by addressing a complex formal configuration that is unlikely tobe duplicated without conveying simi- larmeaning (B. Isbell 1978:227). Beliefs and prac- tices ofa religious ideology should be recognized by their unique symbolic representational elements and configurations and, consequently, should be identifiable inthe archaeological record. ‘An analysis of religious ideology should draw not only on religious data bt also on those of other cultural spheres, since alae generated by the same underlying structure and practices, Technological, economic, political, and social aspects of culture ‘may reveal different forms of redundancy, reduc- ing the chance ofa similar form without the asso- ciated meaning (Adams 1977:127; Schneider 1976:209), Moreover, if an ideological configura~ tion,can be found in multiple contexts—ethno- ‘graphic, ethnohistoric, and archaeological—the reliability of its meaning is greatly enhanced. Ifa prehistoric culture can be substantially linked to a historic one, then the strength of the analogy rarkedly improves (Adams 1977:136; Strong 1935; Wedel 1938), ‘Most archaeologists who have employed ethno- ‘graphic and ethnohistoric inference agree that itis adherence to standards of relevance or the quality of the criteria for comparison that makes for good analogic arguments, Thete are three separate, but inno way exclusive, criteria for formulating & strong analogy: the quantity of features shared between the known and inferred society the degree ofsimilavty shared between these features, andthe sclevance of the features to the research question, Comparative features include cultural association (eg, social, political, ideological, economic, lin- ‘uistic, and ethnic affiliation), environmental cor- respondence, and geographical and temporal proximity (see Ascher 1961; Becquelin 1973; de ‘Montmollin 1989; Wylie 1985). In non-Westem WATER, HUACAS, AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP 435 societies religious beliefs ate more integrated into the “Secular” spheres of culture (for example, eco nomic and social systems), making it possible to find greater redundancy in analogic data, Forexamm- ple, in early theocratic states, such as thet of the Egyptian, religious and political views were tightly interwoven, Accordingly, a paaraoh’s political rale could not be understood irrespective of his divine kingship (Frankfort 1948:30-58), ‘William Isbell (1997.303-308), following Ann ‘taht (1993), suggests that rigorous analogics must ‘deotify both a source and subject culture. The for- mer isthe society used in interpreting the latter's material eeord. Moreover, the comparisons must betime-specific foreach; thats, ne should clearly state the temporal reference point for both, indi cating the particular context from wich the infer- ences are drawn. Finally, both differences and similarities between the source and subject cul- tures should be defined, to more clearly identify ‘what behaviors should or should not be inferred. ‘Tae source culture for this study isthe Inka state tits height of powerin the early sixteenth century and prior to the changes wrought by the Spanish Conquest. The subject culture is the Wari of the Middle Horizon, Epochs 1B and 2B, when they reached the apex oftheir politcal influenee. Both ‘were Andean expansionistpoliies with overlapping ‘enitories, suggesting political,environmental, and economic parallels. In addition, the Wari estab- lished one of their principal settlements in the Department of Cuzco, a short distance from what was to become the Inka capital of Cuzco. While some four hundred years separated these two soci- ties, many Wari became part of the Cuzco land scape aftes the collapse ofthe Wari polity, and some ‘may have become Inka ancestors"implying a direct historical connection, The Wari heartland in Ayacu- cho became part of the homeland of the Chankas, a confederation of chiefdoms subdued by the Inka early in their political development (Zuidema 1973a:743-747), Some of the Chankas were prob- ably descendants of the Wari and may have con- ‘tibuted concepts of state administration to the ‘emerging Inka empire, Overall, we consider these Linkages to be a solid basis for analogy. The Inka Model ‘Weexamine the religious character ofthe Inka state 498 Lavin aaenican anTIQUIrY pertaining to ancestor worship snd the cosmolog- ical contol of water, drawing largely on the sya- thetic work of Peter Gose (1993). A key concept, “huaca,” is a Quechua term for any person, place, or thing possessing a sacred or supematural qual. ity. The seminal importance of huacasisclezly evi- enced in the 1653 writings of the Jesuit priest, ‘Bemabé Cobo. He describes a complex of approx imately 350 fwacas surrounding the Inka capital of Cuzco, organized around the most sacred of inka sites, the Coricanchs, or Temple of the Sun, These Fruacas occurred within the Inka ceque system (an abstract spatial and temporal structure imposed ‘upon the Inka empire, which helped orgenize soci, economic, and religious activity. See Bauer 1998) ‘Many huacas were intimately associated with the resting-places or abodes of ancestors, and were sacred for that reason, In addition tothe bountiful ‘ethnohistoric evidence, which links the concept of ancestor worship with huaca in Inka times, the two are linguistically related. The Quechua word “villea” meaning,“ grandfather” or great-grandf- ther.” and by extension, “ancestor” can be used interchangeably with the word “fuaca.”Interest- ingly, the words villa” and “aya” the latter being the corporate unit defined by and responsible for its ancestral huacas, ate likewise synonymous (Conrad and Demarest 1984:102, 105 citing the Fol- lowing: Albornoz in Duviols 1967; Arriaga 1920:49-55, 137-144 [1621]; 1968b:46-52, 117-123 [1621]; Brundage 1963:46-52, 1967:35, 144-155, 149; Cobo 1890-95:Book 13:13-17; 9-47, 342, 1990:1, 47; Gonzalez Holguin 1608:Book 2, 330; Rowe 1946:295-298; Santo ‘Tomés 1951:143, 173, 232; Sarmiento 1942:70; Zuiderna 1964, 19736:19).? Certain types of huacas, uch es large bodies of| water, certain mountains, rock formations, and great stones, were believed to be the origin points ‘of different peoples and the deities associated with cach, their founding ancestors. These kinds of hua- ‘cas were called pacarinas or origin places. Tae ‘corporate group identified with these huacas hon- ‘ored their divine forefathers through offerings to their pacarinas. As Gose expleins, ‘Bach huaca defined «level of politcal orpani- ‘ation that might nest into units of a higher ‘ondee of subdivide into smaller groupings. Collectively thay formed a segmentary hierar Nol. 14, Wo. 42008, chy that transcended the boundaries of local ethnic polities and provided the basis for ‘ompires like tht ofthe Incas. However, these Jruacas were also the focus of local kinship relations and agrarian fectty rituals. The political stricture that they articulated there fore had a builtin concern for the metaphysi- cel reproduction of human, animal, and plant life. Politieal power in the pre-Columbian ‘Andes wat particularly bound up with ‘attempts to contol the flow of water across the frontier of life and death, esulting in no clear distinction between rituel and adminis- tation {Gose 1993:480 ‘With regard to the Taka, he concludes, (T]he power of the Inca was not an end in tnelf tat ater a means of realizing a metae physical control that was the common aspira- tion of most of te fragmented polit! ais that exsed before the empire was forme. One ental metaphytial nse motivating the fio ofthe Ina empire and embodied inchs Police structure was Bow t contol a com: Hex cle tat inked death and the segenere- {ion of lf in Andean thought. Here desth was thought to erate sources of water thet lay onside the boendares of the local poll ni such as Lake Tiézaca and the Pacific Oceun. These sources hed to be coated or cored into sending water ack wo the Local level for agecatwral purpose. If heae distant places could be subject to imperial control, then the comps eye king human death and agricultural fertility might be directly administered [Gose 1995:481=482) Hluacas, sometimes associated with ancestor worship as pacarinas, then, were the inks and por- tals to this ideological system whereby death and water produced a cycling of creation and recre- ation. Mythologicelly, the ancestors associated with these natural shrines or huacas were said to have ‘emerged from them to found their descent groups. Occasionally their decd were so great that they were tamed into stones, refered to as huancas, and remained with their people to enhance agr- cultural fertility and impart wisdom a oracles (Gose 1993:489, 494495 citing Duvicls 1978, 1979a, 1979, see also Cobo 1890-95: Vol. 3, Book 13:9-47[1653}; Semmiento 1942:70 (1572). ‘Metaphorically the Inke ancestral dead, who sometimes took the form of mummies, were con- sidered rmuch lke desiccated seeds, which through ‘rusia were retumed tothe earth so that life could (towact and be renewed, B watered, the a hich, brewe ‘which in ret munities. Tei underpround w sending them t places called water. Because tors were evid ‘where they we retum to thie descendants wi xchioally stro refered toaspa locally and reg pocarinas Oru to have been L (Gose 19934 {1621}; Dovais By controll ‘wal and and eo bbe harnessed. 1 system, rnsfee suittheir needs relocated a gro ‘empire anoth 7ina or huaca 0 te baer a Fruaca was 250 ‘wasremoved an Fruaca, IF te i ‘eained contol ¢ riage ties and citing Cobo 1 1936:97; Sermi de Leon 19. 1959:190-193 151-153 [1575] Ancestor wo Inka state? and Isbell (1997:287 ‘worship, as ink originated in th part of the Bar BC-AD. 540) 04,2008, Iocal for those anship The there: ohysi plant abian with nd in meta spira- (units ng the iniis thwas sat lay ‘ical >acifie (edo 2 local distant ‘death irectly ancestor sand por- Jeath and nd recre- fated with dito have at groups. that they suancas, ince agri- s oracles ols 1978, 1.3, Book "2D. ead, who were con ‘through life could Clowaek! and taicees) be renewed. Both “thirsted” and jus as seeds are watered, the ancestors were offered libations of cthicha, brewed com beer, for their revitalization, which in return, brought prosperity to theic com- ‘munities. Their supernatural joumeys through the ‘underground waterways helped to “aquify”the land, sending them to their ultimate dvvelling or resting places called upaimarcas, which were bodies of ‘water. Because oftheir desiceated state, the ances- tors were evidently drawn to these watery sites ‘where they were reconstituted. They could then zetum to their local communities to supply their descendants with water. The upaimarcas were bier- ‘archically