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Tristes Paysans:
Bourdieu's Early Ethnography
in Bearn and Kabylia
Deborah Reed-Danahay
Universityof Texasat Arlington
Abstract
PierreBourdieuconductedethnographicresearchin his native region of Bearn
and in Algeriaduringthe late 1950s and early 1960s. He rarelydrewexplicitcom-
parisonsbetweenthe two sites,despitestrikingparallelsin themessuch as notions
of honorin Mediterranean peasant ethos, the habitusas internalizeddispositions,
and peasant malaise in the face of socioeconomicchange. Bourdieucalled his
Bearnethnographyan inversionof Levi-Strauss' TristesTropiques,as a way to
"objectify"the familiar. I suggest that constructionsof traditionaland modern
that informedBourdieu'searly researchin both sites led to a nostalgic view of
"tristespaysans."[keywords:Bourdieu,habitus,Mediterranean, ethnography,ru-
ral France,Algeria]
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Tristes Paysans: Bourdieu's Early Ethnography in B6arn and Kabylai
"Inthis enclosed world where one senses at each moment without escape that
one is under the gaze of others..."(Bourdieuand Bourdieu 1965, ThePeasant
and Photography)
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DEBORAH REED-DANAHAY
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TristesPaysans: Bourdieu's EarlyEthnography in B1arn and Kabylai
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DEBORAH REED-DANAHAY
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Tristes Paysans: Bourdieu's Early Ethnography in BMarnand Kabylai
this village helped me to discovera lot of things about myself and about
my object of study"(Bourdieuand Wacquant1992:205).
Those experiencesof being the "other"at school, and thereby being madeto
be self-consciousof one's differenceand of one's own ways of thinking,dressing,
etc., are centralto some of Bourdieu'seventual theoretical positionsabout re-
flexivity.ForBourdieu,reflexivitywas not about personalautobiographical details,
confessionalmodes of writing,or fieldworkaccounts per se; rather,it was about
being self-consciouslytheoretical, and realizingthat this is differentfrom the
"practicallogics"of oneself and one's informants.He has explicitlyacknowledged
that the experienceof boardingschool and upwardclass mobilityaffordedhim
a unique perspectiveon social life, the abilityto "cross"differentsocial milieu
(Bourdieuand Wacquant1992:205).Thisis a similarroleto what I have identified
elsewhere as that of the "autoethnographer" (Reed-Danahay1997a).
Toward the end of the chapter called "Disintegration and Distress"in
Bourdieu'searlybook TheAlgerians(1962a),there is a movingpassageaboutthe
"man between two worlds"that I cannot help but read as part-autobiography
for Bourdieu.8Althoughthe explicit referent is the young Algerianintellectual
in a rapidlychanging Algeria,I think Bourdieuhimself was also this "manbe-
tween two worlds":for him, the two worlds were the traditionalworldof rural
Francein which he grew up and the world of the urban intellectual,the social
scientist, he was becoming. I read this passage as one speaking to his identifi-
cation with young Algerianmen, due to his own background.He wrote:
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DEBORAH REED-DANAHAY
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TristesPaysans: Bourdieu's EarlyEthnographyin B4arn and Kabylai
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DEBORAH REED-DANAHAY
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TristesPaysans: Bourdieu's EarlyEthnography in BMarnand Kabylai
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DEBORAH REED-DANAHAY
sion, 1972), in which Bourdieuelucidated his meanings of this concept and the
ways in which he was breakingwith structuralismin his theory.Thisconcept al-
so figures prominently,associated with the cultural capital, in his educational
writingsof the same period-Reproduction in Education,Societyand Culture
(orig.Frenchversion, 1970). It is likelythat the firstexample of the use of habi-
tus by Bourdieu,however,was in his 1962 articleon the condition of bachelor-
hood in the villagewhere he grew up. Inthese earliestuses of the term, Bourdieu
associatedhabituswith the "traditional" and with the family,and it referredpri-
to
marily bodily habitus.This meaningof the term also appears(but less promi-
nently than in the ruralFrenchmaterial)in some Algerianwritingsof the early
1960s, as in the 1964 articleon uprooted (deracinds)peasants. Bourdieu'scon-
cept of habitusin its more developedformas articulatedin Outlineand the Logic
of Practicewas in part a synthesisof the more psychologicaltheory of habitus
used by NorbertElias(1982 [1939])and that of the theory of bodily habits and
habitus in the work of MarcelMauss(1979 [1950]). For Elias,habitus was asso-
ciated with drives and impulses that determine tastes and habits. It was con-
nected to what Eliascalled the "civilizingprocess,"throughwhich he referredto
a certainway of understandingthe relationof the individualto the social and
the mannersand tastes that reflectedthe perceived"civilized"person.
