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CAMBRIDGE CONCISE HISTORIES This is a new series of illustrated ‘concise histories” of selected individual countries, intended both as university and college textbooks and as general historical introductions for general readers, travellers and members of the business community. First titles in che series: A Concise History of Germany MARY FULBROOK A Concise History of Greece RICHARD cLoGc A Concise History of France ROGER PRICE A Concise History of Brtam, r7o7-1975 1. A. SPECK. A Concise History of Portugal DAVID BIRMINGHAM A Concise History of ttaly CHRISTOPHER DUGGAN (Other tiles are m preparation A Concise History of Greece RICHARD CLOGG e CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS ISTANBUL RIC! | Published by the Press Seoiate ofthe Unser of Cambadge “The Die Bling, Trumpington Street, Cambridge eR2 #90 go West acth Steet New York, wY root teq2t1, USA 10 Stamfoud Road, Oakleigh, Meltourne ¢168, Austria © Combrdige Unieerny Prose r992 First published 1992 Reprinted 1993,1994,1995,1997 Pred i Great Bri at the University Press, Cambndge A eatlogue record fr thie bok 1 arable Jr the Brash Library Library of Compre eateloguony publication dats loge, Richa, 1939 A concise history ot Greece / Richard Clog cm. (Cambridge cone histones) lncudesbiblogroshicalelerences and inde. tsuneo §21 A728 4 = 1S8N 0 520 57830 7 (pbk) 1 Greece~ Histo = Tile 1 Sere. DrtoCs> ago syg.saleze oe-agsee CIP Isao ¢24 a73af 4 hardback 18N 0 1 42840 5 paper For Mary Jo ve 802 - CSF 4999 CAMBRIDGE CONCISE HISTORIES ‘A Conese History of Greece ‘This book provides 2 concise, illuststed introduction eo the history of modern Greece, from the frst srrings of the national movement in the late erghteench century until she present day Greece mn 1830 hecame the frst east European country to win full andependence, and ship of the European Community. Nor only is her hentage of Orthodox Christianity and of Oxtoman rule distincuve, bur great histoncal movements such as the Renaissance, the Enlightenment snd the French and Industrial Revolutions which so profoundly Influenced western Europe have largely passed her by. This has resulted ma pantera of historical development and a svciev” mmackedly different from chat of her west European partners. Moreover, for much of the 250 years of her existence as an tadependent srate there have been more Greeks outside than ‘within the borders of Greece, and large communities of Greek descent are to be found sn the United States, Canada, Australia, tnd elsewhere, These factors give a particular interest to the history of a counter that 1s at once Balkan, Mediterranean and European, and in which the burden of the past weighs parteu~ larly heavily on the present. Richard Clogg is recognised incernastonally as a leading auth- fonty on the history of moder Greece. This new book 15, however, different in concept cont anything yer wentten, ud tng, Professor Clogg's awn classic A short bistory of modem Greece, which s here complemented by a whelly new accoune of the subject aimed at both general and seademuc readers. 1981 became the frst co achieve met CONTENTS List of illastrations age vii Preface Introduction woman rule and the emergence ofthe Gresk stare 1770-1831 anon building, the “Great tea" and National Schism 1831-1522 Catastrophe and occupation and their consequences 1923-49 The legacy of the evil war 1950-74 ‘The consolidation of democracy andthe populse decade 1974-99 Epilogue Biographies The royal houses of Greece Presidents Tables Key dates Guide to furtber reading Index 7 a 45 169 204 229 230 331 238 a4 249 ILLUSTRATIONS The fall of Constannnople mn 1453 38 depicted by Panayions Zographos in the 1830s (National Historical Museum. Athens) page 12 ‘The Greek church of St George 1m Venice and the Phlhangumon Phrontistiron im the seventeenth century. Source: Istorut tow Elliikow ethnous, x (Athens: Ekdotiki Athinon, 1974) Constantine XE Palaiologos 25 the “Emperor turned ito Marble (Kungliga Biblioteker, Stockholm) 6 An exghreenth-cencury paper ‘icon’ depicting the monastery of St Paul on Mount Athos. Source: Dori Papastrataus, Khortnes cik ones. Orthodoxa thniskeftika Kburaktika 166§~1859 (Athens: Ekdoseis Papasteatos, 1986) Mikhail Soutsos, bospodar of Moldavia t8ig-a1. Source: Lows Dupré, Voyage a Athénes et st Constantinople (Panis: Dondev Dupré, 1825) [A Greek sea captain on the eve of the war of independence, Source 5. A. Papadopoulos, ed., The Greek merchant marine (1453-2850) (Athens: National Bank of Greece, 1972) 6 ‘The ntlespoge, in Creek and Turkish, of the 1819 Constannnople dion of Anistorle's Phystognomames (Oxford: Tavlor Inst ‘ution Library) ~ Leter of commendation of a ‘priest of the Philki Exaina, 1819 (National Historical Museum, Athens) 4 3B 6 “The hanging by che Turks ofthe Ecumentcal Patriarch Grigonos V tn April x833 (National Historical Museum, Athens) ‘The arrival of Lord Byron in Mesolongt in Januaey 1824, a8 depicted by Theodoros Vevzakss. Source: Fant-Mana Tsigakou, Lord Byron m Greece (Athens: The Brinsh Council. 1987) ‘Nikitas the Turk-eater at the Bactle of Dervenakia, August 18 Source: Peter von Hess, Die Befreneng Graechenlande m 39 Bilder (Atunich: 1852-9) “The assassination of President Kapodisteas m Nafption, October 1851 (Benaki Museum, Athens) “The Athenian café Oraua Ellas n the 18305 (National Historical ‘Museum, Athens) Hadji Oustes tordanoglow of Cappadocia and bis son Homer by Photis Kentoglou 1927. Source: Nikos Zias, ed. Photis Kontoglow anadromiki elthest, 1986 (Thessaloniki: Makedoniko Kensro Senkhromis Tekhmis, 1986) A portable 1eon of the ‘neo-martyr’ George the Younger (1838). iomadites zographos. 65 laikor zogra- phot apo to khorio Kinomades ts Iperro (Athens: Melissa, n.d.) ‘A very Greek coup. The coup of 3 September 1843 sn Athens (Nanonal Histoncal Museum, Athens) ‘The Greck volunteer legion at the siege of Sebastopol during che Crimean wat (Benaki Museum, Athens) A Daumier carcoon satinsing Greece's indebtedness to the Great Powers, Source: . V. Markezinis, Politik stone tis synkbronow Ellados. | a Ellniki dintokratia 2924-1935, 1 (Athens: Papytos, 1978) ‘The beigands responsible for the Dilesst murders in April 1870 (Genaki Museum, Athens) ‘The excavation of the Corinth canal un the mid-1880s (Benaki Museum, Athens) ‘The Greck representatives at the Congress of Berlin 1878. Source xcons tow Ellsnkon etivous, xin (Athens: Ekdotiki Athinon, vez) 6 "8 2 6 8 6 66 6 2 as 26 » 8 » an Ps 3B Mbustratrons Captain Vardas and a group of Makedonomakhor c. 1904 (Greek Literary and Historical Atchive, Athens) ‘A bar in Piraeus towards the end of the nineteenth century (Greek Literary and Historical Archive, Athens) ‘The Academy of Athens under construction in the 1880s (Beaaki ‘Museum, Athens) Greek mercantile grandees in Alexancina inthe 880s. Source: . A, Zannas, ed., Arkhero tis P. S. Delta, tt P. 5, Delta protes denthymses (Athens: Erm, x98) Panagis Koutalianos, the New Hercles, painted on the wall ofthe bakery in Velentza, near Volos by Theophilos (x9z0). Source: Maria Kynigou-Phlaboura, Theophilos. Malamatemos argaleros i elephantemo ktemi (Athens: Exantas, 1579) “The discreet charm of the Ostoman Greek bourgeoisie’: the Eygenidis/Zarifi wedding in 1905. Source: Mihail-Dimite Sturdza, Diconnaire historique et généalogique des grandes familles de Grice, d’Albanse ot de Constentmople (Paris; The Author, 1983) A popular engraving depicung the liberation of Chios i November 1912 (National Historical Museum, Athens) ‘An election in Saionica in r915. Source: Michael Llewellyn-Smith, oman vision. Greece m Asia Minor 1919-1922 (London: Allen Lane, 1973) The Greck Parchenagogeion, Ushak, Asia Minor 1921 (War ‘Museum, Athens) Refugees crowding the burning waterfront of Smyma in Sep- tember 1922 (War Muscum, Athens) The ‘Trial of the Six', November 1922 (Greek Literary and Historical Archive, Athens) (a) Anti- and (b) pro-Venizelos propaganda postcards. Source: S. YV. Markezinis, Politi istoria tis synbhronou Ellados | @ Eliniki dimokratia 1324-1935, ut (Athens: Papycos, 1978) (Greek Literary and Historical Archive, Athens) ” 7s 2 8 96 98 194 | i I 34 3B 6 7 8 9 rr ry “ 6 46 Mlstrations Eleftherios Venizelos with his grandson (Greek Literary and Historical Archive, Athens) [A Greek wedding in Salt Lake City, Utah in ager (Urah State Historical Society) ‘The poet CP. Cavafy at home n Alexandria (Photo K. Megaloko: nomou) ‘Venielse officers on trial following the attempted coup of March 1955. Source: storia fou Ellinikow etbnous, xv (Athens: Ekdotiki Athinon, 1978) General loannis Metaxas recerrng the fasas salute (Greek Liter- ary and Historical Archive, Athens) [A propaganda poster from the Albanian campaiga, 1940. Source: Spyros Karakhestos, Ellinikes apbisses Greak posters (Athens: Kedros, 1984) (a) A viet of the famine of the winter of 1941/25 (6) A well stocked grocery in Athens in November 1944 (Benaki Museum, Athens; photo Voula Papaioannou: Life Picture Service: photo Dimitn Kessel) ‘Three women guerrillas, 1944. Source: Costa G. Couvaras, Photo album of the Greek resistance (San Francisco: Wire Press, 1978) Four young Greek Jews, Salonica, February 1943 (Jewish Museum of Greece) ‘The Political Committee of National Liberation in ‘Free Greece" 1944. Source: Spyros Meleris, Me rous andartes sta vouna (Ath- ens: 1976) ‘Winston Churchill with Archbishop Damaskinos of Athens, soon tobe regent of Greece, Dec. 1944 (Impecial War Museum, London) King Paul and Queen Frederica visit Makronisos prison camp, 1947 (Phoro. Associated Piess) Generai James van Fleet cracking Easter eggs with General (later Marshal) Alexandros Papagos, 1949 (War Museum, Athens) (2) Greek and Turkish troops fraternise on manoeuvres, 29553 (b) the Patriagch Athinagoras in the ruins of the church of the 14 a6 na B67 130 134 ne 144 f ” se st se Panaghia Veligeadion, Istanbul, 1955 (National Archives and Records Service, Washington, DC, Photo: D. Kaloumenos) Archbishop Makarios of Crprus with General Georgios Grivas and Nikos Sampson, 1959. Source: Stanley Maves, Makanos: « biography (London: Macmillan, 1981) Yannis Tsarouchis: Sailor ov w punk buckground (2955). Source Theophilos Komoglou Ghika Tssrouchis. Four puimters of 20th century Greece (London: Wildenstei, 1975) ‘The student occupation of the Athens Polytechnic, November 4973. Source: Giannis Phatss, Polviekhinero ‘73. Exegers. Katee lip, Eisvoli (Athens: Kastanvoti, 1983) Andreas Papandreau being sworn an as prime minister in 1981 be Archbishop Serapheim of Athens, i the presence of President Konstantinos Karamanlis (Greek Ministry of Press and lnfor~ mation) Stelios Papathemelis, Nikolaos Maris, Bishop Ezekiel of el bourne and the Australian prime minister, Boh Hawke, 1» Mel bourne, Source: Makedoniki Zor, April 1988, The Greok East ‘The expansion of the Greck state, 1852-1949 Relief map of Greece ‘The outcome of the Balkan wars, 912-15, ‘The geography of the National Schism; ‘Ole and “New Greece in 1926/47 Greece in Asia Minot, rgig-22 ‘The pattern of refugee settlement during the itce-wiar period ‘The German, Iealian and Bulgarian zones af oecupation in #941 The Aegean dispute Electoral and administrative districts 136 38 166 186 195 By 43 6 8 PREFACE 1 vext has benefited greatly from the crineal seruuiny of my frend an colleague Dr Lan Bacon and savas, of Mary Jo Clogs To both 1am mach indebted. 1 am also very grateful ro the following for help in connection with the illustrations: Guy Evans, Manos Haruatos, David Howells, Dimitrios Kaloumenos, Paschalis Kitromi- lidis, John Koliopoulos, F. Konstantinou, Nikos Linardatos, J. C. Mazarakis, Georgios Mountalas, Helen Zeese Papanikolas, Nikos Seavroulakis, Fani-Mania Tsigakou, K. Varfis and Malcolm Wagstaff March 1092 L Introduction All countries are burdened by their history, bur the past’ weighs particularly heavily on Greece. Ics still, regrettably, a commonplace to talk of ‘modern Greece’ and of ‘modern Greck’ as though ‘Greece’ and ‘Greck” must necessarily refer to the ancient world. The burden of antiguity has been both a boon and a bane. The degree to which the language and culture ofthe ancient Greek world was revered through ) out Earope (and, inden the infane Unie Stees whee anc Greek was almost adopted as the offial language) during the critical decades of the national revival in the early nineteenth century was 2 vital factor in sumulating in the Greeks themselves, or at least inthe | nationalist intelligentsia, a consciousness that they were the heirs to a heritage that was universally admired. Such an awareness had scarcely enusted during the centuries of Ostoman rule and this ‘sense of che / past’, imported from western Europe, was a major constituent iy thr development of the Gresk national movement, contributing signifi cantly 0 its precocity in relation to other Balkan independence movements. The heritage of che past was also important in exciting the interest of liberal, and indeed of conservative, opinion inthe fate of the insurgent Greeks. In the 18205, even such an unreconstructed pillar of the traditional order as Viscount Castlereagh. the British foreign secretary, was moved to ask whether ‘those, in admiration of whom wwe have been edueated, be doomed come, the miserable existence to which circumstances have reduced them’, Indeed such attitudes have persisted to the present. During the debate in the British parliament in 1980 over ratification of Greek +10 drag out, for all me to membership of the European Community, a foreign office minister tnoned that Greece's entry would be scen as a “feting repayment by the Europe of today of the cultural and politcal debe that we all owe to a Greek heritage almost three thousand years old’ That an obsession with past glories should have developed 1s, in the imstances, scarcely surprising. Progonoplexia, of ‘ancestoriis has been characteristic of so much of the countey’s cultural life and has sven rise to the ‘language question’, the interminable, and at times violent, controversy over the degree co which che spoken language of the people should be ‘purified’ to render it more akin to the supposed ileal of ancient Greek, Generations of schoolchildren have. been forced to wrestle with the complexines of the katharevous _/, busifying! form of the language. Only as recently as 1976 was the demotc, or spoken language, formally declared to be the official language of the state and of education, One result of this change, however, is that the new generation of Greeks does not find it easy to read books written in katharevousa, which comprise perhaps 90 per cent of the total non-fiction book production of the independent state Early Greek nationalists looked for inspiration exclusively to the 7 classical past, When, in the 18305, the Austrian historian J. P. Fallmerayer case doubt on one of the founding precepts of modern Greck nationalism, namely that the modern Greeks are the lineal descendants of the ancient, he aroused outrage among the intelligent sia of che fledgeling state. The first American mmnister to the mndepen- dnt state, Charles Tuckerman, an acute observer of mid-mineteenth- century Greck society, observed that the quickest way to reduce an Athemian professor to apoplexy was to mention the name of Fallmer- Ger Gi ae Wet eli fgets (‘er Gres mate, brane pat Nissen Ree ee nce, the most influential figure of the pre-independence intellectual revival, despised what he dismussed as the priest-ridden abseurantism of Byzantium. Indced, he once said that to read as much as a smgle page of a particular Byzantine author was enough to bring on an attack of gout. Ir was only towards che middle of the ineteenth century chat Konstantinos Paparrigopoulos, a professor of history in the University of Athens, formulated an interpretation of Greek history which linked the ancient, medieval and modern periods in a single continuum, Subsequent, mainstream Greck historiography has lad great empha sis on such continunty. By the end of the century the rediscovery and rehabilitation of the Byzantine past was complete as intellectuals looked more to the glories of the Byzantine Empire than to classical antiquity in justifying the irredentist project of the ‘Great Idea’, This fication of all areas of Greek setclement vision, which aspired tothe unification ofall areas of Greck setleme an the Near East within the bounds of single stare with ts eapital in Constantinople, dominated the andependent state dung the frst Ifthe nascent intelligentsia of the independence period looked upon the classical past with a reverence that matched cheir contempt for Byzantium, 1 had no me at all for the heritage of 4oo years of ‘Ottoman