structured. Lower ranking ones, beter referredtoas pacarinas or drawing points, occured locally and regionally. For the Inka, the maximum ‘pacarinas ot upaimarcas ae said by some sources to have been Lake Titicaca and the Pacific Ocean (Gose 1993:495-496 citing Arriaga 1968::220 {[1621];Duviols 1986:150,200; Sherbondy 1982:8). By controlling major huacas, power over ances tral land and cosmological sources of water could be harnessed. The Inka adeptly manipulated this system, transferring and commandeering inacasto suit their needs, For exanaple, whem the royal Inka relocated a group of people from one part of the ‘empire to another, he would give them a new paca- rina or huaca of origin. This entailed transferring the power of the old fuaca to a new one, IF the uaca was a source of water, «small amount of it ‘was removed and ceremonially poured into the new Fuaca, IF the huaca was stone, power was shifted bby xemoving its dress, apiece of textile, and plac- ing it on another Zaiems 1982:446 citing Allvor- ‘oz in Duviols 1967:17, 21,27, 37). The Inka also gained control of important Auacas through mar- Tage ties and conquests (Sherbondy 1982:17, 20 citing Cobo 1956:172 [1653]; Guaman Poma 1936:97; Sarmiento 1942:73 [1572] see also Cieza de Loén 1943:Book 2:161-164 [1551], 1959:190-193 [1553}; Molina 1913:136-137, 151-153 [1575]; Polo 1940:154 [1561). Ancestor worship was a driving force of the Inka sta and may hold considerable antiquity Isbell (1997-287) argues thatthe idea of ancestor worship, a linked to alu organization, may have ctiginated in the north highlands during the Inter part of the Early Intermediate period (370/420 B.C-AD, 540) and gradually spread southward, WATER, HUACAS, AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP ‘07 reaching the altiplano by the Late Intermediate period (A.D. 900-1476). We argue that many aspects of Inka state ideology, as outlined above, are analogous to Middle Horizon Wari ideology, and in fact may be rooted there. Natural Topography and Associated Ritual Artifacts at Wari Sites ‘As with the Inka, Wari elgion seems to have been focused on natural phenomena as huccas,"° in the form of bodies of water, mountains, rock forma tions, and great stones, We believe a Wari preoc- cupation with water was perhaps made more immediate by the extended droughts of the sixth and early seventh centuries. The Wari also may have usurped /zcas from other peoples via con- quest or co-option, allowing their contol of the associated foreign ancestral territories, ‘The Wari may have aternptd to control super- natural sources of water in different ways, depend- ing on the local circumstances and indigenous group. Where a pacarina was present, such as a Inke, the Was could co-opt it; where other sources ‘were preset, like an ancestral shrine, other means right be used, Thus, the mosaic of control defined by Schreiber (1992:263) wouldextend othe sacred landscape as well as the political one. Inthe fol- lowing soctions we suggesthow tis sacred mosaic of contro might have been manifest, Lakes and Other Significant Bodies of Water Lakes, many of which may have Been upaimarcas or pacarinas, ae found in the viinity of many ‘Wari sites, For example, a major lake is believed ‘to have supplied water via a canal network to the site of Wari (Valdez and Valdez 1998:4). This lake couldhavebeen the original ypaimarca ofthe Wasi, and certainly served as a local pacarina Inthe Cuzco region, lakes are close to the largest Wari provincial complexes. In the Lure Basin, Pikilacis is biltabove Lake Huscarpay. Fifteen km. southeast of Pkillacta, inthe Huaro Valley, Haro ‘was once flanked by two lakes, although only one remains Inthe district of Pomacanchi, 35m south- castofHuso, Kllupatais situated near avery large Jake, Near K’ulupata is another ste that has pro- duced the largest cache of finely worked metal objects known for the Middle Horizon, suggesting ‘its considerable significance (Chavez, 1985). a8 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIOUTTY While litte is own aboutthe Wari occupation in Pomacanchi, the association between the Pikil+ lacta and Huaro site complexes and their lakes is ‘lear. The lakes were, no doubt, a source of water forlarge-scale agriculture and lacustrine resources. However, there may have been fir greater Wari ‘motivation in selecting these sites. These lakes may Ihave been the pacarinas or upaimarcas of other eth- nic groups, over which the Wari took control. This interpretation would help explain why the Wati ‘occupation ofthe soathem highlands, which does not appear to have been overtly militaristic, may have been accomplished by peaceful, but, nonethe~ less, manipulative means.!" Pachacamae, the largest Middle Horizon site of Peru's Central Coast, served a8 shrine or huaca and oracie center from as eatiy as A.D. 200 until the Spanish conquest (Lambreras 1974:119-120, 155, 157, 165-166, 168, 223). The Pecific Ocean, ‘hich Pachacamae overiooks, was considered one ‘of the two principal upaimarcas ofthe Inka (Gose 1993:495-406 citing Arriaga 19680:220 [1621]; Duviols 1986:150, 200; Sherbondy 1982:8), who may have assumed it as their huaca of origin by consolidating Pachacamac into their realm. The role of Pachacamac sccms to be of considerable antiquity and would explain its atraction to the ‘Wari as ceremonial