THE TABLET

AND
THE SCROLL
Near Eastern Studies in Honor of
WILLIAM W. HALLO

edited by

Mark E Cohen
Danie] C. Sne ]l
David B. Weisberg

W, Hallo

CDL Press
Bethesda, Ma ry land
1993
 The creation of this volume would have been impossible without the suppo rt of the
following persons and institutions:
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

d the scroll: Near Eastern studies in honor of William W. Hallo / Rochelle and Mark Cohen
edited by Mark E Cohen, Daniel C. Snell, David B. Weisberg. Sally Dunham
p. cm-
Richard Henshaw
Includes bibliographical references (p. xi).
ISBN o-962°013-9-2 Renee Ga ll ery Kovacs
t. Semitic philology 2. Middle East — Civilization. I. Hallo, William W. Peter Machinist
II Cohen, Mark E. III. Snell, Daniel C. EV Weisberg, David B. Karen Nemet-Nejat
PJ3oo225H26 1993 92-42780
CEP
Laurie E Pearce
The Royal Insc ri ptions of Mesopotamia Project of the Universi ty of Toronto
Ronald Sack
Herbert Sauren and the Catholic Universi ty of Louvain
Rene Sigrist
Daniel Snell
Ivan Starr
Ronald Wallenfels
Optera and David Weisberg

The editors express their appreciation to Laurie Pearce for assembling the bibliog-
raphy of Bill Hallo's publications, to U lla Kasten for her continued assist an ce, to
Paul H. Wnght and Ronaele Carpenter for their help in copy-editing, an d to Linda
Katzper for designing the cover. And, most of all, the editors thank all the friends
and colleagues of Bill Hallo who contributed the articles that have made this volume
possible.

ISBN 0-962oot3-9-2

by CDL Press
1 993
P.O. Box 34454 Bethesda, MD 20827

Printed in Ann Arbor, MI by

Cushing -Malloy, Inc.
 TABLE of CONTENTS

William W. Hallo• An Appreciation ix

The Publications of William W. Hallo xi

TZVI ABUSCH
Gilgamesh's Request and Siduri's Denial. Pa rt I
The Meaning of the Dialogue and its Implications
for the History of the Epic i

BENDT ALSTER
Marriage and Love in the Sumerian Love Songs

PINHAS ARTZI and ABRAHAM MALAMAT

The Great King.
A Preeminent Royal Title in Cuneiform Sources and the Bible .............................. .

JOSEF BAUER
Ein sumerisches Sprichwort 39

PAUL -ALAIN BEAULIEU

The Historical Background of the Uruk Prophecy ..................................................4 i

GARY BECKMAN
Some Observations on the Suppiluliuma-Sattiwaza Treaties ,,,,,„,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 53

GIORGIO BUCCELLATI
Through a Tablet Darkly.
A Reconstruction of Old Akkadian Monuments
Described in Old Babylonian Copies ............................................................

MIGUEL CIVIL
On Mesopotamian Jails and Their Lady Warden

MARK E COHEN
Two Venions of a Fara-Period Name-List 79

L. TIMOTHY DOTY
Akkadian bit pirilti ....................................................................................... 8 .

BARRY L. EICHLER
mar-URU 5 Tempest in a Deluge 90

WALTER FARBER
Forerunners” and `Standard Version s
A Few Thoughts About Terminology ............
................. .... . .. ......... . . ... .. . ...... .. . . . .

BENJAMIN R. FOSTER
Letters and Literature: A Ghost's Entreaty y8
DANIEL A. FOXVOG HERBERT SAUREN
Astral Dumuzi 103 Nammu and Enki 198

CYRUS H. GORDON AARON SHAFFER

Vocalized Consonants: The Key to urn-ma t en-ma / I09 From the Bookshelf of a Professional Wailer 209

RIVKAH HARRIS AKE W. SJOBERG

Gendered Old Age in Enuma Elfish III The Ape from the Mountain who Became the King of Tsin 211

HARRY A. HOFFNER, JR. DANIEL C. SNELL

Akkadian srumma immeru Texts and Their Hurro-Hittite Counterparts 116 Ancient Israelite and Neo-Assyrian Societies an d Economies 221

THORKILD JACOBSEN S. DAVID SPERLING

The Descent of Enki 120 I jBR and Fnends 225

JACOB KLEIN IVAN STARR

A Self-Laudatory Sulgi Hymn Fragment from Nippur 124 A New Omen Text Concerning the "Yoke," (niru) of the Liver 230

ERLE LEICHTY PIOTR STEINKELLER

Sheep Lungs 132 Obse rvations on the Sumerian Personal Names in Ebla Sources
an d on the Onomasticon of Mari and Kish 236
BARUCH A. LEVINE
On the Semantics of Land Tenure in Biblical Literature: MARTEN STOL
The Term 'ahuzzâh 1 34 Biblical Idiom in Akkadian 246

HENRI LIMET JEFFREY H. TIGAY

Le Vocabulaire Technique du Droit en Sumérien 140 On Evaluating Claims of Literary Borrowing 250