rule. Korais, indeed, declared in his autobiography that an fs vocabulary ‘Turk’ and ‘wild east’ were synonymous. Yet the period of the Tourkokratia, or Turkish rule, had a profound influence in shaping the evolution of Greck society. Ottoman rule had the effect of isolating the Greck world from the great historical movements such as the Renaissance, the Reformation, the seventeenth-century scien- tif revolution, the Enlightenment and the French and Industnial Revolutions that so influenced the historical evolution of western Europe, For much of the period the boundartes of the Ottoman Empire in Europe broadly comeided with those between Orthodoxy and Catholicism. The conservatism of the hierarchy of the Orthodox Church reinforced this isolation. As late as the 1790s, for instance, Greek eleries continued to denounce the ideas of Copernicus and to argue that the sun revolved around the earth. This conservatism was reinforced by an anti-westernism that had its roots in a profound burterness at the way sn which Catholic Europe had sought to impose papal supremacy as the price of military help as the Byzantine Empire confronted the threat of rhe Ottoman Turks. “The eapricrousness of Otcoman rule and the weakness of the idea of the tule of law helped to shape the underiving values of Greek soctety and to determine attitudes t0 che state and to authority that have persisted imo the present. One form of self-defence against such) arbitrariness was £0 secure the protection of highly placed patrons who could mediate with those in positions of power and privilege. “This was coupled with a distrustful attude towards those outside the catcle of the extended family. The need for patrons continued into the / / ~ 4 A concise bistory of Greece new state and, once constitutional government had been established, +> parliamentary deputies became the natural focus for clintelist rela. tions, which pervaded the whole of society. In return for their support at the hustings voters expected those for whom they had voted to help ‘hem and their families to find jobs, preferably an the inflated stare sector, the only secure source of employment in an underdeveloped economy, and to intercede with a generally obstructive bureaucracy, Rouspbeti, the reciprocal dispensation of favours that has tradition. ally oiled the wheels of society, and mesa, the connections that are useful, indeed indispensable, in many aspects of daily life, were both reinforced during the period of Turkish rule. ‘The Greeks are a people of te diaspora. It was during the period of ‘Ottoman rule chat patterns of emigration developed that have con- tinued inco modern times. Even before the emergence of a Greck state Greek merchants established during the late eighteenth century a mercantile empire in the eastern Mediterranean, in the Balkans and as far afield as India. In the nineteenth cencury migration developed apace to Egypt, to southern Russia and atthe end ofthe century tothe United States. initially, these migrants to the New World were almost d exclusively male. They were driven by poor economic prospects at hhome and, for the most part, intended to spend only few years abroad before returning permanently to their motherland. Most, however, stayed in their country of immigration. The emigrant flow ‘was limited by restrictive US legislation during the inter-war period, when Greece herself welcomed within her borders over a million refugees from Asia Minor, Bulgaria and Russia. Emigration once again got under way on a large scale after the Second World War. Prior to the ending of US quota restrictions in the mid-r960s much of this new wave of emigration was to Australia, where Melbourne, with a Greck community of over 200,000, had by the r980s emerged as one of the principal centres of Greek population in the world. The post- war period also saw large-scale movement of Greeks to western Europe, and in particular to West Germany, as ‘guest-warkers’. In the course of time many of these returned, using their hard-won capital for the most part to set up small-scale enterprises in the service sector. For a considerable number, however, the status of Gastarbetter took on # more or less permanent nature, Xeniteia,o sojourning in foreign parts, on either a permanent or Introduction 5 temporary basis has thus been central to the historical experience of the Greeks in modern times. As a consequence the relationship of the / ‘communities overseas with che homeland has been of critical import- ‘ance throughout the independence period. The prospect ofthe election of Michael Dukakis, a second-generation Greek-Amencan, as prest- dent of the United States in 1988 naturally aroused great excitement in Greece and, inevitably perhaps, unrealistic expectations. His emerg- ence as the Democratic presidential candidate focused attention on the rapid acculturation of Greek communities abroad to the norms of the hhost society and highlighted the contrast between the effectiveness of Greeks outside Greece and the problems they experienced at home in developing the efficient and responsive infrastructure of a modern state. The existence of such large populations of Greek origin outside the boundaries of the state raises in an acute “orm the question of what ‘constitutes ‘Greekness' ~ presumably not language, for many in the / second and third generation know little or no Greek. Religion 1s, clearly a factor, but again there is a high incidence of marriage outside the Orthodox Church among Greeks of the emigration. in 119 of the 363 weddings performed at the Greek church of Portland, Oregon, berween 1965 and 1977 one of the partners was not of Greek descent. Ie seems that ‘Greekness’ 1s something that a person is born with and can no more easily be lost than it can be acquired by those nor of Greek ancestey In the United States, in particular, the existence of a substantial, prosperous, articulate and well-educated community of Americans of Greck descent is seen as a resource of increasing importance by politictans in the homeland, even ifthe political clout attribused to the “Greek lobby’ is sometimes exaggerated, particularly by ts opponents. Despite some successes Greek-Americans have had relatively litle effect in generating pressure on Turkey to withdraw from northern Cyprus and in negating the tendency of successive US administrations to “til in favour of Turkey in the continuing Greek-Turkish ambrogli. Outsiders are inclined to dismiss Greek fears of perceived Turkash expansionisin as exaggerated. But those who argue that the facts of geography condemn the two countries, which in the 1970s and 198s more than once came to the brink of war, to friendship, fail to rake account of the historical roots of present-day antagonisms and of the ‘extreme sensitivity to perceived threats to national sovereignty that / can arise an countries whose frontiees have only relatively recently been established. Whereas che heartland of ‘Old’ Greece has enjoved at least a notional independence since the 18308, lange areas of the resent Greck state have only been incorporated within living memory. The Dodecanese islands became sovereign Greek territory as recently as 1947, while many of the other Aegean islands, together with Macedonia, Epirus and Thrace, were absorbed only on the eve of the First World War. Konstantinos Karamanlis, elected president for the second time in 1990, was born in 1907 an Ottoman etrizen, Geographically, Greece 1s at once a Balkan and a Mediterranean country. Its access co the sea has given rise to greater contacts with the West than its land-locked Balkan neighbours. It was, indeed, in che eighteenth century that the foundations were laid of 2 mercantile marine thac in the second hall ofthe twentieth century had emerged 35 the largest m the world, even ifs seable proportion of it sailed under flags of convenience. Greece's Orthodox and Oxtoman heritage had, however, for many centuries cut 1t off from the mainstream of European history. The country’s sdentity as a Euro uncertain, Indeed, from the earliest days of independence Gre talked of travelling ro Europe as though their country was not an fact European. Such uncertainty gave Greece's accession to the European Community asi tenth member n 198% a particular significance, for, aside from the perceived economae and politcal benefits of