center associated with a pow- cxful upaimarca, Artifacts dating to the Middle Horizon, inchuding an ornate textile wall hanging, decorated with Spondylus shell and copper oma iments, were recovered from the Temple of Pecha- ccamac (Paulsen 1974:603). These could have been 2 War offering to one of its most important hua cas. As discussed below, there is eason to believe Pachacamac served as a major node in a pilgrim- ‘age network that also provided sacred materials, like Sponaylus, to highland and coestal sites. “Marking a sacred spring, Wari-Wilka, in the central highlands, was animportant shrine and ora- cle to the Wankas, a local tribe that occupied the region before and during the Inka’s reign. Histori- cal sources indicate that the founding Wank ances- tors emerged from the spring at Wari-Wilka, The ‘Wankas commemorated this event by building a wall and temple at the spring where they paid homage (Cieza de Le6n 1853:XXVETomo 1432 11559). Daniel Shea (1969:4-17, 79-83, 93-104, (Nel. 14, o. 4,2008 121-124) bas proposed that during the Middle ‘Horizon Wari- Wilka served asan oracle centerand. ‘was part ofan orack: complex subordinate to Pacha- camac. A large quantity of ceramics, much of it ‘Wari portery, and other artifacts were found in and round the Wati-Wilka spring. These likely offer- ings corroborate written accounts ofthe site’s role a an ancestal shrine and establish its use by the ‘Wari prior to the Wanka (Shea 1969:27, 44, Table 1a) reiterating the symbolic relationship between ‘water and mountains recognized by the Wari as ‘well a their concer for water. Perhaps, at oracle centers such as Pachacamac and possibly Wari- Wilka, the oracle fmetioned as the mouthpiece of an ancestor. Viracochapampa, the second-largest Wari com- ‘lex, located in the northem sierra, was not built near asignificant body of water. However, an ague- ‘duct brought water to the ste from approximately ‘Skm away (John Topic, personal communication 1999), the nature of which requires further inves- tigation, Moreover, Viracochapampa is located in close proximity to Cerro Amaru, which contains three wells, or chiles asthey are called, Considered a site of local group afiation, Cerro Amara was frequented by the Wari and functioned in a cere- monial capacity (Topic and Topic 1992). Max Uhle’s 1900 dredging of one of the site's wells revealed their use as shrines where offerings were made, including thousands of dumortierite, turquoise, and Spondylus beads, and large worked and unworked pieces of Spondylus (Topic and “Topic 1992:172 citing McCown 1945:305). The site’s mausoleum contained two individuals, lid ‘on abed of cut Spondylus, and interred with other clite family members. John Topic and Theresa ‘Topic (1992:174) believe Cerro Amara was an important water shrine tied to an elite lineage. Cerro Amara wells resemble those of the Tic- sicocha huacas of Cuzco. Ticsicochs, means “ori- sin lake” in Quechua, and its wells served as Curco’s principal hmacas to commemorate the Tinka’ founding ofthe city.” Using ths model, the ‘Cerro Amaru water sources may have represented ‘the cosmological origin of an ethnic group, wile ‘tho burial chamber was the resting-place of its founding ancestors or other important individuals oftheir lineage, Fine Wari pottery associated with the mausoleum at Cerro Amaru (Topic and Topic ‘Glowacki ane 1992:176) OWEr of the vim ideolog ological e ‘why Viracoe Cerro An wit the ons lands. Such greater effor preservation pampa’s pro the cosmolog tor worship ‘expansion wh Lakes ma and, thus, i ‘means tocont ‘Azingaro and arc not preset trol were nce Mountains, R In ation t nomena assoc eration of i mountains ax played apart practically al Which each worldview an probably var peaks are co groups than 0 earlier times ‘The Spanish: nial era trans ‘worship, leadi smountain dei entities contin nninfallas did fore, we wish well as rock f of data that co seape, Sill egard ural forces a swamanis oF 5 by cults identi tories (Ande 14 No.4, 2008 g the Middle slecenterand atetoPacha- 's, much of it » found in and e likely offer- ‘the site's role ins use by the 21,44, Table ship between y the Wari as 1aps, at oracle cossibly Wari- nnouthpiece of sest Wari com- ‘was not built sever, anaque- approximately >smmunication farther inves- ais located in ‘ich contains 1d. Considered ro Amaru was ‘ned in a cere- > 1992). Max te site’s wells offerings were dumortietite, large worked us (Topic and 945.305). The dividuals, laid ved with other 2 and Theresa mara was an ite lineage. 29e of the Tic- va, means “ori- cls served as smemorate the this model, the ve represented ¢ group, while ig-place of its ant individuals sssociated with pic and Topic lowacks and Maass) 1992:176) suggests that the Wari recognized the power of the shrine and its compatibility with their own ideology. It may have been seen as the cos- ological equivalent of a lake, helping to explain ‘why Viracochapampa was located nearby. Cerro Amaru peaked by the Middle Horizon ‘with the onset of drought conditions in the high- lands. Such conditions would have demanded ‘greater efforts in the acquisition of water and the preservation of remaining sources. Viracocha- ‘pampa’s proximity to Cero Amaru suggests that the cosmological control of water through ances- tor worship played a significant roie in the Wari expansion