d i n i n g i n t h e s a n c t ua r y o f d e m e t e r a n d k o r e 1

Hesperia
Supplement 42

archaeologies of cult
e s s ay s on r i t ua l a n d c u lt i n c r e t e
i n hon or of g e ra l d i n e c . g e s e l l

edited by Anna Lucia DAgata and A m e r i c a n Sch o o l o f

C la ssi c a l St u d i e s a t A t h ens
Aleydis Van de Moortel 2009

This article is The American School of Classical Studies at

Athens. This offprint is supplied for personal, non-commercial
use only.
c hap ter 15

C on f i g u r i n g t h e I n d i v i d ual :
B od i e s of Fi g u r i n e s i n
M i n oan C re t e
by Christine Morris

The study of clay figurines of anthropomorphic form provides unique

1. Gormley 1994; Gormley and
Renfrew 2004.
insights into the representation of human identity in many cultures. The
continuing capacity of human figurines to fascinate is beautifully evoked
in a modern context by Field, the creation of contemporary artist Antony
Gormley, in which great crowds of up to 40,000 small clay figurines were
made by volunteers in several places around the world and then each group
was displayed en masse. Perhaps most evocative of the timeless character of
clay figurines was the display in the British Museum of Field for the British
Isles, in which Gormleys terracotta army was massed in every corner of
the Great Court exhibition space while individuals from the army nestled
in museum cases alongside ancient figurines from across the world.1
Although less vast in number than Gormleys creations, ancient
figurines tend to occur in relatively large quantities and exhibit strongly
distinctive stylistic features. These characteristics lend themselves, at least in
principle, to a nuanced formal analysis in relation to issues of social identity
and action. Moreover, in relatively complex societies, clay figurines may
not be closely tied to (or may even contest) elite ideologies as expressed
through more prestigious and visible representational art forms such as
monumental sculpture or wall painting.
In the present paper I explore the potential for viewing figurines from
Bronze Age Crete as representations that played an active role in construct-
ing and projecting individual social identity within Minoan culture through
the selective and morphologically distinct presentation of the human form.
The material upon which I focus comes from a discete locational context,
the mountain shrines known as peak sanctuaries, and in particular from
that of Atsipades Korakias. Peak sanctuaries occur throughout the island
of Crete, notably from the palatial periods, and are characterized both by
their topographic relationship to Minoan settlements (see Peatfield, this
volume) and by their abundant offerings of clay figurines. The figurines
include both animal and anthropomorphic forms, as well as body parts
conventionally termed votive limbs, which inspired the widely accepted
view that a significant function of these ritual sites was that of healing. Most
of the anthropomorphic figurines are solid, handmade, and can be easily
held. There are, however, some larger figures, such as groups standing on
180 christine morris

a shared base and multiple figures within models (all, unfortunately, very
fragmentary) that attest to greater complexity in the projection of social
and ritual identities and of ritual action.
It is not difficult to imagine a Bronze Age Cretan making the journey
up to his or her local peak sanctuary, clutching in hand a clay figurine of
human likeness, and then, as part of the ritual process, leaving the figu-
rine within the rocky clefts of the site. Nevertheless, it is useful to remind
ourselves that there is much that we still do not understand about rituals
at these sites and the role of figurines in them. There are important un-
answered questions concerning how often the rituals took place on peak
sanctuaries, whether they were centrally organized and communal, and to
whom they were addressed. Turning our thoughts to the figurines, there are
other, more specific questions such as what the relationship was between
figurine producer and user, how the figurines may have represented social
status and social relationships, and what the relationships were between the
figurine and the individual (or group) who left it at the sanctuary.
I suggest that by directing our attention to the selection and elaboration
of specific attributesformal characteristics of style and techniquethat
delineate the peak sanctuary figurines as a meaningful group, we may
begin to address some of these issues. In this short paper I draw attention
to the selection of gesture, gender, and bodily artifacts as important attri-
butes in the construction of human identity in the context of peak sanc-
tuary ritual.