PETER MACHINIST and HAYIM TADMOR MATITIAHU TSEVAT

Heavenly Wisdom 146 Amos 7:14 - Present or Preterit? 256

P IOTR MICHALOWSKI MARC VAN DE MIEROOP

The Torch and the Censer 152 An Inscribed Bead of Queen Zakûtu 259
KAREN RHEA NEMET-NEJAT R. J. VAN DER SPEK
A Minor Belonging to the Lady-of-Uruk 163 Assyriology and History: A Comparative Study of War and Empire
in Assyria, Athens, and Rome 262
JACOB NEUSNER
Systemic Integration and Theology: HARTMUT WAETZOLDT and MARCEL SIGRIST
The Concept of Zekhut in Formative Judaism 170 Haftung mit Privatvermögen bei Nicht-Er tillung
von Dienstverpflichtungen 271
DAVID I. OWEN
Some New Evidence on Yahmadiu = Ahlamû 181 RONALD WALLENFELS
Zodiacal Signs among the Seal Impressions from Hellenistic Uruk 281
LAURIE E PEARCE
Statements of Purpose: Why the Sc ri bes Wrote STANLEY D WALTERS
185
Childless Michal, Mother of Five .......................................................................... 290
BARBARA NEVLING PORTER
Conquest or Kudurru's? DAVID B. WEISBERG
A Note on Peaceful Strategies of Assyrian Government A Sale of Property in Uruk from the Time of Easarhaddon, "King of Lands" ....... 297
1 94
NORMAN YOFFEE
The Late Great Tradition in Ancient Mesopotamia 300
MAMORU YOSHIKAWA WILLIAM W. HALLO
On the Aspectual Difference Between TOM and TOM -MU 309
AN APPRECIATION
RAN ZADOK
On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia 315 David B. Weisberg
Bi ll was born on March 9, 1928 in Kassel, Germany,
son of Dr Gertrude Rubensohn Hallo and Dr. Rudolph
Hallo. Bi ll is the youngest of three children. His older
sisters are Suzanne Kalem and Ruth Landman.
When gathering clouds darkened the skies of Europe,
Bi ll and his sisters left Germany for England on a child-
ren's transpo rt in March, 1939. In August, 1940, they,
together with their mother, immigrated to the U.S.A.
(Bi ll 's father, a distinguished scholar, had passed away in
1 933, when Bi ll was five years old.) r
Settling on the east coast of the United States, Bill at-
tended Boys' High in Brooklyn graduating in 1945, and
Harvard, from which he graduated magna cum laude
class of 1950.
After receiving the B.A., Bill won a Fulbright to the
Unive rs i ty of Leiden, Netherlands, in 1950-51, where
he fulfilled the requirements for the Candidatus Litterar-
um Semiticarum with Honors.
In 1952, following a romantic Leiden-Amsterdam
courtship, Bi ll and Edith Sylvia Pinto were married. The
young couple returned to the U.S. and went to Chicago,
where Bill had received a fellowship to the O ri ental In-
stitute He earned the Ph.D degree in 1955. His disser-
tation, "Early Mesopotamian Royal Tides: A Philologic
an d Historical Analysis," was written under lus mentor,
I. J Gelb, and published by the American O ri ental So-
ciety in 1957. During these years, Bi ll served as an assis-
tant to Benno Landsberger.
Bi ll taught at Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati,
from 1956 to 1962. Speaking with students who studied
with Bill in the Queen City during those years, one
hears, among other things, about his course in the
Psalms, his syllabus on Hebrew grammar, and his work
in Sumerian in the graduate program. Students recalled
the Hallo's home hospitality and Bi ll 's readiness to advise
1 wish to express my grateful appreciation to Edith Hallo, Su-
zanne Kalem and Ruth Landman, for their willingness to share pleas-
ant reminiscences about Bi ll for this essay.
1. See Joel Kraemer, "Hallo, Rudolf," Encyclopaedia Judaita
Vol. 7 (Jerusalem, Keter, 1971), columns Izo1-1zo2.
ix
them in matten of importance to their careen and their
hves.
In 1962, Bill was invited to Yale, where he has served
with distinction through the present (at the time of this
writing, it is a period of 3o years, we wish him a long and
healthy continuation). During his tenure at Yale he was
appointed Curator of the Babylonian Collection an d
William M. Laffan Professor of Assyriology and Babylo-
nian Literature. To mention only two of his numerous
honors. he received the degree of Doctor of Humane
Letters (hon. caus ) from Hebrew Union College, Cin-
cinnati in June, 1986 an d he served as President of the
American O ri ental Socie ty in 1988-89.
In pondering Bill's intellectual achievements, please
consider the title chosen for this volume. The Tablet and
the Scroll. This refers to two major areas of his interest
Assyriology especially Sumerian literature, history and
language, and biblical studies. These are two separate
fields, each requinng painstaking preparation. But Bi ll
has done more than master each separately; accepting the
formidable intellectual challenges, he has excelled in un-
derstanding how they Interact with each other. Bill's
writings have served as a paradigm for those who would
seek clarity of focus in the one (Assyriology), the other
(Bible), or both.
Clear insight into Bill's methodology in the study of
the cuneiform texts (and other Ancient Near Facteurn
sources), be they "laundry lists' or literary treasures like
the Gilgamesh Epic, is not hard to find. In his presiden-
tial address to the American O ri ental Socie ty , "The
Limits of Skepticism," Bi ll stressed that
"the abundant textual documentation from Meso-
potarma and its environs provides a precious resource
for tracing the origins and evolution of countless fac-
ets of civilization unrivalled anywhere on the globe
for so early a period "2
Rather than limiting the inferences we extract from
the data, Bill urged us to engage in a critical sifting of
, p. 187.
x An Appreciation
each fragment of the evidence in order to reconstruct a
total picture of antiquity.
In Biblical studies, a central statement of his proce-
dure can be found in his essay "Biblical History in its
Near Eastern Setting: The Contextual Approach." A
summary statement extols
.. the comparative or contextual approach to the
study of biblical history, culture or literature. Such a
method attempts to analyze the Bible against the
backg ro und of the larger Near Fictern scene." 3
Bi ll 's bibliography gives a firm idea of his breadth an d
depth. Whether we relish his skillful translation of
Rosenzweig's The Star of Redemption or scrutinize his
meticulous Sumerian Archival Texts the one word that
comes to mind is: "vision."
No 'Appreciation' of Bill would be complete without
some words about his personal life Bi ll is assuredly a
"family m an ." Despite his unceasing a tt ention to his
3. Scripture in Context: Essays on the Comparative Method, edit-
ed by Carl D Evans, William W. Hallo and John B. White (Pitts-
burgh, the Pickwick Press 198o), pp vii and I-26.
scholarly projects and teaching responsibilities, his devo-
tion to his family is something extraordinary.
In the spring of 1991, within the space of a few
months, Bill and Edith became proud grandparents of
two grandchildren A grandson, Bram, was born to son,
Ralph (a lawyer practicing environmental law in Eu-
rope) an d Margrete. A granddaughter, Justine Bria, was
born to daughter, Jacque li ne (a social studies teacher in
Brookline, Massachusetts) and David Bunis.
Bi ll keeps in fine shape and continues to work out
frequently on the tennis cou rt s. He regularly beats
friends who dare come in range of his well-practiced
forehand, backhand and serve!
Bi ll has always possessed a healthy interest in commu-
nity life current events and politics, as well as in the
Temple, where he is an active and involved member. It
1. The Ensi's of the Ur III Dynasty. Universi ty of Chi-
is a delight to discuss with him his views on matters of
contemporary importance.
2. Early Mesopotamian Royal Titles: a Philologic and
When asked to summarize her fee li ngs about Bi ll 's
work, Edith responded thoughtfully with the following
remark, which I believe speaks for all of those who have
had the privilege of studying under Bi ll : "I have never
seen a more caring teacher for his students."
to. The Book of the People. Brown Judaic Studies, Vol.
THE PUBLICATIONS OF
WILLIAM W. HALLO
BOOKS AND MONOGRAPHS
cago Microfilm.
Historical Analysis. American O ri ental Series, 43
(American Oriental Socie ty , New Haven), 1 957.
3. Sumerian Archival Texts. Tabulae Cuneiformes a
F.M.Th. de Liagre Böhl Collectae, Leidae Con-
servatae, III (Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije
Oosten, Leiden), 1963.
4. The Exaltation of Manna. William W. Hallo an d
J.J.A. van Dijk. Yale Near Eastern Researches, 3
(Yale University Press New Haven an d London)
1968; (reprinted AMS Press, New York), 1982.
5. The. Star of Redemption, by Franz Rosenzweig.
Translated from the Second Edition of 193o by
Wi ll iam W. Hallo. The Littman Library ofJewish
Civilization, 5 (Holt, Rinehart an d Winston, Inc ,
New York), 1971.
6. The Ancient Near East: a History. William W. Hallo
an d William Kelly Simpson (Harcou rt Brace Jo-
vanovich, Inc., New York), 1971.
7. Heritage: Civilization and the Jews, a source reader.
Wi ll iam W. Hallo, David B. Ruderman an d
Michael Stanislawski (Praeger, New York), 1984.
8. Heritage: Civilization and theJews, study guide. Wil-
liam W. Hallo, David B. Ruderman and Michael
Stanislawski Benjamin R. Gampel, ed. (Praeger
New York), 1984
9. The Tablets of Ebla: Concordance and Bibliography.
Sco tt G. Beld, Wil li am W. Hallo, Piotr Micha-
lowski (Eisenbrauns Winona Lake, IN), 1984.
225 (Scholars Press, Atlanta), i991.
BOOKS EDITED
I I. Essays in Memory of E.A. Speiser. American Orien-
tal Series, 53 (American Oriental Society, New
Haven), 1968.
12. Scripture in Context: Essays on lhe Comparative Meth-
od. Carl D. Evans, Wi ll iam W. Hallo and John B.
White, eds Pittsburgh Theological Monograph
Series, 34 (The Pickwick Press, Pittsburgh), 1980.
t 3. Early Near Eastern Seals in the Yale Babylonian Col-
lection. By Briggs Buchanan. Introduction an d Seal
Insc ri ptions by Willi am W. Hallo. Edited by Ulla
Kasten (Yale University Press, New Haven), 1981.
14. Scripture in Context II: More Essays on the Compara-
tive Method. Wi ll iam W. Hallo, James C. Moyer
and Leo G. Perdue, eds (Eisenbrauns, Winona
Lake IN), 1983.
15. The Bible in the light of Cuneiform Literature: Sc rip-
ture in Context IIL William W. Hallo, Bruce Wil-
liam Jones and Gerald L. Mattingly, eds. Ancient
Near Pastern Texts and Studies, 8 (The Edwin
Mellen Press, Lewiston, NY), 199o.
i6. The Biblical Canon in Comparative Perspe ct ive: Sc rip-
ture in Context IV. K. Lawson Younger, Jr., Wil-
liam W. Hallo, Bernard F. Batto, eds Ancient
Near Easte rn Texts an d Studies , i r (The Edwin
Mellen Press, Lewiston, NY)
ARTICLES
t7 Zariqum," JNES 15 (1956), 220-225
"
.
18. "The Place of Oriental Studies in a Universi ty
Cur ri culum. a Symposium, " Journal of Higher Edu-
cation 27 (1957), 11-16.
19. "Isaiah 28: 9-13 and the Ugaritic Abecedaries,"
JBL 77 ( 1 95 8 ). 324-33 8
20. "Contributions to Neo-Sumerian," HUCA 29
(1958). 69-107 an d pls. 1-26.
xii The Publications of William W. Hallo
21. "Money and Merchants in Ur III," HUCA 3o
( 1 959), 103-139 With J B. Curtis.
22. `Oriental Institute Museum Notes No. to: The
Last Years of the Kings of Isin," JNES 18 ( 1 959),
54- 72 .
23. "From Qarqar to Carchemish: Assyria and Israe
in the Light of New Discoveries," BA 23 (1960)
34- 61 and 132. Re-issued in The Bobbs-Merri 1
Reprint Series in European History, E-95. Re
vised edition in Biblical Archaeologist Reader, 2. Ed
ward F. Campbell Jr. and David Noel Freedman
eds. (Doubleday & Co., New York), 1964, 152-
188.
24. "A Sumerian Amphictyony," JCS 14 (1960), 88-
I14.
25. "Royal Insc ri p ti ons of the Early Old Babylonian
Period a Bibiliography,' BiOr 18 (1961) 4-14.
26. `New Viewpoints on Cuneiform Literature," IEJ
12 (1962), 13-26.
27. "Lexical Notes on the Neo-Sumerian Metal In-
dustry," BiOr 20 (1963) 136-142
28. ' On the Antiquity of Sumerian Literature," JAOS
8 3 ( 1 96 3), 167-176.
29. 'Beginning and End of the Sumerian King List in
the Nippur Recension," JCS 17 ( 1 96 3), 5 2 -57.
Roy al Hymns and Mesopotamian Unity," JCS
17 (1963), 112- I18
3r. "The Road to Emar " JCS 18 (1964), 57-88.
32. "The Slandered B ri de, ' in Studies Presented to A.
Leo Oppenheim Robe rt M. Adams, ed. (Universi-
ty of Chicago Press Chicago) 1 9 6 4, 95- 1 05.
33. Translation of Martin Buber, Church, State, Na-
tion, Jewry," and Franz Rosenzweig, "The Way
Through Time: Ch ri stian History, ' apud David
W. McKain, ed., Christianity: Some Non Christian -
Appraisals (McGraw-Hill, New York), 1964, 175-
203
34. Translation of selections from Rosenzweig,
Weiszaecker, Frankel, Trueb, and Heidegger apud
Maurice Friedman, ed. The Worlds of Existential-
ism; a Critical Reader (Random House, New
York), 1 9 6 4, 3 2 7-9, 4 0 4f 4 68 497 - 505, 5 2
7- 533.
35 , "A 'Persian Gulf Seal on an Old Babylonian Mer -
canule Agreement," in Studies in Honor of Benno
Landsberger on His Seventyfffth Birthday Hans G.
Güterbock and Thorkild Jacobsen, eds (Universi-
ty of Chicago Press, Chicago), 1965, 199-203.
With B. Buchanan.
36. "The Coronation of Ur-Nam u, JCS 20 (1966),
133-141.
37. Ar ti cles on Carchemish, Gozan, Habor River,
Hadatu, Harare, Nimrud Dagh, Tell Ta yinat,
Terqa, Til Barsip and Un in The Biblical World: a
Dictionary of Biblical Archaeology. Charles F. Pfe-
iffer, ed. (Baker Book House, Grand Rapids, MI),
1966.
3 8 . "Akkadian Apocalypses," IEJ 16 (1966), 231-242.
39. "Mesopotamia, Education in," Educational Ency-
clopedia 4(1966), 39-46. In Hebrew.
40. New Hymns to the Kings of Isin," BiOr 23
'
(1966), 2 39-247.
4t. `Fourth World Congress of Jewish Studies in
Jerusalem," BiOr 23 (1966), 215f.
42. "Offerings to the Temple Gates at Ur," HUCA 38
(1967), 17-58. With B A. Levine.
'Assyriology," Encyclopedia Hebraica, Suppl. Vol.
43.
(1967), 604-608. In Hebrew.
44. `Individual Prayer in Sumerian: the Continuity of
a Tradition, ' JAOS 88 (1968), 71-89. Reprinted
in Essays in Memory of E A. Speiser. American Ori-
ental Series, 53. W.W. Hallo, ed. (American Ori-
ental Socie ty , New Haven), 71-89.
45- "The Rise and Fall of Kalah," JAOS 88 (1968),
772- 775.
46. "Mesopotamia," Hebrew Biblical Encyclopedia 5
(1968), III-130. With H. Tadmor. In Hebrew.
47. `New Texts from the Reign of Sin-iddinam,"
JCS 21 ( 1 96 9), 95 - 99
48. 'The Lame and the H al t," Eretz Israel 9 (1969).
66-70.
49. "The Neo-Sumerian Letter Orders," BiOr 26
( 1 969), 171-176.
50. 'Antediluvian Cities," JCS 23 (1970), 57-67.
$I. The Cultic Setting of Sumerian Poetry," CRRA
1 7 ( 1 97 0 ), 116-134.
52. "Biblical Studies in Jewish Perspective," in The
Teaching ofJudaica in American Universities: The Pro-
ceedings of a Colloquium, Leon A. Jick, ed. (KTAV,
New York), 1970, 43-46.
53. ` Harman, " Encyclopedia Judaica 7 (1971), 1328-1330.
54. `Akkad," EnryclopediaJudaica 2 (1971), 493-494.
55. `Mesopotamia: History," Encyclopedia Judaica 16
(1971), 1483-1508.
56. `Gutium ' RLA 3 (1971), 708-720.
57. 'Habil-kin, ' RLA 4 (1972), 13-14.
58. 'The House of Ur-Meme," JNES 31 (1972), 87-
95.
59. "Problems in Sumerian Hermeneutics," Perspec-
tives in Jewish Learning 5 (1973), I-12.
6o. "The Date of the Fara Period: a Case Study in the
Historiography of Early Mesopotamia," OrNS 42
( 1 973), 228-238.
61. 'Choice in Sumerian,"JANES 5 (1973), 165-172.
62. The Seals of Aggur-Renianni," in
Symbolae Bibli-
cae et Mesopotamicae Francisco Mario Theodoro de Li-
The Publications of William W. Hallo
agre Böhl Dedicatae. M.A. Beek, A.A. Kampman,
C. Nijland, J Ryckmans, eds (E J. Brill, Leiden),
1 973 180-184
"Postscript" to Shalom M. Paul, "Heavenly Tab-
lets and the Book of Life," JANES 5 ( 1 973), 35 2 f.
64. 'Ferris J. Stephens,' MO 24 (1973) 247f. (Obitu-
ary)
65. "Dedication" (to Albrecht Goetze), in Shin T.
Kang, Sumerian Economic Texts from the Umma Ar-
chive (Universi ty of Illi nois Press, Urbana), 1 973,
vii-ix.
66. "Genesis and Ancient Near Eastern Literature," in
The Torah: a Modern Commentary, I (1974), W.G.
Plaut, ed. (Union of American Hebrew Congre-
gations, New York), 1974, xxi-xxvi.
67. `The First Half of History," Yale Alumni Magazine
37/8 ( 1 974), 13-17.
68. ' Another Sumerian Literary Catalogue?" StOr 46
( 1 975) 77-80, 48/3:3.
69. 'Jacob J. Finkelstein," Assur 1/4 (1975), tf (Obit-
uary).
70. "The Royal Correspondence of Lana: I. A Sum-
erian Prototype for the Prayer of Hezekiah," in
Kramer Anniversary Volume: Cuneiform Studies in
Honor of Samuel Noah Kramer. Bar ry L. Eichler,
ed., with Jane W. Heimerdinger and Ake W.
Sjôberg (Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-
Vluyn), 1976, 209-224.
71. "Monumental Texts from Pre-Sargonic Lagash,"
Onens Antiquus 15 (1976), I-9. With V. Donbaz.
72. "Toward a History of Sumerian Literature," in
Sumerological Studies in Honor of ThorkildJacobsen on
His Seventieth Birthday. Stephen J. Lieberman, ed.
(Universi ty of Chicago Press, Chicago), 1975,
181-203.
73. Cont ri butions to Ancient Mesopotamian Art and Se-
lected Texts. The Pierpont Morgan Library: New
York, (1976) 22, 2 7, 2 9- 34.
74. "Women of Sumer," in The Legacy of Sumer. De-
nise Schmandt-Besserat, ed (Undena Publica-
dons, Malibu) 1976, 23-40, figs I-18.
75• "New Moons and Sabbaths: A Case-Study in the
Contrastive Approach," HUCA 48 (1977), I-18.
Republished in Bible and Spade 9 (1980) LOI -I Io.
76. 'Seals Lost an d Found," in Seals and Sealing in the
Ancient Near East. McGuire Gibson and Robe rt
D. Biggs, eds (Undena Pub li ca ti ons, Malibu),
1 977, 55- 60 .
77. "Haplographic Marginalia," in Essays on the An-
cient Near East in Memory of Jacob Joel Finkelstein.
Memoirs of the Connecticut Academy of Arts an d
Sciences, Vol 19. Maria deJong Ellis, ed. (Archon
Books, Hamden, CT), 1977, IOI-103.
78. "A Lawsuit from Hazor," IEJ 27 (1977), I-I I.
With H. Tadmor.
79. "Briggs W. Buchanan," AfO 25 ( 1 974- 77), 337
(Obituary).
80. "Simurrum and the Human Frontier," RHA 36
( 1 978), 71-83.
81. "Assyrian Historiography Revisited," Eretz Israel
1 4 ( 1 97 8 ) , I *- 7* •
82. "The Fragmentary B ri ck Insc ri ption," RA 73
( 1 979), 88-89.
83. 'God, King and Man at Yale," in Slate and Temple
Economy in the Ancient Near East, L On'entalia
vaniensia Analecta, 5. Edward Lipinski, ed. (Depar-
tement Oriëntalistiek, Leuven), 1979, 99-III.
84. "Notes from the Babylonian Collec ti on, I: Nun-
gal in the Egal: An Introduction to Colloquial
Sumerian?" JCS 31 (1979), 161-165.
85. "The First Tablet of the SB Recension of the
Anzu-Myth, ' JCS 31 (1979), 65-115. With Wil-
liam L Moran
86. 'Obiter dicta ad SET," in Studies in Honor of Torn
B. Jones. AOAT 203. Marvin A. Powell, Jr. and
Ronald H. Sack, eds (Neukirchener Verlag
Neukirchen-Vluyn), 1979 I-14.
87. 'Leviticus and Ancient Near Eastern Literature,"
In The Torah. a Modern Commentary, 3. B. Bam-
berger, ed. :Union of American Hebrew Congre-
gations, New York), 1979, xxiii-xxx.
88. 'Numbers and Ancient Near Easte rn Literature,"
In The Torah. a Modern Commentary, 4. W.G.
Plaut, ed (Union of American Hebrew Congre-
gations, New York), 1 979, xxi-•
"Where Old and New Meet: Ancient Near East-
89.
em Studies, ' Yale Alumni Magazine 42/5 ( 1 979),
9-13.
90. "Royal Titles from the Mesopotamian Periph-
ery," AnSt 3o (1980), 18 9-1 95.
"Biblical History in its Near Eastern Setting: the
Contextual Approach," in Scripture in Context Es-
says on the Comparative Method. Carl D. Evans,
W.W. Hallo and John B. White, eds. (The Pick-
wick Press Pittsburgh), 1980 I-26.
92. The Expansion of Cuneiform Literature," Proceed-
ings of the American Academy of few sh Research 46-
47 ( 1 9 80) , 307-322
93- '
Zabalam = lbzaikh," RA 74 (1980), 94 -95.
94. "Sullanu," RA 74 ( 1 9 80 ), 94.
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xiv The Publications of William W. Hallo
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98. 'A Letter Fragment from Tel Aphek," Tel Aviv 8:
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1989 237-247.
132. "German an d Jewish Culture: a L an d of Two
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133. (A. Bartlett Giamatti), Yale Alumni Magazine (De-
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134. "More on Bows, ' Yigael Yadin Memorial Volume,
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135. 'Compare and Contrast: the Contextual Ap-
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Lewiston, NY), 1990, I-30.
136. "The Limits of Skepticism," JAOS i w (1990),
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138. "Proverbs Quoted in Epic," in Lingering over
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Honor of William L. Moran. Tzvi Abusch, John
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Press, Atlanta), 199o, 203-217
139. "'1 he Concept of Canonicity in Cuneiform an d
Biblical Literature: a Comparative Appraisal," in
The Biblical Canon in Comparative Perspective. K.
Lawson Younger, Jr., Wi lliam W. Hallo, Bernard
F Batto, eds. (The Edwin Mellen Press, Lewiston
NY), 1 99 1 . I-19.
140. "The Death of Kings. Traditional Historiography
in Contextual Perspective," in Ah, Assyria...:
Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern
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Israel Eph'al, eds. (The Magnes Press, Jerusalem)
1991 148-165.
141. "The Royal Correspondence of Lana. III. The
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fe rtes d Paul Gareth. Textes réunis par D. Charpin
et F. Joannès (Editions recherche sur les civilisa-
dons, Pa ri s), 1991 377-3 88
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143. "Two Centenaries," Leo Baeck Institute Year Book
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145. 'Vorwo rt " to Felix Blocher, Siegelabrollungen auf
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148. Foreword to Denise Schmandt-Bes serat , Before
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1-2. In BiOr 46 (1989), 34 6-349.
GILGAMESH'S REQUEST AND SIDURI'S DENIAL
Pa rt I
THE MEANING OF THE DIALOGUE
AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR THE HISTORY OF THE EPIC
Tzvi Abusch
Brandeis University
My purpose here is to offer some comments on an pleasure to dedicate this study of an Akkadian literary
Old Babylonian text that deals with loss and recovery, text to Bill Hallo, colleague and friend.
death and life I shall try to define and solve a problem The text of the first interchange between Gilgamesh
that occurs in the justly famous exchange between Gil- and Siduri in the Old Babylonian version reads:
gamesh and the divine tavernkeeper Siduri in an Old
col. ii
Babylonian version of the Epic of Gilgamesh (= OB
i Iibri fa ararmnufu dannif]
Gilg. Meissner, cols. ii-iii') and, thereby, offer a new in-
ittiya ittallaku kalu man
terpretation of the dialogue. I shall then explore some of
Enkidu fa ara► nmufu dannif
the implications of my study for the history of the epic.
iltiya ittallaku kalu marsâlim
Professor Wi lliam W. Hallo is a scholar of broad in-
illikma ana fimâlu au^ili► tim
terests, who has made significant cont ri butions to our
understanding of Mesopotamian literary history. It is a
5• urn u m17fi elifu abki
6'. ul addiffu ana gebéri► n
This essay and its companion study ("Gilgamesh's Request and 7r. ibriman ilabbe'am ana rigmiya
Siduri's Denial. Pa rt II: An Analysis and Interpretation of an Old 8'. sebel ûmi u sebe rnufiâtim
Babylonian Fragment about Mourning and Celebration," which will
9' adi tülttm itnqutam ina appifu
appear in JANES 22) have benefitted greatly from the comments of
several scholars. Stephen A. Geller discussed the text with me in great
detail, and both he and Kathryn Kravitz read the several drafts and iftu warkifu ul üta balâlam
made a number of valuable comments and suggestions. En addition, attanaggif kima babilim qabaltu yen
William L. Moran discussed the text with me, Mordechai Cogan cri-
Manna sâbiturn âtarnar pâniki
tiqued an early draft, and Diane Felnman and Michael Rosenbaum
suggested improvements in the final draft. I am grateful to all these mütam la âtanaddant ayâmur
friends for their interest and help.
The Meissner fragment was published by B. Meissner, Ein alt-
t. sâbiturn ana falu n izzakara ► n ana dGilganief
babylonisches Fragment des Gilgamosepos, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatis-
chen Gesellschaft 7/I (Berlin, 19oz). More recently, it has been joined
col iii
to a fragment in the B riti sh Museum; see A.R. Millard, 'Gilgamesh
X: A New F ra gment," Iraq 26 (1964), pp• 99-105. For t ra nslations of t. d Gilganief êf tadâl
both the Old Babylonian text and the later Standard Babylonian ver-
2. balâtam fa tasabhunt la tut ta
sion of the epic, see, e g , E A Speiser and A.K. Grayson Ancrent Near
Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, ed. J.B. P ri tchard, 3 d ed. 3 , inûma art ibnta awilütam
(Princeton, NJ. 1969), pp. 72-99, 503-7 and S. Dalley, Myths from 4. mütam ifkunii ana awiliuim
Mesopotamia: Creation, The Rood, Gilgamesh and Others (Oxford/New
5. balâtam ina qatilunu issabtü
York, 1989), pp. 39-153. Whenever possible, the line count of the
twelve-tablet version follows R. Campbell Thompson, The Epic of
Gilgamesh (Oxford, 1930). In this essay, t ra nslations of that ve rs ion are 6. attâ dGilgamef lû mali karaflea
usually drawn from the recent t ra nslations by Dailey, Myths, or M.G. 7. urn u mûri hitaddu attâ
Kovacs, The Epic of Gilgamesh (Stanford, 1989) For studies of the
epic, cf, e.g. Th. Jacobsen, Treasures of Darkness: A History of Meso-
,
8. ütnifarn fukun hidgtam
potamian Religion (New Haven, 1976), pp. 195-219 J.H. Tigay, The 9• urn u müfi sür u mail
Evolution ol die Gilgamesh Epic (Philadelphia, 1982); T. Abusch, "Esh-
tar's Proposal and Gilgamesh's Refusal: An Enterpretation of The Gil-
gamesh Epic, Tablet 6, Lines 1-79," History of Religions 26 (1986), pp. to. lii ubbubü subâtüka
143-87 (an abbreviated ve rs ion, together with a number of other es- 1 I. qaqqadka lii niese rn lu ramkâta
says on Gilgamesh, has been anthologized in Classical and Medieval subbi sehram sâbitu gâtika
literature Criticism, vol. 3, ed. J. Krstovic et al. [Detroit, 1989], pp marhiturn lihtaddâm tria süni(kJa
3 6 5 - 74)•
2 TZVI ABUSCH
col. ii
My friend, whom I love dearly,
Who with me underwent all hardships,
Enkidu, whom I love dearly,
Who with me underwent all hardships,
Has gone to the fate of mankind.
s'. Day and night I wept over him,
6'. I would not give him up for burial
7'. (saying) "my friend perhaps will rise up to me
at my c ry !'
8'. Seven days and seven nights
9' Until a worm dropped out at me from his nose.
ioe. Since his death, I have not found life.
I keep roaming like a hunter in the open coun-
12'. Now, alewife, that I have seen your face,
13'. The death that I constantly fear may I not see.
The alewife spoke to him, to Gilgamesh:
col
i, Gilgamesh, whither do you rove?
2. The life that you pursue you shall not find.
3. When the gods created mankind,
4* Death they appointed for mankind.
5. Life in their own hands they held.
6. You, Gilgamesh, let your stomach be full.
7. Day and night keep on being festive.
8. Daily make a fes ti val
9. Day and night dance and play
to. Let your clothes be clean,
t t . Let your head be washed, in water may you
bathe.
12. Look down at the child who holds your hand,
13. Let a wife ever delight in your lap.
I. PROBLEM AND IN I h.RPRETATION
Introduction
This interchange or dialogue between Siduri and G il -
gamesh comprises a speech and its response. After de-
scribing his anguish at the loss of Enkidu, Gilgamesh
expresses his hope that Sidon will provide a solution to
his predicament. Siduri's speech provides her response
and her advice. Each speech contains three stanzas. At
the end of the third stanza of Siduri's speech, there are
an additional three lines that are largely broken.' The
first of the three lines and perhaps the two that follow
seem to be a concluding summary construction of her
message.
Prior to this summary is the text which is the initial
focus of our essay, a four-line quatrain which forms the
third and last stanza of Siduri's response:
lû ubbuba subâtaka
qaqqadka la mese mê lû ramkdta
subbi se/iram sâbitu gätika
marbitum libtadddm Ma sani[k]a
Wear fresh clothes,
and wash your head, and bathe.
Look at the child that is holding your hand,
and let your wife delight in your embrace. 3
Problem
Let us now examine more closely this third stanza of
Siduri's response 4 In spite of its apparently straightfor-
ward meaning, the passage poses some difficulty The
quatrain is made up of two couplets, but their arrange-
ment is odd. Precisely because of the common everyday
meaning of the text, we are struck by the peculiar order
of its elements: in the first couplet, wearing of clean
clothes is enjoined prior to washing of head and body, in
the second couplet, relationship with a child is men-
tioned prior to sexual rela ti ons with a woman This or-
dering of elements contradicts a logical or, at least, a
more usual causal or temporal sequence. Normally, one
first washes before putting on clean clothes; so, for ex-
ample, GE XI 247-252 5 . OB Gilg. P iii 22-276; and
2. These lines (iii 14-16) might be read:
anndma fi-pi[r sinniltim/awilûtim]
[d Gisr ê! taddll
!a ba-al-14 l[i-ib-du balätam]
This alone is the concern of woman/man.
Gilgamesh, whither do you rove?
Let him who u alive enjoy life.
Possibly, but less likely, line 16 might read'
la ba-al-lG 'la' [i-bad-du-4 balätam]
Should not he who is alive enjoy life?
I owe the restorations of lines is-16 to Thorkild Jacobsen.
3. Translation: Th. Jacobsen, "The Gilgamesh Epic: Roman-
tic and Tragic Vision," in Lingering Over Words: Studies in Ancient Near
Pastern Literature in Honor of William L. Moran, ed. T. Abusch, J Hue-
hnergard, and P. Steinkeller, HSS 37 (Atlanta, i990), pp. 24o-41. Be-
cause of its greater forcefulness, I cite Jacobsen's translation of these
four lines, though I have suppressed "And" at the beginning of the
first line.
4. In my estimation, my analysis of iii 10-13 is not materially
affected by the broken lines 14-16.
5. "Ur-shanabi took him away and brought him to the
washing-place. / He washed his matted hair with water like ellu /
He cast off his animal skin and the sea carried it off. / He moistened
his body with fine oil, / and made a new wrap for his head. / He put
on a royal robe worthy of him ..." (Translation: Kovacs, Gilgamesh,
p. Jos).
6. "With water he washed / his hairy body, / rubbed himself
with oil, / and became a man / He put on a garment, / was like a
young noble " (T ra nslation Jacobsen, "Gilgamesh Epic "in Lingering
Over Words, p. 237. Note that Jacobsen's translation follows the res-
toration (mil-i; others restore (ma-hi-i, for which cf. GE X1 248,
quoted above).
Gilgarnesh's Request and Siduri's Denial
elsewhere, c£, e.g., 2 Samuel 12 . 20 7 And one normally
imagines love-making as preceding the birth of a child;
one expects that the mention of a relationship of an adult
male with a woman will precede the men ti on of his re-
lationship with a child. Why then did the composer or-
der the elements in this unusual and somewhat jarring
way?
Solution
a. Chiasm
The elements of each couplet seem to be inverted.
Inversions or revenals are characteristic of chiastic form.
The occurrence here of such characteristics should per-
haps not surp ri se us, for I note that Sidun's speech con-
tains other circular forms and chiasms 8 and, in line with
chiastic structure, even takes the last pa rt of Gilgamesh s
speech as its point of departure.
Actually, the dialogue as a whole seems to be ar-
ranged chiastically Not only do Gilgamesh's address and
Siduri s answer run parallel to each other, but as J.H
Tigay has also noted these speeches also form a chiastic
pattern:
Gilgamesh had told the barmaid that: i) Enkidu,
whom he loves, is dead; 2) he mourned Enkidu for
seven days and nights; and 3) he has not found the
immortality he seeks. In reply, the barmaid tells Gil-
gamesh:
The life you pursue you shall not find.
When the gods created mankind,
Death for mankind they set aside,
Life in their own hands retaining.
As for you, Gilgamesh, let your belly be fu ll ,
Make merry day and night.
Of each day make a feast of rejoicing,
Day and night dance and play!
Let your garments be sparkling fresh,
Your head be washed; bathe in water.
Pay heed to a little one that holds on to
your hand.
Let a spouse delight in your bosom,
For this is the task of [woman].
(Gilg Me. iii, 2-i4)
In this advice, the barmaid responds to Gilgamesh's
plaint in inve rs e order: 3) You will never find im-
mortality, because it is reserved for the gods; 2) eat,
bathe, put on fresh garments and rejoice (the oppo-
site of what mourners do); and t) let your family fill
7. "Thereupon David rose from the ground; he bathed and
anointed himself, and he changed his clothes" (translation: Tanakh. A
New Translation of The Holy Scriptures According to the Traditional He-
brew Text [Philadelphia, 198s], p. 4 8 7)•
8 Cf. e g sü 6-9 the middle stanza in Siduri's answer. See
Abusch, "Gilgamesh's Request and Siduri's Denial. Part lI," where I
study the structure and meaning of both iii 6-9 and it 5'-9', the mid-
dle stanza in Gilgamesh's address.
the void left in your life by Enkidu's death. In sum:
Embrace reality. 9
Thus, the overall chiastic structure of this dialogue
might possibly provide an explanation for the inverted
order of elements in the last stanza of Siduri s response
for the second half of a chiasm will often be arranged in
reverse. Influenced by his knowledge that the second
half of a chiastic structure normally reverses the sequence
of its first half, the composer here may thus simply have
chosen to reverse also the order of individual elements
within the last stanza.
Perhaps. But further reflection on the nature of chi-
astic construction suggests that the chiastic mode of
composition neither requires nor adequately accounts
for the composer's use of an apparently illogical se-
quence here an d the disruption, thereby, of normal or-
der. A chiasm should make sense. The structure of an
entire chiasm follows a coherent train of thought. Cer-
tainly, gratuitous distortions of reality will be avoided.
Thus, while the second half of a chiasm does indeed re-
verse the order of the first half, this reversal will normally
achieve the rhetorical and psychological goals for which
it is intended without grossly distorting reality. But,
whereas a l ar ge unit can normally be repeated in reverse
order without disruption of logic, a small, tightly formed
unit will usually retain its normal everyday order, since a
reversal of the sequence of its internal elements will often
create an impossible representation. ° Thus, even when
a literary work follows a chiastic order, elements of indi-
vidual small units will ordinarily occur in their normal
narra ti ve order. Accordingly, the reversal of order in our
last stanza and the subsequent presentation of events in
an abnormal temporal sequence are, as such, not re-
quired by a chiasm and seem even to ignore the logical
norms of chiastic composition. Therefore, we cannot
simply explain the inve rs ion as a normal feature of chi-
astic composition.
Still, it seems impossible to disregard chiastic patte rn -
ing as a factor in the formation of the last stanza. Inver-
sion of elements and chiastic mode of composition a re
closely associated, in our text and elsewhere. Thus, even
9. Tigay, Evolution, pp. 50-5 t.
to. Accordingly, such inversions are quite infrequent. Thus,
for example, W.G.E Watson, Classical Hebrew Poetry: A Guide to lu
Techniques 'SOT Suppkrnent Series 26 (Sheffield, 1984)• P. 35 8 , notes
that "The only example of inversion in Hebrew poetry is Hosea 9,11
where the natural sequence of events is reversed - depicting utter ne-
gation." Hosea 9:1 I: "No childbirth, no gestation, no conception,"
xampk of an "illogical" or unnatural sequence in which
the elements of a small unit ne inverted and listed in reverse order.
For this verse, cf., also, F I Andersen and D N. Freedman, Hosea,
Anchor Bible 24 (New York, 198o), pp. 53 8 , 542-3. Certainly,
Andersen-Freedman's claim that Hosea 9:116 begins its unit (pp.
9) supports the idea that such an inversion serves a distinct the-
nal purpose. For otherwise, the text would have followed a natu-
ral order since the vene's position at the beginning of the unit would
have militated against inversion and would certainly not have fos-
tered it.
4 TZVI ABUSCH
though the chiastic structure of the dialogue as a whole
does not seem to justify the inversion of elements in the
last stanza, it is not possible to dismiss as coincidence the
occurrence here of an inversion within a chiastic struc-
ture. We may neither treat the inversions as the natural
consequence of chiasm nor dismiss the connection be-
tween the inversions and the chiastic mode of composi-
tion of the dialogue. Perhaps we should consider
explaining the inversions as marks of clumsy craftsman-
ship. The poet may have carried out his task in a me-
chanical way. Knowing that in a chiasm, he was
expected to reverse the elements in the second half, the
poet may have inverted some scenes by reversing also
the order of those elements which normally would have
been left in their usual order. ' Thus, it is possible that
the structure of our stanza is simply the result of mechan-
z a man, the one I saved when he clung astride of the keel
ical and uncorrected craftsmanship.
Perhaps. But regardless of whether the inversions in
our stanza are clumsily or skillfully formed, they are pa rt
of a chiastic structure, and we should not mle out too
hastily the possibility that even here inversion conveys
meaning. At best, what we have done thus far is establish
that our text is written in a s ty le that allows or encour-
ages inve rs ion. We have yet to ascertain whether or not
the apparently illogical inve rs ions have a special signifi-
cance and se rv e a specific purpose.
b. Interpretation
i) Reexamining the passage now with an eye to spot-
ting a possible special purpose to the inve rs ions, we no-
tice that the inve rs ion is actually of significance and
certainly deserving of an explanation. Enkidu having
died, the composer in our passage now t ri es to convey
to Gilgamesh the thought that to regain life he must seek
a woman as the replacement for the dead friend for
whom he grieved. The love that Gilgamesh felt for En-
kidu was the love of a warrior for his comrade a love
that finds poignant expression in the story of Achilles and
Patroclus as well as in the famous lament of David over
Jonathan.
How have the mighty fallen
in the thick of battle
Jonathan, slain on your heights!
i grieve for you,
My brother Jonathan,
You were most dear to me.
u, I n further suppon of this characterization, note that this
stanza remains an incomplete or partial chiasm within a larger chiasm,
for while the elements of the quatrain under analysis are inverted,
they are nor a reversal of a corresponding set of elements in the first
half of the dialogue. The elements in our stanza follow the order
BADC; thus neither do they re late directly to and reve rs e the de-
ments in the first stanza of Gilgamesh s speech (which would require
DCBA) nor do they forma miniature chiasm in themselves (ABBA).
12. Such a mistake would certainly be instructive for it would
show how some composers might have gone about shaping chtasuc
strtactores.
Your love was wonderful to me
More than the love of women.
How have the mighty fallen,
The weapons of war penshedj^ 3
That love must now give way, be given up, and the
void filled by a new, or expanded, relationship with a
woman. Therefore, just as the chiasm began with Gil-
gamesh's mention of Enkidu (ii i'ff.), so the 'wife' who
is to be Enkidu's replacement should find mention at its
end.
Thus, the line citing the child (iii 12) is placed not af-
ter the mention of the woman, but rather before her
mention so that the woman may appear at the end, in iii
13, as the counterpart of Enkidu. Here the need for em-
phasis overrides order. The change of order highlights
the message. Final position is an emphatic and climactic
position. It is thus a particularly appropriate and effec tive
place to express and thereby emphasize the thought that
a woman must replace Enkidu and take a central place in
the protagonist's life This idea appears to be one of the
most important elements — perhaps the most important
of Siduri's message; in any c as e, it gives unity and sig-
nificance to her overall advice. Thus, it is fitting that do-
sure will occur here in Siduri's speech with that
statement which for her would have represented the
most powerful thought that she needed to impart.' 4
As for the couplet at the head of our stanza, we may
now suggest that here also the composer intentionally
inverted the order of elements. A possible explanation, if
not a wholly satisfying one, is that he reversed these ele-
ments so that the order in the first couplet would be con-
sistent with that of the second By placing the wearing of
clean clothes (iii to) prior to washing an d bathing the
body (iii I I), the first couplet thus leads into and prepares
us for the atemporal order of the second one.' S
To. Let your clothes be clean,
I I . Let your head be washed, in water may you bathe.
I2. Look down at the child who holds your hand,
I3. Let a wife ever delight in your lap.
The need to mention the woman at the end of Si-
duri's speech thus explains the strange order of the stan-
za. The stanza leads up to the affirmation of the