accession, 1 seemed to set the seal in an unambiguous way on her "European ness’, The Greck national movement had been remarkable in that it was the first to develop in a non-Christian environment, that of the Ottoman Empire. One hundred and fifty years later, Greece's full membership of the European Community was significant in that she Was the first country with a heritage of Orthodox Christianity and Ottoman rule and with a pattern of historical development that marked her out from the existing members to enter the Community ‘The process of the reintegration of Greece tnto ‘the common European home’ forms a major theme of this book. 2 Ottoman rule and the emergence of the Greek state 1770-1831 Constantinople, the ‘City’ as sr was known in the Greek world, fell the Ottoman Turks after a lengthy stege on 29 May 1453. This was a ) Tuesday, a day of the week that continues to be regarded as of ill’ ‘omen by Greeks. The capture of this great bastion of Christian civilisation against Islam sent shock waves throughout Chnstendom, bat the reaction of the mhabitants of the pitiful remnant of the once mighty empire was ambiguous. The great bulk of the Orthodox Christan populations of the eastern Mediterranean had long pre- viously fallen under Ottoman cule. Moreover, inthe dying days of the Byzannine Empie, the Grand Duke Loukas Notaras had declared that he would rather that the turban of the Turk prevailed in the ‘City than the mitre of che Catholic prelate. In this he reflected the feelings fof many of his Orthodox co-retigionists who resented the way in which western Christendom had sought to browbeat the Orthodox ino accepting papal supremacy as the price of military assistance in confronting the Turkish threat. There were bitter memories, c00, of the sack of Constantinople in 1204 as a result of the diversion of the Fourth Crusade. At least the Orthodox Cheistian pliroma, or flock, could now expect, as ‘People of the Book’, to enjoy under the Ottoman Turks the untrammelled exercise of their faith with no pressure to bow before the hated Latins. ‘rhe fall of the Byzantine Empice, indeed, was widely perceived as forming part of God's dispensation, as a punishment for the manifold sins of the Orthodox. Jn any case the Orcoman yoke was not expected to last for long. It was widely believed thar the end of the world would come about at the end 8 A concise history of Greece Ottoman rule and the birth of state 9 F BUNGARYS Bossy + TRANSYLVANIA ad oe WALLACHL Bucharest Map 1 The Greek East. Greek communities have been vwidely scactered throughout the Near and Middle Ease m modern nes. of the seventh millenmum since Creation, which was caleulated as the year 1492. After 1453 the Ottomans gradually consolidated their hold over the few areas of the Greek world chat were not already within their grasp. ‘The pocket empire of Trebizond, on che south-eastern shores of the Black Sea, which had been established as a consequence of the Fourth Crusade, was overrun an 1461. Rhodes was captured in 1522, Chios and Naxos in 1566, Cyprus in 1571, and Crete, known as the ‘Great Island’, fell after a twenty-year stege in 1659. The fonian islands (with the exception of Levkas) largely escaped Ottoman tule. Corfu the largest, never fell to the Turks. The islands remained as Venetian dependencies until 1797, when they passed under French, Russian and British rule, constituting a British protecrorate between r8r5 and 186 The Ortoman Turks, nomadic warriors by origin, were confronted vith the cask of ruling avast agglomeration of peoples and faiths that embraced much of the Balkan peninsula, north Africa and the Middle East. This they accomplished by grouping populations tex milets literally ‘nations’) which were constituted on the basis of religious confession rather than ethnic origin. Beside the ruling Muslim mullet, there was the Jewish millet, che Gregorian Armenian millet, the Catholic miller (even, m the nineteenth century, a Protestant millet) and finally the Orchodox muller, the largest alter the Muslim. ‘The rillts enjoyed a wide degree of admnistrative autonomy and were ruled over by their respective religious authorities. The Ottoman / Totks called the Orthodox the mullet-: Rum, of ‘Greek’ millet, This was something of a misnomer for, besides the Grecks, embraced all the Orthodox Christians of the Empire, whether they were Bulgarian, Romanian, Serb, Viach (a nomadie people scattered throughout the Balkans and speaking a form of Romanian), Albanian or Arab. But the ‘ecumenical patriarch of Constantinople, who was the senior patriarch fof the Orthodox Church and the miller bashr (head of the mille, together with the higher reaches of the Church hierarchy, through which he admunstered it, were invariably Greek. With the growth of /rationaliem in the nineteenth century, thie Greek dominance of the Orthodox millet increasingly came 10 be resented by sts non-Greek ‘members and the hitherto seamless robe of Orthodoxy was rent by the establishment of national Churches. The millet system sn its classical form did not develop until quite late and the precise nature of the privileges granted by Sultan Mehmet the Conqueror ro the Orthodox Church immediately after the con: quest are not clear. The original rman, the document in which these were vouchsafed, was lost and Mehmer's concessions to the Church had to be reconstructed in 1520 on the basis of the testimony of three aged members of the sultan's yanissary guard who had been present neatly seventy years before when Mehmet had allowed the Grecks to keep their churches. Mchmet chose Georgios Gennadios Scholarios as the first patriarch under the Ottoman dispensation. This choice was ‘welcome to many for Gennadios had been a staunch opponent of the union of the Orthodox and Catholic Churches and it was clearly in Mehmer’s interest to perpetuate this traditional hostility. The power ‘and privileges of the Orthodox Church were more extensive under the ‘Ottoman sultans than they had been under the Byzantine emperors. Moreover, the patriarch's authonty over the Orthodox faithful extended beyond strictly religious affarrs ro che regulation of many aspects of everyday life. So much so, indeed, that Orthodox Christians would for the most part have had many more dealings with their own religious authorities than with Ottoman officialdom. The auid pro quo for the granting of such a high degree of communal autonomy was that the patriarch and the hierarchy were expected to act as guarantors ofthe loyalty of the Orthodox faithful to the Ottoman state. When the sultan’s authority was challenged then the hierarchs of the Church, in their role as both religious and civil leaders, were the prime targets for reprisals. Thus it was that, on the outbreak of the war of independence mm 1821, the ecumenical patriarch, Grigorios V, together with a number of other religious and ‘vil leaders, was executed in circumstances of particular brutality. His hanging outraged opinion in Christian Europe, and indeed helped ro mobilise sympathy for the insurgent Greeks. But to the Ottomans, Grigorios had manifestly failed in his primary duty, that of ensuring, the loyalty ofthe farthful to the sultan. When the Russtan ambassador protested about the execution, the reis efendi, the Ottoman foreign numer, varly observed dhat a Russian our, Pew dhe Great, lad actually abolished the office of patriarch 1n his country. The concentration of power, civil as well as religious, inthe hands of the Church led to furtous nvaines for high office, These were encouraged by the Ottoman authontties, for the grand vezir, che A concise history of Greece 1 The fall of Constantinople, as depicted by Panayions Zographos mn a series of paintings of scenes from the war of independence, commissioned in the mid-r830s by General ‘Makeiyannis, a veteran of the war. Against the background of, the city of Constantinople, the victorious sultan, anachron- ssucally smoking a hookah, declines the gifts proffered by the clergy and prominent citizens, and orders that they be placed tunder the yoke. In the distance, those who have refused to subrat have taken to the hill, pursued by Oxtoman troops. In the bottom left comer the embodiment of enslaved Grosee in chains, points a reproachful finger at the tyrant. Immediately above, Rigas Velestnlis, che proto-martyr of the independence