pa st and p resent ap p roac h es to th e

st udy of f igurines

There has been a long history within figurine studies of treating anthro-
pomorphic figurines as a category susceptible to universalizing inter-
pretations. Indeed, early studies relegated most figurines to the vaguely
defined realm of fertility, as exemplified by the use of the term fertility
idol. Such classifications have been problematic for many reasons. They
collapse description and interpretation, and by implication they privilege
presumed group uniformity. At the same time, they undervalue or even
ignore the potential importance of variations in style and form as evidence
for significant social information.
As the field of figurine studies has developed in theoretical sophistica-
tion, many scholars have explored the rich diversity of figurine functions,
especially in relation to context. Some have argued for a shift to a perspec-
tive in which we approach figurines as representations of individual social
actors rather than simply subsuming them into undifferentiated categories
such as fertility or worshiper figurines.
From this point of view, it may be argued that the relationship between
the clay figurine and its representational subject is by no means straightfor-
ward, and that the process of figurine production should be understood as
involving the representation of only selected aspects of the human form.2 In
a study of human images from Central America, Rosemary Joyce develops
this idea, emphasizing that the general resemblance of anthropomorphic 2. Bailey 1992.

3. Joyce 1993, p. 256.
4. Rethemiotakis 1997, p. 118.
5. This important issue is discussed
in relation to animal figurines from
Juktas and Kophinas in Zeimbeki 2004.
6. Zeimbeki 2004, p. 360.
c o n f i g u r i n g t h e i n d i v i d ua l 181
images to the human form, which we somewhat take for granted, in fact
masks a very careful selection of attributes for depiction. She approaches
her material, therefore, with the assumption that no detail is simply natural
or accidental, the selection of attributes being part of a dialogic process of
construction of human identities.3
In the case of Minoan figurines, the supposed homogeneity of the ma-
terial has led us to emphasize the collective shared features of the group
while discouraging or muting discussion of the extent and ways in which
figurines might have been individualized. The possibility of individuals
being self-consciously represented within the peak sanctuary assemblage
is, however, raised in Rethemiotakis discussion of large figures from
Kophinas. Fragments of legs from the site suggest the presence of anthro-
pomorphic figures of up to half a meter in size. Rethemiotakis suggests
that these could have been intended as portraits of individuals for con-
spicuous display rather than votives simply disposed on the site.4 The
use of figurine size as a material strategy for negotiating social or ritual
identity certainly merits fuller consideration, and it will be of great inter-
est to establish the extent, both in space and time, of similar practices at
other peak sanctuaries.5
I suggest that in any handmade figurine tradition there is likely to
be a significant balance or tension between the perpetuation of shared
characteristics of style and technique and the selection of attributes
through which individual social and ritual identities might be expressed.
The expression of shared versus individualizing characteristics needs to be
explored both within and between sites and in relation to the organization
of production.
The peak sanctuary figurines were usually modeled from several pieces
of clay that were joined through the use of shaped clay pegs, for example
at the neck or at the join between torso and skirt. Most, though not all, of
the figurines were clearly gendered as male or female in accordance with
Minoan conventions: a loincloth, codpiece, and belt for male figures, a
bell-shaped skirt worn with a tight bodice and belt for females. Details of
bodily form are rendered through modeling and simple pinching of the
clay, with added pellets for features such as eyes and ears. Bodily artifacts
such as hairstyle, headgear, dress, or jewelry were formed most commonly
with rolled clay strips and pellets for hair locks, jewelry, and belts, but a
variety of other techniques entailing pierced, impressed, or painted details
were also used.
A brief review of literature in which Minoan peak sanctuary figurines
have been discussed reveals a strong tendency to describe the figurines
as stereotypical, small and roughly made, and stylized and simply
rendered. Marika Zeimbeki has commented on how the use of the term
crude (both in the Aegean and the Near East) in relation to figurine form
has led archaeologists to suppose a simple or unskilled mode of produc-
tion rather than the optimal mode of production that she convincingly
proposes for the Juktas animal figurines.6 I would add that it is the same
perception of figurines as crude and stereotypical that has prevented the
observation of difference or led to the assumption that such differences
are relatively unimportant.
182 christine morris