import an ce in life of the wife 16 The speech ends with
13. 2 Samuel 1:25-27. (Translation: Tanakh, p. 471)•
14. Cf. B. Herrnstein Smith, Poetic Closure: A Study of How Po-
ems End (Chicago, x968).
15. For an explanation of a different so rt we might suggest that
the writer drew upon a source which presented the situation in a stat-
ic form (e.g., a visual depiction of a festival scene). But when repre-
senting such scenes in a linguistic medium that stretches over u rn e,
the author need not present the scene in an atemporal order. And
even when the underlying scene was actually made up of several si-
multaneous events or proceedings, the linear order chosen should
have some significance
16. The capping or climaxing of this thought would also find
expression in the restored line i i 14 if we restore sinniltim: "For this
alone is the concern of woman)." Should this restoration be collect,
it would further suppo rt my analysis.
Gilgamesh's Request and Siduri's Denial
the mention of the human female partner in order there-
by to recall the very beginning of the speech and thus to
link this woman with Enkidu and to emphasize her role
as his replacement.
ii) But the woman's appearance at the end of the
speech also se rv es another purpose. She replaces not only
Enkidu of the beginning of Gilgamesh's speech but also
recalls and replaces the divine woman (Siduri) men-
tioned at the end of Gilgamesh's speech. Thus, the text
would seem to follow not only a chiastic structure, but
also a parallel one This obse rv ation will allow us to re-
solve a further difficulty of this text and to attain a deeper
understanding of the message itself
At the conclusion of Gilgamesh's first address to Si-
duri, he states in its very last lines (ii 12I-13 /) that now
that he has seen Siduri's face, he hopes no longer to see
that is, experience — death. What is the meaning of
these lines? This statement has been taken to mean that
Gilgamesh hopes that Siduri will enable him to reach
Utnapishtim (by directing him to Urshanabi, the boat-
man, who, in turn, will convey Gilgamesh to Utnapish-
tim), and that he will thereby attain immortality. But this
is neither the o ri ginal meaning of these lines nor indeed
what the text actually says. We would suggest that these
lines mean that Gilgamesh now realizes that he wishes to
live with a woman rather than remain in spi ri t with his
dead male friend. But instead of choosing a normal,
mortal woman, he has focused on an immortal because
he thinks her capable of endowing him with eternal life.
Hence his statement:
lirawarkiu'u ul Wet balatam ...
Manna sabitum âtamarpnniki
matam la âtanaddaru ayitmur
Since his death, I have not found life, ...
(but) now alewife, that I have seen your face,
The death that i constantly fear may I not see.
He thinks that in her he has found life. He has not yet
realized that for him now his woman must be mo rt al.
Let us take up the text in detail. What does Gil-
gamesh's statement mean? Siduri is charactenzed as a
sitbitu, a tavernkeeper. She an d her inn would function
as a haven for the traveller an d provide a place of rest,
food and drink, companionship, memment, and sex.' 7
But she is also a goddess, perhaps of the Ishtar type.' 8
Apparently, Gilgamesh believes that having come to Si-
17. Cf., e.g., R. Harris, "Images of Women in the Gilgamesh
Epic," in Lingering Over Words, pp. 222-225 and references there, and
Dailey, Myths, p. 132, n. io6. More generally, see H. Hoffner, " Th e
Arran House, ' in Anatolian Studies Presented to Hans Gustav Giater-
bock, ed., K. Bittel et al. (Istanbul, 1974). PP. 113-21. especially P` 113
for Mesopotamian references and pp. 119-20 for the sexual activities
in the Arzana house
18. Cf. W.G. Lambert, "The Hymn to the Queen of Nippur,"
in Zikir Sumtim: Assyrialogical Studies Presented to F.R. K raus on the Oc-
casion of his Seventieth Birthday, ed. G van Driel et at (Leiden, 1982).
P. 208.
duri, he has, in effect, come to a goddess who is like Cir-
ce and Calypso and whose realm is similar to theirs.' 9 In
the Odyssey, these goddesses offered Odysseus "inunor-
tality" and a life of ease It suffices to cite some passages
from Odysseus's encounter with Calypso.
So he (Hermes) spoke, and Kalypso, shining among divini-
ties,
shuddered, and answered him in winged words and ad-
dressed him.
You are hard-hearted, you gods, and jealous beyond all
creatures
beside, when you are resentful toward the goddesses for
sleeping
openly with such men as each has made her true husband.
So now, you gods, you resent it in me that I keep beside me
board
all alone, ...
but the wind and the current carried him here and here they
drove him,
and I gave him my love and cherished him, and I had hopes
also
that I could make him immortal and all his days to be end-
less.'
So she (Kalypso) spoke, a shining goddess, and led the way
swiftly,
and the man followed behind her walking in the god's foot-
steps.
They made their way, the man and the god, to the hollow
cavern
and he seated himself upon the chair from which Henries
lately
had risen, while the nymph set all manner of food before
him
to eat and d ri nk, such things as mortal people feed upon.
She herself sat across the table from godlike Odysseus,
and her serving maids set nectar and ambrosia before her.
19. For a recent study of Odysseus's encounters with Calypso
and Circe as well as of Circe's Near Eastern connections, see G.
C ra ne, Calypso: Backgrounds and Conventions of the Odyssey, Beiträge
zur klassischen Philologie 191 (Frankfurt am Main, 1988), especially
chapters 1-3. For the netherworld associations of these goddesses, see,
e g. pp. 15ff. For Circe as a netherworld goddess and her island u a
netherworld, see pp. 33-34 with nn. 15 and 23 on pp. 46-47. For the
view of Calypso as a netherworld goddess see. e.g , p. 23, n 7 and
G, Levy, The Sword from the Rock (London, 1953), p. 15 z with n. 4.
.
En comparisons of scenes from the Epk of Gilgamesh with Calypso and
Circe materials. usually Circe and/or Calypso are compared to Ishtar
in GE Vi (age., Abusch. History of Religions 2,6 (1986J p. 161; A.B.
Lord, "G il gamesh and Other Epics," in Lingering Over Words, p. 375=
Crane, Calypso, pp. 63-665) and not to Siduri. But see Dailey, Myths,
p. 48, for comparison of our story to that of Odysseus and Caly pso:
'The story of Odysseus and Calypso in Odyssey V u recognized to
have some dose resemblances to the episode of Gagganiesh and Si-
dun: the lone female plies the inconsolable hero-wanderer with
drink and sends him off to a place beyond the sea reserved for a spe-
cial chi of honoured people ._" In the courte of this
be wen that our undemanding of the comparison
6 TZVI ABUSCH
They put their hands to the good things that lay ready be-
fore them.
But after they had taken their pleasure in eating and d ri nk-
ing
the talking was begun by the shining goddess Kalypso:
'Son of Laertes and seed of Zeus, resourceful Odysseus,
are you still all so eager to go on back to your own house
and the land of your fathers? I wish you we ll , however you
do it,
but if you only knew in your own heart how many hard-
ships
you were fated to undergo before getting back to your
count ry ,
you would stay here with me and be the lord of this house-
hold
and be an immortal, for all your longing once more to look
on
that wife for whom you are pining all your days here.' ...
Then resourceful Odysseus spoke in turn and answered her:
'Goddess and queen do not be angry with me ...
She is mortal after all, and you a re immortal and ageless.' 2°
Such boons are what Gilgamesh hopes to be offered
now that he has found Siduri. For her house and her em-
brace partake of the immortal?'
Thus, if I am not mistaken, Gilgamesh is saying rather
clearly that having finally reached Siduri, he hopes that
she will now take him in and that he will thereby attain
immortality. By saying that he has seen Siduri's face, Gil-
gamesh voices what might perhaps be a formula of mar-
riage or relationship. In marriage contexts, where a b ri de
is veiled, 22 to see her face is to have attained a degree of
intimacy with her.
The unveiling of the b ri de, it may be added, was a
cardinal element of ancient wedding ceremonies,
and it has even been su: Bested that the familiar Bib-
lical use of the word 'know" to denote sexual rela-
tions referred originally to the bridegroom's coming
to know the features of his bnde by lifting her veil
before the consummation of the marriage. The Arab
bridegroom, we are told, often sees his bride's face
for the first time on that occasion, and in Turkey, the
present which he then gives her is known explicitly
as "the gift of the seeing-of-the-face " 23
20 Homer, Odyssey, 5 116-218 , trans. R.. Lattimore (New
York, i975), pp 9e-93.
21. Perhaps what Gilgamesh is seeking here is not eternal life,
but rather a form of death different from the death which had over-
come Enkidu and was the expected form of death for normal men.
As it turns out, Gilgamesh cannot have even this different form of
death at this point in the development of the epic When finally he
assumes the identity ofa dead god, he attains, perhaps, something like
that form of death. Cf. Abusch, History of Religions 26 (1986) p. 1 43 -
87.
22. Cf. GE VIII ii 17.
23. Theodor H. Gastet, The Holy and the Profane: Evolution of
Folkways, snd ed. (New York, 198o), p. io . Cf. S. Greengus,
Babylonian Marriage Ceremonies and Rites, JCS so 0966) p.
Interpreters often read Gilgamesh's speech to Siduri
as if it were his first encounter with her without regard
to the fact that this speech occurs at the end of a large
break. But I would surmise that in the break in the upper
pa rt of col ii, prior to Gilgamesh s speech, Gilgamesh
had already encountered the veiled Siduri and had per-
suaded her to unveil herself. 24 Originally, she was veiled,
and it is surely no accident that in her first appearance in
the Neo-Assyrian version, Siduri is associated with ve il-
ing or covering (GE X i 4: kutummi kuttumatma ..), or
that the name 'Calypso' has been taken to mean 'the
covered/veiled one" and even treated as a translation of
the Akkadian ' covers^ 5 Thus, when in our Old Baby-
lonian passage Gilgamesh says that he has seen Siduri's
face, he is stating that she has been unveiled and that
some degree of intimacy has been established between
them (though whether this intimacy extended also to
sexual intercourse is unclear to me). z6 And he now ex-
presses the hope that she will take lum in to live with her
and to be her lover. For he believes that intimacy and
co-habitation with a Calypso- or Circe-like goddess
would bring immortality. Hence, "Now, alewife, that I
have seen your face, may I not experience the death that
I constantly fear.s 27
24. I thus disagree with Har ri s, "images of Women," in Lin-
gering Over Words, p. 225, who implies that unlike Sharnhat, who un-
dresses, Siduri remains veiled.
25. Cf., e.g., Dailey Myths, p. 132, n. to8.
26. Here, 'seeing the god's fa ce" is not a cultic term referring
to a divine manifestation. But for such a cultic manifestation see, for
example, the statement in the Nergal fuilla, BMS 27 (reedited recent-
ly by W. Mayer, Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der babylonischen
"Cebetsbesdiwörungen," Studia Pohl. Senes Maior 5 Rome, 1976], pp:
478 -81), lines i5-18 (esp. line 17 aflum muppalsâta atamar panika),
which I would interpret as a seeking after a cultic manifestation of the
deity a seeking-out of the actual face of the deity in the form of his
statue. The theme reflects not the actual Sitz-im-Leben of the luilla,
but the temple experience of the liturgist responsible for the compo-
sition (cf. my remarks in "The Demonic Image of the Witch in Stan-
dard Babylonian Literature: The Reworking of Popular Conceptions
by Learned Exorcists, ' in Religion, Science, and Magic ed. J. Neusner
et al. New York/Oxford, i989], p. 36).
27 Gilgamesh also uses the phrase "Now that I have seen your
face" when addressing Urshanabi (Meissner iv r2). There is a repeti-
tion of several phrases in the speeches to Shamash, Siduri, and Ur-
shanabi in the Old Babylonian Meissner 1- Millard f ra gments. For a
listing of these repentions, see Tigay, Evolution, pp. 96-98. These rep-
etitions represent an early stage of the process of assimilation of sim-
ilar passages to each other, for which p ro cess, see Tigay Evolution, pp.
81-103. In my estimation, our phrase originates in Gilgamesh's ad-
dress to Siduri (Meissner ii 12') and is carried over from there to the
address to Urshanabi as part of the aforementioned process of harmo-
nization or assimilation of dialogues. This direction is indicated both
by the fact that our phrase has a specific, not a general, meaning in
the speech to Siduri and that the dialogue with Urshanabi empties it
of specific meaning and links it with another general phrase, ' Show
me (Meissner iv 13) that also occurs in Gilgamesh's address to Siduri
(Millard iii 9') but is there separated from ' Now that I see your fa ce"
(Meissner ii 12) by Siduri s first speech and by part of Gilgamesh's
subsequent address. Thus, the speech to Urshanabi simply dews from
speeches to Siduri, pulling together two separate phrases from two
separate speeches. Also lines common to the speeches of Shamash and
Siduri ("Gilgamesh, whither do you rove) ... ") were drawn from the
Siduri dialogue, cf. below, n. 46.
Gilgamesh's Request and Sid
Gilgamesh takes Siduri to be a form of Ishtar, but un-
like Tablet VI of the later version where Gilgamesh re-
28
jects Ishtar's proposaI, here he wishes to stay with the
goddess in her realm in order to escape death. He imag-
ines that she will consent. But G il gamesh errs in his as-
sessment, and Siduri must disabuse G ilgamesh of his
belief and send him off. She t ri es to do so by means of
her speech. In further suppo rt , then, of my interpreta-
tion of the last lines of Gilgamesh's speech, I would em-
phasize here that Siduri's speech to G ilgamesh is less than
meaningful if his goal is other than to live with her.
Their encounter gains in significance when we recog-
nize that li ving with Siduri has now become Gilgamesh's
goal; Enkidu is being pushed aside and Utnapishtim has
not yet entered the scene And her speech takes on a
new force when we further realize that she is responding
not only to his cry for Enkidu at the beginning of his
speech, but also to his proposal to her at its end.
Siduri must dissuade Gilgamesh from his futile hope
for immortality with her. Her purpose, then, is not only
to encourage Gilgamesh to attach himself to a living fe-
male in place of Enkidu, but also to let him know that
just as he cannot live forever with the dead Enkidu, so,
too, he cannot live forever with an immortal female, a
goddess, and must rather find fulfillment with a mortal
female, a woman. It is not only to answer his points in
the order of last to first, but also to disabuse him of his
idea that he, a mortal, can enjoy immortality with her, a
goddess, that she presents her reply as she does: the gods
have designated immortality only for themselvesr-
5); instead the mortal Gilgamesh should enjoy festivals
to their fullest (iii 6-9) and find fulfillment, finally, with
a mortal wife (iii io-13).
Siduri must express even more than the thought that
Gilgamesh cannot hope to find immortality with a god-
dess. The way for the erstwhile warrior to go on living
and even to lead a meaningful life, when he must finally
withdraw from the world of combat an d adventure and
surrender the love of his dead comrade, is for him to un-
dertake normal activities and normal family relation-
ships At another time, Siduri might have been willing
to be Gilgamesh's temporary sexual partner (see below).
But here she must refuse him, for she must not only dis-
abuse him of the no ti on that he can attain immortality
through a relationship with her, but also convey to him
the necessity of selecting a fami li al sexual partner rather
than a non-famili al one. Sex here is neither an act of im-
mortality and eternity nor an act of the moment. For
only through a familial context will G il gamesh regain a
normal life ^9 Hence, the poet is constrained to mention
the child in iii to an d to mention him prior to mention-
ing the woman. The mention of the child transforms the
sexual relationship with the morbttsrsi into a family rela-
For thu interpretation of Tablet VI,
6 (1986), pp. 143-87, and see below, Section
's Denial 7
tionship. His partner is now also his 'wife', and the birth
ofa child is a consequence of their relation. The woman,
the child, both represent normality.
We are further prepared for this movement into 'nor-
mal life' by the mention, even before the child, of clean
clothes and body. G il gamesh is to be washed and clothed
in normal clothes (not regnal clothes [contra his role in
Tablet VI] nor animal skins [contra his role as a wander-
er]) so that he may reenter a normal state and be attrac-
tive to a human woman rather than a goddess. 3°
The sexual act is now a procreative act which brings
into being the posterity and future signalled by the child.
Progeny implies death, and thus the woman an d child
also suggest mortality an d are a most pronounced way
for Siduri to impart to Gilgamesh the notion of his mor-
rality an d to express the hope that he accept his mortal
nature. But progeny also implies immortality. A child is
a form of immortality, and in our passage, this is the only
form of immortality that G il gamesh can hope for.
iii) To sum up our discussion thus far: the climax of Si-
duri's speech highlights the joy found in the relationship
between mortal man and woman. Here the end of the
second half of a chiasm resumes both the beginning an d
the end of its first half. Thus, Siduri's speech itself builds
up to and concludes with the theme ofa human wife so
that this woman might replace both the male comrade
Enkidu of the beginning of Gilgamesh's speech and the
female goddess Siduri of its end. To enhance and give
particular meaning to this climax, the poet inverted the
order of the elements in the last stanza. clean clothes and
bathing; a child and a wife.
Actually the attempt to reintroduce Gilgamesh to
normal life after his wandering in the wild recalls the hu-
manizauon of Enkidu. The situation that is here meant
to humanize an d acculturate Gilgamesh is similar to that
which served to humanize Enkidu and bring him out of
the wild. The cleansing an d clothing of Gilgamesh here
remind us of the cleansing and clothing of Enkidu as an
introduction to human life Moreover, the prostitute
29. This understanding of Sidu
Gilgamesh back to norrnaliry agrees
transition-point back to normal life for the patie nt who hss u
gone magical rites. See, e.g., R I. Caplice . "The Akkadian Text
Genre Namburbi" (Ph.D. dru.. University of Chicago, *963), pp.
88-89 and idem, The Akkadian Namburbi Terra: An Introduction, SANE
1/1 (Los Angeles, 1974). Q. is: and CAD, vol. S, p. 9: bit 1âhu 2 ' . This
function of the tavern has now been discussed by Ste fa n M. Maul in
("Der Kneipenbesuch ah Neilveii.iliren") read before the
A I (Paris, 1990; Maul there cites our Gilgamesh tat.
3o. Cf, s Samuel ii: so-25. where, after mourning, David
bathes, anoints himself, and changes his clothes and subsequently has
i ntercourse with Bathsheba, who chers bears him a sots, Solomon. So,
too, Gilgamesh's wandering in the steppe, away from civilization.
unwashed and uncaring skins, a trip, . in effect, through the world of
the dead is a fomn or phase of rournini g washing and dressing and
then taking a woman are stages in the termination of the state of
mourre . ..
8 TZVI ABUSCH
Shamhat, 3 ' who humanizes Enkidu at the beginning of
the tale, is like the alewife Siduri (as well as the 'wife' of
her advice), who humanizes Gilgamesh at the end of the
tale. And just as the human prostitute attracts and intro-
duces Enkidu to normal human life by means of sex, just
so the divine alewife who may once have made love to
the traveler now suggests that Gilgamesh make love with
a woman and thereby return to a normal state.
But especially if this parallel is correct, a dissonant
note is now heard, and perhaps it points up one more
factor that is responsible for our inversions. The Enkidu
tale may derive from a story of the humanization of a
p ri mitive by a prostitute that would have been told in
'32
the aftammu, "tavern/inn. Similarly, Siduri's advice
would also seem to derive from and have its setting in
the altammu or bil sâbî/ sâbiti. 33 But in "advice" or songs
that emanate from institutions that provide d ri nk and
sex, places like the bit scibî/snbiti or allammu, one does not
expect to find the injunction, "Look down at the little
one who holds your hand." The point of such an insti-
tution is to encourage a man to undertake sexual plea-
sure with a woman and to provide him with the
opportunity to do so, not to suggest that he undertake
the responsibilities of caring for children and family. 34
Elsewhere, in a treatment devoted to the second stanzas
of the Gilgamesh-Siduri dialogue I will again examine
the setting of portions of the text. Here, I would only
mention that the Egyptian Harper's Songs, sections of the
biblical Ecclesiastes, and other texts that have been corn-
pared with po rt ions of our written text, do not include
For the character of Shamhat, cl recently Harris, "Images
of Wom en," in Lingering Over Words, pp. zzz-24.
See W,L. Moran, "Ovid's Blanda Voluptas and the Human-
e of Enkidu," JNES so (1991), pp. 121-27, especially pp. 126-
for the suggestion that the pub may be the setting for the telling
of a story of the humanization of primitive ratan by sex with a pros-
titute, by drinking, etc, a ty pe of story that could have then served as
the basis for the development of the Enkidu tale
This setting, a place of drink and prostitution, is suggested
by the fact that Siduri's establishment is such a place and by the fact
that such an institution, or, at least, worldly drinking parties and ban-
quets are assumed by the form and content of the advice itself (cf..
e.g., J. Assmann, ' Der schöne Tag — Sinnlichkeit und Vergänglich-
keit im altägyptischen Fest," in Das Fest, ed. W. Haug and R. Warn-
ing, Poetik und Hermeneutik 14 [Munich, t989], pp. 23-25). For
feasting in the altammu, see W,G. Lambe rt , Babylonian Wisdom liter-
ature (Oxford, 196o), p. 256: 9-to: ana Beret altammu L i tandlma, and
pp- 339-4o, especially p. 34o top. En "Gilgamesh s Request and Si-
duri's Denial. Part II" I suggest that po rt ions of Siduri's advice reflect
and play upon mortuary rites. This connection with mortuary ri tes
does not contradict the association of Siduri s speech also with the
altammu, for the banquet of the dead draws upon the mundane ban-
quet as its model and, in the context of the Epic, is efectit ely refo-
cused towards the living by the very character of the afhunmu as an
institution for the hying.
34. Hence, for example, the ceremonial and therapeutic incan-
tations and rituals of the laziga corpus (see R.D. Biggs SA.ZI.GA .
Ancient 4%fesopotamian Potency Incarnations, TCS 2 [Locust Valley,
N.Y.. 1967]), focus on restoring lost potency, but seem never to
mention the desire for children and do not have reproductive goals
En my estimation, the laziga materials originated or at least developed
in the altammu,
a mention of children Accordingly, just as the tale of the
p ri mitive human may have been taken up and made into
the Enkidu tale by the bard responsible for the epic, 35 so
too the aftammu proto type of Sidun's advice aught also
have been modified by the epic bard and the theme of
the child introduced. Just as the acceptance of kingship
was a necessary final step for Enkidu and added by the
epic poet, 36 so too the acceptance of children was a nec-
essary ingredient in the advice to Gilgamesh and was also
added by the epic poet.
Actually, it is useful to realize that iii 32 was probably
an addition. This observation may allow us to recognize
and come to terms with the fact that this line is odd.
Subbi sehram sâbitu gâtika (iii 1 2) is a strange formulation,
a peculiar — or at least unusual — way to describe the
father-son relationship that is being suggested to Gil-
gamesh. Perhaps the line is drawn from or influenced by
another text In any case, our line is reminiscent of sabtat
gitssu kirna . , ireddesru37 of the Old Babylonian Gilg.
Penn. tablet (ii 31-32). The formulation of the father-
son relationship found in M iii 12 becomes understand-
able if we as sume that the epic poet drew on the earlier
Enkidu-Shamhat episode when he added the mention of
the child to his aftammu proto ty pe. He modelled M iii
12 on the earlier line in order, perhaps, to draw attention
to the two passages and to link them together. This con-
nection may perhaps also explain the use of the unusual
marhitum 38 in the following line (M iii 13), for marhitum
recalls rehil, 'to pour to have intercourse, to inseminate',
of the contemporaneous Old Babylonian Enkidu-Sham-
hat encounter (P ii 8 II SB I iv 2 I) 39 Through these and
other connections the author links the Siduri-Gilgamesh
encounter with the earlier Shamhat-Enkidu encounter
and suggests that they parallel each other.
But the order of our last two lines is an inversion of
the order of events in the earlier account, for there En-
35. Morn, JNES so (i991), pp. 126-127.
36. Morn, JNES 5o (1991), p 127.
37. The similarity of the two passages would be even greater
were the conjectural reading sehram (sabot gnssu kima sehrim ireddelu)
for Gilg. Penn- ii 32 again to find suppo rt . But for now, greater
weight must be assigned to the reading preserved in later manuscripts
from Boghazkoi (DINGIR-rim) and Uruk (DINGIR MES), for which
see G Wilhelm, "Neue akkadische Gilgames Fra gmente aus tlat-
tusa," ZA 78 (1988), p. tos 7 (cf, pp. 108-9) and E. von Weiher,
"Ein Fragment des Gilgame"s-Epos aus Uruk," ZA 62 (i972) p. 224
= SpBTU 2, no. 30, obv. t r' . These readings suppo rt J. Renger's
reading ("Gilg. P ii 32 [PBS 10/3]," RA 66 [1972] p. 190) of Gilg.
Penn- ii 32 as DiNGIR! . Note, however, that the text of the line
preserved in Boghazkoi: [... qri-as-si si- ab] -to-at-ma ki-ma DINGIR-
lim pa-ni-lu, does not fully agree with that of P ii 31-32 and that von
Weiher in his commentary to the Uruk passage thought that "Die
Wendung kima il504 steht hier wie ein Subjekt: 'wie die Götter
(einen Menschen führen)', — so füh rt ihn (den Enkidu) die Dime.
En der altbabylonischen Vers ion steht an dieser Stelle das Objekt.
kima sebrim! 'wie einen Kleinen' (führt sie ihn), s. noch W. von So-
den, ZA 53 ( 1 959), 210 " The occurrence of sehram in M iii 12 and
the connection between the two passages would certainly add con-
siderable weight to the reading sebrim in P ii 32 were all other evi-
dence somehow equalized.
Gilgamesh's Request and Siduri's Denial 9
kidu first had intercourse with Shamhat and only then way of conveying an important idea and has thus failed
does she take him by the hand, while here Siduri's advice to fully integrate form an d meaning.
to Gilgamesh concludes with the suggestion that he look
upon the child who is holding his hand and then have II. HISTORICAL SPECULATIONS
intercourse with a woman Thus, in addition to its other We ought now to rethink the significance of the en-
purposes, it would seem that our inversion constitutes an counter an d examine its implications for the epic as a
attempt by the author to create a chiastic connection whole. For if Gilgamesh's goal is to live with Siduri an d
with the earlier Enkidu episode. 4° Perhaps the purpose thereby attain immortality while her inten ti on is to dis-
of this chiasm is to round out the story and provide a suade him from such a relationship and direct him to a
(preliminary) closure to the epic by means of a larger ch- normal life with woman and child, then the original
iasm. meaning and context of this encounter are not those of
a way station on the journey to Utnapishtim. While it is
*** generally acknowledged that the flood account itself is
taken from elsewhere and was not pa rt of the early ver-
The inversion conveys meaning on several levels.
sion of the integrated Akkadian Gilgamesh epic, it is
And yet, such writing remains strange to me. Its strange-
usually assumed that from its outset, Gilgamesh's journey
ness may reflect the reworking of an earlier literary form.
after the death of Enkidu was a quest directed toward
But perhaps this way of ordering elements serves also by
Utnapishtim. But it seems to me that this is not the case
its very strangeness and unexpectedness to emphasize
For Gilgamesh s speech and Siduri's response in this sec-
and highlight Siduri's advice to Gilgamesh. (Thus per-
tion of the Old Babylonian dialogue make no sense if it
haps this is an example of what the Russian Formalists
is assumed that they were onginally composed for a re-
termed 'defamiliarization' or ostraneniye "making
cension of the epic in which Gilgamesh was on his way
strange."
to find Utnapishtim for the purpose of escaping death
Our effo rt s at interpretation have, I think, yielded
and attaining immortality They make sense only if Si-
further understanding. But I am not yet convinced that
duri was, or had become, the goal of the journey. Orig-
the odd forms do not also reflect a mechanical s ty le of
inally, then, Utnapishtim was not pa rt of the tale and
composition or redaction,' a mechanical way of articu-
Gilgamesh roamed without a goal until he met Siduri.
lating meaningful and significant thought. I cannot set
Here, then, we need to explain more fully several of
aside the impression that the poet has chosen a stilted
the literary-historical implications for the Epic of Gil-
gamesh suwested by our study of the dialogue between
38. According to the dictionaries (see AHw and CAD, s v ), Gilgamesh and Siduri.
the term marhitum, with two exceptions, is limited to the Epic of Gil-
gamesh. It occurs here in OB M iii 13 and in SB Tablet Xi in Tablet
XI, it se rv es as the designation for Utnapishtim's wife in the non- Old Babylonian
flood section of that tablet (lines zoz, 205, 209, 258). For the use of
Originally, when Gilgamesh departs Uruk, he is re-
this and other terms for 'wife' in the Epic, see Tigay, Evolution, pp.
acting to the loss of Enkidu and embarking on a direc-
232-33. As Tigay has noted, the non- fl ood sections of Tablet XI were
introduced into the Epic prior to the introduction of the flood ac- tionless journey Even sections of the late text preserve
count. Note, however, that marhitum in Tablet Xi occurs always as
this no ti on and a re clear on this point. So, for example,
part of the formulaic speech introduction. The occurrence of marhi-
tur in that tablet does not disprove my contention that Utnapishtim in Tablet ViI in 47-48 of the Standard version, when
Shamash comforts Enkidu by describing Gilgamesh's re-
was not the o ri ginal goal of Gilgamesh's journey and that even the
non-flood sections of Tablet Xi dealing with Utnapishtim and his
actions to his death, he predicts:
wife were additions to the Epic (see below, Section EI). These por-
And he himself will neglect his appea rance after your
tions of Tablet XI could easily have been added subsequent to the ex-
istence already of an early form of the Meissner f ra gment and drew death) (= arkika42 ),
upon and continued a term used by the older Old Babylonian text. Clothed only in a lionskin, he will roarn the open coun-
The later writer's preference for marhitum is simply a preservation of
an earlier choice.
tr 43
As for the meaning of marhitum in our passage: especially i f the
Gilgamesh-Siduri dialogue is dependent on an earlier altammu proto-
ty pe in which marhitum of iii 13 already occurred and if that dialogue
is the primary instance of marhitum in the epic, then we should prob- 41. Thus. one should perhaps triodify statements about the
ably translate marhitum in M iii 13 not as 'wife', but as 'prostitute/har- spontaneity and freedom of Old Babylonian compositions and com-
lot' or the like.
39 Note also that sex is joyful in both episodes: in the Siduri posers as well as the contrast drawn with later Standard Babylonian
fmtenture. The operation here of this macic of composi t
encounter, marhitum libtadddm Ina simika and in the earlier Shamhat with the notion that the poets of the Akkadian epics belong to the
account, the very name fambat is rendered most efTectisely by
social layer of "the inte ll igentsia of the Old Babylonian age, the ci
"Freudenmadchen." En this regard, cf. also P i zo and 32 - 34.
of the scribes, eachers scholars of the schools and the royal court "
40. The chiastic form, then, is: sex - leading child (P) : : (lead- (G. Komorâczy, "Akkadian Epic Poetry and its Sumerian Sources,"
ing) child - sex (M). While it might be possibk, i hesitate to extend
Acta Antiqua Academia( Sritntramwn Hungaricar a3 tuns] p. 62).
the chiasm to include clothing . and washing, food and drink of the
41. Cf. titi[ worldly M
earlier lines of Siduri s advice and their corresponding mention in the Translation: Dailey, Myths, p. 89.
P tablet.
IO TZVI ABUSCH
And Gilgamesh himself speaks these very same words to
Enkidu in Tablet VIII iii 6f. of that version•
And I myself will neglect my appearance after you(r death)
(= arkika44).
Clad only in a lionskin, I will roam the open country. 45
With this assessment, our Old Babylonian fragment
agrees, for Gilgamesh's speech to Siduri suggests that he
was directionless until he encountered her and that it was
his meeting with her that finally gave definition to his
movement and transformed it into a quest.
Actually, Gilgamesh's meeting with Siduri changes
everything. Till then, movement, wandering, travel
were what Gilgamesh needed, though perhaps he also
held out some hope for a solution for, or respite from,
his existential/psychological pain. He acknowledges that
he had been wandering aimlessly; hence his attanaggisr,
'roam' (Wu warki.fu ul ûta balâtam/ attanaggi.fkima hâbilim
qabaltu sir) rather than Siduri's later tasahhuru "pursue"
(balâtam fa tasahhuru lâ tutta).g6 For him, balâtam in ii not
meant a meaningful life or perhaps the state of being/
feeling alive, not eternal life. He was wandering aimless-
ly because he had lost and could not recover his own
sense of being alive. When he first comes upon Siduri,
he begins to regain focus and structure. He recognizes
that he now wishes to stop roaming and stay with her.
Gil gamesh is seeking an experience, not information
or advice about the road to Utnapishtim, and so says to
Siduri, "Now that I have seen your face, may I not see
death," rather than "Now that I have seen your face, tell
me where to go," as G il gamesh had in fact said to Ur-
shanabi: manna Sursunabu atamar pânika kullimanni
Ctana'iftim rèqam (M iv Iz-13). His unrealistic wish not
to experience death does not mean that he believes that
in finding Siduri he has found the way to Utnapishtim.
Rather, it means that he wants to stay with the goddess
because he thinks her capable of endowing him with
eternal life
At the beginning of their encounter, G il gamesh has
begun to emerge from an almost total identification with
the dead and to seek a focus. He can no longer tolerate
the chaotic existence symbolized by roaming the steppe
but he is not yet able to let go of death and fantasy and
return to normal life. He looks for a way that will allow
Cf th u warkûu M ii to'.
44
45- Translation: Dailey, Myths, p, 93.
46, 4 Gilgam(! If Ladd( / balâtam s'a tasabburu là tuna (iii i -2) also
occurs in Shamash's speech (M i 7'-8'). For the problem, see above
n. 27 As with the lines common to the speeches of Sidun and Ur-
shanabi, so, too these lines are o ri ginal to Siduri's speech, for it is
only here in the dialogue between Gilgamesh and Siduri that there h
a play between balàtam fa tarabrstru Li tuna and Gilgamesh s earlier id
wta baCnam and that the lines in question have a specific referent. In
this context, i should again note that Siduri's use of the phrase fa
tarafrburu serves to redefine Gilgamesh s earlier wandenng (attanai(
. gabafta sin) as a purposeful act. Th e use of Sill alone without
tasatbbnru simply affirms Gilgamesh's own sense of purposeless wan-
denng. .
him to find rest from wandering, but still to escape from
natural death. He thinks that he can find these by living
with the goddess Siduri. In actuality, Gilgamesh has not
yet completely put the dead aside; he remains obsessed
with death His continued g ri ef for the dead is tanta-
mount to a wish to remain with them. And in his mind,
living with Siduri allows him to continue to live with
the dead, for he thinks that through her he can move
away from an overt state of grief without having to sur-
render his attachment to the dead an d reenter the normal
world In his attempt, then, to free himself from the an -
guish of his grief for his friend Enkidu, Gilgamesh t ries
to enter into a marriage with the goddess Siduri. He rs is
a world in which he can live without living and die
without dying He can thus live life through fantasy and
need not let go of the dead.
By becoming a goal for him, Siduri does Gilgamesh a
service, for her appearance provides structure and direc-
tion to what had been a chaotic, aimless existence But
she recognizes that such a union is untenable for the
mortal man G ilgamesh who remains under the shadow
of death. On an ontological level, their union cannot be,
for it is a mingling of human and god, life and death It
is even more destructive on a psychological level, for it
is a fantasy that denies death and leaves unresolved the
losses of life an d one's own mortal destiny. To live for-
ever with a beautiful woman, a goddess, is a pleasant fan-
tasy for a man, but it is also a death wish. G il gamesh
could never again regain human life.
Accordingly, Siduri herself proposes a new course.
She advises him to return to a normal life. (In an earlier
form, she would then have advised his immediate return
home to Uruk and the resumption there of a normal
life.) Thus, she first gives form and definition to what
was aimless wandering by using the term tasahhuru, and
then suggests the futility of a quest which seeks to set
fantasy in place of reality. She redefines his wanderings
as having been in the service of a goal, but then tells him
that this goal is attainable only if it is realistic. She tells
Gilgamesh that even now that he no longer wanders, but
is beginning to define and seek ways of"living", he c an -
not find eternal life or even succeed in escaping death.
But it may well be that it is also Siduri who is respon-
sible, in pa rt , for the eventual inclusion of Utnapishtim
.
in the tale. Staying with Siduri had become Gilgamesh's
goal, but by rejecting Gilgamesh and thus denying the
possibility of some kind of relationship, she not only re-
defines his journey, but unwittingly also directs it in a
way which neither she nor he had originally considered.
Initially, G il gamesh said that he was searching for life; he
had not said that he was pursuing eternal life. But Siduri
turns what was originally an aimless activity into a quest
for eternal life by redefining his aimlessness as sahâni,
fit
pursue,' and by juxtaposing iii i-z: "G ilgamesh,
whither do you rove' The life (balâtam) that you pursue
(tasahhuru) you shall not find," with iii 3-5: "When the
.
Gilgamesh's Request and Siduri's Denial
gods created mankind, death they appointed for man-
kind, life (balâtam) in their own hands they held." 47 In-
advertently, perhaps, she suggests by her speech the new
goal of Utnapishtim: by introducing the notion that
mankind had not been granted immortality by the gods,
she introduces the notion of immortality and puts Ut-
napishtim into his mind. She thus redirects Gilgamesh's
gaze towards the new goal of Utnapishtim-like immor-
tality and redefines or gives new meaning to his search
for life.
Put somewhat differently: Gilgamesh had been roam-
ing aimlessly His desolation, his despair, his loneliness,
his fear of death had impelled him to keep on moving.
But when once he stopped, thinking that he might es-
cape death, Siduri tried to tell him that he would not be
able to find a life or a love that does not include — or
that allows one to avoid — death. There is no human life
without death, but the fear of death must not be allowed
to spoil life. Gilgamesh must fear and suffer death, Siduri
says, but can still enjoy a good life even though it will
terminate in death. But Gilgamesh could neither accept
her advice nor think of another realistic solution. In-
stead, he focused on the idea of immortality, and the
thought of Utnapishtim took form in his mind. Thus,
instead of heeding Siduri's advice, he heard in her speech
the possibility of attaining immortality, for he had heard
of Utnapishtim (or rather, Utna'ishtim as he is called in
the Old Babylonian text) and knew that, contrary to Si-
duri's contention, a human being had once attained im-
mortality To be sure, Siduri's speech does not mention
Utnapishtim by name, but the aptness of seeking him
out was promoted in the present context by the obvious
connection and play between (ut) lita balâtam and lita-
na'ishtim /Utnapishtim. 48