move- ‘ment executed by the Turks 1n 1798, sous the seeds of Greece's eventual freedom. He ¢ fanked by one of the Klfts, che bandits ‘who, inthe popular imagination, symbolised a form of primitive national resistance during the period of the Towrkokratia, the centuries of Turkish rule. Makriyannis commissioned the series cof twenty-five pictures, whose robust rigour marches that of his ‘own prose, to correct what he considered to be the lies and discorcions of certain historians. They are accompanied by derailed captions giving his version of events surrounding many (of the major battles of the war. Panayiotis Zographos, the artist, hhad himeelf ralcen parc i the war and his two sons helped make Ottoman rule and the birth of the state B sultan’s chief minister, became the recipient of a vast peshkesh, or bribe, each time that the office of patriarch changed hands, To recoup the payment the patriarch himself was obliged to accept bribes and the ‘Church thus became enmeshed 1m the institutionalised rapacity and corruption that was endemic to the Ottoman system of government. in? theory a patriarch enjoyed life tenure of his throne but it was not unknown for the same individual co hold office on more than one occasion. Indeed, during the later seventeenth century Dionysios IV Mouselimis was elected patriarch no less than five times, while the national martyr’, Grigorios V, was executed during his third patri- archate. Small wonder that the gibe of an eighteeath-century Arme- ran banker that "you Grecks change your patriarch more often than your shirt’ struck home uncomfortably. Nor was st surprising that over the centuries a strong current of popular anti-clercalism, prompted by the exactions ofthe Church and the greed of many of the clergy, came int existence. In the decades before 821 this coalesced swith the resentment of the nascent nationalist intelligentsia at the extent to which the higher reaches of the Church hierarchy had ‘identified their imcerests with those of the Otoman state. The argu- ‘ment advanced by the Patriarch Anthimos of Jerusalem in 1798 that Christians should not challenge the established order because the ‘Orroman Empire had been raised up by God to protect Orthodoxy from the taint of the heretteel, Catholic West was by no means uuntypical of the views of the hierarchy at large. ur Lord ... raised out of nothing this powerful Empire of the Ortomans in the place of our Roman [Byzantine] Empire which had begun, uncertain ways, to deviate from the belief ofthe Orthodox fath, and He eased up che Empire ‘of the Ottomans higher than any other Kingdom so 35 fo show without doubt that i eame about by Divine Will. Anthimos, Patriarch of Jerusalem, Didaskelie Patri (Patemal Exhortation} 1788) Caption for Plate 3 (cont) the copies. Four sets were made, and in 289 these were presented by Makeriyannis ara great banguet m Athens ta King Otto and t0 the ministers ofthe ‘Protecting Powers’ ofthe newly independent Greck state, Britain, France and Russia, The British ser is still preserved in Windsor Castle 4 A concise history of Greece Notwithstanding the fact that, in keeping with Islamic tradition, the Greek raya (literally flock) enjoyed under Ottoman rule a con siderable degree of religious freedom, they were nonetheless subject, to a number of disabilities which emphasised their inferior status in Se Oxoman order of things. The word of a Christan was not { acceped am court agains thot of a Muslin, nor could a Christan marry a Muslim, A Christian might nor bear arms and in lieu of ) miliary service was required so pay a special tx, the burad) (in practice this was a privilege if an unintended one). Until the demise {of the institution towards the end of the seventeenth century, the { mos feared disability was the pardomuzoma (literally child gath sng) or janissary levy. This was the obligation, imposed at irregular incervals, on Christian families in che Balkans to surrender their best: Tooking and most intelligent children for service to the Ottoman state a elite soldiets or bureaucrats. The requirement on those conscripted to convert to Islam, apostasy from which invariably resulted in death, was particularly feared, Bur because the levy did afford the oppor- tunity for children from poor backgrounds to rise to the very highest echelons of the Ottoman state structuce there were mnstances of Muslim parents trying to pass their children off as Christians so as 10 be eligible for the levy. Moreover, highly placed janisaries were sometimes able to show favours to relatives or to their native villages. The vanous forms of discrimination ro whieh Christians were subjeety when coupled with particularly harsh creatment by local roman authorities, could lead £0 conversion, individual oF mass, co Islam. In such instances, which were particularly common sn the seventeenth century in the remoter regions of the Empire, it as not unknown for Christians outwardly to subscribe to the tenets of Islam, while secretly adhering to the precepts and pracaces of Orthodox Christianity. When, in the mid-nineteenth century, the Ortoman Porte (as the centsal government vas known), under pressure from the Christan Powers, formally espoused the notion of the equality of Muslims and Christians, many of these ‘erypto-Christians’ revealed cheir true religious allegiance, fo the consternation of thei erstwhile Muslim co-eligionsss The effec ofthese vanous forms of discrimination was mitigated in Ottoman rude and the birth of the state 5 practice by the fact that, particularly in remote mountainous regions, the control exercised by the Ottoman central government was sketchy. ‘The Agrapha villages in the Pindos mountains, for instance, were £0 called because they were “unwriten’ in the imperial eax registers. Other Greek-inhabiced regions of the Empire, such as the prosperous masuc-growing island of Chios, enjoyed particular privileges and immunities, ‘The stxteenth and seventeenth centuries were something of a ‘dark age’ an the history of the Greek people. Armenians (regarded by the ), Turks as the ‘faithful’ millet) and Jews had not been compromised by resistance to Ottoman conquest and at this ime enjoyed more favour than the Greeks. From time to time, however, Greeks emerged into prominence. One such was Sheytanoglou (the ‘Son of the Devil’), a descendant of the great Byzantine family of the Kantakouzenot. His control of the fur trade and of the imperial salt monopoly resulted in the amassing of a fortune large enough for him ro equip sixty galleys for the sultan’s navy. This oversmighty subject was, however, to-be executed 19 1578, Even during this darkest period in the fortunes of the Greeks there were sporadic revolts against Orcoman rule. Uprisings on the main- land and in the islands of the Archipelago were prompted by the crushing defeat inflicted on the Oxtoman navy by a fleet under the command of Don John of Austria at che Battle of Lepanto in 1571. In 164rt a shortlived revolt was launched in Epicus by Dionrsios Skylosophos. Although the prolonged war of 1645-69 between Venice and the Otcoman Empire had resulted in the fall of Cree, nonetheless the Venetian occupation of the Peloponnese between 1684 and 1715 demonstrated that Ortoman power was not invincible Moreover, throughout the period of the Tourkokratie, the Ales afforded 2 visible and suggestwe example of pre-nationalist armed resstance to the Turks. The Alefts were essentially bandits whose depeedations were ditected against Greeks and Turks alike. Bus their} aviachs un suth visible symbuls of Ottoman power as cax collecrors ) Jed to there being. seen in the popular imagination as the defenders of } the oppressed Greck riyu against their Muslim overlords and to their) being credited with almost superhuman powers of bravery and 16 A concise history of Greece 2A seventeenth-contury engraving of the Greek church of ‘Aghios Georgios [St George] and of the Phlanginion Phrontistr= ton, of College, im Venice. With ws large Greek community, ‘Venice was an important centre of Greck commercial, religious and cultural activity during the Torikokratia, In 254 the Greeks ‘were granted permission to build thetr own church and the Greek Bishop in the city enjoyed the nile of Metropolitan of Philadel- phia in Asia Minor. In 1665 the Phlangouo Pbronuistenom, founded with a lavish benefaction