Figure 15.1. Male figurine with open

gesture, RM 6784, from Atsipades.
Drawing J. Doole

gest u re and gender in p e ak s an c t uary

figurines

From the earliest discovery (at the beginning of the 20th century) of figu-
rines in peak sanctuary contexts, it has been widely agreed (and I think
rightly) that they represent the participants in the peak sanctuary rituals.
The figurines are thus usually referred to as worshipers, supplicants, or ador-
ants, and their gestures have been collectively termed gestures of adoration
or gestures of supplication.7 Consequently, relatively little attention has been
paid to the variety of gestures, despite a lively interest in gesture in other
artistic media. The misleading notion that the gestures are limited in form
has perhaps resulted both from the repeated reproduction of the same few
figurines, which in particular show the arm bent with hands to torso, and
from the implicit functional parallel with modes of prayer familiar in our
own cultural experiences.
The study of the Atsipades figurines has shown, however, that the
range of gestures made by the figurines is much more varied than is usually
assumed. It includes a variety of open or divergent gestures in which the
arms are held in different arrangements away from the body (Fig. 15.1). This
surely invites us to ask why there were so many gestures, and it encourages
us to revisit the role of gesture as an attribute selected for attention by the
makers and users of these figurines. Peatfield and Morris have suggested
elsewhere that the rich gestural language of Minoan figurines merits a
more theorized approach, one which locates gesture as an active element
of embodied practice, representing and communicating the ritual actions
and experiences of the participants.8
The discussion of Minoan figurines has been more responsive to cur-
7. Adoration: Myres 19021903,
rent trends with regard to matters of gender. There is a new interest in
p. 368; supplication: Rutkowski 1986,
comparing the representation of male and female figurines and, in some pp. 8788.
cases, in attempting to draw inferences concerning social identities and 8. Morris 2001, 2004; Morris and
status. It has been repeatedly suggested that some figurine gestures, for Peatfield 2002.

9. Rehak and Younger 2001, p. 433.
10. Preziosi and Hitchcock 1999,
p. 87.
11. Preziosi and Hitchcock 1999,
p. 86, fig. 48.
12. This confusion over provenance
seems to have arisen from the illustra-
tion that is the source of fig. 48, i.e.,
Marinatos and Hirmer 1960, pl. 15,
where a male and female figurine from
Petsophas, both very finely modeled
and painted, are shown together with
the larger female figurine from Cha-
maizi.
c o n f i g u r i n g t h e i n d i v i d ua l 183
example, the symmetrical hands to torso gesture, are gender specific or, at
least, strongly gendered. Why then do we find this gesture described both
as a mostly male gesture and as a predominantly female gesture? In both
cases, the conclusion seems to have been reached on the basis of subsets of
the overall body of material, and it is also predicated on the as yet untested
assumption that the figurines exhibit cultural uniformity in relation to
gesture and gender across the island.
Similar issues are raised by the statement that male figurines outnumber
females in peak sanctuary contexts in the Neopalatial period.9 In this con-
text, questions that place gender at the forefront are important. Are there
gendered gestural conventions? Does one gender have greater visibility as
expressed through figurine numbers and proportions? We are unlikely to
produce satisfying and nuanced answers to these questions if we rely on
impressionistic evaluations of the relevant evidence. We need robust data
from specific sites giving ratios of male to female figurines, but we also
need to place this data in the wider context of the considerable proportion
of fragmentary material that cannot be gendered.
Another trend observable in recent work has been the use of figurine
evidence to support the suggestion that male status and individuality were
privileged over that of females within Minoan society. This suggestion is
both surprising and intriguing given the high visibility of females in ritual
contexts in elite art, i.e., in palatial frescoes and gold seal rings. It has been
suggested that individual male identity was stressed through the greater
variability and elaboration of dress and accessories seen in the clay figu-
rines, as well as a marked tendency to depict females in a more simplified
manner than males [which] carries over into the bronze figurines of the
following period.10 The two figurines depicted by Preziosi and Hitchcock
would at first glance seem to support this suggestion: the male figurine is
indeed carefully modeled and painted, while the female figure appears by
contrast to be rather plainly dressed with a low brimmed hat and a simply
flaring skirt.11
This reading of the material, however, is problematic for two reasons.
First, we should look at the way in which gender is elaborated within specific
peak sanctuary assemblages before moving to wider interpretations. In this
case, the two figurines, though captioned as coming from Petsophas, do
not come from the same site. The female figurine is from Chamaizi (not a
peak sanctuary), and it is stylistically different from the Petsophas mate-
rial.12 More importantly, the argument is undermined by closer examination
of material from Petsophas, since both male and female figurines may be
either finely modeled and painted, or more simply shaped, as illustrated
here by two male figurines (Figs. 15.2, 15.3).
The key methodological point is that a formal analysis of any group
of figurines needs to take account of the environment of practice, i.e., the
contextual framework of production and consumption within which choices
were made by both the makers and the users of figurines. Although we have
no direct access to the intentions of the figurine maker, we can observe that
there is a significant relationship between the level of detail rendered in
individual figurines and the types of clays from which they were made. A
relatively fine clay was shaped into a more sharply articulated body form,
with greater care invested in the modeled detail and painted decoration,
184 christine morris