Utnapishtim has now become a pa rt of the story.
Thus, while our Old Babylonian text still emphasizes the
onginal idea of G il gamesh as an aimless wanderer, that
Old Babylonian piece already represents a step in the
transition from the earlier pe rs pective to the later form
of the epic that sets Utnapishtim as a goal. Our Old
Babylonian text represents a stage in the development of
the epic. 49 In its evolution, the epic will eventt ally take
as its focus the journey to Utnapishtim and the quest for
immortality. But while Utnapishtim seems already to
have been introduced into an d become pa rt of the Old
Babylonian sequence, 5° he has not yet become the focus
of the journey from its inception, and Gilgamesh's and
Siduri's first set of speeches still represents the earlier
context.
47. For a related but still different formulation of this thought,
cf: Utnapishtim's remark in the SB version, Tablet X vs 36-39 (arid•
Arnhasis OB III vi 47ff.)•
II
Standard Babylonian
The transformation of Utnapishtim into Gilgamesh's
goal from the outset of his journey must await a further
evolution of the epic evident in the final ve rsion. For al-
though the late ve rsion still preserves sections that ex-
press the o riginal sense of initial emotional distress and
chaos, the nature of Gilgamesh's travel has been changed
into a more directed journey. Thus, for example, Tablet
IX of the Standard version takes up Gilgamesh's travels
at their beginning and opens with a presentation of the
travels different from that quoted above:
Gilgamesh mourned bitterly for Enkidu his friend,
And roamed open count ry .
'Shall i die too? Am i not like Enludu?
Grief has entered my innermost being,
I am afraid of Death, and so i roam open count ry .
I shall take the road and go quickly
48. Note that Komorôczy, Acw Antigua Academia( Scientiantm
Hungaricac 23 ( 1 975), p. 6t, has also noticed the verbal play between
the name Utnapishtim and the statements that Gilgamesh has not/
will not find life:
The name [sail. Uta-napishtim] means "He has found life."
In the epic we find the statement several times that Gilgamei
will not find ' life," thus for example in Fr-Agin. Meissner i. 8 =
line III. 2: ' Life that you search for, you will not find" (ba-la-
lam fa ta-w-ab-bu-nr la tu-ut-ta), ibidcm iI. w: "i do not find
life" (u-ul 4-ta ba-la-lam). In the contexts of the epic it refers to
the name Ota-na'iitim, and it u a play of words contrasting Gil-
game's with the immortal hero of the deluge. Th e name of the
human hero of the Sumerian deluge epic is Zi'uiudra (zi-u 4-
sud-ri). It is obvious that the Old Babylonian Akkadian poet de-
liberately chose another name, serving also his idea
.
Cf. also Speiser, ANET, p. go, n. 164; for a different slant on the con-
nection, see Tigay, Evolution, pp 229-3o.
Here i should mention that Gilgamesh's response to Siduri:
"Why, my good alewife, do you talk thus? / My heart is sick for my
friend! / Why, my good alewife, do you talk thus) / My heart is sick
for Enkidu'' (iii 18-zi. Translation: Jacobsen, "Gilgamesh Epic," in
lingering Over Words, p. 241) does not contradict my understanding
of Gilgamesh's statement in ii 12'-13 as a wish to live with Siduri. Et
is true that, on the face of it, Gilgamesh's words do not seem to be
an appropriate response to the rejection of such a request. But, nei-
ther do they agree with any other interpretation of his request. e.g.,
the wish to find Utnapishtim or main immortality. Gtlga nesh's re
sponse seems to reflect the fact that he has been thrown back to his
earlier fixation on his friend by the rejection. Unable to accept her
advice that he give her up and take up instead with a mortal woman,
Gdgamesh reverts to his earlier attachment to Enkichn, although he
had already moved beyond it. Hence, his response and wish to find
Utnapishtim.
49v Note also that the text iu fluid and seems to represent a lit-
ry stage of change and experimentation. One can almost identify
different hands at work. I note for exampk. that the writing in the
Old Babylonian text seems uneven. with different section appearing
to be composed in different styles. Thus,. I would suggest for exam-
pk, that the middle stanza has been introduced into each of t h e two
speeches and their original speeches contained only the 6m and third
stanzas.
5o. This, on the assumption that Utnapishtim n actually one of
the foci of the Lion in the Meinner-Millard fragments, which wens
to be the case, and that Urshartabi, in Sidun's ùnuactions to Gil-
gamest) no longer plays the role of one who will directly lead Gil-
gimesh back to Uruk. But, the evidence in the Old Babylonian text
.
for the new role of Utriapaheim n minimal°, see Meissner iv t3 (cf, iv
6) and Millard iv t' (restored).
I2 TZVI ABUSCH
To see Ut-napishtim, son of Ubara-Tutu. 5t
It would appear that tablet IX is a later addition; in
any case, it is an integral pa rt of the late recension in
which Gilgamesh now directs his movement from early
on to a goal, the attainment of Utnapishtim.
With the emergence of Utnapishtim as the new focus
of the journey from almost its beginning, the text
changed in various ways. One consequence of this new
development was a change in the presentation of Siduri,
for the new configuration and quality of the work ex-
plains the differences between the figure and role of Si-
duri of the Old Babylonian ve rs ion and of the later
Standard ve rs ion. For now that Gilgamesh s travels have
Utnapishtim as their o ri ginal goal Siduri loses her earlier
function. She is no longer a newly discovered goal, but
rather one more person along the way to hear Gil-
gamesh's tale, bear witness to his state, and direct him to-
ward Utnapishtim. Gilgamesh does not want to stay
with Siduri, rather, he wants to move on to Utnapish-
tim Her famous "carpe diem" speech is now superfluous
and is suppressed; the task of directing Gilgamesh back
to normality and reality now falls to Utnapishtim and his
wife. The altered dialogue between G il gamesh an d Si-
duri in this ve rs ion is consonant with the new construc-
non of the epic. Their encounter has changed from one
in which Siduri refuses to provide a home for Gilgamesh
and advises him instead to return to his own home to
one in which she highlights his plight and helps him
reach Utnapishtim.
Earlier Stages
If our Old Babylonian piece does not preserve the lat-
est form of the encounter between Gilgamesh and Si-
dun, it also does not preserve the o ri ginal form.
However, it may still be possible to reconstruct earlier
forms of the story. A prior form of the story — earlier
even than that preserved on the Old Babylonian frag-
ment — may well have ended with Siduri sending Gil-
gamesh back to Uruk in the care ofa boatman, perhaps
Urshanabi, who here se rv es as a form of Hermes. 52
Thus, this earlier account would have proceeded from
51. Tablet iX i t-7. Translation: Dalley, Myths, p. 95.
52. I would go so far as w suggest that originally Urshanabi did
not serve as the boatman who took Gilgamesh to Utnapishtim, but
rather as the guide who would have brought Gilgamesh directly from
Siduri back to Uruk, the land of the living. He is like Hermes a me-
diator between this world and the next. This understanding of Ur-
shanabi is not inconsistent with W.G. Lambert's suggestion ("The
Theology of Death," in Death in Mesopotamia, Mesopotamia 8, ed. B.
After (Copenhagen, 1984 p. 59) that Urshanabi may be an altered
form of the tradition of the boatman who ferries people across to the
netherworld; but note that Hermes (psychopompos) is the guide
rather than the ferryman and is only secondarily linked up with the
river of the underworld and Charon's fer ry For Herpes in the role
of mediator between this world and the next, in general but particu-
larly in the Odyssey, see, e.g., W Burken, Creek Religion (Cam-
bridge, Mass., 1 9 8 5), pp. 1 57-58 and C ra ne, Calypso,
pp. 16-19, 34-
40.
the Gilgamesh-Siduri dialogue (and perhaps some ver-
sion of the encounter with Urshanabi) to Tablet XI 2 39-
246, where originally it would have been Siduri, and not
Utnapishtim, who advised the boatman to wash Gil-
gamesh and return him to Uruk. From there, it would
have moved on to the return voyage presently preserved
in tablet XI 256-257, 3oob-3oi, and perhaps 302-307. 53
54
Utnapishtim was not originally pa rt of the tale.
Actually, even the form of the story in which Siduri
sends Gilgamesh back to Uruk may not have been the
earliest form of the episode Gilgamesh's o riginal mistake
regarding what he could expect from Siduri suggests an
interesting possibility and allows for some further histor-
ical speculation Surely, Gilgamesh did not construct out
of whole cloth the possibility that he might be able to
stay with Siduri. Rather he made this mistake because
he saw in her a type of goddess hke Calypso an d Circe.
And if Gilgamesh's expectations were not wholly far-
53. Actually, our speculation about early stages helps us to bet-
ter understand how the late version emerged Our reconstruction of
an earlier form of the text (Gilgamesh -Siduri + Xi 239-246 + return
journey [ = XI 256-257, 3oob-301, and perhaps also 302-307]) agrees
with, finds support in, and explains the disjunctions that we sense in
the present Tablet XI between the episodes associated with Utnap-
ishtim (encounter, flood account, test of sleep, plant-of-life episode)
and the instructions to Urshanabi to wash, clothe, and return Gil-
gamesh to Uruk The redactor created the present composite text
largely by framing the instructions to Urshanabi with the initial en-
counter with Utnapishtim, on the one hand, and the plant-of-life ep-
isode, on the other, as well as by repeating the instructions in the
form ofa nar ra tion (XI 2 47-255).
Disruption and clumsiness in the movement of the story make
evident the composite nature of the text: especially good examples
are provided by the interruption of the return to Uruk by the joining
on of the plant-of-life episode in XI 2581f and the clumsy, after-the-
fact way in which Gilgamesh and Urshanabi turn back toward Ut-
napishtim s shore, after having already begun their journey, and cary
on a long-distance conversation with Utnapishtim from their boat
offshore. Further support for this reconstruction is provided by the
secondary nature of the narration XI 2 47-2 S5, which tells of Ursha-
nabi's carrying out of his instructions its derivative nature is evi-
denced by the inclusion within the narrative oflines 2 53 -2 55 (= 244-
246). These lines refer to the future and are clearly a dittography. This
conclusion is suggested by the inappropriateness ofa future reference
in the narrative, but its appropriateness in the original instructions; it
is confirmed by the absence oflines 253-255 in manuscripts: see sim-
ply Thompson, Epic of Gilgamesh, p. 65 n. 37. (The o ri ginal text
could have included the narration minus lines 253-255 instead of, or
in addition to, the instructions. But the dittography and the frequent
use of instructions in the Old Babylonian versions suggest that we
give preference to the instructions).
54. After completing this essay, I was pleased to discover that
also I.M. Diakonoff and N.B. Jankowska, "An Elamite Gilgames
Text from Argistihenele, Urartu (Armavir -blur, 8th century, B.C.),"
ZA 8o (199o), pp 102-124, have noticed that the Utnapishtim epi-
sode was not pa rt of the o ri ginal epic and that "the Sidun episode of
little importance in the Nineveh ve rs ion, must have originally been
the final dénouement of the epic" (ibid., p. too, cf. p. 1 1 t). They think
that originally the plant of life was pa rt of the Siduri episode and that
the purpose of Gilgamesh's visit was to ask Siduri for the plant of life
(ibid., pp. t to-ii, 116). For the time being, at least, i do not accept
this as the purpose of Gilgamesh's visit, though it is an ingenious in-
terpretation and would also provide a reasonable context and mean-
ing for M tî. 12'-13 r : 'now that I have seen your face, may I not see
death."
Gilgamesh's Request and Siduri's Denial
fetched, and if Siduri did, in fact, share at least some of
the characteristics of Calypso and Circe and of their sto-
nes, then it seems quite possible that in some earlier tra-
dition, Siduri acceded to Gilgamesh's proposal and
allowed him to stay with her and that in an even earlier
tradition she was the initiator and even suggested that he
stay with her. Her invitation would have been like the
invitations proffered to Odysseus by Circe and Calypso.
Presumably, the o ri ginal story and perhaps even its sev-
eral early forms involved not Gilgamesh but rather an-
other traveller or wanderer; Gilgamesh was made into
the hero of the story when later this theme of the wan-
dering hero and the goddess was taken over and devel-
oped by the Gilgamesh tradition.
In any case, in the earliest ve rs ion Siduri's invitation
would also have been like Ereshkigal's invitation to Ner-
gal in "Nergal and Ereshkigal ' and it is not irrelevant
that in Tablet X i 15-22 of the Standard version we are
told:
The alewife looked at him and locked [her door],
She locked her door, locked it [with a bolt].
Then he, Gilgamesh, noticed [ ]
Raised his chin and [ ]
Gilgamesh spoke to her, to the alewife;
'Alewife, why did you look at me [and lock] your door,
Lock your door, Pock it] with a bolt?
I will smash the door i will shatter [the bolt]i' 55
This theme is known to us from such other netherworld
contexts as "The Descent of Ishtar," "Nergal and Eresh-
kigal," and GE, Tablet VI, 56 and its association with Si-
duri further links her to the nethenvorld and suggests
that like the other Mesopotamian and Greek goddesses
mentioned, she too had a netherworld dimension
Furthermore, it may well be that the o ri ginal Gil-
gamesh or pre-Gilgamesh/Siduri encounter paralleled
Ishtar's proposal to Gilgamesh in Tablet VI of the Stan-
dard Babylonian ve rs ion of the epic, sharing with it the
topos of the goddess proposing to the hero that he be-
come her mate and join her in her infernal home. 57 h is
o f interest that the epic would introduce the same basic
topos more than once. But the two episodes are surely
n ot the same in the traditions before us. For even if Si-
duri was originally an Ishtar figure, in our Old Babylo-
n ian composition the Siduri-Gilgamesh encounter is in
effect a reversal of the ishtar-Gilgamesh encounter of
Tablet VI, for there Ishtar proposes and Gilgamesh refus-
es and here Gilgamesh proposes and Siduri refuses. Si-
duri has assumed a role like that of the prostitute
Shamhat, who humanized Enkidu and led him to the
city. It is, therefore, of even greater significance and per-
haps ironic value that the two occurrences of the topos
55, Translation: Dailey, I p. tao.
56, Cf. Tigay, Evolutio 17 73 - 74
for a discussion of this
theme in these three myths ,
57• For this interpretation of Tablet VE, see Abusch. History of
Religï 6 (1986). pp. 17 43 -8 74.
13
would be polar va ri ations of each other. The Ishtar-G il -
gamesh episode offers Gilgamesh what he desires but
cannot attain in the Old Babylonian version and also
points up the implication of living with a goddess, i.e.,
death. But these two polar variants of the topos were
probably not present in the same recension of the Epic.
The Ishtar-Gilgamesh episode of Tablet VI was not pa rt
of the Old Babylonian version 58 , rather, it was pa rt of
the late standard ve rs ion, a version that also transformed
the Siduri-Gilgamesh encounter into simply one more
meeting on the way to Utnapishtim in order to learn
how the latter had attained immortal life. It is perhaps
significant for the development of the epic that in its ear-
lier Old Babylonian stage, the epic emphasized a form of
the topos in which Gilgamesh seeks the goddess because
he thinks she represents life absolute and is refused by her
because she recognizes that her acquiescence would
mean his death, while at a later stage, the epic empha-
sized a different form of the topos, one in which the
goddess proposes but the hero refines the proposal be-
cause he realizes that its acceptance means death rather
than an enhanced life. In either case, the hero is not yet
ready to accept the inevitability of death.
Ill REFORMULATION
Elsewhere, I shall examine in detail the poetic struc-
ture and meaning of the second stanza of both Gil-
gamesh's and Siduri's speeches. Here, therefore, I may
end by reformulating the dialogue between Gilgamesh
and Siduri in somewhat abstract terms.
The dialogue is structured around the major events of
the life cycle: birth, but especially marriage and death
The sequence, however, is from death with its attendant
funeral to marnage. But like funerals, marriage can also
be an entrance into death and, thus, a marriage that is a
form of death must be replaced by a normal marriage
that carries with it a reaffirmation of life. Operating with
the polarities of funeral and marriage, on the one hand,
and death and life, on the other, the text links these de-
ments in several ways and moves from funeral/death (ii
4'-9') through marriage/death 01 12'-13') to marriage/
life (iii 6-13): in his attempt to free himself from his at-
tachment to his dead friend Enkidu, a relationship that
had not been resolved by the funeral and mourning rites , .
Gilgamesh t ri es to enter into a marriage with the goddess
Siduri. But such a marriage is untenable for the man Gil-
gamesh for it is a union of life and death, human and
58. See Abusch, History of Religions 26 (1986), pp. t8o-87,
Only with the insertion of Tablet Vi at a later stage, do we get the
introduction of a form of the story in which a goddess invites the
hero to live with her it is perhaps not a coincidence that the later
version has suppressed wholly this particular theme in the Siduri en-
counter and eliminated this goddess's need to convince Gilgamesh to
leave her and return to life. in this context, note also the contrast in
that later version between the handsomeness of Gilgamesh's person
and clothes in Vi 1-5 and attractiveness to ishtar and his worn-out
looks in X col. t and negative impact on Siduri.
14 TZVI ABUSCH
god. Siduri is a divinity, an d death and divinity are alike
in their absoluteness and eternity. Recognizing both the
initial impasse as well as the final sterility and death that
are inherent in the union of human and divine, the god-
dess t ri es to save Gilgamesh from the destruction to
which their union would lead by disengaging him from
her an d directing him instead to a normal marriage with
its attendant births and family life, for only so may he
free himself from death and enter into a new stage of life.
She t ri es to disengage Gilgamesh both from death and
from fantasy, from his attachment to a dead human male
as well as from his hope to be attached to an immortal
female.
Thus, the end of Siduri's speech responds not only to
the beginning of Gilgamesh's speech but also to its end.
For while forming a chiasm, the two speeches also run
parallel to each other with the first, second, and third
stan72c of each corresponding sequentially to those of the
other. The first stanza of Gilgamesh's speech centers
upon a narration of his personal past an d upon human
destiny, while the first stanza of the goddess's speech
centers upon a narration of mythic past and responds to
the cry in his first stanza by pointing to the contrast be-
tween human and divine destiny an d to the inevitability
of human death. Their second stanzas are organized po-
etically around unconventional centers and deal with the
failure of conventional funeral forms, the middle stanza
of Gilgamesh's speech exposes the problem while the
middle stanza of Siduri's suggests a way of resolving it. 59
Gilgamesh's third stanza expresses his solu ti on to the
problem formulated in his first stanza, a solution which
tri es to deal with the loss of Enkidu by acknowledging
his death and replacing him with a goddess whose part-
nership bestows immortality upon Gilgamesh After re-
sponding in her first stanza both to the specific loss of
Enkidu and to the general problem evoked by that loss
Sidun, in her third stanza then rejects the solu ti on pro-
posed by Gilgamesh in his third stanza and provides the
poem's solution. Thus, the third stanzas suggest, on the
one hand, Gilgamesh's hope for his future and, on the
other, Siduri s correc ti on of this thought and its redirec-
tion to an alternate goal. She suggests that he take up the
normal life of a mortal man who experiences the plea-
sures and bears the responsibilities of human family and
society. 6o
59. See Abusch, "Gilgamesh's Request an d Siduri's Denial.
Pa rt II."
6o. G.A. Anderson, A Time to Mourn, A Time to Dance: The
Expression of Grief and Joy in Israelite Religion (University Park, PA,
1991), especially pp. 74-82, studies some of the same issues treated in
the present essay and its companion pieces. This work is an interest-
ing and useful treatment. Unfortunately, it appeared after my studies
of the Gilgamesh-Sidun dialogue were completed and could no
longer be incorporated into the essays.
MARRIAGE AND LOVE
IN THE SUMERIAN LOVE SONGS
WITH SOME NOTES ON THE MANCHESTER TAMMUZ
Bendt Alster
Helsingor, Denmark
In JCS 29 (1977), pp. 16-27, with copies pp. 39- 43,
A. Sjöberg edited four nearly duplicating Sumerian
songs addressed to the goddess Nanaja, CBS 8S3o (= a),
ROM 721 (= b), UM 29-I5-56o (= c), and CBS 13915
(= d) 1 The texts unambiguously transmit the words
spoken by a man to a prostitute and her answer.
In a obv. i 10-19 [Example No. 1] the man talks to a
woman coming out of the entrance of her "cella" (14: ka
pa-pa]l). 2 In the following lines he flatten her for being
a true woman when speaking to a man and when look-
ing at him, and then states that her nakedness e,
lit. "na-
ked heart") 3 is sweet when she stands against a wall (17),
and that (her) hips are sweet when she bows down (18). 4
Her answer is amazingly straightforward: "When I stand
against the wall it is one lamb, when I bow down it is
one and a half shekel" (19-2o) [No. 2] The duplicating
text c, obv. 12 - rev. 2, seems to have had a more de-
tailed specification of prices of similar services (nearly
completely broken), whereas text b (between obv. 20
and rev. 1) omitted the prices altogether.
I have previously suggested that in the myth "Manna
and Enki' (lines 4-5) [No. 3], the reference to manna
I. Text a is said to be a bal-bal-e-song of manna, b is said to
be a bal-bal-e-song of ilia-na-a, c and d ar e small fragments, the name
of the goddess is only preserved on d; the last two lines on obv. ill as
well as re v. i-ü of a ar e further inscribed with a hymn to manna, not
related to this one. It is duplicated by SRT 9.
2 This cella can be a sacred cult room, but it is equally pos-
sible that it is any bedroom Cf. pa-pab in "The Fowler and his
Wife,' (reedited by B. Alster t99a), line 3, vanant D: dam-a-ni ka
pa-pah-a-ka im-ma-na-`x'-[x].
3. In a obv. i 17 (restored) = b obv. 19 = c obv. to, A. Sjöberg
translates ii-sù-zu i-sa 6 as "your remote heart is gracious," but as he
states, p, 24, the meaning is anything but obvious. Nothing prevents
us from taking sù as mi, "naked. ' In view of VS 2 a ti to-13: men-
kù sag-zu um-te-gal sag-su-zu gin-na, ... b ar -su-zu gin-na, ... su-su-
zu gin-na, ... gin-su-zu gin-na, vanant RA 8 (1911) 161-169 ü 23
(not quoted by M. E. Cohen. Erfemma, p. 77): sa]g-sù-zu, "take off
the crown from your head, go bareheaded/naked/empty-handed/
barefooted," E venture the translation "nakedness," In "naked
heart."
4. Text a obv. i 18 (and b obv. 20, restored) have GAM-e-dé,
I bowing down," c obv. to has GAM-ma-ni. 'when you bow
down.' Note that the text does not say "your hips," and that "hips"
is plural here.
bowing down (gam) is an all usion to standing inter-
course from the rear, frequently depicted in Mesopota-
mian art. 5 This idea was accepted by A. Sjoberg, who
states (with due caution, p. 24), with regard to our text,
that "If tlus interpretation proves nght, the price of coitus
a tergo with a temple hierodule was VA shekels of silver."
There can be no doubt about the general correctness of
the interpretation, for the text continues with a sequence
of lines which are clearly metaphors for sexual inter-
course (19-23) [No. 41:
Do not dig a canal, let me be your canal,
Do not plough a field, let me be your field,
Farmer, do not search for a wet place,
Let me be your wet place'
Text b adds "my precious sweet one" in the begin-
ning of line 23, and further con ti nues, "the [ditch(?)] is
your furrow, our little apples are your desire."
In view of the price, one lamb, which is likely to have
been a traditional donation to a temple, it seems that the
texts were connected with the prostitu ti on at one of
manna's temples. However, it is legitimate to ask if they
can be seen in a less sacrosanct perspec ti ve. They could
describe a scene from the secular sphere of life put into
the mouth of the goddess. This would be in line with the
common tendency in ancient literatures not to describe
ordinary people directly, but only indirectly in the dis-
guise of deities. In our case we have no ch an ce of veri-
fication, but it is worth mentioning that apart from the
name of the goddess an d the possible significance of the
lamb, there is not a single detail in the Nanâja songs that
unambiguously refers to a temple or a ritual
It is indeed highly likely that there were p rostitutes
connected with manna's temples. Some myths and
hymns describe manna acting as a whore with great sex-
16 BENDT ALSTER
ual appetite, 6 and "Inanna and Enki" is not the only ex-
ample of a text in which Inanna praises her own private
parts [No. 5]. Other explicit examples are CT 58, 13
(3M 88318) [No. 6] and Ni 9602 [No. 7] 7 Also the im-
ages of ploughing as a metaphor for sexual intercourse, 8
an d the wet place as a metaphor for the vagina, occur in
a number of Sumerian texts 9 One may ask if this strong-
ly erotic language can be seen in a broader cultural per-
spective, apart from that of mere poetic delight. 1O
It is clear that Inanna's erotic force of attraction was
something of great importance to her cultural functions
and identity However, it is not my intention in this
study to pursue the theme in its relation to fertility an d
to the sacred marriage ri te. Without entering a discus-
sion of the many interesting aspects and widespread con-
nections between erotic a rt and religion in many
cultures, predominantly in some Indian religions, I will
try to point out that the erotic situations described in the
Sumerian love songs also suggest another, and totally
secular, cultural function, related to the young girl's
choice of a husband. These considerations are dedicated
to Prof. W. W. Hallo, who belongs to the exclusive class
of scholars who in their writings have been able not only
to encompass all periods of Ancient Near Eastern histo-
ry, but also to bnng the field into contact with theories
6. Notably "Hymn to Inanna-Ninegalla," STVC 87 and du-
plicates. Also CT 58, zo (BM 96936), with the duplicates ISET 1227/
169 L. I soi, and VS to, 167. Cf. CT 58 Introduction, pp. 14-15.
7. Also relevant is the extremely difficult song CT 58, 16 (BM
23666) with the duplicates CT 58, 15 (BM 884o6) and VS 2, 3o, cf.
CT 58, Entroduction pp, 12-13. In CT 58, 16: 64-65: [GAM-me]-dè
hl GAM-me-dè / [ x x GAM-ink-de làl-e GAM-me-de = 79-80:
[GAM-me-d]è hl GAM-m[e]-d[è] / [ x x ] NI GAM-me-de lM-e
GAM-me-'de', dupl. CT 58 15, rev. 6-7: [GAM]-a-di-en lal-e en
GAM-e-dè-[en] / [GAM]-a-dè-en 1M-e en GAM-e-dè-[en], since the
reading probably was gurum-me-de, this can hardly be a pun on *ga-
àm-me-en-dè-en, 'let us talk." i now tentatively venture the t ra ns-
lation, ' bowing down in honey." This may seem less surprising in
view of the erotic connotations of honey, which frequently appear in
the love songs Cf. TCL 16, zo: 72-73: hi-ni hl-e gin -ni 111-e mà-a
mu-un-ku f ku7-de / a Ili girl-ni làl ku 7-ku 7-dam mi-a mu-un-ku r
[ku7 -dèl, "his hand in honey, his feet in honey sweeten me, his arms,
hands and feet, made honey-sweet, sweeten me" (cf. PAPS 107,
508) C f. also Kramer 1969, 21: 19: làl-e dar-ra. Van Dijk i953, 67:
57: ab-sin-na GAM-GAM-a-[del, "bowing down in the furrows,"
undoubtedly has the same conno tati ons. Cf. also n 47 below.
8 See the references in Sjöberg 1977, 24, further n. 36 below
and [Nos. 14-15]; Manchester Tammuz iv 26, etc.; Lambert 1987, 31-
34; Afanasieva 1982.
9. in SRT 23: zo: kai-a - tai-gim pl 4 -la-ni zé-ba-àm, "like her
beer her vulva is sweet" (cf. Alster 1985, 140), beer is used as a met-
aphor for the moisture of the woman s genitals Th is is also likely to
be the case in SRT 31: 7 (ci note 12 below). The theme also occurs
in the Old Akkadian love song edited by Westenholz 1977 201, line
16: ur4 -ki fa li-na-tim, "your urine-yielding genitals " with a parallel
in an Old Babylonian love incantation, Wilcke, ZA (1985) 198, 19
cf. the comments by Lambert 1987, 37-38.
10. This study owes much to previous discussions by Afa-
Va 1982, Lambe rt 1987, Jacobsen 1987 A, and Kramer 1963.
related problems will be dealt with in Alster 1992. Many of
Kramer's lint intuitive solutions in his first detailed study of the
Sumerian love songs (1863), have turned out to stand the test of time
better than some alternative interpretations.
of social history and literature through a wide scope of
interest and competence in general theories of cultural
history. In the present study I have tried to follow his ex-
ample in learning from the methods and theories of ad-
jacent fields of research. In particular I would like to
recognize the inspiration I have received from the Scan-
1 ing takes place may be Dumuzi's sheepfold, in the
dinavian school of Old Testament scholarship.'
The recognition ofsets of images and situations found
in the Sumerian love lyrics may be essential to the un-
derstanding of the poems, but also raises questions as to
how far the metaphors go and to what extent a literal
meaning goes hand in hand with a metaphorical one
Another question which has to be raised is whether such
imagery always necessarily has to have originated in the
sacred sphere of the temple cult, since in many cases one
could argue the other way round, and ask if the imagery
of the cultic love songs was not in fact to some extent
taken from secular love songs. 12 In fact, the impo rt ance
of a sacred ri te in the love songs, whether related to the
temple or to the royal court, or both may have been
largely overrated. The highly formalized character of
both the language and the scenes alluded to in the poems
can be seen as evidence of a traditional set of common
marriage ceremonies Although a king's name is men-
tioned in some love songs, his name may stand for any
lover,^ 3 and although the girl is called Inanna in most of
the poems, one cannot automatically sum up the evi-
dence and draw a picture of this deity on the basis of the
texts, because in a given song her name may simply stand
for any beloved girI. 14 In other words, what she is de-
pends on the situa ti on.
r I. i also recognize my indebtedness to A. Hvidtfeldt's school
of sociological approach to religious studies. Similar methods have
previously been applied to Sumerian literary texts in my study ' The
Mythology of Mourning," in: Acta Sumerologia 5 (1983) 1-16 also A.
Koefoed, ibui. 17-23.
12. The first to present a systematic discussion of the complex-
ities of the sacred marriage ri te was Renger 1975. S.N. Kramer's clas-
sic opinion, that the Sumerian love songs are "religious rather than
secular in character" (&lieten 16 [1952] 36o) was challenged by Alster
i985, who made a proposal to subdivide the love songs into several
types, some of which a re completely secular (Alster 1985, 127), but
the recognition that secular facts of life are depicted in the love songs
is by no means new. Cf. the bnef remark by Wilcke 1970, 87 with n.
7. Jacobsen 1987 A, 60-63, presented an interpretation of the love
song SRT 31, which he saw as a completely secular "tavern dia-
logue,' probably from the circle around king Sulgi's cou rt . Although
i fundamentally agree with Jacobsen, i find no reason to degrade this
particular poem unnecessarily (p. 63, "hardly uplifting, either as po-
etry or in any other way"). The recogni ti on that beer is used in the
love songs as a metaphor for the moisture of the woman s genitals (ci
note 9 above) enables us to see this as a secular song, which may not
at all be at home in a tave rn . Cf the discussion of the text by Alster
1992. The po ss ible existence of secular Akkadian love songs was rec-
ognized by Goodnick Westenholz, 1 98 7 4 1 7.
13. Cf Alster 1985, 135, commenting on Ni 2461 [No. t 1].
The so-called "Faithful Lover Dialogue" is to be seen in a sightly dif-
ferent perspec ti ve (Held 1961). A few Akkadian love songs are pre-
served cf. Black 1983 Goodnick Westcnholz 1987, but catalogues
with titles a re known, KAR 158 and Finkel 1988.
Marriage and Love in the Sumerian Love Songs
If we try to divest the songs of the cultic setting in
which facts of daily life may in a number of cases be
couched, we can in some of the songs recognize the
scenery of courting and wedding among ordinary people
in the secular sphere of life Some describe the meeting
of the lover and his beloved one at some unspecified
moment, so that it is difficult to determine their time and
function,^ 5 whereas others describe Inanna dressing up
for the meeting in such terms as to make it clear that the
songs belong exclusively to her cult, but even in these
cases facts of daily life may be reflected.
Common to a number of the songs is that the lover
and the girl address each other as "brother" an d "sis-
ter." 16 This mere figure of speech^ 7 should not surprise
us in view of the fact that exactly the same phenomenon
can be observed in Egyptian love songs. i8 The reason for
using the terms of the closer family members is obviously
that under cover of modesty this allows the lovers to use
expressions of tenderness which would not otherwise be
suitable for unmarried people. This is explicitly stated in
Song of Songs 8, i-2: "I wish that you were my brother,
that my mother had nursed you at her breast. Then, if I
met you in the street, I could kiss you and no one would
mind. (2) I would take you to my mother s house, where
you could teach me love ..." 19
14. This is the case in TMHNF Iii 2.5. The argumentation of
Frymer-Kensky 1989, 189, rests on the assumption that one can
straight away use the situations of the wedding songs to draw a pic-
ture of the goddess Inanna, furthermore that manna's behavior in
these texts differs from that of any normal b ri de of the upper social
classes. In my opinion Inanna is here merely a name that stands for
any normal girl in such a situation. Cf. notes 39 and 49. An excellent
survey of the female role in Mesopotamian society can be found in
Goodnick Westenholz 1990.
15. SRT 31 (Sefati 199o, Alster 1992) is an example of a song
that describes a mee ti ng of the lover and the girl at an unspecified
moment. TCL 15, 20 [No. 9] (= PAPS 107 508) and N 356o (dupl.
N 43os, PAPS 107, 5o8, cf. n. 46) are examples of lyrical songs with
no particular details of time and place.
16. References in Sjöberg 1977, 25 ad line 31. Cf. Sefati 1990,
55, n. 36, Alster 1985, 135, n 6, and Alster 1992, n. 34.
17. In Th. Jacobsen's interpretation of "The Sister's Message,"
"brother" and "s'ster' were taken literally: UM 29-16-8, dupl. Ni
455 2 = PAPS 107 509ff. (J acobsen 1974, also Th. Jacobsen, The Trea-
sures of Darkness, pp. 27-28, with n. 23, p 246 and Harps, 8-9). With
the kind permission of Prof. W.W. Hallo I was able to inspect the
duplicate NBC 10.923 in the Yale collec ti on in 1989. Obv 1-17 of
the latter contains the wedding song UET 6/1 1 z i (with dupls.,
PAPS 107, 5ro), whereas obv. i8-1g and rev. duplicate the text ed-
ited by Jacobsen, starting with line 16 or 17. UM 29-16-8 obv. 12-14
duplicates the last four lines of UET 6/1 12 t (+ dupls.). The subscnpt
d inanna]-kam is fairly certain in the former, rev. 15 (cf. the photo-
graph PAPS 107, 522). s]ig 7-sig7 -dé-en in the former, rev. 14, would
then be a va ri ant of line 16 of the la tt er, represented by UET 6/1 122
rev. 5: zé-ba-mu ki(!)-ni-[mu?] zé(= dè?)-ba-an-zé-èm-i-dè-[en],
and N 4569 obv. i i4: [e.. da(?)-mu(?)]-ni-ib-zé-bé-en-llè-en-
18. Manniche 1987, 1 975.
19. The ambigu[ty of the literal meanmg of "brother" is ex-
ploited in BM 23631: no-t58 (Kramer 1985, 122-123). Inanna there
asks her brother, Utu, to go with her to the mountains to learn the
a rt of lovemaking. Yet, in view of the words she uses, kur-sè ga-ba-
e-da-u 5 , "let me ride with you to the mountains," one cannot possi-
bly avoid the impression that she wants to have intercourse with him
herself.
17
Some of the scenes that can be recognized are the fol-
lowing: prior to the meeting the girl may stroll in the
moonlight, 20 or he or she may walk along the ri ver
bank. 21 The girl may have to lie to her mother to get a
chance to see her lover» The location where the meet-
moonlight, in the mountains, 23 or the lover is invited to
come to the girl's house at nght. 24 In one case she is tak-
en to his house,^ 5 or she is taken to a garden. The garden
may be any garden, but it is highly likely that there was
also a garden connected to the temples, where the sacred
marriage ritual took place z6 Similarly, the sheepfold
may be a ritualistic loca ti on, but there can be no doubt
that an ordinary sheepfold was a place where erotic
scenes were likely to have taken place ^7 The b ri de takes
a bath and dresses up for the wedding. The bridegroom
ar ri ves with his gifts. In some cases he arrives by boat.a 8
A song may be sung to welcome him,^ 9 or the b ri de may
address a song to him. 3°
In this normal sequence of events there is one partic-
ular feature that deserves our atten ti on. As has been sen-
sibly pointed out by J. Cooper, the female point of view
20. TMHNF iiI 25 [No. w].
21. This seems to be the case in Ni 4569 (ISET 1118) ii 4-5:
di-da-mu-de di-da-mu-dè / gt id-nun-na dib-ba-mu-dè / gG bun-
nun-na-sè nig[n l,-na-mu-di, "when I walk, when I walk, when
pass along the Tigris(?), when i stroll along the Euphrates," cf. Alster
1985, 156. I there took the text as spoken entirely by the girl, but
there is the possibility of a change of speakers at line 14. In line 9 I
now suggest: k ab-sin-[na bi-li (ma-az) s]a 6-ga be-me-en, "may you
be the one who makes the grin in the furrows beautiful," on the ba-
sis of BE 3o, 4 obv. 5. k ab-sin-na bi-li ma-[a]z `si'-ga (the copy
shows si-ga rather than sa t -1;a, but the la tt er is no entirely excluded).
Cf. also TCL i5, 20: 68 (= PAPS 107, 5o8, line 3), quoted here as
[No. 9]: se ab-sin-ba ht-li-a si-a-mu ...
22. TMHNF iiI 25 [No. 10]. Cf. also "Enlil and Sud" 21 (Civ-
il 1983, 51/58).
23. Sec note 19.
24. This is the case in PBS 12, 52, cf. Alster 1985, 128-13 5.
25. This is the case in UM z9-16-8 (with dupls., cf. note t7
and [No. 12]).
26. Cf. CT 58, 13: 24-26 [No. 8]; TCL 15, 20: 67 [No. 9]; Ni
4171 (ISET 1 82/24, Kramer 1969, 21). Manchester Tammuz
gi6-da DU da-DU ki-ri-si da-DU, "conic at night, let me go, let me
go to the garden[" Also same text i t-7. Old Akkadian lo ve incanta-
tion, Westenholz 1977, 2o1, lines 8, 9, and 17, etc. Lambert 1987, 28,
points out tint 'garden" does not always have to be taken literally.
27. Cf. "Inanna and Enki" 3 No. 31; SLTNi 37: 4-5. 'Dumuzi
and Enkidu " van Dijk, 1953, 67: 56-57, eu. CT 15, 28-29 (S.N.
Kramer JANES 5 [ 1 973] 243- 2 53; B. Alster, JNES 27 [1975] 216-
219) is a humorous song in which Dumuzi t ri es to arouse his sister
Gedtinanna's interest in lovemaking, by showing her the incest prac-
ticed among the animals of the sheepfold.
28. Cf. CT 58, 13-14: am-e mi ma-al-la mimi-ni-n / a m-e
d dumu-zi-di mi ma-al-la, "the 'bull' has a boat, he steere d his boat
the bull, Dumuzi, has a boat"; SLTNi 35 iv 5: [llama-us'um]gal-mu
!lmi ba-c-de-ri (also line 3; = PAPS 1 07. 497. cf. n_ 5 1 ).
29. UET 6/I i z t, with dupls. UET 6/z izz, N 43 0 5, Ni 45 69,
STVC 107 UM z9-r6-8 (= PAPS 107, 510, cf. note 17 above) is a
song to welcome the bridegroom.
3o. CT 58, 22 is a song addressed by the bride to her
husband,
t8 BENDT ALSTER
is very predominant in the love songs. 3 ' We are obvi-
ously far away from the sexual restraints that one might
have expected in an ancient Oriental culture. The girl
may not only praise her own private parts, as we have
seen is the case with Inanna, she may also allude to the
male parts in expressions like "alabaster figurine onto
which a lapis lazuli ornament is tied " 32 as well as stand-
ing and lying trees, whose implication should be rather
obvious [No. 8]. An even more detailed set of metaphors
occurs in a song in which the girl sings about her garden
being watered by an apple tree bearing fruits at its top
[No 9]. 33 The whole atmosphere is one of enjoyment
and delight. Furthermore, although the evidence is de-
batable, there can be little doubt that at least in the wish-
ful thinking of erotic poetry, the lovers could spend a
night together before they were married. However, it is
equally important to observe that in every one of these
cases the texts seem to imply that after their encounter,