whether by conquest or other means. ‘Lakes may have been pacarinas ot upaimarcas and, thus, important to the Wari as a supernatural ‘meansto control water. However, in some areas like ‘Azéngaro and snore generally, along the coast, lakes ‘are not present, In such areas, other sources of con- trol were nceded. Mountains, Rock Formations, and Stone Huacas In addition to bodies of water, other natural phe- ‘nomena associated with War sites suggest the vea- eration of huacas for control of water. While ‘mountains and other geologic features certainly played a part in the day-to-day and spiritual life of practically all early Andean peoples, the way in ‘which each society incorporated them into its, ‘worldview and the importance atributed to them probably varied. Even today certain mountain peaks are considered more important to some ‘groups than others or are related to huuacas that in earlier times may not have been acknowledged. ‘The Spanish extirpation ofidolatry during the colo- nial era transformed certain aspects of ancestor ‘worship, leading, for example, to the emergence of ‘mountain deities Isbell 1997: 131), bur these sacred cetities continued fo be essociated with water and ‘ainfill as did their prehispanic counterparts. ‘There fore, we wish to consider particulac mountains as ‘well as rock formations and stone huacas in light of data that could substantiate a Wari sacred land- scape. Stil regarded today in the Andes as supernat- ural forces associated with water and fertility, wamanis or sacred mountain deities are venerated by cults identified with local groups and their ter- titories (Anders 1991:193-194 citing Earls 1973; WATER, HUACAS, AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP Gonzdlez. Camé and Rivera Pineda 1983; Isbell 1978; Morrisette and Racine 1973). Mountains also may have been part of the sacred Wari end scape, Wari sites may have been associated with wamanis or apus, also mountain deities. Jin- camocco in the Sondondo Valley is adjacent 10 major snow-capped peak to the east, Sefal Cariuarazo, An extinct voleano, itis asociated ‘with a powerful wamani, said by local residents to control the local weather, particularly rain (Gebceber 1992:117) 1 Cuzco, Piillacta and sites ofthe Huaro Val- ley were located close to Wiracochan, an impor- tant Inka apu (Figure 2) Inthe Huaro Valley the remains of three inka and two Wari sites (espec- tively Wiracochan J-3, and Wari Wiracochan and Cotocotuyoc) are located on top of Cero Wira- cochan, the mountain thatseparatesthe valley from the Rio Vileanota (Glowacki 20020:7-10). The Spanish chronicles indicate tht Cerro Wiracochan ‘wes considered very sacred tothe Inka because of its association wth Vircocha. According to myths that explain the arial of this deity to Cuzco, this ‘mountain and other sites along the Vileanota River were dedicated to hira, As the creator deity, Vira- cocha, was closely associated with water and moun- tains Reinhard 1990s. 168) Onis trek to Cuzco from Lake Titicaca following the Vileanota River, Viracocha stopped at Urs, the town adjacent to Hioaro, From there, he called to the residents to ‘emerge from the mountain, a place that they would assocate withthe orgin oftheir etic group. The people paid Viocha homage and later built a shrine to’him on top of the mountain, ie, Wire cochaa 1-3 (Cieza de Len 1880:Book 2, Chapter 5; Cobo 1890-95:Bo0k 13, Chapter 2[1653]; Molina 1913:118-123[1575]; Rowe 1946 315-316 citing Betanzos 1968:Chapters 1-2; ‘Sarmiento 1907:Chapters 6~7). Historical documents also tel us that during Tnka times the Yacarea occupied Huaro. They Were realy feated and respected by the Inka for their Givination, which may have been carried out in conjunction with their veneration of Cexro Wira- cochan. Employing breziers, they would read the flames, summoning spirits of the living and the dead, This method of divination was used only for serious matters, and ofen was accompanied by the sactifce ofa child, llama, or other valued posses- “0 karin atemean aTguY (034.4 2003 : TT & pee Ba RA i : : oe s Li B 7: 4 = in ‘Figure 2, Pkllacia and the Hoare Complex. Backdrop map provided by Defense Mapping Agency, "Hydrographl/Tupograpble Center, Hethosia, MD (Cazco, Peru 2543 1632 ein 1-DOAA). sion. These practices were so important that the royal Inka himself would sometimes atend (Molina 1913:129(1575]; Rowe 1946:303 citing Cobo 1890-95:Book 13, Chapter 34[1653}: Sarmiento 1907:Chapters 27, 62). The valley is still revered for the sacred mountain peak, Wiracochan, where {ns mountain lord or apu resides. Iris possible thatthe sites of Wari Wiracochan and Cotocotuyoe were also located on this same ‘mountain because of its sacred nature; Wari Wira- ccochan isasmall rectangular architectural complex high on the easteraend of Wiracochan. The site pro- vvides a commanding view of the Vilcamota Valley to the north as well as the Huaro Valley tothe south ‘west. Cotocotuyac, located some 500m below Wari Wiracochan, was a muuch larger architectural om plex with an extensive view. Together, they pro- vided a southeast view of traffic to and from the valley as well as movement in the Vileanota Valley {othe west. They also may have served as religious sites, possibly related to the sacretiness of this mountain and possibly an ancient huaca that the ‘Wari usurped when they seued