from Thomas Phlanginis, a former president of the community, opened its doors to prepare young Greeks for study at the Unversity of Padua. Catholic Venice's relative tolerance of Orthodox 'schismatics' led to the ‘ity becoming for a long period the main eenere of printing for the Orthodox world. Almost all the service books used in churches throughout the Orroman Empire were printed in the cry, while a lively commercial trade developed in secular litera- ture, The Serenssima Repubblica of Venice ruled over the one area of the Greek world free of Ottoman rule, the Fontan islands ‘Thece compeised Corfu [Kerkyrs], Cephalonia, Zakynthor {Zante}, Cythera, Levkas [Lefkada|, Ithaca and Paxos. Corfu never fell to the Ortomane. The other sands had only a very brief experience of Ottoman rule, with the exception of Levkas, Ottoman rule and the burth of the state 7 endurance. In an effort to control brigandage, and to ensure the safety of the mountain passes that were essential for the maintenance of ) trade and imperial communications, the Ottomans established Chris- tian militia forces known as armatolos. The existence of such armed formations of Greeks, the one outside the law and the other within 1 (although boundartes between che ewo were never rigid), meant that by the ime of the outbreak of the struggle for independence in the 28205 the Grecks were beneficiaries of a long, if erratt, tradition of | irregular warfare, During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the prospect of throwing off the Oxtoman yoke appeared remote indeed. Such aspirations as existed among che Greeks for an eventual restoration ‘of ‘their race of princes co the throne and possession of Constan- tinople’ were enshrined i a body of prophetic and apocalyptic beliefs which held out the hope of an eventual deliverance nor through fhuman ageney but through divine intervention. These reflected the persistence of Byzantine modes of thought which saw all human endeavour as constituting part of the divine dispensation. Particular credence was attached to the legend of the xanthon genos, a fair- haired race of liberators from the north, who were widely identified with the Russians, the only Orthodox people not in thrall to the Ottomans. Bur there was little feeling that the Greek people could hope to bring about their emancipation by virtue of their own efforts, Caption for Plate 3 (cont). Which for some 200 years formed part of the sultan’s domains. ‘After the fall of the Venetian republic m 1797 the islands came under vatious forms of French, Russian and British rule before being united with the kingdom of Greece in 1864, Between 1203 and 1669 Crete also formed part of the Venetian Empire and witnessed a great Mlowermg of Greck literature which was much influenced by Italian models. Ix was also the birthplace of the unter Domenikae Theotokopovlos, better known as El Greco. Alter the fall ofthe ‘Great Island? of Crece to the Turks in 166, following a twenty-year siege, the lonran islands remeined window onto the West for the Greeks 18 A concise history of Greece Ottoman rule and ebe bir of the state 19 ‘We hone for the fatshatred races to deliver us, To come from Moscow, to save us. We trust in the oracles, wn false prophecies, And we waste our time on such vanities. ‘We place our hope un the norch wind ‘To take the snare of she Tutk from upon us. Macthavos, Metropolitan of Myra (Seventeenth cesrury) During the course of the eighteenth century, however, there were a. / number of highly significant changes in the nature of Gresk society “These encouraged some bold spirits among the Greeks to plan for a war of liberation against the Turks, But chey faced enormous difficult- sie oe t ics n persuading thesr fellow countrymen, who were either facalist-( cally resigned to their Jor or were too comfortably wedded to the } existing status quo to contemplate resistance, that there schemes were ) other than fantasti. lt was towards the end of the eighteenth century |, that the first strings of the national movement began to manifest themselves. This was ultimately to result m the emergence of an, albeit ‘Caption for Plate § (cont) securing ther freedom ether through the intervention of the Chnetian powers or through s successful revolt were very distant, but hopes were sustained by a corpus of prophene beliefs which enjoved widespread currency chroughour she Orthodox world. These promised eventual liberation from the voke of the Oromans through divine providence rather than human action. One such, the legend of the Marmaromenos Vasilis (he “Emperor turned snto Marble’), held char Consean tune Pslaologos, as he was abour to be struck down by 2 Tur had been scized by an angel and taken t0 a cave near the Kbnysoporta\the "Golden Gate, one ofthe gaces of Constant opie, and turned snro marble. There he awaited the day when the angel would return ro arouse him, whereupon he would 3 Constantine XI Palaiologos, the last emperor of Byzantium, depicted as the ‘Emperor turned mto Marble’ an a sixteenth ‘century manuserips ofthe Oraeiegatteihuted tn che Emporar Fen the Wise, Constantine fell ghting alongside his troupe in defence ‘of Constantinople on a9 May 1453. This was a Tuesday, aday of the week that remains of ill omen in the Greck world. Dusing the Jong centuries of the Towrkokvatar the prospects of the Greeks (Red Apple Tree’), 1 central Asia. Such beliefs gamed parvcw lar evedence at the time of the Rusto-Turkish war of 1761-74, | i cups the Turks to ther reputed birhpice, the KoRn Mila I i for the Oracles areributed to Leo the Wise were held to foretell the liberation af Constancinople from the Turks 320 vears after us fall, .¢. 19 1775. Although the war did not bring about the hoped-for emancipasion, belie in the prophecies continued to be widespread into modeen umes 20 A concise history of Greece Ottoman rule and the'birth of the state a severely truncated, independent state inthe 1830s. The development of «encouraging indication to the Greeks of the degree to which the power this movement has a particular interest as at was not only the first of the Ottoman central government had declined by the eighteenth \ national movement to develop in eastern Europe bur the first to century. ¢ Gmerge m a non-Christian context, that ofthe Ottoman Empire The Paradoxically, the process of Oxtoman decline was ro precipitate a // | reasons for this relative precocity are several. small but influential group of Greeks into positions of power in the There could have been no prospect of successfully sustaining a highest reaches of the Ottoman state. These were the Phanariots (so revolt if the Ottoman Empire had not been weakened militarily, named after the Phanar or Lighthouse quarter of Constantinople in (territorially and economically during the course of the eighteenth which the Ecumenical Patriarchate 1s situated), who were drawn century. The decline in the Empire's milicary capacities was symbot- from a handful of families of Greek or Hellenised Romanian and ised by the descent of the janissary corps from an elite fighting force to Albanian origin. The mounting external pressures on the Empire an hereditary caste, concerned only with maintaining sts power and meant that the Oxtorans could no longer, as they had at che zenith of privileges and, until its savage suppression by Sultan Mahmud Il in their power, dictate peace terms to defeated enemies. They now 1826, a permanent thorn in the side of the authority of the central needed skilled diplomats to salvage what they could from defeat. government. Military decline and the failure to adapt to changes in This role was filled by Phanariots who berween 1699, when the Peace | rnilitary technology rendered the Ottoman state increasingly open 10 of Carlowirz marked the first major retreat of Ottoman power ini external challenge, from Austria, from Persta and from Russia. From Europe, and the outbreak of the war for independence in 182x } the late seventeenth century the Empue’s territorial, and hence its monopolised the office of principal interpreter to the Porte, a more } ‘economic, base began to shrink. influential position in the conduct of Ottoman foreign policy than it) Pressure from the Russians, the “fair-haited race’ of the prophecies sounded. Phanariots also acted as interpreters to the Raptan pasha, or and the sole