the girl invited her lover to come to speak to her moth-
er, the purpose unquestionably being to ask for her
daughter's hand in marriage [No. 1o], or she asked him
to bnng gifts to her parents, obviously to the same effect
N o. IIJ, or, alternatively, he asked her to come to his
[
family, obviously in order to be accepted as their daugh-
ter-in-law [No. 12]. Some of the love songs can thus be
seen as poems in which the girl expresses her desire to be
married.
There can be no doubt that under normal circum-
stances it was the girl's family that selected a man to
whom the girl could be married Some texts explicitly
talk about manna's brother Um as her mentor. 34 How-
ever, to judge from the literary sources, it is equally clear
3!. J. Cooper 1989, 88. When Cooper states, "I was surprised
to find that ... sexual intercourse is hardly ever mentioned by name
nor ù the male organ , and even when the later is referred to meta-
phorically, the reference is often ambiguous " E do not find this amaz-
ing, because what else could one expect in erotic poetry? Cooper
correctly points out that " the tender , sensuous sexuality of the Inana-
Dumuzi poetry does not lead to conception . ' Yet, in the meantime
a love song has been published in which the girl actually sings of the
children she is going to have with her future husband, CT 58, 22, cf.
CT 58, Introd., p 15-r6, and one purpose of the sacred marriage me
may have been to provide the king with a successor , cf I-blb 1987.
32. SRT 3 1 32: dim gis - nu ll -gal suh n-gin kdda , cit Seân
1990 , 52. CI. Jacobsen , 1987, 6z, n. a9 , " Mother metaphor [ for the
rink member ] n that of a pillar of alabaster set in dark hlue lapis-la-
zuli." Alstn t99z, n. 44, warns against overdoing this type of inter-
pretation . Also women are described as statues or figurines . This is
most explicitly the case in TCL 16, 70 (= PAWS 107, 495-497), where
the deity ckarly n the statue . Cf. n, 38.
33* CI.. Jacobsen 1987 A, 62, n. 29. The erotic symbolism of
apples and dates may be present already in the manna hymn FLP
2627, published by k Sjöberg, JCS 40 (1988) 165-t86, possibly dat-
ing to the Ur IiI period. The text has close panileb in the later com-
positions TCL 15, 16 (pis. xlvii -xlviü ), and CT 58, 36. Cf FLP it 7:
zù-mum â-an- sur - ba hi-li gùru - me, "l am the one who makes the
dates in their cluster attractive, ' and TCL 16, 76 rev. 44 dinanaN
•m-ma an - sur-gim < hi> -h(?) gùr - ru-e, "manna , you arc attnc-
tive like dazes in clusters,' Akkadian inns..: d-w !1i ki-ma sis-sin-na
ci: Lambert 1 987, 30, "manna, who n hke a spadix
.. . - - n JCS 4o, 168 û 6, i suggest e-
"the branches coming out."
that, at least in the world of poetry, the girl was not pre- -
pared to accept the choice without discussion In view
of the formalized way in which this issue is phrased,
there are good reasons to beheve that this does in some
way reflect reality. A phrase is used according to which
she would only accept ' the man of my heart" (= choice,
i e. the man she loves), and this may well have been a
phrase that had legal connotations. 35 Furthermore, there
is good evidence that she might not accept her future
husband without literally having a contest performed, or
performing it herself, in order to evaluate his social
standing in relation to her own [No. 13].
In a song in which the king clearly played the role of
Dumuzi in the sacred marriage me Inanna, having
praised her own vulva [No. 7], goes on to raise the ques-
tion, "who will plough my vulva," clearly sung in a di-
alogue with an audience. With the answer, "the man of
my heart," she confirms her choice [No. 14].
There exists another version of the theme in which
the question reads, "who will plough the gemstones for
her" (= tuba-stones) [No. 1 5]. Again, it is beyond doubt
that also this refers to the person who is going to have
sexual intercourse with her. 36 W. G. Lambe rt is un-
doubtedly right in arguing that the particular way in
which this is phrased might indicate that the intercourse
34• Utu is manna ' s mentor in " manna and the Bndal Sheet"
(SRT 3, van Dijk, 1953, 65-66), and in "Dumuzi and Enkidu' (van
Dijk 1953, 67-73). Cf. also the text mentioned in note 19 , above.
35• [No . 13.2], lines (49-)5o: mu-lu sà - ab-mu , " the man of my
heart ." Also [No . 14], line p; Kramer 1 96 3 49 6: 42 ; Manchester
Tammuz u t4 W il cke, WO 4 (1967) 157, refers to BIN 7 164 (Old
Akkadian). in which a man refrains from making claims on a woman
hecause she had the freedom to many a man of her choice ( dam sà-
ga-na -ke4 ha-ba -du12-du 1J
36. See the discussion by Lambert 1 987 , 3 1- 34 • The interpre-
tation was intuitively anticipated by Knmer 1 963 . 495 ('probably
metaphorical expressions for sexual intercourse '), and supported by
Aßnasieva 1982 and (in principle ) by Lambert . Jacobsen 1987, 5-6,
translates " founding ( a house ) on the gems ," but ur 11 -m means to
"plough ," and not to "found .' The sexual connotations of the ex-
pression were denied by Wilcke i76 , 315. According to him the
ploughing is "nndeuttg auf die Gewinnung der Steine bezogen," with an
alternative suggestion , "dam Aujfddeln d er Edelsteine zu einer Halskette,
fair das das Fallen der Saatkö1nr ncheirsnder in die Furche beim Säh-Pflw-
gen als Metaphagebraudit wird. " In support of this he quotes the Ni-
msinna Hymn SRT 6: 69 = SRT 7: 6: suba na-ur 11 -w numun-e-es
na-ga - ga, "the gemstones are ploughed indeed , are put down as
seeds ." Although it is clear that , in that text , the gemstones are jewels
put around the neck of a divine statue ( 67), this in no way precludes
the metaphorical implication of the stone . On the contrary , this is the
o_ way to make connected sense out of the text , because the in-
vention of thc fuba-stones results in the functions of the midwife (75:
"sila - gar-n - ke4 , gi-durs ku5 -de , cutting the umbilical cord), preg-
nancy , and determining the gender of the child (78: peso pess 4 -se ga-
gâ-dè sag -su-bar aka - dè) Ploughing the Tuba - stones is further men-
noned in CT 58, zo v z5: suba-ak-e suba-ak-e 'suba na-ur 11 -ru, "he
who made the gemstones , he who made the gemstones, he will
plough the gemstones indeed ." This line shows thatsuba-ke 4 in UM
2 9-16 -37: 2 55ff. = suba - ak-e, "he who made the gemstones." Ac-
cording to CT 58, zo vi 1 5 the material of the stones came from Ma-
gan. This is apparently a major point in the later composition, which
ends with a pun on the ludw-stones : ûnu - suba a - ia so 3à - ba-ni, 'the
gemstones, o her heart!" (vi r 8).
Marriage and Love in the Sumerian Love Songs
did not take place in reality, and that the text rather refers
to a ritual in which only statues were involved. The rea-
son is that the gemstones here refer to small lapis lazuli
stones with representations of the vulva, used to embel-
lish a cult statue. 37 However, the song might equally
well allude to the bride dressed up with small lapis lazuli
pearls. The figure of speech would still make good sense.
The use of the third person, rather than the expected
second person, in the dialogue is not necessarily a scribal
error. It may well have been an audience at the wedding
ceremony that sang this on behalf of the lovers, to con-
firm their choice. Thus, the underlying reality is clear
enough, in particular because precisely this passage is
preceded by a contest in which Dumuzi and Inanna ar-
gue about the social standing of their parents. The phrase
'the one with whom she quarreled, the one dear to her
heart" explains the ceremonial setting of the scene in
words that could hardly have been clearer (line 24), and
so do the thirty words, to which the length of their
speeches may have been restricted (cf, n. 5o). The names
ofthe deities and holy priestesses point to a temple ritual
but very little varnish has to be removed to see a normal
wedding ceremony hidden behind the text in its present
shape.' The gemstones may well be pearls with repre-
sentations of vulvas, which the lover presented as gifts to
his future bride before the wedding. In the song she and
the audience confirm that he is now going to plough the
stones, in other words they are now going to be mar-
ried.
Marriage was not only a question of love, but also of
social status. This is evident in view of the bringing of
gifts, which belongs to the standard repertoire of the
songs (No. 16), and this evidently explains the contest-
like discussions, which served to make it clear that his
parents were as good as hen. No doubt she was con-
cemed that her future husband's social status matched
hers. This explains why, if the interpretation of a poorly
preserved passage is justified, he had to promise that she
would not have to do weaving herself She wanted to
belong to a household that could afford to employ ser-
vants to do such housework [No. '7]. 39
One could object against the conclusions suggested
here that the songs discussed belong exclusively to the
sacred marriage ritual However , one interpretation does
not necessarily exclude another, because these poems
37. That this interpretation u totally realistic is ckar in view of
TCL 16. 70 (= PAPS io7, 495). line 14: nig - gal4-la kù - sig n rig-sag-
g5-na mar - un-g^ -g, ' she picked a golden vulva - piece and put in the
hair on her head ," unless one insists on Knmer ' s trading sap - Ia, "nu-
row," instead of pl 4- la, ' vulva." See also the preceding note (Ni-
nisinna Hymn 67).
38 Lambert t9 8 7. 33, is right in pointing out that the beard of
lapis lazuli Qtnes 43-46) night indicate that the text refers to a statue
nther than to a living being However , this tnterpretadon is rue
compulsory, because the laps daub beard is standard in the love
songs, dt PBS ts. Sa rev, r 5-6 (Alster £985, 131), and so are statues,
t. Alster i985, ia q; t 5a, commenting on SRT 5: z5> Sefati tggo, 6a-
63; d: also n. 3a above.
19
may contain more than one layer of meaning. That the
sacred marriage rite was not the original social environ-
ment of every detail of the marriage songs appears clearly
from reminiscences in the texts that emphasize the
choice of the family members of the bride or bride-
groom in a way which would make little sense in a sa-
cred ritual [No. 18]. 4° This brings us back to our starting
point. The girl extolling her own sexual beauty in the
way we have seen here may not exclusively be a function
of a temple ritual, or of prostitution, whether sacred or
secular, but also of nonnal wedding ceremonies.
To what extent we may draw conclusions about re-
ality from poetry is a difficult question. On the sur6ce it
is the temple cult and the royal court that come to light
in the love songs, but many features, or whole poems,
rather point to the secular social environment of ordi-
nary people of some social standing, in other words,
those in charge of their own households, the household
managers and their families. it is the same social group
that comes to light in many of the Sumerian proverbs,
including those attested as early as the Early Dynastic
Abu Salâbikh version of Suruppak 's Instructions. 4 '
EXAMPLES
[No. t]. "Nanâja Song," CBS 8530, obv. i 13-18:
'3. DU- ma da nin9 -mu DU-ma-da
-
14 lea pa-palj - a-ta DU-ma-da
I5. inim lA-da bal-a-w munus-àm
16. igi lû-ra bar-re-zu munus-àm
17. zag é-garb-da gub - bu sà -[ sùJ- 1 zu' i say,
t 8. GAM-e-dè ib-ïb i-sa6-sa6
13. Come with me, my sister, come with me,
14. Come with me from the entrance of the cella,
Is. When you talk to a man, what a woman (ht it
is a woman)!
16. When you look at a man, what a woman!
17. When you lean the side against the wall, your
nakedness is sweet.
39. A different interpretation was suggested by Frymer-Ken-
sky 1989, i89, according to whom manna in this text positively re-
hues to do the archetypical work of women , and that her "ignorance
and re fusal of it is a denial of the production rok of women" (cit
notes £4 and 49). Rather 1 see her being excused from such work as
the ptrtvgative of the privileged housekeeper . In this text I do not
see the connection between weaving and sexuality discussed by H.
Vanstiphout , NABU 199o, Nos. 57 (Pp 4cß - 44) and 59 (pp. 45`46)-
40 Cr 58 t 2 n ati example rio the contrary, a cnemonial song
to manna and Amausurngalana , ïn which . their family membcn are
listed by name.
4 t . For a preliminary discussion, sa my two cs
äterliche Weisheit in Mesopotarrtiarr.,"
491, iO3°1$5 (
20 BENDT ALSTER
42
18. When (you) bow down, the hips are sweet.
[No. 2]. CBS 8530 obv. i 19-2o:
19. é-gars -da gub -bu -mu dis sila4-àm
20 GAM-e-mu i A gin-àm
[No. 3]. "Inanna an d Enki" 3 -5:
3. [...] ` x' sip a-ra gà-udu-gè an-na-ra-è
4. [zi-dè-eg GAM]-e-dam gal 4 -la-ni u6-di-dam
5. Wha%Yhur-e z]i-dè-es GAM-e-dam gal4-la-ni
(u6-di-dam)
3. [(Inanna)] came out to the shepherd (Dumuzi)
to the sheep-house.
4. [As she was truly bowing] down, her vulva was
marvelous!
5. As she was truly bowing down [at the apple
tree] 43 her vulva (was marvelous).
The restoration of lines 4-5 is based on CT 58, 13, obv.
29: giShashur-e zi-dè-es GAM-e-en.
[No. 4]. CBS 853o, obv. i 21-24:
19. id nam-ba-al-en id-zu bé-me-en
20. a-sà na-an-ur„-ru-dè-en a-sà-zu bé-me-en
21. mu-gir ki-duru 5 na-an-kin-kin
22. (erasure) ki-duru 5 -zu hé-me-en
In the beginning of line 22 text b, rev. 24, has [zé-b]a-
kal-la-mu, and further adds, 25: [x]-e ab sin-zu hé-àm,
an d 26: haghur tur-tur-me às-zu hé-Om (cf n. 2). In line
25 it is hard to resist the restoration [PA 4]+E = pa s ,
"ditch," which would make good sense because hardly
any other sign is a compound ending with E. I consider
the reading has'hur certain from Lambert's copy (cf. also
the photograph, JCS 29, 42). The girl using the first per-
son plural "our,' is attested in both Sumerian and Akka-
dian love songs, as observed by J. Goodnick Westenholz
1987 417. The plural in itself is not surprising here if the
apples refer to her breasts, cf Song of Songs 7, 8, "... To
me your breasts are like bunches of grapes, your breath
like the fragrance of apples." Cf. also Kramer 1969, 21:
17: dug-a (gloss: i-na) gilhribur_[bi(?)] su-mi hé-gil, "on
the `hill' let me hold the apples in my hand," where I
take dus as phonetic for du 6 "hill" (cf. Civil, 1983, 60
142), but with a graphic pun on the reading gaba
"breast "
42. In lines 13-14 A. Sjoberg read tûm-ma-da, "being brought
out," This makes sense if one is willing to think of a ceremony in
which the deity was literally brought out of her cella. Nothing p re -
vents us form taking this as an imperative, DU-ma-da (possibly gen-
ma -da) ht "go with me." For line 17 see note 3. For line i8 see note
4,
43. The identification of has'bur has been discussed by several
authors, (cf. Lambert 1987, 3o-31). I accept "apple," following M.A
Powell, Bulletin of Sumerian Agriculture 3 (1987) 153-156, who con-
cluded that the identification with apricot has 'minimal probability
of being correct" (p. 156). Also M Civil, OrNS 56 (1987) 241 accepts
apple, which is highly likely in view of its red color.
[No. 5]. "Inanna an d Enki" 6-7:
6. [... ga]1 4-Ia-ni-ge hù1-la-e ni-te-ni mi-z i
ga-àm-me
7. [... gal4 Ia]-ni-gè hù1-la-e ni-te-ni (mi-zi
ga-àm-me)
6. [(Inanna)], rejoicing over her own vulva,
praised herself,
7. [...], rejoicing over her own vulva, praised her-
self.
[No. 6]. CT 58, 13 (BM 88318) obv. 3-7:
3. gal4-la-mu dur 5 -ru-à[m gal 4-la-mu dur 5-ru-
àm]
4. go-sa-an-an-na-me-en [gaI 4-la-mu dur s - ru-àm]
5. go -sa-an-an-na-me-en g[a1 4-la-mu dur s -ru-àm]
6. gal4-la-mu lù-ùr-ra-àm [gu dè-in-mar]
7. gal4 -la-mu lù-dùg-tuku su d[è-in-mar]
3. My vulva is wet, [my vulva is wet],
4. I, the queen of heaven, [my vulva is wet],
5. I, the queen of heaven, [my vulva is wet],
6. Let the "high" man (lit the man of the roof?)
[put his hand] on my vulva, 44
7. The potent man [put his] hand on my vulva
In lines 3 and 5, S.N. Kramer 1984, 5, restores [gal 4-la-
mu u6-di- dam], but there is no particular reason for this.
[No. 7]. Ni 9602 = ISET II 15-16, cf. [No 14]:
Treated by S.N. Kramer, PAPS 107 (1963) 505-508, du-
plicate TIM 9, 10 (IM 44539 c) The text was introduced
by a sequence similar to that of CT 58, 13, but it is very
poorly preserved (obv. i 1- i I):
I . [...] `x' kù-ga-a-àm
2. si `ba'-sa me-e (with an illegible gloss)
[...]
3. [...] gal4-la-<mu> ki rxi [ x x ]-àm
4. [nam-nun-na ba(?)-an]-du 7 nam-nun-na
an-du 7
44. In line 6 Kramer translates lù-ùr-ra as "passionate one," re-
ferring to E.l Gordon, Sumerian Proverbs 2, 126. The proverb should
be read 16 ùr-ra al-ti-Ia 16 è-a-ra al-zaIa-zala-ga-e-se , ` the man sitting
on the roof sheds light on the man sitting in the house." The va ri ant
quoted by Gordon from Sum. Prov. Coll. r I should be read ló ùr an-
na lù c an-ti-E[a] al-zalag-e-se, "the man sleeping on the roof sheds
light on the man sitting in the house." Thus it is not impossible that
Iù-ùr-ra lit. means "the man of the roof. ' Cf. 13h 9: 127: gi-ma-s-
ab Iù-ùr-n = SU -ku, "the reed matting for the man of the roof" (_
thatcher?). The word occurs in "Hymn to Inanna-Ninegalla' 36: la-
ùr-n zag-ba mu e-sr-re 7 -reg -es (STVC 87 obv. 5 and dupls. CBS
14187 and UM 55-21-38o, va ri ant ln -ur-ra): With some reserve I
would suggest that this refers to the man on top of the woman. Cf.
the similar symbolism in "Dumuzi and Enkidu ' 37: an-dùl-e lugal-
la a -na -as nu-ub-se-ge-en, "why are you not pleased with the king
in the shade?" (J. J.A. van Dijk, 1953, p. 67, cf. 82, ` le jeu de mots et
l' insinuation sont assez clai rs"). Cf. also n 48 below and CT 58 36 obv.
6: an-dùl-e lugal-la [...], with the phonetically w ritt en duplicate VS
2, 3 i 22: [(x)] an-di 16-ga la egi-re-a. However a much simpler so-
,
lution might be to take ùr as phonetic for ùr, `loins." The translation
of Ii -dùg-tuku as "potent one" is certain, lit. "the man who has
knees.'
Marriage and Love in the Sumerian Love Songs
5. [...] `ka' x x (= gloss?) GAM-e
6. [...] igi ga-ga
7. [...] `xl(like ma) si si-s[à-me]-e
8. [...] gu ba -d[u7]-5x'
9. [... gay-la-mu 1 x1 r xi
Io. [...] r Xi [ X X X
[...]-mu gal4 la-mu ru61 (?) - `di'-dam
IL
In the first line one could hardly consider [... dnin-é-
gal-la] kù-ga-am (cf. iii i), but rather something like [ur-
lugal-la] kù-ga-àm, "[the king's lap] is holy" (cf. iii 9). In
lines 2 and 7 it is very tempting to think of i 29: tag-mu
tug-èm-kala-ga-gim si ba-si-e, "my garments I arrange
like precious garments." In line 3 and 9 it is tempting to
suggest gal4-la-mu ki-[dur s -ru]-àm, although this is not
clearly supported by the copy. In line 5 restore perhaps
[oshaghur-e zi]-dè(!)-[4] GAM-e, "when I truely bow
down [at the apple tree], ' in spite of the copy (the traces
copied actually look like a gloss). In i i it is tempting to
restore [GAM-e]-mu, etc., `when I [bow down], my
vulva is marvelous "
In the same text, obv. ii 14-19, she utters a song in
praise of her own vulva:
14. in-nin 9 -e ni silim-e-Vg mu-run-ma-e]
I5. gala-e sir-ra m[u- ...]
I 6. dinanna-ke 4 silim-e-eg [mu-un-na-e]
17. gaI4-la-ni sir-ra mi-ni-[in-ra(?)]
I8 gal4-la mg-x (like ra or s"u) ne-en kak `xi (like
hé) [x ]
14. The lady started to sing in praise of herself.
15. The gala-singer [repeated it(?)] in a song. 45
i6. Inanna started to sing a song in praise of herself.
17. She [sang] a song of her vulva:
18. (My) vulva, which is something ...
[No. 8]. CT 58, 13:
24. ba-ni-in-ku 4-re-en ba-ni-in-ku 4-re-en
25. ges-e kiri6-na ba-ni-in-ku 4re-en
26. ddumu-zi giSkiri6-na ba-ni-in-ku 4 -re-en
27. mu-un-gub-an-na ba-an-da-mu-dè
28. mu-na-an-na ba-an-da-gub bé en
24. He made me enter, he made me enter,
25. The brother made me enter his garden,
26. Dumuzi made me enter his garden,
To lie with him at his standing tree,
27.
28. he made me stand with him at his lying tree.
The interpretation of mu - un-gub as emesal of gig gub,
and -an-na as -a-na, with a conscious or unconscious
45. In lines 14-15 it is tempting to think of a restoration along
the lines of "Ninmes`am" 139-140 (W.W. Hallo and J van Dijk,
YNER 3, 32): nig g1 6 -ù-na ma-ra-an-dug, -ga gala an- bar 7 -ke4 iu
b11- 171U-fa-ab-0 4-104, "that which I spoke to you at midnight (i.e. a
song), may the singer repeat it at noon.'
2I
pun on anX na (= ùn-na), "high," is confirmed by Ni
4569 iii it•1 3 (ISET I 119/61):
11. kg-e g 5 ()kiri 6-ni-a im-m[a-ni-ku 4-re-en]
12. mu-gub-ba-m [d]a-`gâ-gâ'
13. mu-nâ-a-ni[d]a-nà-a-e[n]
I I. The brother [made me enter] his garden:
12. [Let] me raise his standing tree,
13. [Let] me lay down his lying tree.
[No. 9]. TCL 15, 20 rev. 66-69 (= 1- 4), collated:
t. ba-lam ba-lam-*lam bi-issar-àm a ba-an-dug 4
2. giskiri6 gi6-edin-na gù-gar-gar-ra-na sac-ga
ama-na-mu
3. se ab sin ba hi-li-a si-a-mu bi-ister-àm a ba-an-
dug4
4. gigbrihur èm-sag-gâ gurun it-la-mu gilkir1 6-àm a
ba-an-dug4
I.It sprouts, it sprouts, sprouts, it is the lettuce he
watered,
2. In the garden of deep shade, bending down his
neck, my darling of his mother,
3. My one who fills the grain in their furrows with
beauty, it is the lettuce he watered,
4. My apple tree bearing fruits at its top, it is the
garden he watered.
This is explained by Jacobsen 1987 B, 94, "Lettuce stands
for pubic hair . . Barley stalk and apple tree are meta-
phors for the male member. Dupls. UET 6/1 121 rev.,
TIM 9, 14, Ni 9846 (ISET II 87) (= PAPS 107, 508),
variants not quoted. 46
[No. to]. TMHNF III 25 (PAPS 107, 499-501, cf. Wil-
cke 1970):
I agree with Wilcke 1970, 86, that the missing pa rt
between the obverse an d the reve rs e described the girl
spending a night with her lover (cf. also Wilcke, WO 4
(1968) 156), if not in reality then at least in the realms of
fantasy. There is little point in discussing whether or not
there was room for an explicit account of sexual inter-
cou rs e, because this would never have been expressed
directly anyway. After this the couple goes to the girl's
mother (rev. 6-14):
6 kà ga- sa -an- a nam-mi-gub
7. me-e bul-la-da -di-di-de-en
46. The translation of kiri 6 gi b -edin-na follows M. Civil, OA
22 ( 1 98 3) 4, n. 9 (referring to a forthcoming study). In line so, E rea d
-bulug y a-ni-mu hï-ïsi"-[im a ba-an-dug s] (collated). e-
bas 4 la b -sa 6
ru-mu might possibly be a loan word adapted from the Old Akkadian
ir-e-ma-am, ir-a-mu-um (Westenholz i977, zot, lines t and 3), cf.
CAD s v ir'emu, "loved one, favorite" (different rHnsIation suggest-
ed by Westenholz 1977 .05), now also attested in YOS 11, 87. obv.
1: are-mu c-re-mu. This suggestion is offered with some reserve, be-
cause the form enimu, instead of erimu, h unexplained. The poem is
filar to TCL 15, 20 is N 3560 and N 43o5 (= PAPS to7, 508), cf.
n 1987 B, 93.
22 BENDT ALSTER
8. ama-mu-ra mu -lu e-ne-èm bu-mu-na-ab-bé
9. u5 -su-ùr-me a la dè-sù-e (gloss: i-sa- li-lb)
to. ama-mu ga- sa - an-gal-ra mu -lu e-ne-èm bu-
ma-na-ab-bé
I I. u5-su-ur-me a Id dè-sù-e
12. ki-dùr-a-ni ir-bi ze -ba -àm
13. e-ne-èm-mà-ni èm-b61-h[61-IJa-àm (gloss: fa
b i- di- a- [ti]m -ma)
14. ù-mu-un-mu iIr-kù-ge hé-du 7
6. In Ningal's gate surely she stood:
7. I am going with joy,
8. Let the man speak a word to my mother,
9. Let our neighbor sprinkle water on the ground,
To. Let the man speak a word to my mother,
I I. Let our neighbor sprinkle water on the ground.
12. The fragrance of his abode is sweet,
13. His word is joyous,
14. My lord is fit for the holy lap!
The purpose of the man's word to the mother was cor-
rectly understood by Kramer 1963, 500, to "ask for her
daughter's hand." The neighbor sprinkling water is
probably a ritual for punfication or apotropaic purposes,
to secure happiness for the young couple. A different in-
terpretation was offered by Wilcke 1970, 86-87 Accord-
ing to him it is the neighbor that speaks to the mother,
and the purpose of sprinkling water is to interfere on be-
half of the girl, in order to calm down the wrath of the
mother, caused by the girl's spending a night outside.
This interpretation rests on his collation mu-zu for mu-
lu in 8 and to. However, I hesitate to accept this in view
of Manchester Tammuz 1 23, which has lù an d thus
shows that mu-lu (emesal for 16) is correct. In the latter
text nothing suggests any reason for the mother to be an-
gry, and the passage is following by the traditional gift-
giving of the bridegroom (i 22-26, dupl. CT 58 22
obv.):
22. me hu-la-[t]a(?) ka-sa-an-na-na me al-di-di-en
23. ama-me-ra lù bu-mu-na-bi
24. ù - s'u-ùr-(var. usar)-[m]e a ka-a-ga-ra bu-Du
25 ama-me ka-sa-an-ga-<ra> lù inim-{ra} di-ri-ga
26. 16 ki-si-[k]i ni-1g za-ra si-ga za-ra ab-di-ri-ga
22. 1,Inanna, I am going with joy,
23. Let the man speak to my mother,
24. Let our neighbor *sprinkle water for Ningal,
25. Let the man speak even more words to Ningal.
(Dumuzi )
26. You, girl the things I place before you, I will
make them even greater for you!
Lines 26ff. contain Dumuzi's words to Inanna, and only
indirectly to her mother. As often, the text here pro-
ceeds in small blocks, many of which may be direct quo-
tations from ceremonial speeches, connected with only
the most necessary keywords and no explicit identifica-
tion of the speakers (many examples in [No. 15] below).
Thus, in our case, the first half of line 26 is repeated ver-
batim in "Dumuzi and Enkidu" 140: ki-sikil dinanna nig
za-a-ra si-ga, and the contextual implication is exactly
identical (cf. [No 13.3] below).
[No. I1]. Ni 2461, Belleten 16 (1952) lxvi = ISET I 90/
32:
I I. é ki-ni-a 111 hàb-dug 4-ga-ba
I2 hi-li èm-zé-ba-zu ga-ba-hùl-hùl-le-en-dè-en
I 3. gi-ru èm-zé-zé-ba du s - mu-ug-ak
14. zé-ba kal-la-mu 111-e da-âm-e-ga
I 5. mu-ti-in ma-ra hi-li mu-e-te-a
16. ama-mu-ra dug4-ga-na-ab ni mu-ra-ab-zé-èm-
e
17. ad-da-mu-ùr èm-ba ba-mu-un-{ba}
11. In the house where we sleep, smelling with
honey,
12. let us enjoy your sweet appeal,
13. bridegroom, let us make all things sweet,
14. My sweet, precious one, in honey let me ... 47
15. bridegroom, since you have turned your favors
towards me,
16. say to my mother, "I give myself to you,"
17. *give my father gifts!
The slight emendation èm-ba ba-mu-un, to get an im-
perative in line 17, was suggested by Alster 1985, 138,
and is almost required (perhaps better ba-mu-un-*na).
One cannot take this passage as evidence that the lovers
spent the night together before they were married, be-
cause the con ti nua ti on of the song clearly shows that this
was the goal the girl wanted to achieve as a result of their
marriage. King Susm is mentioned in line 25, but apart
from the name itself, the song has nothing to do with the
king, the whole situation being that of any girl singing a
love song to any lover (cf. n. 13) In line 15 I now prefer
the reading hi-li mu-e-te-a "when you have turned your
favors towards me, ' rather than mu-a-kar, in view of
van Dijk, 1 953, 65, line 6, and UM 29-16-8 (with dupls
= PAPS 107, 509), line 25: hi-ii mu-e-si-in-te . .
[No. 12]. UM 29-16-8 an d dupls. (= PAPS 107, 509):
26. ses-e e-ni-a im-ma-ni-in-ku 4-re-en
27. mu-al-bib-ba bi - in -nâ-e
28. 26- ba -kal-la-mu sà-ab-mu a -ba -n1
29. dili-dili-ta eme-ak dili-dili -ta
30. ses i-bl-sa6-sa 6-mu 5o-im mu-un-ak
31. lù si-ga-gim mu-na-dè-GUB
32. ki-ta tuku 4 -e-da si-a mu-na-ni -gar
33. ses'-mu ib -ba -na s'u gub-bu-dè
34. zé- ba -kal-la-mu u4 mu-un-di-ni-ib-zal-e
47. I do not yet dare to connect al-e da-âm-e-ga, line 14.
lùl-e GAM-me-dè (cf. note 7). I previously translated "honey let me
bring" (A lster 1985. 137), but this is not satisfactory, hecause lilt is
In the locative-terminative In da-àm-e-ga, /e/ can hardly be the sec-
ond-person marker.
Marriage and Love in the Sumerian Love Songs
35. su ba-àm-mu-u g nin9-mu su ba-àm-mu-u 8
36. DU nin9 ki-âga-mu é-gal-la (var é-me-sè) ga-
gin
37. igi ad-da-mu dumu-tur hé-me-en
(Girl)
26. The brother makes me enter his house:
27. He made me lie on the honey-smelling bed,
28. After my precious, dear one had lain by my
heart,
29. One-by-one, making 'tongues' one-by-one,
30. My brother of fairest face made fifty .
31. He became(?) like a silenced man
32. With an `earthquake' he was put to silence.
My brother, with a hand put on his waist,
33.
34. My precious, sweet one, the time passes!
(Lover:)
35. Set me free, my sister, set me free!
36. Come my beloved sister, let us go the palace
(var. to our house)
37. May you be a little daughter in my father's eyes!
I line 29, eme-ak, li t. ' made tongues," is a double enten-
dre. First of all one would here think of making sweet
words (or what is more) but it also means to cast a
shade. 48 Line 31, lit "like a silent man was set up for
him." Line 32, lit. "trembling from the ground." In view
of the s il ence following the talking here, there can be lit-
tle doubt that caressing did not stop with words How-
ever, one should not be deceived to conclude right away
that this is a desc ri p ti on of a real sexual intercourse. Cer-
tain details, among them the use of the third person pro-
noun in line 33 ("his waist"), as well as the continuation
of the text, might indicate that this is a lovesong in
which the meeting takes place in the girl's fantasy alone.
In this text it is the lover who invites the girl to set him
free so that he can go to the "palace" (line 36: é-gal-la
ga-gin). The variant é-me-sè, in Ni 4552 (ISET II 17)
obv. 9 "to our house," is significant, an d probably the
better text, the "palace" having been introduced by a
sc ri be to adjust the text to the ideology of the king's role
in the sacred marriage ri te. The purpose of going to the
house is unquestionably to have the girl accepted as
daughter-in-law The interpretation of the text given
here differs widely from that ofJacobsen 1973 (cf. n 17).
[No. 13]. Allusions to contests in connection with wed-
ding ceremonies.
The ceremonial functions of verbal contests have
been discussed by Alster 1989, 4-6, and Glassner 1989,
but not specifically with regard to wedding ceremonies.
The following examples can be found:
48. Cf the symbolism
cobsen s reading of line 3o as le ,.
hardly be used with this value in
this destroys the beautiful point
tines 29-30.
.
23
I. UM 29-16-37 [No. 15, below].
2. 'Inanna and the Bridal Sheet" (van Dijk 1953, 65-
66).49 Utu points to Dumuzi (Amausumgalanna) as
Inanna's husband, but she prefers the farmer:
49. i-gee en mu-lu-sà-ab-mà-kam mu-lu- sà- ab-
mà-ka m
5o. mu-lu sà-ab-mu im-mi-in-dug 4-ga-àm
51 al nu-aka-am gur7 dub-dub-ha-1m
52. se gâ-nun-e sa dug,-dug4-ga-àm
53. mu - un-gàr se-ni gur7 sâr-ra-kam
54. sips e-ze-n[s s]ig sù-sù-ga-àm
49. Indeed, he is the man of my heart, he is the man
of my heart,
5o. He is the m an who speaks to my heart,
51. Without the use of a hoe heaps of grain are piled
up,
52. Grain is arriving at the barn,
53. The farmer, his grain makes a multitude of piles ,
54. But the shepherd, his sheep are full of wool!
3. "Dumuzi and Enkidu," the contest of the shepherd
an d the fanner (v an Dijk 1953, 67-73). Van Dijk took
this composition as the continuation of the preceding
one, but they are undoubtedly two separate composi-
tions. Since they allude to a traditional set of situations,
it is not surprising that they can with little difficulty be
combined so as to form one continuous sequence of
events. The farmer wins the contest, an d brings his pro-
duce as a wedding gift to Inanna (line 140, quoted sub
[No. ro], above), but as a compensation the shepherd
becomes his "friend," and is allowed to graze his animals
on the cultivated areas. This alludes to the seasonal co-
operation of the farmers an d the shepherds, known in
many cultures.
4. SLTNi 35 ii 9-10 (PAPS s 07, 497)
ib-
9. ama-ni ama zu-gim in-`ga'-`di
ba-a-a-`ka1)
10. a-a-ni a-a - zu-gim in-ga-dim(! copy NE) -<en>
9. His mother is as well-bred as your mother,
to. His father is as well-bred as your father
That this is reminiscence of a contest appears clearly
from comparison with [No. 15], lines 7-17, below.
5. "The Marriage of Manu" (Krasner 1990). In this
composition a wrestling combat, rather than a verbal
contest, takes place. The winner is offered the proverbial
gift of precious metal and precious stones, but he prefers
that which is more valuable, the daughter of the host in
marriage.
: ccpt Ja-
AK could
24 BENDT ALSTER
[No. 1 41. Ni 9602 (PAPS 107, 5o5 - 5o 8 ), dupl. TIM 9
Io (IM 44539 c), c£ [No 7]:
25. ma-a gal 4la-mu du b dug-dub-a ma-a-ra
26. ki- sikh -mèn a-ba-a ur 11 - ru -a-bi
27. gal 4-la-mu ki-duru 5 -a ma-ra
28. ga -sa -an-men gud a-ba-a bi-ib-gub-bé
29. in-rsin9 lugal-e ba-ra-an-ur i1 -ru
30. ddumu-zi lugal-e ba-ra-ur 1 r -ru
31. [gal4 la]-ma ur 1 i m mu -lu sa-ab -ma-kam
-
(manna)
25. For me open my vulva, the "hill" - for me!
26. For me the maiden, who is its ploughman?
27. My vulva a wet place, for me -
28. For me, the lady, who will provide the bull?
(Audience:)
29. Lady, the king will plough for you!
30. Dumuzi, the king will plough for you!
(manna:)
3 I . To plough my vulva is for the man of my heart!
[No. 15]. UM 29-16-37 (PAPS 107, 493-495), dupls.
PRAK I B 46, PRAK II C 94:
(Inanna:)
I. ama-me-da nu-me-a sila-a gib-edin-na i-èm-
mi-in-sar-re
r. Without my mother, you would be driven out
in the street, in the deep shade ..
(Dumuzi:)
7. la ki-sikil du 14 -gim na-an-ma-ma-un ...
I I. a-a-mu a-a - zu-gim in-ga-dim
12, dinanna inim-gim ga-àm-me-en-dè-en
13. [ama-mu] ama - zu-gim in-ga-dim ...
17. mà-e dutu-gim in-ga-dim-me-en ...
7. Young lady, do not pick a quarrel . .
I I. My father is as well-bred as your father,
12. manna let us talk it over like a serious matter
(lit. 'a word'),
13. [my mother] is as well-bred as your mother ...
17. I am as well-bred as Utul . .
23. inim bi-in-e-a inim bi -h es-àm
24. du l 4mu-mû- 1 da'-a W -h sà-ga-na-ke 4
25. ' 4uba-ke4 "aMba-ke 4 " 4uba na-ur t i m ...
-
23. The words they speak, the ingratiating words
are thirty. 50
(Audience:)
24.
He with whom she quarreled, the one dear to
her heart,
25. He who made the gemstones, he who made the
gemstones, he shall plough the gemstones
indeed! ...
30. dinanna ba-di (_ *bàd-da) là-Iâ-a bàd-da mu-
na-ab --lá-1I
31. da[m-a-ni nu -u8 -gig-e d]ama-uss"um-gal-an-na-
ra gù mu-na-dé-[e]
32. "a4uba (var. sub X bé) ù-ru "a4uba ur 11 -ru a-ba-
a mu-na-ur i -m ...
30. manna, stretching from the wall, stretching
from the wall,
31. His spouse, the hierodule, speaks to Amausum-
galanna:
(Audience, speaking on behalf of Inanna:)
32. Plough the gemstones, plough the gemstones,
who will plough the gemstones for her?...
36. dams-usumgal-an-na nu-ug-gig-ra inim mu-ni-
ib-gi 4-gi4
37. nu-ug-gig-ga-àm dam-mu nu -u8- gig-ga-àm
38. kù dinanna-ke 4 nu-bar-ra a-ne-er mu-na-ur 11
ru
39• "a4uba-na-ke 4 "a4suba-na-ke 4 na4suba na-ur 11
43 • ma-ab-dù-da-a-mà ma-ab-dù-da-a-mà su6-a-ni
"a4za-gin-na ...
36. Araaunumgalanna answers the hierodule:
37. She is the hierodule, my spouse is the hierodule!
(Audience speaking on behalf of Dumuzi:)
38. He ploughs them for her, for holy Inanna, the
pnestess,
39• He of her gemstones, he of her gemstones, he
ploughs the gemstones indeed! ...
(manna.)
43 • He who made them for me, he who made them
for me, his beard is lapis lazuli'
The interpretation of the text suggested here differs
widely from Wilcke 1976, 293-315 and Jacobsen 1987,
3-7. I agree with the principal points in the translations
by Kramer, Rfànasieva 1982, and Lambert 1987, 32 (cf.
notes 36, 38, and 5o).
[No. 16]. Manchester Tammuz v io-13:
10. é -ne la -zi-de Mg ma-ra-lu-lu
i I. lû-zi-zi- da -me-en nig ma-ra-lu-[lu]
I2. ù-mu-un-gu- li -a-na nig ma-ra-lu-lu
13. gu-li 'mu-u1-lil nig ma-ra-lu-lu
ID. He, the good man, will bring you numerous
so. I accept the interpretation suggested by W il cke 1976, 294/
296/312, of the second es in line 23 as the numeral 30 `die Wö rter der
Wonne sind d reissig. ' According to him, lines 23-24 are a second2ry
commentary, added by a speaker who was a learned philologist who
counted the words and actually arrived at the number 30. W il cke
does seem to have made a good point to counting the words, but I
much rather believe that tithe number thirty is not just a round num-
ber, then it may be an alhsion to the rigid conventions to which an
orally performed contest had to conform, like those of the German
Meuteninger. In other words, the length of the speeches may have
been restricted to thirty words. There would be no difficulty in-
volved in taking hi-h as a verb, cf. B. Alster • The Inncne1ti0i1s trf Surup
pole, p io6, ad line i6q, hut one would miss a verbal prefix.
Marriage and Love in the Sumerian Love Songs 25
II.I, the very good man, will bring you numerous 4. My slave girl shall be your slave girl(?),
gifts, 5. My sister shall be your younger sister,
12. I, Friend of An, will bring you numerous gifts, 6. (You) maiden Inanna shall be his(!) desire1 52
13. I, Friend of Enlil, will bring you numerous gifts! These lines could be spoken by the bridegroom's sister
to the bride. CI v 24: nin9 -su ba-da-mi-en, "I am your
The most detailed account of bridal gifts is that of "The little sister ' (= nin 9 - bàn-da-zu-mèn, the placing of the
Marriage of Sud" (Civil 1983). More realistic is that of possessive suffix before the adjective is common in this
SLTNI 3S• C£ further [Nos. w] and [i 3.3] • text).
[No. 17]. SLTNi 3 5 iv 6-17 (= PAPS 107, 497-499):
6. [bansur kn]-na-àm bansur(!)-zu bansur(!) THE MANCHESTER TAMMUZ
sen(!)-na-am
(gloss: x x lu-ub-bi-<tb>) The so-called Manchester Tammuz hymns were
7. bansur kn-e im-ma- ni -ib-KA-e-en (gloss: i- ik- published by Pinches 1904. Apart from a few lines quot-
katxx) ed by A. Falkenstein, R. Caplice, and A. Sjöberg the
-
8. bansur-zu sen-na bansur s" en-àm text has so far evaded discussions in the scholarly litera-
(gloss: ma- (read. pa(?)-(aMu-?)) ture. One reason may be that its misinterpretation as a
za-e rla'-[mr-muQ) da] -ba -ni -in -KA(!) --e--en lamentation has never been publicly corrected. 53 Real
-
9•
Jo. ama- r mu'-tin-e la- ba -ni-ib-gu7 progress was made when M. Civil, NABU 199o, pp 14-
II. se[s t]u-ur-tu-ra la- ba-ni-ib-gu7 16, No. 20, identified an additional fragment of the tab-
12. nin9-mu dgestin-an-na la-ba -th-th -Ks. let, and pointed out that col. i is widely paralleled by
TMHNF III 25 rev. A duplicate, CT 58, 32, was iden-
13. za-e [ x ]-a rda'(?)- ba -ni-ib-KA-e
tified by B. Alster (NABU 1991). A complete edition of
14. nitadam-mu tag na-ma-tag-tag-an
15. r x'-mu na-ma-nu-nu-un
the text is under preparation, but since this will not be
16. rx1 ri na-ma-ni-ib-dù-un (gloss: ?) ready for some time and I have made extensive use of the
text in the present study, I would like to present a few
17. [ x x x na-ma-ni-ib-ta]n X(DUN)- tanX an
preliminary remarks. The text has been collated by M.J.
6. The table(!) is splendid(!), your table is a splen- Geller, and he has kindly made his results available to
did table!
me
7. At a splendid table you will eat, The recognition of numerous parallels in the corpus
8. Your table is splendid, it is a splendid table. of the Sumerian love songs makes it possible to penetrate
9. You, [my ...], will eat there, into the meaning of the text, which is extremely difficult
10. But my Mother-Gen""tin will not eat there, to understand owing to its use of syllabic writings and lo-
I I. Duttur's brother will not eat there, cal spelling conventions
12. My sister Gestinanna, will not eat there, The tablet is inscribed with two songs, separated by
13. You, my ..., will eat there, the rubric sr-ir nam-NE-DA-SI-s"ub dipnraa'dumu-n, in
14. You, my spouse shall not weave a cloth for me,
iii 15, clearly somehow =sir nani4ub. Both songs are
15. My [...] you shall not spin for me, subdivided into stanzas.
16. [...] you shall not make for me, In the first song Inanna meets Dumuzi in a garden.
17. [•.•] you shall not dye for me! She sees him in the shape of a datepalm. She asks him to
I have accepted Jacobsen's readings bansur (text: LJRU, come and speak to her mother His answer follows: he
'city"), sen (Kramer. ukkin, "council"), and KS for gu 7 ,
will bring her gifts (col, ï, [No. ro]). manna's clothing is
of which the latter is required in view of the gloss, and described (ii 7 za-âz gi-gi = tag-zu gig = *tag-gig-zu,
St
the others nearly so Qacobsen 1987, 22-23) as in CT 42, 13: 58, etc.). She invites her beloved one to
come to a garden (col. ii). The end of the song hints at
[No. 18]. Choice of family members:
3. ù ama-mu ù ama -n [I}é-a]
4. gî-èm-e gi-mèn( ?)-zu(?) bé -[a] 52. Ai-NI-n seems to be a mistake for ai -nî. with za repeated
from the preceding line CI however Codex Urnamisnu
5. nin9-mu nin 9 - ba-an-da-za bé -a
Finkelstein, JCS 22 [tgßpl 7o). tukum-bi ge me In nina-nî-gim dim-
6. ki-sikil dinanna as-ni{-za} bé-a ma-ar ii-NI i-dug. M n the same word as M in ROM mi. 26 L-
zu be-àm, quoted above [No. 4]. H. Saur en , RA 84 (i990) 4 1- 43.
3. And my mother shall also be your mother! translates à-g, ai, ai as ' concubine," but in ROM 721 a meaning like
`desired object" would fit. Ci. A. Sjoberg 1977, 25. " need, desinbk/
beloved ob j ect," Akk. bd htu.
51. I have not accepted Jacobsen's interpretation of iv 5, where 53 A• Sjoberg 1988. 174, pointed out that i 5: kb-n la-ai-ku-
he must have read something like [nam-gé]me-mu-u la-ba-a-dé-n, ra-lea = kiri 6 fur. R. Caplice, OTNS 42 (rß7z) 304, n. 31, $aw the
'I have not tamed you off into slavery." In my opinion this line re- panne) between iv j. and. C 1 42, 13, but he still considered. the text
a "lament for Dumuzi."
peats iv 3 (c£ n. a8).
26 BENDT ALSTER
Marriage and Love in the Sumerian Love Songs 27