in Huaro. We know that the Inka claimed new land by capturing hua ‘eas of other ethnic groups as part of theiz imperial ‘expansion Zuidera 1982:446 citing Albornaz in Duviols 1967:17, 21, 27, 37). Wari Wiracochan ‘and Cotocotuyoe may have symbolized Wari con- trol of this sacred mountain. The strategic nature of these sites fortified by stone walls, suggests that they were very important to the Huaro site com- plex for both defensive and religious purposes. “Martha Anders (1986:731—736) argued that mountains defined the boundaries of the Wasi site of Azdngaro, 15 km northwest of Wari and that _Azdnguto was establised to intensify agriculture ‘during Epoch? of the Middle Horizon, after the cen- ter of Wari began to decline. She believed that the site had a strong ritual component, focused om an agricultural calendar cosinologically tied to foor major wamanis who controlled rain (Anders 1991;194 and citing Arriaga 1920:Capter?2 [1621]: ¥ I BL ae ey, vaca that the 0, Weknow paring kua- heir imperial ‘Albomoz ia Wiracochan ‘ed Wari con- ategic nature suggests that x0 site com purposes. argued that tho Wart site ari and that Fy agricultare safterthe c2n- ioved thatthe ‘ocused on an 7 tied to four ‘ain (Anders apter2 (16211; CGiowaci! and Malpass} Fave 1967; Isbell 1978; Martinez 1983; Moriset and Racine 1973; Muria 1964:Chapters 29, 31; Zaidema 1973a, 1982) Other aspects of Azéngero support Anders's (1991:191-194) view. These include ceremonial canals, the presence and place- ment of ritual objects such as Spondyius shell and carved rurquoise images ofseeds and figurines, and the ritual nature ofthe site's Central Sector where calendsically driven agricultural ites are thought 10 havebeen performed, According to Anders the Tnka may bavebeen introducedto the concept of wamant when they conguered the Chankas, whose tertiary ‘was defined by the mountains ofthe four wana nis? The Chanks, posted to be the descendants (Ge, the post-empire manifestation) of the Watt (Anders 1991:194 and citing Znidema 1975), offer swhat may be a direct historical link to Wari idecl- coy through a sacred landscape “Located on top af steep mesa inthe Moquegua ‘Valley, Certo Batl also may have served a cere- ‘monial function related to huaca worship and the ‘contol of water. The architecture of Cerro Basi xesembles that of other Wari sites tied to ancestor worship (Moseley etal. 1991:124). While the min- {ng of lapis lazuli, obsidian, and copper may have been the primary purpose of the Wari occupation ‘of the Moguegua Valley (Moseley etal, 1991:135 citing Watanabe 1984), it may also have helped full important nul needs. Metal and stone are thought to have been intimately linked to ancestor worship inthe Andes as forces used to draw water fromthe earth (Gose 1993:508). Cero Bat served ‘as an outpost forthe Wei where these substances swore extracted from the Moquegua region. Rituals revolving around mineral procurement would have ‘been important in ensuring is success. ‘Additionally, a Wari canal and associated agri- cultural fields upstream and dowastream from Cerro Bail, the Tongest systom over built in the Moquegua Valley, document control of water resourees by the Wari, This system would have pro- ‘vided a superior advantage tothe War in times of ought compared to Tiwanakco-residents ofthe valley, who prinipally occupied the lower eleva tions (Williems 2002:366-367). ‘Today Cemo Bail functions as « shrine where Visliors mike offerings inhopes of prosperity. These offerings include the constuction of modem farm- steads complete with agricultural fuows that ink WATER, HUACAS, AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP a worship at Cerro Batil to the control of water resources (Moseley et al, 1991:131~132; Patrick ‘Williams, personal communication 2000). Like many other Andean shrines, its religious role prob- ably bears considerable antiquity. Cerro Bail may have been a sacred ceremonial cemter in pre- plemented by a reliable hydraulic system. This com- bination may have motivated the Wari to establish ‘themselves far in southern Pera, well beyond the area they politically controlled, despite adverse reac- ‘tions from the valley’snative and foreign occupants. Rock formations and stone huacas appear to be symbolically related to mountains in Andean thought, as all are geologic phenomena, though differing in scale, tied to Pachamama (Mother Earth), and associated with water, This is evident {in Inka ideology in which stones, rock Formations, ‘and water are intimately associated as shrines and. ‘other sacred sites (see, for example, MacLean 1986; Niles 1987:Chapter 7). The Wari acknowledged ‘the supernatural power of such huacas. For exam- pple, Sector 4 of Pikllacta, one of four rectangular sectors ofthe site that was primarily composed of rows of small, standardized rooms, is partly situ- ated on a prominent rock formation. This sector includes two structures that contain stone huacas ‘much like those of the Inle's ceremonial complex, ‘Sacsabvaman, One contained an offering includ- ‘ng ashel! bead carved in the form of sconch shell. ‘A principal avenve, which divides the central sec- ‘orof the site from the eastern uphill sector and rans the length of the complex, was built through this rocky area. Itdead-endsat the edge of asteepravine that overlooks the Huatanay River. It