Figure 15.2 (left). Male figurine,

finely modeled and painted, from
Petsophas. Photo A. Peatfield

Figure 15.3 (right). Male figurine,

more simply modeled, from Petso-
phas. Drawing A. Kelly, after Davaras n.d.,
fig. 30, center

while coarser clay was more simply modeled.13 Elaboration or simplifica-

tion of bodily form relates, therefore, not primarily to gender but to the
production of figurines from clays with different working qualities. There
does not seem to have been an obvious association of finer fabrics with
males and coarser fabrics with females that might indicate a deliberately
greater investment in the production of male figurines. A different kind of
patterning, however, is observable at Atsipades, where only a small propor-
tion of the figurines was made from finer clays, and these were used for
human as opposed to animal figurines.

pro b lems and p rosp ects in fig u rin e

st udies

I suggest that our ability to establish a framework for assessing the expres-
sion of individualization in the Minoan figurine repertoire and to relate
those expressions to social identity and action is hampered at present by
three major factors. These are:
1. the highly selective sample of material that is readily available for
study;
2. the assumption that peak sanctuary figurines are a stereotypical
assemblage and that generalizing statements made about them
necessarily apply to the whole island; 13. Zeimbeki (2004, p. 353) makes
3. the different ways of seeing practiced by different scholars in a similar point in relation to the small
evaluating the visual information contained in the figurines. animal figurines from Juktas.

Figure 15.4. Atsipades figurine,
RM 6891. Photo A. Peatfield
14. Myres 19021903; Rutkowski
1991.
15. Zeimbeki 2004, p. 353.
16. Gesell and Saupe 1997.
c o n f i g u r i n g t h e i n d i v i d ua l 185
The very limited publication of peak sanctuary material creates genuine
difficulties at every level of analysis, from calculating numbers of figures to
trying to assess the range of variability in relation to almost any element
of figurine form. The summary publication of Petsophas in 1903 and its
reworking in 1991 have given the material from this site a particularly
high visibility.14 Indeed, one of the Petsophas male figurines has been illus-
trated so often that it has become almost iconic, creating the impression
that peak sanctuary figurines were far more standardized than may really
have been the case, while masking the very different expressions of the
body form that occurred along with the more familiar, idealized Minoan
bodies (Fig. 15.4). Only full and detailed publications can ameliorate this
problem in the long term, but for the present all discussionand especially
generalizing statementsshould be tempered by the awareness that the
diversity of the figurines is only imperfectly glimpsed through the currently
published material.
The other two factors relate to the practice of studying figurines. These
can be addressed by a shift to the careful study of morphological variation
as an intentional strategy for communicating social identity and action, as
proposed above. The assumption that peak sanctuary cult was expressed
in a uniform way throughout the island has led to the minimization of
possible differences between regions or even individual sites.
While modes of production may have varied, the model of production
groups making both pottery and figurines locally, as suggested by Marika
Zeimbeki for the Juktas animal figurines15 and by Geraldine Gesell for
the rather different goddesses with upraised arms from Kavousi,16 also
seems valid for the Atsipades material. The Atsipades pottery and figurines
seem to have been made from visually similar fabrics, and experiments in
replicating some of the distinctive figurine types show that they are rela-
tively easy to produce. Study of style alongside fabric strongly suggests that
figurines were on the whole both produced and consumed (i.e., deposited at
186 christine morris