the king playing the role of Dumuzi, rejoicing over the Frymer -Kensky, T. Lambe rt , W.G. Römer, W.H.Ph.
palace (col iii 1-14). 1989 "The Ideology of Gender in the Bible and the "Divine Love Lyrics from Babylon," in: JSS 4,
1 959 1982 "Einige Überlegungen zur 'Heiligen Hoch-
The second song starts with Inanna setting out on a Ancient Near East," in: Dumu -e2- dub -ba -a ... I-15. zeit',' in AOAT 211, 411-428.
procession (iii 15- iv 9, cf. CT 42, 13: 3ff.). Upon her re- in Honor of A. Sjoberg, Philadelphia, 185 -191.
1975 "The Problem of the Love Lyrics," in: Goed- Sefati, Y.
quest Dumuzi brings her flax, grain, and oil (that is for
Glassner, icke, H. & Roberts, J.J.M. (eds ), Unity & Di-
the wedding, iv 9-15; iv 17-2I gu, si = se, si-ki = sig, i 1990 "An Oath of Chastity in a Sumerian Love
1990 "L'hospitalité en Mésopotamie ancienne ...," versity, The Johns Hopkins Universi ty , 98- Song," in: Klein, J. (et at, eds ), Bar-Ilan Stud-
= 1). Dumuzi offers to "plough the field" (sexual mean-
in: ZA 8o, 6o -75. 1135
3S ies in Assyriology Dedicated to P. Artzi Ramat
ing, iv 26 (restored) = v 9 = v 22: a-u a-sà da-i-ru
da-i-ru (= da-ur„-ru), "... let me plough the field, let Goodnick Westenholz, J. 1987 "Devotion: The Languages of ReFgion and Gan, 45 -6 3.
me plough the field") His mother an d sister accept the Love," in: Mindlin, M., Ge ller, Mi., Wans -
1987 "A Forgotten Love Song," in: Rochberg- Sjöberg, A.
b ri de as their daughter (v t-6). He provides them with Halton, F. (ed ), Language Literature, and His- brough, J.E. (eds ), Figurative Language in the
Ancient Near East, School of Oriental and Af-
1977 "Miscellaneous Sumerian Texts JCS
plenty of gifts (v 10-21, [No. 16]). He repeats that he will tory ... Presented to E. Reiner, (= AOS 67),
rican Studies, London, 2 5 -39. 29, 3 - 45, No. 5 (pp. 16-27).
'plough the field" (v 22) She declares that she will be New Haven, CT., 4 1 5 -425.
1988 "A Hymn to Inanna and her Self-Praise
his spouse (v 24-26, note 23: nu k1-sikil-mi = gâ-e ki- 1990 wards a New Conceptualization of the
`Towards
'To Manniche , Lise
JCS 40, 165-186.
si kil-mèn). The song ends with Inanna s self-praise as the Female Role in Mesopotamian Socie ty ," in: 1987 Sexual Life in Ancient Egypt, London & New
queen of heaven and earth. Westenholz, A. and J.
JAOS no, 510 -521. York.
1977 'The Old Akkadian Love Incantation MAD
Hallo, W.W. Pinches, Th. V 8," in: OrNS 46, 198-219.
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Wilcke, Cl.
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Afanasieva, V 197o 'Die akkadischen Glossen in TMHNF 3 Nr.
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1982 "Zu den Metaphern in einem Lied der `heili- Guilford, CT: Four Quarters Publishing 25 und eine neue Interpretation des Textes,"
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Renger, J.
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Held, M. 1 975 "Heilige Hochzeit," in Reallexikon der Assy-
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logue," in: JCS i5, 1-26 (16, 37 - 39). cal Studies, 20, Chicago, 205-316 (293-316:
Aliter, B.
1985 "Sumerian Love Songs," in: RA 79, 127-159. Jacobsen, Th. "Exkurs: Ein kun-gar-Lied Inanna's').
1989 "Sumerian Literary Dialogues an d Debates 1 973 "The Sister's Message," in: JANES 5, 1 99 -
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1987 B The Harps that Once ... Sumerian Poetry in
Black, J.
Translation, New Haven and London: Yale
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1963 Cuneiform Studies and History of Litera-
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Finkel, I. (eds.), Bar-Ilan Studies in Assyriology dedicated to
1988 "A Fragmentary Catalogue of Loveson P. Artzi, Ramat-Gan, it- 27.
Ada Sumerologra to, 17-18.