seems possi- ble that this avenue, crossing the site’s rock-cov- ered zone and terminating at the edge of the Huatanay River Valley, symbolically connected the site's stone huacato an ancient cosmological water- ‘way. The Huatanay isa tributary of the Urubamba [River, which the Inka considered sacred, and which many Quechua communities of Cuzco consider to bbe the foremost cosmic terrestrial river, through which wateris eycledbback tothe cosmic sea (Urton 1981:38, 56-65). Spondylus Shells, Copper, and Stone Figurines Among many early and present-day Andean peo- ae ‘LATIN auenican axmiourTy [Nol 14, No, 42008, ples, Spondylus shells and copper possess sym- bolic qualities indicative of ancestor worship and cosmological quiication. The Spanish chroniclers speak of the Spondlus shell, also known as the ‘thomy oyster, or mulluin Quechua, a having held greater value than gold for precolumbian Andean societies. The Inka used it as offerings to springs to induce rain (Cobo 1956:Libro XIII, Capitulo xxii-xvi [1653]; Polo 1916:39 [1554)), aud one Tnka myth describes Spondylus as “the favorite food of the gods” (Salomon and Urioste 1991;66-69, 116). Based on this characterization, we suggest thatthe ritual use of Spondylus served ‘asa symbolic mechanism for drawing water from the underworld through a fuaca to the eacthly World. The impact of highland drought by the end of the Early Intermediate period may have timu- lated a quest for Spondylus as offerings to water shrines (Topic and Topic 1992:174), helping to ‘explain the Wari presence in the northem sierra between Ayacucho and the coast of Ecuador, the source of Spondias Copper, too, held prestige in many pars ofthe Andes (Paulsen 1974:602-603; Rostworowski 1977:118-121), perhaps because of its symbolic identification with mummies, asis known from the Inka, who considered ita “sacred andimperishable ancestral substance” (Gose 1993:506-507 and cit- ing Cobo 1956:68 (1653}; Guaman Pomade Ayala 1936:60 [1615)). During the Taka period, copper objects, referred to as ax-monies, are thought to have been pac’ ofan extensive trade system involv- ‘ng tbe Chincha ofthe central coast. Exchanged for ‘Spondylus, these ax-monies possessed an impor fant ritual quality tied to ancestor worship and sometimes were used among north coast peoples as busial offerings, seemingly “to ensure the well- being of the deceased into the next life” Rost- ‘worowski 1999:209-210). This exchange network iselieved to hold considerabie antiquity (Paulsen 1974), By the Middle Horizon, highlanders were ‘wading copper for Spondylus, likely driven by the sea demand forthe later. Regardless ofthe stim- ulus for this exchange, itis apparent that both ‘Spondylus end copper had ritual value to highland ‘Middle Horizon people. ‘Spondylus and copper have been recovered together as ritual offerings from various War sites (Gee earlier discussions of Pachacamac and Azéa- ‘gar0). At Pikillacta,niched halls were likely used for ceremonies that paid homage to the ancestors (Glowacki 1996:349-360; McEwan 1998a: 6-15). Excavation of some of these structures identified looted offering pits containing fragments of Spondylus, camelid bone, and traces of copper (McEwan 19982:75). One Pikillacta niched hall is belioved to have been the location of an offering of ‘wo sots of miniature turquoise human figurines, ‘each found in association with Spondylus and ‘Strombus shell, snd a bar of copper (Trimborn and Vega 1935:36-89; Valesrcel 1933:4), These fig- urines, and perhaps others like them,!9 may repre- ‘sent the founding ancestors of the Wari poity (Cook 1992:358-360), Evidence of human remains recov- ‘ered from Pikillacta niched balls, specifically Unit 10 which contained an offering pit of 10 human skulls, supports the interpretation of ancestor- related activities associated with this room type (McEwan 1998a:76). The authors have been told in Huero, southeast of Pikillacta, that various fam- ilies keep skeletal remains of their departed rela- tives, particularly skulls, within their homes. Residents say that these remains of their ancestors protect them; could this practice be rooted in ear~ lier Andean belief? Similar steuctures at Marcahuamachuco, the indigenous northem sierra complex that was replaced by the Wari complex of Viracochapampa, produced comparable findings (Topic and ‘Topic 1989), An enormous offering of Spondytus shell (approximately 10 kg) and small taxquoise fig- urines, carved inthe shape of Spondylus and other possible shel! shapes, were recovered in a niched hall. Numerous llama sacrifices were offered nearby. Modeled after Marcahuemachuco, Vira- cochapampa is also thought to have served as the locus of ancestor worship (Topic 2000:202-206, 214), In light of niched hall burials at Pikillacta, human remains interred within its walls and those ‘of Mareakwamachuco corroborate this view (Topi 1994:7-8; Topic and Topic 1992:174, 176). Pachacamac served as the major node of a pan- Andean pilgrimage and trade network by which ‘Spondylus and other items reached the highlands (Rostworowski 1977:106, 203) and may have been the Middle Horizon distribution center for these, shells, However, the presence of Spondylus at var- ious other Wari sites, recovered in rial contexts 0. 