In his essay on "BodyTechniques,"Maussused the concept of habitusto re-
fer to customaryhabitsof movingthe bodywhich, as he wrote, "donot varyjust
with individualsand their imitations;they varyespeciallybetween societies,ed-
ucations, proprietiesand fashions, prestiges.In them we should see the tech-
niquesand workof collectiveand individualpracticalreason..."(1979[1950]:101).
AlthoughMausswas primarilydescribingthe physicalmanifestationof this in bod-
ily movement, ratherthan mental or psychologicalqualities, he did mention
that these bodytechniqueswere connectedto modes of lifeand manners.These
techniqueswere the productof training,and so could be connectedwith what he
noted was the psychologicala well as sociologicalconcept of "dexterity" or clev-
erness. Herewe see some originsof Bourdieu'slater use of the term habitusas
a "feelfor the game"in which the individualcan exercisevariousstrategieswith-
in the generativecapacitiesof his or her habitus.
There are telling parallels in Bourdieu'sthinking about peasants and his
use of the concept of habitus in two articles published in EtudesRuraleswith-
in two yearsof each other-an articleon Frenchbachelors(Bourdieu1962) and
an articleon uprootedand resettledAlgerians(Bourdieuand Sayad1964a).The
theme of ruptureand a breakwith traditionis prevalentin both works,despite
important differences in the ethnographic context. In the article entitled
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TristesPaysans: Bourdieu's EarlyEthnographyin B1arn and Kabylai
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DEBORAH REED-DANAHAY
This is not the place to analyze the motor habits particular to the
Bearnaise peasant, this habitus, which reveals the backward peasant,
the lumbering peasant. The folk observation perfectlycaptures this hex-
is which fuels the stereotypes:"Thepeasant of olden times,"remarkedan
elderlyvillager,"alwayswalkedwith his legs curvedin an arc, as if he were
knock-kneed,with his arms bent backwards." (2002:114-5;my translation)
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TristesPaysans: Bourdieu's EarlyEthnographyin BMarnand Kabylai
Wecan see in the passage the internalizedbody image and ways of moving
associatedwith this habitus, in turn associated with traditionalforms of behav-
ior confrontingemerging "modern"ways of operatingthat have been adopted
by the youth of the community.Bourdieubrieflydescribedother dances where
the entire community came either to dance or to gossip about possible mar-
riages.Thisdance, however,was a dance primarilyfor the youth, and he wrote
that "Atthe dances like this one at Christmastimeor New Year's,the bachelors
have nothingto do. Thoseare the dances for the youth;that is to say,those who
aren't yet married.They [the bachelors]aren't yet old, but they know they are
unmarriageable.These are the dances to which one goes to dance; yet they
don't dance"(2002:112;my translation).Occasionallya young girlwould askone
of these bachelorsto dance just to be polite, and they would revealtheir heav-
iness and clumsiness as they danced with the girls. As the night grew later,
Bourdieuwrote,"theystaythere, untilmidnight,barelyspeaking,in the lightand
noise of the dance, gazingat the inaccessiblegirls.Thenthey will go into the bar
and drinkface to face. Theywill sing together the old btarnaise tunes... and,
100
DEBORAH REED-DANAHAY
by twos or threes, they will slowlytake their leave, at the end of the evening, to-
ward their isolated farms"(2002:112; my translation).
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TristesPaysans: Bourdieu's EarlyEthnographyin B1arn and Kabylai
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thisarticleisa muchrevisedversionof a paperdeliveredat the 2002American Anthropological
AssociationMeetingsin NewOrleans.Iwouldliketo thankJaneGoodman,andthe anonymous
reviewersforAnthropological for insightfulcommentsand suggestionson thisessay.
Quarterly,
Sectionsof this articleare drawnfrommaterialthat will also appearin a forthcomingbook,
LocatingBourdieu(IndianaUniversityPress).