THE GREAT KING
A PREEMINENT ROYAL TITLE
IN CUNEIFORM SOURCES AND THE BIBLE
Pinhas Artzi and Abraham Malamat
Bar Ilan University The Hebrew University
1. INTRODUCTION
Along with his contributions to cuneiform and Bibli-
cal studies, Bi ll Hallo pioneered and established the sys-
tematic study of the royal titles in cuneiform civiliza-
don.'
The present writers, induced by long-standing, com-
mon interest to improve the understanding of the an-
cient Near Easte rn royal title "The Great King" 2 (abbre-
viated: GK), benefited greatly from two basic facts from
Hallo s study (although the treatment of this specific tide
is beyond its boundaries). First, the royal political tide is
a reliable indicator of the rank and prestige achieved by
a ruler; this prestige was bestowed on the basis of success
in internal and inte rn ational activities. Secondly, the title
"king" (Sumerian: lugal, Akkadian: lairs) underwent
from its very inception in central/southern Mesopota-
mia, gradual ascendancy and then primacy. 3
Collecting and evaluating various data and studies, we
reached the (we hope not erroneous) conclusion that,
besides the comprehensive handbook of Seux, 4 there is
no monograph on our subject.
2. HISTORICAL SURVEY
2.1 A pre-Sargonic forerunner (c. 2370 B C.E.)
The royal title: "The Great Ruler (by the decision) of
Enlil." 5 This title, containing the augmentation gal (_
great) after the title ensi, "ruler," stands in the second
position in the titulary of two kings of pre-Sargonic Mari
(northern Mesopotamia; see 2.3): Lamgi-Mari 6 and
t. William W. Hallo, Early Mesopotamian Royal Titles, AOS,
New Haven 1957 (abbreviated: Hallo)
2. See Table 2.5.1.
3• See also the obse rv ations of F,R. K ra us in Le Palais et la
Royaute (ed. P. Garelli), Paris 1 974, p. 251.
4- M J. Seux, Épithltes Royales Akkadiennes et Sumé riennes,
Paris 1967 (abbreviated: Seux). See also the recent book of M. Live-
ra ni, Prestige and Interest, International Relations in the Near Fact c. 1600-
I wo B.C.E„ Padova 1990 pp. 68ff (abbreviated: Liverani); W,L. Mo-
nn,The Amarra Letters. Baltimore and London, 1992, p. 3 n. 2
(ab-
breviated EAMr).
5. ensi,gal. 1 "Enlil, Seux, p. 399
-
28
Ikn(n)-Samai. More significantly, it appears also in sec-
ond position in the titulary of Lugalzagesi after the title
"Lord of Uruk, King of Ur." 7
The best explanation of the use of the augmentation
by Lugalzagesi has been proposed by A. Poebel and F.
Thureau-Dangîn• the aim of this augmented tide of
priestly o ri gin, combined with the pohtical tide ensi (_
territo ri al ruler) is to validate his political authority, be-
stowed upon him by the god Enhl. Founder of an "em-
pire-core ' state, Lugalzagesi turns, equipped with this
title, towards the still unaligned rulers of Sumer aiming
8 As for Mari, the appellative lam+ rabM designates al-
at their acceptance of his peaceful, federative leadership.
As with the southern pre-Sargonic political configu-
rations, we may assume that also the "No rt h," pre-Sar-
gonic Ma ri (cf. 2.3), was active in establishing federal
formations; here the eminent power-status of Ebla
should also be taken into account 9
6. Lamgi-Mari. J.R. Kupper & N. Karg, RLA 6, p. 446,
lkû(n)-lamas: J.R. Kupper, RLA 5, p. 46. For a different reading of
the royal PNs cited, see now I.J. Gelb and B. Kienast, Die Altakkadis-
chen Königsinschriften des d ritten Jahrtausends v. Chr., FAOS 7, (Stutt-
gart), 199o, p. 9, MP t7; see also the observations of Pomponio, SEL
8 ( 1 99 1 ), p. 1 43 and ofKrebernik ZA 8i/1 (1991) p. 139.
7. Lugalzagesi: Hall o, p. 19; A. Westenholz, RLA 7, pp. t
55ff
8. Priestly origin of the title: Hallo, pp. 35ff; political value
of the augmented title: Seux, p. 349, note 128 with literature. This
title was used also by Saigon (but afterwards discontinued). We prefer
the assumption of A. Poebel to that of Thureau-Dangin, indicating
not an imperial title but of primacy; see Th. Jacobsen, Towards the Irr-
age of Tammuz, 197o, pp. 1 53- 1 54; cf with a different emphasis, A.
Westenholz, in Power and Propaganda (ed. M.T. Larsen), Copenhagen
1 979, p. io9 (status of 'Great King," but still without the actual title;
cf our Ch. 3),
9 Cf, as a figurative sign of aspiration: the hairdress of Lamgi-
Mari RLA 6, p. 446; E. Strommenger, Mesopotamien, 1962, pl. too:
"golden-helmet hairdress," imitation of the actual helmet of
Meskalamdug ("King of Ur "; Hall o, p. iso), see also the helmet on
the head of Eannatum ruler of Lagas ("King of Kis" ; imperial title;
cf. Hallo, pp. ziff.) depicted on the "Stela of Vultures," St ro m -
menger, pl 68.
For Ebla see: J. Renger, Ebla 1995 1985 (ed. L. Cagni), Napo li
1987, pp. 2 93-311; G Pettinato, ibid., pp. 19-35
The Great King
2.2 A note on the absence of the title GK in the Middle Old
Babylonian Period (Hammurabi)
Contrary to the intensive activity around the emerging
title GK in the north and the northwest (see 2.3; 2.4),
there is no data on its use in the documentation in the
south, in spite of the fact that — at least in a transitory
period! — the states of the north, south, east and west
were organized into identical federal configurations of
"power blocks" (cf. 2.3 Mari). There are, on the other
hand, clear indications of a search for appropriate royal
attributes which express the prestige of Hammurabi as
the versatile head of an Empire (not federation, because
the aim of the South is complete unity). To cite but one
example: the Law-Stele of Hammurabi, Prologue, col.
iii I 16: "The god (or: the divine one) among all the
kings, the wise of the wisest.s 1O
z.3 farm rabM at Mari
The use of the idiom Farm roba ("Great King") at Mari is
attested about ten times." It occurs more or less about
the same time in Ha tt i, designating King Anitta as LU-
GAL GAL (but in a copy of his insc ri ption of some 200
years later, see 2.4).
most always King Samii-Adad I of the "Assyrian" dynas-
ty, ruling for some time over Mari. Yet we are not
certain if the expression refers to an epithet of veneration
or already to a distinct royal tide. The former meaning
seems to be more acceptable.
The most conspicuous case at Mari, often cited in
scholarly discussions, is a letter from Ta rim -Sakim to
Yasmab-Adad, son of Samii-Adad I and viceroy of Ma ri .
The writer designates Samii-Adad as farm rabd (ARM V
28-3 i), while in the correspondence between rime-Da-
gan the elder son of Samii Adad I an d his future heir,
-
an d Iihi-Adad of Qatna, the king of a western state in
Middle Syna, the latter addresses Iime- Dagan, attempt-
ing a better commercial deal: ' You are a great king"
(ARM V 20:7). rime -Dagan is likely to have inherited
from his father, as legitimate successor, the epithet "great
king." Nevertheless, it seems that GK here is referred to
in a rhetorical ironic mode, expressing disappointment;
cf: EA 7:261; 16:13.
There are four occurrences of lams raba in the eco-
nomic texts published by J. Bottéro in ARM VII,
to. i -lu LUGAL-ri = 1tx Kart (plunks unitatss); this epithet ag-
grandizes and "modernizes" the Old Akkadian epithet DINGIR
Agade ("The god of Akkad "), Seux, p 389 for a different interpre-
.
tation see AHw, p. 372, ilium I, "etwa iJwsedcsrW" (but see CAD I/J,
ills A and niais A with CAD N/1, nasqu: not "choicest" but 'play-
mate"). For the PN Hammurabi- , sec now Stol, SEL 8 (1991), p.
zo5
I I J.-M. Durand, Prrarseurssy riens aux Protocoles néo-assyriens,
In eds. D Charpin & F Joannês, Martdrands, Diplomates et Emporia's
(FS Garen . ), Pans 1991 PP• 54-63. The author publishes two new in-
stances of Great King(s) and refers in the footnotes to the previous
ones.
29
records of foodstuff for the royal table, all referring to
Samii-Adad as 'ndicated by D. Charpin and J-.M. Du-
rand, 12 whereas K.R. Veenhof 3 opts for Isme- Dagan:
ana qat .farrim rabîm, i.e., for the disposition of the great
king
Of special interest in these records is the document
published by D. Charpin in MARI 3, p. 92, no. 59: "for
the messenger of the great king, Ikon-pî-Asar," the la tt er
being a royal official Perhaps in this instance the appel-
lative larru rabM already takes on the meaning of a distinct
title. In order to explain the application of the idiom Jar-
ru raba to Samii-Adad, Charpin and Durand draw atten-
don to the relatively vast expansion of his kingdom,
extending to the east (ruled by Iime-Dagan) and west
(ruled by Yasmal-Adad).' 4 Hence this title is first and
foremost the result of the ter ri to ri al aggrandizement, in-
cluding dominion over vassal kings (cf. 2.4)•
To the above references we can now add two new at-
testations of farm rabû published recently by Durand,' 5
The interesting fact in both cases is that the idiom occurs
in the plural form — great kings. In A 23o:7 the spelling
is LUGAL-ri-a-ni. The plural form -arm ("arrant) is con-
ceived by Durand to mean "great kings,"' 6 and not as
individual kings or even minor kings, as usually sur-
mised' 7 ; thus his explanation remains doubtful. Howev-
er, this letter is of special significance, not only for the
use of the plural of king, but also as an apt i ll ustration for
Itûr-Asdu's famous sermon listing the five great powers
(lairs dannu) of his time in Mesopotamia and Syria (A
482). 18 Itiir-Asdu addresses in the name of Zimri-Lim
various unaligned, petty kings (!arrant) in order to con-
vince them to join a strong power, meaning obviously
King Zimri-Lim, and thus flourish. Now A 23o de-
sc ri bes a dialogue between Asqur-Adad, king of Kanna,
an d the populace in order to encou ra ge him to join
Zimri-Lim 'who is our lord an d father." Thus both sit-
uations here are alike, the populace in each instance be-
ing pushed to join a great power, in these instances
Zimri-Lim, whose political standing becomes by such
accomplishments more elevated (cf 2 4) Incidentally,
Zimri-Lim is once called far killatim "king of the
MARI 4 (1985), p, Sot, n. 37; Durand ( above, n.
12. Dund,
n
1 ) p. 63, n. 143. The texts in addition to those cited above arc: ARM
VI z8; XVIII 107 XXVI 14, 6z 181, 218.
13. See MARI 4 (1985), p. 209, while M. Anbar is wavering
between the two candidates, see Resets de deux F✓ewves (Mélanges A.
Pint), Leuven 1989, p. izb
14 Cf, MARI 4 (1985), p. Sot and n. 37.
t 5. Durand (above, n. s t), pp. 54 (A 230 57 (A 421
,
16. Op. di, (above, n.1 1). p. 54, n. t t3.
17. See W. von Soden, GAG S6t i (eine Anzahl eirarities
Keinigr) _
18. Published only in traresliteratson and translation by G. Dos -
sin. Syria 19 (1938), pp, l7ß. roi as English tnnslanon cf. W. Moran
in ANET 3 , p. 628' K Balkan, Letter e King Anum-Hirii ,. (=below,
n. z3), pp. 27f and cf, A Malatnat's treatment of this document in
NR 76 (1985), pp 47-50.
 30 PINHAS ARTZI AND ABRAHAM MALAMAT
world" (ARM 26/2, no. 409:12), a title also given to
Sams'i-Adad 1.
Finally, Durand published in the same article^ 9 one
more document mentioning the great kings (LUGAL
.MES ra-ab-bu-turn) (A 42 15: I i). Here the word "great '
is written syllabically and there is no doubt about the
translation of the idiom. The lines relevant to us are:
Yasim-Dagan, a general, rep li es to Sunubrabalu (the
"prime minister" of Zimri-Lim, 1. 16): "... I am de-
spised', yet before the great kings, with whom I am in
constant touch, my person (lit. head) is honored." The
`great kings' refer here to the highly-valued kings, Zim-
ri-Lim and Hammurabi, mentioned in 1.8.
In summary, the term discussed here is already prev-
alent in the political conscience and in the linguistic us-
age of the Ma ri Age, but it is still not a standard tide as
in Anatolia about this time and in later periods (see 2.4).
2.4 The stages of emergence and standardization of the title
GK in the West: Hittite Anatolia and Northern Syria
(1900-700 B C E.; for the age of the Amarna archive see
2.5).
2.4.1 We have just seen at Ma ri in northern Mesopota-
mia (2.3) the emergence of the concept of the GK, and
even clear signs of its administrative formalization
through the "elevation"/upgrading of the senior ruler to
the rank of GK but without his own formal, document-
ed, standardized use of the title.
We call atten ti on to a similar development in the
West in the late Old Babylonian period: the rulers of the
"Great Kingship" of Jamhad/dalab, one of the leading
states of the period, never use the title GK; on the other
hand, its king is "elevated" to this tide by the adminis-
tration of his federal dependent state, Alalab — as in
Mari. 20
As it will be shown below, we are standing here on
the threshold of the "Fint Circle" of northern emer-
gence of the tide Great King.
2.4.2 Let us now return to the inception, the process of
emergence of the title in Anatolia.
We agree with Starke' that the title "Great King"
(LUGAL GAL) is "vermutlich eine hettitische Wertschöpfung"
only in the sense of standardization, a p ri me example of
the special Hittite faculty of " Ordnungsprinzip," of legal
19. Cf. Durand (above n. t t), p. 57.
20 The kingship of Alalab was created by Jamhad/Ualab; see
D. Wiseman, The Alalakh Tablets, London 1 953, no. *1, document
belonging to Alalah level VII of the late Old Babylonian period. On
the "Great Kingship ofJarnhad" see CAH Ei 13, pp 3off.; H. Klengel
,
Geschichte Syrieru i963 • I, pp tozff, especially, p. 145 c), AT *269
mentioning LUGAL GAL = The King of Jamhad; see Landsberger,
JOE 8 ( 1 954), p. 53 n. 9o, stressing the significant evidence of AT
* 376 (cf. Kkngel, pp. 173: 127; 217: 29), and pointing out that the
kings of Jamhad themselves use only the tide 'king."
21. ZA 67 0977) p. 288.
thinking. This qualified disagreement is based on the fol-
low-up to the process.
The process was initiated by the close contacts, corn-
mercial and other, between the Old-Assyrian Kingdom
and the Anatolian local mien, through the local Anato-
lian formalization of the Old-Assynan secondary royal
22
title ruba'um, "p ri nce" (Sumerian: NUN).
The growing political-commercial strife among the
local rulers led soon to a further step: systematization; a
ruler of the first order is termed rubii'um; the lesser, petty,
dependent kingdoms are ruled by kings, a collec tive des-
ignation in pl.: srarri ne (the term for "small king"; see
2.5). 23 Moreover, the intensifica ti on of the power strug-
gles between able rulers an d their dependents led to a
momentous ch an ge — the appearance of the title: `The
Great P rince" (tuba 'um rabi'um).
We know only of two "Great Princes,"^ 4 indicating
that the focal point in the contents of the new augment-
ed title (c f. 2 i) was the concentra ti on of territorial pow-
er and leadership. Here appears Anitta, ruler of Kusgar
and (later) Nesa as a central figure. Chronologically he
is a contemporary of the Middle Old Assyrian-Babylo-
iiian period (c. 1800^ 5; cf. our 2 3) With Anitta, the tide
"Great King" makes its first appearance in the famous
"Anitta Inscription." 26 Written in Hit ti te, this docu-
ment describes Anitta's march to the peak of sole leader-
ship in (central) Anatolia. While in his contemporary
local inscriptions Anitta uses the title Great Prince, 27 in
the 'Inscription" he appears (after his victory) 28 as LU-
22. For this title see M.T. Larsen, The Old Assyrian City-State
and its Colonies, Copenhagen 1976, pp. tzrff.
23. K. Balkan, letter of King Anum-jJnbi of Mama to King War-
shama of Kanish, Ankara 1 957, pp. 25ff.; on Balkan's view about the
identity of content of the plu ral-form "kings" with the Old Babylo-
nun-Mari usage of this form, see Balkan, p. 27 and cf our z 3
24. Seux, p. 251, n 97, second entry; the augmentation is al-
ways written (in the formal titles) with GAL as in LUGAL.GAL. Tak-
ing into account with Larsen (op cit n 22) that rubâ'um in its Old-
Assynan definition was virtually a northern equivalent of lams, king
(sing.), the basic equation with Kano rabil is inherent. Moreover for
the transformation of the title to be discussed presently, see S a Vo-
cabulary Bogazkiii, Fragment H, MSL 3, p. S9 6':... ruin' = LUGAL-
Je (=Hittite *hallos see FHWB, p. 64). (See ako Fngm. r, p. 61,
note to line to).
25. 0.1k Gurney, CAH iI 1 3 , 232ff.; Balkan, Observations on
the Chronology of the Karim Kane Ankara 1 955, pp. 41ff., al% P. 44
See also V. Donbaz, Studies in Honor of Özgüg, (Ankara) 1989, p. 88.
26. CTH 2 , no. 1 (p. 2); E. Neu, StuBoT 18 (1974); H.
Schmökel, Kulturgeschichte des Alten Orient, Stuttgart 1961, pp. 335-
337; Gurney (note 25) p. 248; Güterbock, ZA 44 (1938), p. 141; Ot-
ten, MDOG 83 (1951), pp. 39, 44; H. Cancik, Grundzüge der hettitis-
dhen and alttestamentlichen Ceschichtrsdrreibung, Wiesbaden 1976;
Steiner, Or. Ant. 23 (1984), pp• 53ff
27. I.J. Gelb, Inscriptions from Alishar and Vicinity (OIP 27), Chi-
cago 1 935 Texts i (p. 1 9); 49 (P• 50) In the first document Anitta is
nrbn'um; in the second: ruba'um rabi'um (cf. also Balkan, op cit , n 6)
28. In the Mina Inscnption the ode LUGAL, "kung," opens
the story. Then in line 41 appears the title LUGAL.GAL Between
these lines there u a bnlhantly organized historical narrative of Amt-
ta's advancement (cf Steiner, op. tit., n. 26, p. 55, and n. 15), confer-
ring upon himself the tide GK. For further, very important, details
see literature in notes 26 and 29.
The Great King 31
GAL.GAL A delicate problem faces us: The "Insc ri p ti on" Hittite interpretation, a cohesive relationship between
is known only from a relatively later, Old-Hittite King- the Great King and his dependents. 35
dom edition/copy (c. 1600). 29 Therefore since this tide
is in continuous use by the Hit ti te Kings (see below, 2.4.4 In the present article we cannot discuss in more
2.4.3), we may judge the use of the title GK in the ' An- detail the process of consolidation of the Hittite form of
the Great Kingship which was characterized above in
itta Inscription' as a modernization, which is needed for
2.4.3. But for our special purpose — the development of
the endorsement of continuous prestige and legality of
the title GK — 't is important to point out that this con-
the Hit ti te royal dynasty.
solidation had already begun early in the period of the
But, perhaps, there is another answer. We propose
Old-Hittite Kingdom (c. 1600) by Hattus"ili 1 (see above)
the possibility that Anitta himself wished to break with
an d especially by his grandson an d heir, Mursili I. Oper-
the local Anatolian system descnbed above, and, by the
ating on a wide fr ont, Mursili I achieved the first in-
applica ti on of the title GK, wanted to integrate the Ana-
volvement by the Hittite Great Kingship in international
tolian realm into the international scene (cf. 2.3). The
affairs by destroying the last vestiges of the Old Babylo-
solu ti on was again, in the Hit ti te way of reasoning, to
nian political power: (a) the dest ru c ti on, and virtual in-
normalize and standardize the appella ti ve GK, already
heritance, of the "Great Kingship" of lialab (see above
known in the north of Mesopotamia (see 2.3). Thus, we
2.4.1); (b) then, the demise of the First Dynasty of Baby-
suppose, by closing the 'First Circle," which began its
Ion (cf. z z; 2.3) by the "sack of Babylon" in c. 1595. 36
turn from Assyria to Anatolia (for the "Second Circle"
While the involvement of the GK Anitta, mentioned
see 2 5), Anitta tried to be a pa rt of the "central" inter-
above, is no more than mere assumption, the invasion
national power-situation (see also below, in rela ti on to
was pa rt of the preparation for the advent of a new age,
Mursili I).
a new stage m the history of the tide GK; see 2.5.
2.4.3 It is clear that the Hit ti te Royal House from c.
2.4.5 The value of the tide GK is also apparent during
1 65o to its very end almost constantly used the overlord-
the period of temporary Hittite decline. In the penod of
ship-title GK, even when it was overshadowed by the
the Middle Kingdom (148o-138o) its use also declines
emerging title of glorification 'My Sunship'. 3° As we
an d returns to its standard use only by Suppiluliuma I,
learn from recent studies, this continuity was preserved
founder of the Empire. 37 Moreover, it is significant that
down to the last moments of existence of the neo-Hittite
the rulers of the emerging Hurrian state of Mitanni did
kingdoms long after the disappearance of the Empire. 31
not use the tide GK before the Age of the Amarna ar-
Standardized the title is used always in first posi ti on:
chive (2.5): King Parattarna, who began to extend Mi-
"KN, the GK, [the Sun] King of the l an d of Hatti, the tannian rule during the Hittite temporary decline, was
Hero, beloved of the God DN." 32
"elevated" (see 2.3) to the (ancient) tide LUGAL dannu,
The central, Hit ti te concept of the title GK is con- "mighty king," by no other than his most important
tinuous, inhented leadership in Anatolia and then, in the
weste rn vassal, Idrimi, King of Alalab; cf. 2.4.1. 35
period of the Empire (see below and 2.5), leadership of
Thus, around i400 the tide GK appears as a credible
an d dominion over dependent states 33 In this la tt er pe-
indicator of the internationally eminent standing of a
riod the title was permitted to be used as well by the certain ruler (c£ our Ch. 1, Introduction).
kings of Karkemis", as members of the Hittite royal family
and, chiefly, as di re ct overseers of the affairs of the North 2.5 The transformation of the title "Great Ki ng" in The (Ex-
Syrian dependents. 34 Moreover, a new format of state tended) Age of the Amarna Archive" (=AAA, c. 1460-1zoo
treaty was developed to ensure, in the spi ri t ofa uniquely B.C.E. o r the closing of the "Second Circle" in the de-
velopment of the title GK (see: 2.5.4))•
29. Cf. Steiner (op. cit., n. 26).
3o. For the Hittite royal titulary see, besides Seux, Hance
Gonna, ' La titulature royale hit ti te au ile millénaire avant
Hethitica III ( 1 979), pp. 3-108. The title LUGAL GAL is discussed on
pp. 18-19, then in the ro yal fist pp. (321ff it is to be stressed that the
tide GK was "renewed" (supposing that the title of Anitta is genuine; De-
re: A.
see above) by Hattuiili I (the first important king of the Old Hittite 35•
l's Vas-
bverance
Kingdom); see Gannet, p. 35, n 23. The glorifying tick "Sun "
. 41-
sal Treaties
(®UTU-li) appears for the first time also in Hattulili l's titulary (Gon - C.
76; 1 T> ride A
net, p. 19 and p. 35, n. 27), A. Goetze, Kleinasien, 1 953, P• 89.
Zaccagxnini (Roma). 199o.
31 J P. Hawkins, "Kuzi-Teluh and the 'Great Kings C.
36. CI Gadd, CAN II t 3 , p.
Karkemil, ' An St 38 (1988), pp. 99-108.
1330) which open with a historical reconstruction
32. A. Goetze, Kleinasien, 1953, p. 88. Fat the List element
Hallo, p. 137.
tus of the Great Kingship of Ijalab — now a dependent of the Great
Hittites, Penguin Books, 1 952 , p. 64; King of Hatti . sec Livenni, p 75; N. Ni aman, JCS 3 2 (19140), pp .
33. Cf. Gurney, The .
our 2 5 34ff
See dia inConan(op.
Conan mil., note. 3o).
Syriens 3 and
.
34. H. Kkngel, Cep-hit - hit I. pp. 43, 8
K3esslçcl, RNA 36 0978), p. 92., I.t
.
(=PRU IV, p 138:20). CL above, n. 3 1 .
 TABLE 2.5.I