the peak sanctuary) locally, and may therefore exhibit significant evidence
for local preferences and needs. For example, the Atsipades figurines are
stylistically different from those of one of its nearest neighbors, the site of
Vrysinas, where there was a fondness for impressed detail as part of the
modeling processa technique that is almost totally absent at Atsipades.
Other intersite differences include contrasting preferences for miniature
animal figurines at some localities and for medium or even large-sized clay
animals at others.
Possible instances of distinctive practice at the local or regional level
need to be evaluated cautiously nonetheless. For instance, as discussed above,
the figurines from Atsipades display a range of open or divergent gestures
in which the arms extend away from the body. The apparent rarity of these
gestures at other sites, however, is more likely to reflect the physical frail-
ties of the gestures than their absence. Whereas the closed hands-to-torso
gesture tends to be preserved intact, figurines displaying open gestures are
far more susceptible to broken arms. These are only likely to be reunited
with their original owner in a context of full retrieval of finds followed by
intensive post-excavation study.
Further shifts in perception are needed in order to explore the ten-
sion between individuation and standardization within the clay figurine
population. This, too, needs to be viewed within the context of production.
Numerous studies of hand-modeled figurines from different cultures have
demonstrated that no two figurines are ever exactly identical, and that
there are often small clusters of material displaying sufficient similarities
to suggest that they could be the work of a single figurine maker. The
identification of intentional differentiation between figurines is not then
unproblematic. It may be hard to distinguish from the idiosyncratic varia-
tions in practice among different figurine makers. It must be explicitly
located within the variability expressed by individuals, and within and
between sites. In the case of Minoan figurines, this form of analysis is as
yet in its infancy.
It is clear that within the deceptively simple modeling of the Minoan
figurines, certain attributes of body and dress were given special attention.
Painted decoration, for example, was used to create complex patterning
on clothing or to create jewelry, though often poorly preserved. One area
that consistently received careful attention from the figurine makers was
the arrangement of the hair and headgear. These exhibit a dazzling range
of sinuous scalp-locks, edgy piecrust Mohicans, looped Regency buns,
and brimmed or conical hats (Fig. 15.5). It seems likely that this bodily
artifact communicated important social information, yet it has been little
discussed, despite a strong interest in hair as a visual marker of age-grades
in more prestigious media such as frescoes. I venture to suggest that one
of the factors contributing to this neglect is a cultural bias that does not
predispose us to view hair and hats as a fundamental expression of identity
and status. Another factor may be the male gaze of some writers who
simply describe the hats as fantastical or tell us that women (my emphasis)
wore their hair in different styles.17
In a study of Mesoamerican figurines, Joyce Marcus carefully analyzed
the rich and diverse hairstyles represented.18 She was in the fortunate posi- 17. Rutkowski 1991, p. 46.
tion of being able to draw upon ethnohistorical records to clarify the basic 18. Marcus 1998.
 c o n f i g u r i n g t h e i n d i v i d ua l 187

Figure 15.5. Peak sanctuary figurines,

illustrating different hairstyles.
Drawing A. Kelly, after Davaras n.d.,
figs. 26, 37

styles, their significance in relation to age, marital status, and rituals, and
also their regional variants. In some sets of figurines, which seem to have
been used together (she suggests in ancestor rituals), the varied hairstyles
constituted the focal individuating feature within a group.
The hairstyles and hats observed on Minoan figurines are richly diversi-
fied; indeed, they seem to be far more varied in the figurine material than
in other Minoan media. For the present, the significance of these different
hairstyles remains somewhat mysterious. The careful elaboration of these
features, which in some cases do seem to be highly individualized, supports
the argument that the figurines should be read not as undifferentiated
worshipers, but as individuals operating within a complex social reality.
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