102
DEBORAH
REED-DANAHAY
ENDNOTES
1Forexample,TheAlgeriansappearedin 1962, and other articleson the Algerianworkap-
pearedin Englishtranslationduringthe 1960s.TheearliestFrencharticledealingwith his ru-
ralFrenchethnographyalso appearedin 1962 (Bourdieu1962).Ithas neverbeen translated
into English.Itwas not until1976 thatthe firstEnglish-language publicationof the B1arnre-
searchappeared,in an articleon "marriagestrategies"includedin a compilationof Annales
articlestranslatedintoEnglish.AlthoughOutlineof a Theoryof Practice(1977)is devotedstrict-
ly to the Algerianmaterial,the reworkingof some of this materialin the Logicof Practice
(1990)was accompaniedby a chapteron marriagestrategiesin Bearn-but this did not ap-
pearin Englishuntil1990;moreover,it is fromthe sameAnnalesarticlealreadytranslatedin
1976. Tothe best of my knowledge,this is the only piece of writingspecificallydrawingup-
on Bourdieu'searlyethnographicworkin ruralFrancethat has been translatedinto English.
2LdicWacquant(1993)has usefullydrawnattentionto fragmentedreadingsof Bourdieuin the
U.S.Hedoes not, however,addressthe lackof attentionto Bourdieu'sethnographicworkin
ruralFranceand makesonly passingmentionof this bodyof Bourdieu'sworkin his essay.
3Thisis particularlyevidentin MasculineDomination(2000),where Bourdieucomparedtra-
ditionalBearnaiseand Kabylesocietiesto contemporaryFrance,and foregroundeda shared
Mediterranean cultureof androcentrism.Thathe workedon two books,publishedposthu-
mously,that dealt with the earliestresearchin both sites (LeBaldes Celibataires (2002)and
Imagesd'Algerie(2003)is also evidenceof his intellectual"return" to these sites laterin life.
41nnone of his laterautobiographicalreflectionsdid Bourdieudiscusshis role as soldieror
muchabout the violence he mighthave observed.Forsome of his recollectionsof that pe-
riod,see the recentImagesd'Algerie(2003).
SThetwo classicworkson educationare Bourdieuand Passeron(1964and 1970).A more re-
cent studyof educationis TheStateNobility(1996)I1have dealt with the nation-buildingas-
pect of rural Frencheducation in my own work (Reed-Danahay1996). Bourdieunever
explicitlyaddressedthe contentor historicalsignificanceof Frenchschoolingin national,eth-
nic, or regionalterms in his scholarlywritingsand sociologicalstudiesof education,choos-
ing to focus on the socialclass reproductionof the school.
6Thismaterialappearedwiththe title"J'avais 15 ans...."(Iwasfifteen...)le NouvelObservateur,
Jan.31,2002. Thereis controversy surroundingthisas the memoirwasviewedas unauthorized
by Bourdieu'sfamily,who sued the magazine,claimingthat it been givento the pressbythe
journalistDidierEribonwithouttheirpermission.Dueto the legal battleand subsequentre-
tractionof the memoirexcerptsbythe magazine,Iwill not quote from it here. I did, howev-
er, readthe publishedversionwhen it firstappearedin early2002. It is availableonline at
www.nouvelobs.com/dossiers/pl943/al 0243.html.
7Someof that workhas been publishedas Reed-Danahay1997b and 2002.
80n the "man between two worlds",see also the chapter on "LeSabir Culturel"in Le
Deracinement(Bourdieuand Sayad1964b).
9Bourdieuwould have more to say about reflexivityand science in his booksSciencede la
Scienceet Roflexivite(2001b)and PascalianMeditations(2000 [1997]).
10Anexceptionis his more recent book MasculineDomination(2000b).In a differentregis-
ter, Bourdieu(1996)employedsome concepts,such as honor,from his Kabylematerials,to
analyzeprocessesof socialreproductionin elite educationin Francein a more recentstudy.
"WhileBourdieucouldnot trulyescapethe violenceand war in Algeriain his descriptionsof
Kabylia,althoughhe did do so in Outline,he managedto avoidany directreferencesto the
SecondWorldWarin hiswritingson B~arn.Althoughthe regionof Pau,wherehe grewup,was
in the "freezone,"Bourdieu'searlyyouthwas spent in a countryalso at war.Bourdieuattrib-
uted the dislocationof Frenchpeasantsto the economicconsequencesof increasedurban-
izationand populationshiftsfollowingthe war,butdid not,even in his laterautobiographical
103
TristesPaysans: Bourdieu's EarlyEthnography in BMarnand Kabylai
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