Orthodox power in the world, had a special resonance in admiral of the Ottoman flet, and in this capacity came to act as the the Greek lands. The great war of 1768-74 between Russia and the de facto governors of the islands of the Archipelago, from whose ‘Owoman Empire aroused particular excitement, for a prophecy Greek population many of the sailors in che Ottoman fleet were ateibuted to the Byzantine emperor Leo the Wise forecold the driving drawn, ‘out of the Turks from the ‘City’ of Constantinople 320 years after ws ‘The most important offices controlled by Phanriot® during the ( ‘capture, i. in x773. Although the Russians were henceforth to claim a aghteenth and early nineteenth centuries were those of bospoder, or i protectorate over all the Orthodox Christians of the Empire, the war j prince, of the Danubian principalities of Wallacia and Moldavia. in fact brought litle improvement in the lot of the raya, Despite this, \ ‘Over these, from their luxurious courts in Bucharest and Jassy,they $ many continued to set store by prophecies forcteling their eventual ruled as the viceroy of the Orcoman sultans. As was the case with high emancipation from the yoke of the Turks. office in the Church there was fierce and corrupt competion for these Retreat on the periphery was accompanied by serious threats to the much-coveted posts, the average cenure of which was less than theee integrity of the Empire as a unitary state, Anarchy, occasioned by years, Phanatiot rule was much resented by the Romanian inhabitants sjanissary indiscipline, in a nurmber of provincial cities was paralleled ‘of the Principalities but their reputation for capricious rapacity was {by che emergence of provincial war lords, nominal eubjecs of the not wholly deserved. A number of the hospodars proved to be / sultan who acted im many ways as independent rulers and who held «enlightened patrons of Greek culture and their courts became channels sway over large swathes of imperial territory. One of these an through which western ideas penetrated che far-flung Orthodox particular, the Muslim Albanian Ali Pasha, numbered many Greek ‘commonwealth that existed, and to a degree flourished, under Orto- inhabitants in the huge territories which he ruled from his eapical in man rule. Their courts, whtch were microcosms of the sultan's court Toannina in Epirus. The virtual independence of these satraps was an 13 Constantinople, provided a useful grounding in the art of politics, A concise bnstory of Greece rhe y NEA 4.4 paper ‘icon’, printed in Vienna sn 1798, depicting the ‘monastery of Aghiou Pavlou [Saint Paul] on Mune Athos. The Inscripnon at the foot of the engraving 1s printed in both Greck and Slavonic, for although most of the twenty monasteries are Greek, the monastic republic of Athos incuies Russtan, Serbian, Bulgarian and Romanian foundations and, under Otoman eu, attracted pilgrims from throughout the Orthodox common. wealth, Huge quanntes of such engravings of religious scenes ot Ottoman rule and che berth of the state 3 albsit ofthe convoluted kind practised inthe Oxtoman Empire. As the‘) nearest approximation to a Greck aristocracy, however, the Phan: tots largely identified their interests with the preservation of the | integrity of the Empice and few took an active part in the struggle for independence OF greater significance 1m the development of the national move- ment was the emergence in the course of che eighteenth century ofan cntreprencurial, widely dispersed and prosperous mercantile class, uch based outside as within the Oxcoman domains, Merchants of Greek origin oF culture came to dominase imperial trade, exporting raw materials and importing western manu: factures and colonial wares. Greek became the lingva franca of Balkan commerce. Greck mercantile paroikies, oF communities, were estab- lished throughout the Mediterranean, the Balkans, central Europe and southern Russia and as far afeld as India. At the same came Greek sea captains, based principally on the three ‘nautical’ islands of Hydra, Spetsai and Psara, were busy laying the foundations of what, in the ‘Caption for Plate 4 (cont) of great centres of Orthodox pilgrimage such as Athos, Kykko monastery in Cyprus, the monastery of Soumela nea Trebizond fon the Black Sea and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre a Jerusalem circulated berween the seventeenth and mneteenth ‘centuries. Much cheaper to produce than painted scons, they were sold ro eaise funds for the maintenance of the manastic foundations which constituted bastions of the Orthodox faith during the centuries of Ottoman rule. Although che Church “ contributed powerfully to the marntenance of a sense of Greek sdentity {and of the Greck language) ducing the Tourkokrati in ) the decades before the outbreak of the war of independence Greek nana, while crea otro attack religion a suey ( ‘were increasingly ertical of the ignorance and corruption that characterised monastic foundations and the hierarchy of the Chureh. In particular. they came co regard the advocacy of ¢ cetheladouleus, or willing submmission to the Ottoman powers that ) bbc, by many clerics as.a major obstacle ro theie attempts to instil 2 Sense of national consciousness in the unlettered masees ofthe Greeks ISTANBUL BILGI UNIVERSITY LIBRA Ottoman rule and the birth of state 5 Mikhail Soutsos, the Phanariot Grand Dragoman (chief Interpreter) to the Ottoman Porte 1817-18, and hospodar of Ottoman rule and the birth of the state a5 twentieth century, was to become the largest merchant fleet in the world. The continental blockade imposed by the British during the French revolutionary and Napoleonic wars afforded highly profi- table opportunities to those prepared to risk running st. There was litle in the way of manufacturing. The hill-town of Ambelakia, 1m Thessaly, which in the last decades of the eighteenth and the first of the nineteenth centuries enjoyed a considerable prosperity through the manufacture of spun red cotton, much of which was exported to central Europe, was an isolated and short-lived example, ‘The wealthier of the merchants, some with huge fortunes, chafed at the arbitrariness and uncertainty of life in the Ottoman Emprre, for ‘Caption for Plate 5 Moldavia 2819-21, depicted im characrersically sumptuous at- ture. During the eighteenth ceneury, as the Otoman Empire came under increasing external theat,asinall group of families known 45 the Phananots rose to postions of great power within the ‘Oxoman state. Most were Greck by birth, all were Greck by culture, Until the outbreak of the war of independence in #821 they monopolised fur key positions. As chief interpreters to the Pome they shared wath the res efendi, the Oxoman foreign minister, responsibilty for the conduct of foreign policy. As interpreters to the kapten pasha, or commander of the Oxoman flee, they acted in effect as governors ofthe sland ofthe Aegean Archipelago, whose inhabitants were overwhelmingly Greck. As hospedars, ‘or pnnces, ol the Danubian prinapalives ol Moldavia and Wallachia, they acted as viceroys ofthe sultan, recreating in their coures im Jassy and Bucharest luxurious smutatons of the amperal court. The bribery and snteigue provoked by the mens vale for ofcc ha given the Phanarios 2 bad eputation, although s number showed 2 genuine interest wn legal and land reform and in promoung Gteck education and culture. Most of the Phanaviots identified there interests too closely with those of heir Ottoman masters to give much encouragement tothe nanonal movement. Mikhail Sousos was an exception, Inited into the Philki Eta, he rallied Alexandros Ypsilanuis during his ilMfated invasion of the principalities in x21 and was setive in the poles of the tndependene kingdom, 26 A concise history of Greece 6 A lithograph deprcung 2 Greck sea captain on the eve of the war of independence. During the fast decades of the exghteenth century and the frst ofthe nineteenth che foundations were laud of Greece's present pre-ennnence as a seafaring nation. The embryonie mercantile maine grew rapidly. Huge fortunes were amassed, a the arkhontika, or mansions, that co this dav encircle the harbour of Hydra, one of the three “nauieal” islands testify Raw materials were exported from the Ottoman Empire £0 western Europe and manufactured goods and colonial produce Were imported in