14,mo. 2008 vere Tikely used o the ancestors 1 1998a: 6-15). tures identified fragments of aees of copper -aniched hall is, \fan offering of san figurines, Spondylus and (rimborn and 1). These fig 1, may repre ar polity (Cook remains recov pecifically Unit it of 10 buman 1m of ancestor- this room type have been told sat various fam- «departed rela- 1 their homes. their ancestors ce rooted in ear amachuco, the aplex that was sacochapampa, pic and Topic Spondyus shell turquoise fig- sdylus and other seed in aniched 3 were offered amacbuco, Vire- se served a the 72000:202-204, {sat Pikillacta, ‘walls and those this view (Topic 14, 176). node ofa pan- work by which the highlands Imayhavebeen zenter for these bondylus at vat- + ritual contexts (towaek and aipass} and particularly in association with copper and stone figurines, suggests that these sites were it~ ally, if not also commercially, linked. Their con~ nection may have been the cosmological contolof ‘water through ituals involving Spondyius and cop- per. Sometimes, as at Pikillacta this control might hhave been mediated through ancestor worship. ‘These types of offerings associate Spondylus, ‘copper, and stone figurines as symbolically and it~ ually related substances. As symbols of opposi- tion—water and earth, wet and dry, coast and siema—sbell, and metal and stone, together, may have represented a synchronized hydraulic and cos- ological system. Buried as gifs to the subter- ‘ranean world of the dead, they may have been used to invoke the power of the ancestors to bring forth water. Interpretive Overview and Conclusion ‘We have proposed that a drought precipitated the ‘Wari expansion, leading them to find sonrces of ‘water that sustained arable snd grazing land out- side of Ayacucho. This quest was both practical and spiritual; practical considerations have been addressed by others for specific regions (e.8.. Schreiber 1992:261, 267, 81 for agricultural pro- doction inthe Carahnarazo Valley, Watanabe 1984 for mineral extraction in the Moquegua Valley), but the search also involved religious ceremonies, to cosmologically control sources of water, Using ‘an Inka model proposed by Gose (1993), we pre- sented archacological evidence that supports our ‘view of the importance of these ideological moti- vations for expansion. In particular, we discussed major topographical features, such as large bodies cof water, mountains, rock formations, and large stones as well as certain types of offerings, i, Spondylus,coppes, and buman figurines associated ‘with Wai sites that reflect this ideology of "sacred landscape” ‘One explanation forthe Wari expansion was the ‘need forthe Wari polity to sustain isefin the face of a major drought. The ancestors held the key to cosmological sources of water, which, in tarn, tapped natural ones, leading the Wari to sek both ‘practical and ideological solutions to this problem, Tin addition to Schreiber's (1992:263) description of the Wari empire as a geographical “mosaic” of political contro, we can also envision a sacred Wasi WATER, HUACAS, AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP a Tandscape devoted to satisfying ideological as well as political needs, The Wari employed different strategies of expansionism relative to their needs ‘and the resources of the different tetitories they ‘occupied, They occupied different parts of Pera in ‘pursuit of erable and and ideological inks wo ances- ‘tors who controlled water sources. Because anum- ber of targeted sites were already in existence at the time of expansion (¢.g., Pachacamac, Wari ‘Wilka, and Cerro Amaru), the Wari may be seen as creating a “mosaic of regionally important sacred sitesin aneffortto connect, and perhaps even inten- sify, the most powerful cosmological Andean cen- ters associated with water. The very nature of Wari ‘occupations across space may have been dictated by a sacred landscape, ‘Andean religion and politics being intimately ‘connected, Wari incentives for constructing vari- ‘ous provincial sites and centers and occupying oth ‘ers may have been, in part, to physically and ‘cosmologically hamess and manipulate sources of water. What we glean now are only traces ofa vast sacred landscape—a patchwork of natural phe- nomena, human construction, and associated objects intended to meet this fundamental need. Actnomledgmons. Tae ontoes wis w thank several ini ‘ideale for their assistance inthe preparation end completion of this mouse. Arita Cook, Therese and John Tope, ‘Gordon Mkt, and paricularly Brian Banes povided vifal commentary and exism of ealy draft. The senior tutor thanks Michael Lavender and Lovis Tear foe thie ‘lube eo comments and encouragement The junior ‘thor thanks Clark Ericson and Jack Rossen fr thelr v= th comments on the version prseated wt the Norte ‘Andean meetings in Binghamton, and to Susane and Soren Kepocmneer for their forbearance in the completion of the rasuseip. Pialy, both ambers thank Ines Twomey fo ‘tasting nthe Spanish anlatin ofthe abstract, A errs tard omision are the ethos alone. References Cited ‘Adm, Wilms H. 1977 Sicot Washington: Einoarchaeotogy of a Rural “American Coverity. Report of Ivesigtioa, No. St, {Eabratory of Anthropology, Washiiginn State Univer: sity, Pullman, Washing, ‘Angers, Month B. 1986. Daal Organlzaton ad Calendars Inferred rom te Planned Site of zingaro: Wart Adminseton Sree. 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