return, The crews ofthe ships of the Ortoman navy were largely made up of Greeks from the islands of the Archipelago. This mariame heritage, reinforced by a long tra dition of piracy and privatcering, was 10 be of inestimable advantage in establishing concrol of the teas ducing the war of dependence. The growth of a flourishing mercantile marine was paralleled by the emergence ducing the exghreenth century of 2 commercial bourgeoisie which dominated the trade of the Balkans. Greck became the language of Balkan commerce, and Greek merchant communities were established not only in the Balkans but in central Europe, southern Russia and throughout the Mediterranean. Few members of this emergent commercial imide clece demonsteated much snrerest ur che ssinaliag cuthusiasms of the nascent meligentsi But many of the newly ‘enniched merchants endowed schools and libraries, subsidised the publication of books rellecung western leas and paid For Ottoman rule and the birth of the state a7 this militated against the security of property and the accumulation of capital. Their experience of the ordered commerce of western Europe, where governments gave positive encouragement to mescantile enter- prise, induced some of them to lend their support to the nascent national movement. Bur others were not prepated co risk their newly \ >) acquired prosperity in such a seemingly hazardous enterprise. If the (| ¥ ‘commitment of the great majority of the merchants to the nationalist cause was to prove lukewarm, their indirect contribution ro. the evelopment of the movement for independence was nonetheless t0 prove of the prearest significance ‘The merchants were ¢ for sustaining the material base of // she intellectual revival of the last three decades of the eighteenth and there wo ofthe nineteenth eenuns that was sucha-vnal ator § the development of a national consciousness, an awarcness of a( specifically Greek rather than merely Orthodox Christian identity They endowed schools and libraries, and subsidised the publiation, ) principally outside the boundaries of the Empire, of a growing, and ( increasingly secular, body of literature aimed at 2 specifically Greek / audience. Daring the last quarter of the eighteenth century seven times | as many books were being published as during the first. In the | ‘sventy years belore 1821 some 1,300 titles were published. Perhaps ( most important of all, the subventions of merchants enabled young Greeks to study in the universities of western Europe and, im partic iat, those ofthe German states. Here they came ino contact not only | with the heady ideas of the Enlightenment, of the French Revolution ( and of romantic nattonalisim but they were made aware of the } extraordinary hold which the language and cwilisation of ancient \ Greece had over the minds of their educated European contemporaries, SSS During the centuries of the Tourkokratia knowledge of the ancient ‘Caption for Plate 6 (cont) Young Greeks 10 study in the universities of western Europe, ‘where they came into contact with Enlightenment philosophies and with the radical nowons emanating trom the French Revolution. Z — a8 A conetse history of Greece Greek world had all but died out, but, under the stimulus of western classical scholarship, the budding intelligentsia developed an aware- ‘yess that they were the heus to an heritage that was universally (revered throughout the civilised world. By the eve of the war of (independence this progonoplexia {ancestor obsession) and arkhaiola- }ereia (worship of antiquity), to use the expressive Greck terms, had ( reached almost obsessive proportions. It was precisely during the first {decade of the nineteenth century that nationalists, much o_the \ consternation of the Chusch authorimes, began to bapase their children with the names of (and to call their ships after) the worthies ff ancient Greece rather than the Christian saints. Some enthusiasts ( even changed their own names in a similar spirit. It was at this time, / too, that the furious, and a¢ times violent, debate that has continued up to the present got under way as to the form of the language ¢ appropriate to a regenerated Greece. Some advocated a return to the tupposed purity of Attic Greek ofthe fifth century ac, others thatthe contemporary spoken language (remarkably little changed from class cal times given the enormous time span involved) form the basis of ‘educated discourse. Still others advocated 2 middle way that entailed the purging of the spoken language of foreign words and usages. In the end the advocates of katharevousa, literally ‘purifying’, Greek pre- vailed and their influence had a baleful effect on the country’s subsequent cultural and educational development. We have said many times, dest friends, that che worst misfortune that ean befall a once renowned race isto forget it ancestral virtues, ro be oblivious of ins own wretchedness, to neglect and be contemptuous of education. These things, it seems, prevailed after the lamentable downfall of Greece into { enslavement, But already, through Divine Providence, the Greeks oftheir own | ccord have begun to awake from the deepest lethargy of ignorance, to care for enlightenment and for ther e-birth, and to take gigantic steps an the path |p the acquisition of their ancestral virtue and religion. CGrigorios Paliourits, Arkhavologsa Elliniki [Greek Archaeology} (3815) ‘Au advocate of a linguistic middle way, who played a key role m T sgculeating a ‘sense of the past. in his fellow countrymen, wes « Adatrantio Korais, He was born in Smyrna (ama) in x748 but spent | uch of his life in Pars, where he died in 1833, There he established 2 | Formidable reputation asa classical scholar and prepared editions of 4 the ancient Greek authors for a specifically Greck readership. In the Ottoman rule and the birth of the state 23 prefaces to these he sought co encourage awareness of the incompar- able intellectual heritage to which his fellow countrymen were heirs ‘and urged them to cas off the mantle of Byzantine ignorance in which \ they had been enveloped. He had a passionate belief in education as | the key to emancipation from what he considered to be the double yoke of the Oromans (Turk and wild beast were to my thinking fynonyms’) and the monkish obscurantism of the hieratchs of the Orthodox Chureh During the fist decades of che nineteenth century Greck soctety was ¢ becoming increasingly differentiated and was undergoing rapid change. A small but growing number of Greeks were articulating an ever more explicit ational consciousness and were becoming increse- | ingly resentful of the continuance of Ottoman rule. But their efforts | faced formidable obstacles. Not least of these was the fact that the lites of pre-independence Greek sociery ~ the Phanariots, the higher clergy, the wealthy merchants and the provincial notables (the kodja- bashts) ~ were for the most part too comfortably locked into the Ortoman status quo to identify with the national movement. More- over, the nationalist enthusiasms of the intelligentsia centred as it was “ in the communities of the diaspora, were nor shared by the unlertered ‘mais ofthe people. Some catalyst was needed to organise and channel the mounting discontent with Ottoman rule. One of the first to develop plans for a co-ordinated revolt was Rigas Velestinlis, a Hellenised Vlach from Thessaly. After acquiring fis early political experience in the service of the Phanariot hospo- dars of the Danubian principalities, he had been powerfully influenced by the French Revolution during 2 sojourn in Vienna in the 17908. The political tracts, and in particular his Declaration of the Rights of Man, which he had printed in Vienna and with which he aspiced to revolutionise the Balkans, are redolent of the French example. Potentially the most significant was the New Political » Constitution of the Inbabitants of Rumeli, Asia Minor, the Islands of the Aegean and the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia. This ; envisaged the establishment of a revived Byzantine Empice but with the substitution of republican institutions on the French model for the autocracy of Byzantium. Although it was intended to embrace all ¢ the inhabitants of the Ottoman Empize, Greeks, whether by birth or ? by culture, were to predominate. Rigas’ carefully articulated schemes