I. Sumerogram a. Akkadian j. Haul 4. Egypt 3. Hurrian 6. Ugarit 7. [Bible, 8. [Aramaic Royal

(Assyria and First Millennium] Inscriptions,
Babylonia) First Mitl ennium]
Millennium]

LUGAL.GAL* In the international In the State and intemational

In the international International In Akkadian See note 8 below
correspondence = t international correspondence = t correspondence correspondence = t
documents = t of Mitanni = (the King of Hatti
and of Karkemii)s

= Akkadian: Hittite form: = Egyptian term: Hurrian : Ugaritic translation: melek rab
lams rabtl' unknown. p^g b90s9 t PNEN GAL = mlk rb6 melek gadâl
Hieroglyphic: Ibri•tat
Ibri•talma/i4
ma/i4 (cuneiform: malku)
KING+GREAT'

Notes:

* Surprisingly not documented in lexical texts (see note 24, last entry).
t. In this period not written phonetically; cf. 1.6.1.
2. Gannet (op. cit., no. 3o), p. 18; see also note 24.
3. Terminotogy .
Edel Ägyptische Ärzte..., 1976, pp. 17 and 13$; Lorton, TheJuridieal Terminology .
4- Laroche, Glossaire de la langue Reunite, t98o, p. 85, s.v. ewri.
5 Nougayrol, PRU IV, p. 263, LV. £8714.
6. E.g., Virolleaud, PRU II, p. 34, n. 18, lines 1, 7, and 22-23.
7. J. Greenfield, see note 86; for Biblical-Aranuic forms see 2.7.
8. KAI 216 (Sam'a° to, 1 I: Sit tD71 rIC7 t177 171 (Sfire) 13, 7. » to.
 The Great King
2.5.1 See Table 2.5.1 for an ill ustration of the transfor-
mation of the title GK and its di ffusion over the entire
Near East — in the format of a multilingual dictionary. 39
2.5.2 For a definition of the "(Extended) Age of the
Amarna Archive" (= AAA): it was observed 4O that this
age is identifiable by a series of common factors creating
the third4i Inte rn ational Age of the ancient Near East,
encompassing the entire subcontinent (Elam reenters
only towards the second pa rt of the period). 42
2.5.3 The AAA opens with an unparalleled scene: while
the northwestern intervention of the Hittite Great King
(cf. 2.4.4) was futile in promoting formal international
relations, the tremendous success of the southwestern
Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt, extending up the Euph-
rates to the northeast under Thutmose III and repulsing
Mitannian power (see above 2 4 5), opens an age of
peaceful relations with the surrounding "Great Kings"
(see below), expressed by diplomatic delegations to
Egypt. The result is. mee ti ng of the Great Powers of the
four quarters of the Near East. 43
2.5.4 These two tables (Table 2.5.1 an d the Table of
Helck, see our n. 43) lead us to the central question: how
did this revolution come about and what was its pro-
gram the change in the concept and practice of the title,
and political institu ti on, GK, which made possible this
new age of coexistence?
As in the case of truly decisive historical turning
points, the answer is simple and direct: all the political
powers of "Great Kingships" reached a common con-
clusion, expressing the "objec ti ve spi ri t" of the new
era,44 that 'hegemony" is now impossible; the powers
are in political bal an ce. On the other h an d, there is a
long, interconnected series of needs which call for coex-
istence and even much more cooperation. Therefore,
the "Second Circle" became closed: The Western concept
of "Great Kingship" merges with Eastern international princi-
pies.
The West is represented by the Hittite concept of the
Great Kingship, as characterized in 2.4.3. Practically the
same concept is present in Egypt, now bu il ding its Em-
pire, as indicated by the Amarna correspondence from
Byblos, a Mediterranean port-city with long-standing,
close connections with Egypt, addressing Pharaoh as
GK, 45
39• See Nougayrol, Ugaritica V, especially p. 234 13'-14',
40. P, Artzi, Bar-Ilan Studies in History [i), 1978. pp. 34-3 6; H.
Tadmor, Symposia (ASOR 75th Anniversary), 979' PP. iff.
41. Cf. M. Weinfeld in I Trattati (cf. n. 35), p. 175, o. t.
42. R Labat, CAH H 2 3 pp. 384ff.
43. See chronological Table of delegations, coming from As-
sur, Babylon, Hatti, Alain (and lesser kingdoms), from the 24th year
of Thutmose IiI on: Heck, Beziehungen , A, 1971, p. 167, a, 144.
44. Cf. W. Dilthey Patterns and Meaning in History, edited by
H.P. Rickman, Harper Torchbooks 1961, esp. pp ;
45. P. Artzi, JNES 27 (1968), p. 165, n. 18
33
The bountiful Eastern "dowry," introduced into this
"political mar ri age-a lliance' of East and West, is an ac-
curate selection from the accumulated heritage of a
thousand year cuneiform(-Mesopotamian) experience in
inte rn ational relations. This selection is headed by the
principle of "equality," expressed by the corresponding
Akkadian term mlbru 46 an d "mutuality," expressed by
the terms ajiu, "brother," abjjfttu, "brotherhood," an d
atbfitu, "reciprocity.' 47 The implementation of these
two principles means "recogni ti on."
Thus the political experience of all the Near East co-
operates in order to create a new era which in all vicis-
situdes, persisted until 1200 B.C.E. (see literature in note
40) .
2.5.5 *parsu48 la srarrâni rabatior *"The Code of Norms
and Customs" for "Great Equal Kings," as documented
in the cuneiform sources of the AAA:
Preliminary note: (a) the aim of this subchapter is to
demonstrate through Stages I, H, III and IV the ram-
ifications of obligations binding together the GK's of
the AAA; (b) almost every instance of the themes and
termini appearing in this section finds its continuity or
parallel to a great number of Near Easte rn , including
Bibhcal, sources; we can cite only a sampling here.
For a fuller picture consult: P. Kalluveettil, Declara-
tion and Covenant, 1982.
Stage I
The standard posi ti on of the title GK in the titulary
used in the address-formula of the international state-
correspondence it follows immediately after the PN of
the ruler, as in the Hittite scheme (see 2 4.3); then the
na ti onal geographical identification-title and the status of
recognized-equality-title follow. "your brother." The
principle of symmetry (as part of courtesy between
equals' see below, Stage III t 2) is strictly observed. Ex-
amples: EA 16 (from Assyria to Egypt), II 1-4: "To RN,
the GK, K. of Egypt, my brother ... [from] RN, King
of Assyria, GK, your brother"; KUB 3 25 (+276 CTI-I 2 ,
162, from Egypt to Hatti) 1-3: "From RN, the GK of
Egypt .. to RN, the GK of Hatti, my brother."
Stage II
Recognition-equality-mutuality (="brotherhood"):
The first stages of mutual recognition of rank and merge r
of concepts occurred obviously around the years 2 4/33
of Thutmose III (cf. note 43): the arrival of delegations
from Hatti and Kassite Babylonia — and a second deft-
46. CAD M/2. p. 57 2, a); sec there also as Akkadogram in
Hittite texts (Hittite term; annawah); V. Koroicc, International Rela-
tions Aaording to Cuneiform Report: firm the Tall-al-Anumw and Hittite
State Ardsives (EssOith summary of an article written in Slovenian,
195o). 3; Gverani, p. 7o.
47. M. Weinfeld, ffridelberger Stw ther. zum Altcri Orient a
3 45-348; Livenni, pp. t97ß
p. 836; Goetze vGzzsm.ges. 194o, p. 28 (Kilo
,n..6a.
 PINHAS ARTZI AND ABRAHAM MALAMAT
34
gation from Assyria to Egypt (see below). During the
whole period a "pyramid' of equal states emerges; at the
peak the two "Suns" and "Great Kings" — Ha tt i and
Egypt — charactenzed also by the careful and persistent
use of the title, followed by the slightly less equal, and
because of that paranoid, Kassite-Babylonian Royal
House. This Babylonian "lesser" equality is reflected in
the split of the inte rn ational "political public opinion"
around the question: "Is the King of Babylonia a GK or
is he not?" as we learn from a letter of Puduhepa, the
"Great Queen," Queen of Hatti, wife of Hattusili HI
an d mother of Tuthalija IV (c I27o). 49
There are at least four special c as es of variations in the
history of the title GK in the AAA; each c as e produces a
special lesson. We mention three of them only briefly:
Mitanni: after the reconciliation with Egypt in the time
of Amenhotep II, Mitanni becomes one of the Great
Equal Kingships thanks to its geopolitical import an ce for
Egypt against Hatti bolstered by mar ri age-a ll i an ces.
Then Mitanni, mistakenly, overestimates the impor-
tance of this la tt er component an d loses the political-
military suppo rt of Egypt in the time of its final confron-
tation with Hatti. 5o
Alagia-Cyprus, actually a business partner in delicate
geopolitical position, never uses the tide GK, satisfying
itself with ` brotherhood." 5 '
Arzawa, a Weste rn Anatolian kingdom which re-
turned to temporary independence during the Hittite
weakness, is "Brother," and never was accorded the title
GK by Egypt, exercising cautious policy. 52
Contrarily, the fourth case, Assyria, represents the ag-
gressive, "new" partner and natural pretender to the sta-
tus of Great King (cf. 2.3). This count ry of long
historical-international tradition and donnant potential
is engaged in a war of two hundred years to reenter the
international scene as a Great Equal King.
At the inception of the AAA Assyria is a formal de-
pendent of Mitanni; exactly because of this situation, As-
syria is the first to initiate contact with victorious Egypt
(see Table Helck of our n. 43). Then in the period of the
archive itself towards its end, Assur-uballit I, the
founder of the Middle Assyrian Kingdom is fully recog-
nized by Egypt as a Great King. 53
49. KUB XX 38, CTH 2 176; W. Helck, JCS 17 (1963). pp.
8701; for the entire picture of changes in Kassite-Babylonia's interna-
tional position see P. Arm, ' Kurigaizu II and His Elamite Cam-
è
paign" (paper delivered at the 36 me RAI, Gand 1989; forthcoming).
so Cf. Klengel, RI-IA 36 (1978), p. no.
P. Arai, (note 40 above), p. 29, n. 5.
EA 31 and 32; EAMr, pp. rot-to3; Heinhold-Knhmer,
Arzausr ... T. Heth 8 (1977).
For the emergence of the Middle Assynan Kingdom see
Livermi, p. 71 with n. 29 In EA 16:27 the key problem of the emen-
dation is not definitely resolvable: v. Soden, Orientalia NS 21 (1952),
P. N4, proposes — in Assyrian style Janine-Au ('i am equal") while
we prefer — with J. Friedrich, cited by C. Kühne,
1 973, p. 78, n. 389: melgnrku (see above), a term cons &Feint with the
international mage of the period; see EAMr.
But this new position of Assyria aroused a new storm:
Assyria is from now on in direct confrontation with Hat-
ti, the sharing partner of the Mitannian pa rt ition; Hani-
galbat, the old-new post-Mitannian state becomes a
`buffer" between Assyria and Hatti: the Great King
against the "upstart" who is already recognized by Egypt
and later by Babylonia. The ensuing, long diplomatic-
military campaign, eloquently documented, is conclud-
ed only around 1255(!) by the Hittite recognition of the
54
King of Assyria as a ' Great (Equal) King."
Similar to "equality and brotherhood" (see n. 47),
"mutuality, reciprocity, and sharing between (Great)
Kings" was also defined in the correspondence of the
AAA. Here the proverb of Burnaburijas II, King of Kas-
site Babylonia, stands out,S 5 with its elegant formulation,
utterly different from the sharp argumen ts of the com-
mercial minded "Northern" Assur-uballit I, in EA 16
(see literature in note 4o). Nevertheless, the "message" is
the same, in the spi ri t of the penod. Because of the in-
tentional disuse of the term GK, this proverb reaches a
level of almost abstract generalization, saying (in free
transla ti on): "Between Kings `Brotherhood , `Good-
will/Friendship , `Peace', and 'Courteous Relations' are
in stri ct rela ti on with the amount an d weight of 'pre-
cious stones, silver an d gold' [sent/exchanged as various
kinds of 'gifts] " Thus, in EA i 1 a thousand years of in-
ternational cuneiform experience becomes a common
denominator between the Great Equal Kings of all the
Near East. 56
Stage III
The norms of correct behavior between Great Kings
in the AAA (and after): 57
NORM 1: Foundation of relations, formulated in the
international state letters; combination of selected
themes from the Amarna an d Hitti te state letters; se-
quence: (a) address: symmetrical royal titles and status-
designation of equality; secular 58 greetings; (b) historical
argumen ts of persuasion, based on precedents; the writer
declares that the relations between the two parties are
dynastically long-standingS 9 and are based on three op-
54. For the documentation of the Assyrian-Hittite military
campaign see: P. Machirust, BBAO H (1982), pp. 265-267; A. Har-
nk, Assyria and Hanigalbat, 1987, pp. 138-189; cf Chart p. 188 and I.
Singer, "The Battle of Nihriya and the End of the Hittite Empi re."
ZA 75 ( 1 98 5), pp. too-123; A. Goetze, CAH ii 2 3 , p 258; Szemeré-
nyi, Oriens Antiques 9, ( 1 945), pp. 12o-123; C Kühne and H. Often,
STuBoT 16 1971 (Saulkamuwa Treaty).
55. EA II: 21-22.
56. On "gifts" (fulmanu, MMus, etc.) see C Zaccagnuu, ID
Scambio dei Doni nel Vicino Oriente durance I Secoli XV-XiI, 1973.
57. Along this list of nouns consult the pioneering presentation
of Brinkman, "The Monarchy in the Time of the Kanne
In P. Garelli ed. Le palais et la royaute, 1974. Pp. 3971E
58. Without mentioning any deity; this observation is an addi-
tion to the still incomplete study of the international greeting-formu-
las in the AAA (see E. Salonen Die Gnus. - und Hochltknes- formebt....
1 967. p. 6rff., also EAMr, p. xxisi).
The Great King
erative principles: abamif tabnnu,6o we are always "good"
to each other we are firm friends and well-wishers; dabâ-
bu, we are ready to ar ri ve at agreements through talk 61 ;
we are always ready to satisfy the material needs, wishes
(jiifi{btu, merellltu) of our brother, by sending/receiving
/exchanging equitable gifts (cf. note 56).
NORM 2: You must never "elevate," upgrade (cf.
2.3; 2.4) yourself above your brother! 62
NORM 3: You must prefer personal relations, "love,"
"loyalty' (?) over colliding interests in your inte rn ational
relations; you must fulfill your obligations, binding you
an d your dynasty, vis-a-vis your brother GK. 63
NORM 4: You are your brother's keeper (cf. Gen.
4:9)! You must help him in his distress. 64
NORM 5: "Life-Cycle-Diplomacy" (see below, note
71) You must carefully apply all these norms on the oc-
casion of the following events: beginning of rule/coro-
nation,65 festival 66 palace/temple-building, 67 marriage-
59. Key term is abu, "father , " and extensions: (fore-)fathers,
earlier (great) kings of the dynasty.
6o. Perhaps alluding to actual treaties now lost; cf. W.L. Mo-
ran, JNES 22 (1963) pp. 77-78. For Hebrew equivalent lôbâh, refer-
ri ng to treaty-terminology see A. Malamat, Biblical Archaeologist
Reader 3, 198o, pp. 196-198.
61. A term already used in the Hamazi letter of Ebla; see liter-
ature inn 47; see CAD D, p. 3, dabâbu s., c) 3, "agreement" and
dabâbu verb, p. 8, 3, h), "to come to an agreement" (through nego-
tiations).
62. One of the key cases is EA 42, a Hittite state letter, which
needs much additional research and restoration. in this letter it is stat-
ed that the King of Egypt transgressed the parlor (see our note 48) by
the letter-formulation described by the Hittite King as fumka eli lumi-
ja, ' Your name over my name' ; it seems that the complaint is raised
against the asymmetric use of the royal status titles. in another letter,
Raamses II refutes quite courteously the accusation of Hattuiih III
that he wrote to him akt ardi, "as to a servant." it seems, with Goetze
(see below), that because of the circumstances of his ascendance to
the throne, Ramses Ii did not congratulate him properly (see below,
5th Norm), or denied him the proper titles even brotherhood? (see
1st Norm).
LiteraturetoEA 2: EAMr,, pp. 1 15-r r6. To the Ramesside let-
te r. A . Goetze, JCSI (41 947). Pp. 2 41-251; id., CAH II 2 3 , p. 257; see
som e other casa in Lwenni, pp. 70-7 1.
63. Sample; EA 9. Basing himself on historical precedent (of
doubtful hasis) and on international common law combined with
"love"! 'loyalty," Bumaburijas iI implores his brother, the King of
Egypt, to expel Assyrian merchants now doing business m Egypt, be-
cause they are his servants and dependents; cf. Livcrani, p. 72, n. 32;
p. 198, n.. to. (The request was denied; sec above on the Egyptian
recognition of Assyria. To international common law, applied in this
letter, see already the case presented hy Mum-Hirbi; see literature in
note 23).
64. Sample: ABur-ubanit I, King of Assyria. intervenes as a rel-
ative and ally to ensure the continuity of the Kassite dynasty by killing
the illegal king and putting the legal heir, Kuripszu U. on the throne
of his father without exploiting his si tuation (A.K. Grayson ABC. p.
1 59, Chronicle 21, "Synchronistic History," 8'-17').
•
65. Sample: EA 33:9-t 8 , 34:5O-53: King of Alai !
of Egypt; KBo i, 14. rev. sb-,o: King of Hatti to the King
.
setting down the rules (po u) on the occasion Of coronation; cf: o1û'
n. 48. I Kings 5:15 (Hiram to Solomon); see legarduig the Septuagint
variation (aeomtïrig; cf , e a. , above. Alafija): J. Kaueeslem, Tyre,
1 973. pp. 9 6 -977.
35
alliance,68 sickness, 69 and death 7° (for the last event cf
also 4th Norm). 7 '
Stage IV
Political rules for the personal use of the Great
King:
RULE I: Keep your international correspondence in
good order — important documen ts of the past must be
preserved1 72
RULE 2• Keep your communications open (not only
for imperial adnunistration, fiscal and police/military ac-
dons but) for trade, and mainly for the use of the diplo-
matic service! 73
RULE 3 • You must be able to find solutions to relieve
international obstacles/problems which may arise in re-
lation to Rule 2. 74
66. Festi val: EA 3418, 20, complaint of the Babylonian King
not sending an invitation and presents for a state-festival. EAMr, p. 8,
n. 8: one of the std festivals of Amenhotep III.
67. New Temple/Palace; sample: EA 5. Pharaoh to the King
of Babylonia: furniture for his "new house(s)" (= É.GIBR); see in
general: EAK H, p. 1389 LV. dual, building operations of the State.
EA t6. 16b-18: The King of Assyria requests gold for die "New Pal-
ace" (ekallu e &efu; cf Borger, EAK i, pp. 26; 28ff.; Grayson,.ARI,
1972 . p. 45, It 5).
68. Marriage(-alliance): for this huge topic we Anti in La
Femme dans k proche Orient Antique (ed. J M. Du rand), Paris 1987, pp.
230:, and mainly, F Pintore, Il matrimordo mterdinasttto ne! Wino Ori-
ente durante i snob XV XiII, Roma 1978; for !sncbte-Egyptian mar-
riage alliance see A. Malamat, our nos. 86 and 93.
69. Sickness: sample: EA 7:8-25, Butnabunjai I1 compla
that Pharaoh did not ask immediately about his health; see in general,
E. Edel, Agypdsdrr Arnie und 41prirdre Medizin am Hettitisdmi KÖnir-
shgf, 197 6"
70. Death: see P. Arun, "Mourning in International Re4s-
ti ons," Mesopotamia 8 (Death in Mesopotamia, ed. by B. A ls ter),
Copenhagen 198o, pp. 161-r 7o.
7t. On the theory of "Life-Cycle-Diplomacy"
nota 68 (Anti) and 70.
72. Sample: KBo I ,o, obv. I. 52:... OMMain4 !. alrira ilpurtr
Iuktn; transhtion (with A.L. Oppenheim. Latin from Mesopotamia
7. p. 143): "... should my brother send me a message, i retain ev-
196
ery word.' (cf. CAD K, p. 163, 27.
73 • Samples: EA 7 73 -82 and EA 8. The King of Baby
compxmatic from the rob-
manda juridical punishing action and comixmation
bers/murderers of his merchants, adding in EA 8:3; the wirings; "if
you will not act according to these demands, the resuk win be ïrss hinn-
y mm kpn ipaniu "there will be no more ;s,Iomatsc exchange be-
tween us!" For the diplomatic service we A. Meier, The Mess ere ► S
the Ancient Semitic World, (Atlanta. GA), 1988; D. E3gavnh, lise Eue-
issary and Ms Alta The Diplomatic Servix in die Cuneiform Sara
and in the Bible, Ph.D., Bar-Ilan, 1989 (in Hebtew; English ninonary,
vol. I. pp. I-Vii»; Y.L. Holmes. JAGS (t975), pp. 376-3$1.
74. Sample: EA 16:37-42 and si -55: Aaat-tsba#ill. Great King,
to Pharaoh a new system of safety of the intrmatïoeraal
Pmmiiid to tbyiwt Tadmor, Jens.-
P. Anti in: Ah Au.syna
. pp. 254-25; "The Intcrnieonal Royal Trade-colt[. at
" H. Mengel, Airsopwwusna II, Copenhagen ,9So, pp. 189-
36 PINHAS ARTZI ANDABRAHAM MALAMAT
RULE 40 You must behave as a Great Equal King! 75
RULE 5: Learn about your peers! 76
2.6 The first millennium: partial decline of the tide GK.
Preliminary note: for Section 2.6 consult Seux.
2.6. r In Assyria of the first millennium only two genres
of state documents use the title GK: royal insc rip ti ons
an d colophons This development began already m the
second pa rt of the second millennium, still in the AAA.
Assur- uballit I (see above) never uses the title GK in his
local insc ri p ti ons, while he is "re-elevated" to the title far
killati (last used by Samsi-Adad I and Zimri-Lim; see 2.3)
by the Babylonian sc ri be Marduk -nadin-abbe, son of
Marduk -uballit(!), at the end of the prayer/blessing sec-
don of his vo ti ve inscription. 77
It is a post-AAA King, Assur- bel -kala (son of Tiglat-
pileser I), a ruler in the period of Assyrian weakness un-
der Aramaic stress, but nevertheless the last of the second
millennium Assyrian kings still ac ti ve in the West, who
reintroduces the title in the sequence: "Great King, King
of the World, King of Assyria," 78 a combination of the
AAA and Assyrian traditions.
After this period the tide GK becomes a standard pa rt
of the neo-Assyrian royal titulary in the following order:
75. Autobiography and "apology" of Hattus"ili III, the "Great
King," concerning his behavior and policy towards the traditional
friends, "vassals," and enemies; see t ra nslation of passage in A. Goet-
ze, CAH EI 2 3 p. 2i7. KBo I to: Hattus"ili III, the Great King, to his
brother Kadasnun-Enlil II, the Great King (special stress; o., 2); from
36bff.: the problem of communication between the two countries:
H. refutes the Babylonian apologetic argument, that the communi-
cation between Babylonia and Hatti was interrupted, because of (a)
the interference of the Ahlamu nomads; (b) especially, the possibility
that the King of Assyria will refuse permit of passage. The refutation
appears in o., 38b-39a: fanât famitika abw'a febrita, "In royal author-
ity/power, my Brother, are you 'small'?i ' (not a "Great King," but a
"Small King" of a dependent state; for the term "Small King" [LU -
GAL.TUR, *farm sebrul see: Goetze, Hauufilif (111), 1925 p. 124; Har-
rak, Hanigalbat, p. 148: KUB XIII 103 o., 27 -z8': The King of
Assyria rose from a LUGAL.TUR to a LUGAL.GAL; Liverani, p. 68).
We add here, that in our opinion, these termini are not 'technical'
ones (Liverani) but reflect a classification of international power-sta-
tus in the t ra di ti on of the cuneiform international relations.
Rhetorical answer of Hattusili III on his own question: o., 496-
5 t: a f u a farm rab4 atria u ira littiiti Iu lea:data "(But), my B ro ther, you
are a GK and you are destined for a long and successful life! '
For KB I to in general full transliteration and t ra nslation in T.
Heth 16, 1989, pp 281-30o by Albe rt ina Hagenbuchner; on the his-
torical background: A. Goetze, CAH II z 3 , p. 258 et passim.
76. In our opinion the royal (even private) cuneiform libraries
in the West served not only to teach the writing and the language it-
self — cf, the Egyptian reading-dots in EA 356-7 — but to know
and understand the theological ideas and political aims of"heavenly"
and "earthly" leaden of the Mesopotamian and Hit ti te world. For the
"Library' of Amarra see D.O. Edzard, Proceedings of the Ninth World
Congress of -Jewish Studies (198i), Plenary Sessions, Bible and ANE (cd.
by M. Goshen-Goetstein) Jerusalem 1988, pp. 2 7-33; for Hattusa see
H.G Güterbock, ZA 42 ( 1 934), PP. 1- 9 1 ; 44 (i9 8 3). pp. 45-149; G.
Beckman, JCS 33/1-2 (1983), pp 97-114.
77. IAK, p. 40, XVII, 2, r. 15; Grayson, ARI, p. 43, 278.
78. ARI 2, p. 47, eta (emendation). Cf. Borger, EAK i, p. 142;
ARI 2, p. 58, 264; p. 59, 2 73; in the West p. 55, 248.
"RN, GK, Strong King, King of the World, King of As-
syria "79 This titulary, we suggest was built historically
an d stylistically in a manner to umte all facets of the As-
syrian royal inte rn ati onal prestige, in rising sequence; the
last one is the sum total of all, the Empire. The difference
between the AAA-sequence an d the Assyrian one of ti-
tles is, therefore programmatic, diametrically opposite;
see below 2.6.2 (Cyrus)
There are, however, two instances which show that
the title still had its reduced significance (i) the use of
the title by two kings of Urartu-Ararat (Seux p. 299), a
far echo of the AAA?;(2) although, as it was just noted,
the title GK is now standardized in the neo-Assyrian ti t-
ulary, the fact that this particular title was used in He-
brew transla ti on under the walls of Jerusalem may show
that its Western meaning of domination (see 2.4.3) was
not lost; see 2.7. 8o
2.6.2 Neo- and Late Babylonian Period: The rulers of
the early pre-Chaldean Neo-Babylonian period (i i 5o-
625 B.C.E.), occupied by the task of post-Kassite resur-
rection and then by a fight for independence from As-
syrian rule, had no interest in the message of the tide GK
and preferred the more hereditary, programmatic far
kifsrati.8 r
In the period of the Chaldean dynasty an d Empire
(625 on) this use continues, this time with justification
Then, suddenly, Nabunaid, the last Chaldean dynast,
uses the title GK again: Nabonid (Nabunaid) n. i, Res-
toration of the Sin-temple in Fjarran: col. i I-2 (partly
82
normalized):
anâku N., LUGAL(=larru) ra-bu-û, LUGAL dannu,
LU-
GAL killati, LUGAL Bâbili, LUGAL kibrâti erbitti
I, N., the GK, the mighty King, King of the World,
King of the Four Quarters (of the World).
Here appears a combination of neo-Assyrian, imperi-
al Babylonian, an d Old-Akkadian royal titles; see partly
above, 2.6.i. This renewed inclusion of the title GK may
79. See the obse rv ations and tabulations of Chaim Cohen,
"Neo-Assynan elements in the first speech of the Biblical rab-iagi,"
Israel Oriental Studies IX, 1 979, pp. 3 8- 39; for the use of the tide GK
in colophons see H. Hunger, Babylonische und assyrische Kolophone
(AOAT 2), 1968, nos. 317-344, passim.
80. Of cou1se, the rhetorical aspect of the Biblical formula ti on
of rab figes speech must he taken mto account; but one is reminded
here of the epigraphical evidence for the tick meirkgadôl; see 2.7, and
n. 89.
81. J.A. Brinkman, "The Early Neo-Babylonian Monarchy,"
in Le Palais et la Royauté, 1971. pp. 41-412.
Note a Middle Babylonian exception: During the reign of
Adad-suma-usur, one of the last kings of the Kassite Dynasty, (cf.
Brinkman, ZA 59 ( 1 96 9), pp. 2 33- 23 8 ; Tadmor JNES XVII (1958),
129-141), "Babylonia managed to gain a temporary ascendancy over
Assyria" (Brinkman); as attested in Harper letter ABL 924:3, the
Babylonian king uses the title GK; see Brinkman, A Political History
of Post-Kassue Babylonia, 1968 p. 87, and n. 453.
8z. Nabonid (Nabunaid): Langdon, NAB, p. m8; Tadmor, AS
r6, P. 35 1 35 8 .
The Great King
be one of the symbols of the renaissance-program of this
last ruler of Babylonia.
This inheritance of titles reappears in the "Cyrus Cyl-
inder' at the opening of the Persian-Achaemenid Period
(539 on), Cyrus Cylinder 2o:
anaku Kural, LUGAL kif -fat, LUGAL.GAL, LUGAL dan-
nu, Jar Bâbili, far (mât) .umiri u Akkadi, far kibrâts er-
bittim . .
With an inverted order between the leading titles an d
a further historical enlargement in the senes ("King of
Sumer and Akkad ") the continuity is clear, moreover, in
the new sequence of titles, far killati now occupies the
place of the tide GK in the Hi ttite titulary; see 2.4.3. 83
The use of the title GK continues (without far kifsratt)
in the titulary of Darius I, Xerxes, an d Artaxerxes I-II-
III (521-338).
Lastly, the titulary of the Seleucid King Antiochus I,
Soter (279-261 B C E ); Cylinder, col. i i-2: A., LUGAL.
GAL-ti (= rabti), farru dannu far kiflatt, far Bâbili, farmata-
ti (_ "King of Countries") ..." 84 Nevertheless, as Oel-
sner notes, this use is rare and an exception. 85
The cuneiform usage of ca. fifteen-hundred years of
the title GK reached its end.
2.7 The title GK in the Bible.
In the Hebrew Bible two idioms occur for "Great
King," both apparently calques deriving from Akkadian
faint raM : melek gadal and melek rab. 86 While the first
seems to be a direct transla ti on from Akkadian (or rather
Assyrian) the second may have penetrated the Hebrew
language via Ugaritic or Aramaic where in both the ex-
pression mlk rb is used for "Great King"; see Table, 2.5.1,
6, 8.
There is no evidence, so far, that the tide GK was
used at all by the Kings of Judah an d Israel (but see be-
low). The tide, on the one h an d, is reserved for the As-
syrian king, as in Rabshakeh's speech referring to
Sennacherib (2K 18:19, 28 = Isa. 36:4,13) (cf 2.6.1). On
the other hand, the idiom is used and apparently origi-
nated in the theological sphere as one of the epithets of
the God of Israel (Mal. i:14; Ps. 47:3; 953). an apt titu-
lary for the incomparable divine king. The plural
melâkim gedalim (Ps. 136 17), here in parallelism to
melâkim 'addirim (v. 18) an d melâkim 'asumim (Ps 13 5:1o),
83. Cyrus: Weissbach, KA r, Cyrus (Kyros), pp. 4- 5, 20: Tad-
mor, "The Historical Backg ro und of the Decree of Cyrus,' ' Oz le-
David. FS David Ben-Gurion, Jerusalem 1964. p. 451ff. (Hebrew)
84. Antiochus I. Soter, Weissbach KA.
Materiaiien zur Babylonischen Gesellschafr und Kul-
85. J. Oelsner,
tur in Helknistischer Zeit, Budapest 1986. p. 171, C.
e. God , and
86. On the various epithets of the chyme king. i
the mortal king in the Bible, see recently M.Z Brett'« God is King
— Understanding of an Israelite Metaphor, Sheffield 1989 (ISOTSS 76),
especially pp. 3o 1, 68fE For earlier remarks see J.C. Greenfield in the
4th World Congress ofJcsnsh Studies I Jerusalem 9 67, pp 1 18f. (Table
2 .5.1, 7) and cf A. Malarnat m Studies in the Pi mod 4 Arvid and So-
lomon (cd. T. Ishida), Tokyo 1982. pp. 196f
37
is applied to Sihon and Og, the Amorite kings in Trans-
jordan in proto-Israelite times. 87 In this semi-legendary
context of Israel's conquest of Transjordan the idiom
"Great Kings" is of a poetical rather than a realistic
stance.
Of interest is a further occurrence of "Great King,"
symbolic rather than real, in Ecclesiastes 9:14: "There
was a little city with few men in it and to it came a great
king, who invested it an d built mighty siegeworks
against it." 88 The phraseology here may indicate a play
on words, contrasting the great king with a little city and
few men. The imagery here reflects a somewhat gro-
tesque situation mocking the great king, the symbol of
power and then praising wisdom.
Finally, note the words melek gadôl in Hebrew sc ri pt
on a Nimrud Ivory of the late 8th century B.C.E.89 But
since these are the only words remaining on the frag-
ment, we are unable to ascribe them to a tide either of
an Israelite king or of an Assyrian potentate.
The other royal title in the Bible for "Great King" is
melek rab, which presumably represents a stylistic stratum
different from that of melee gâdôl. This idiom appears to
be also of a more archaic flavor, finding its way into Bib-
lical Hebrew via Uga ri t or Early Aramaic, where mlk rb
is attested (for the Aramaic, note the Sefire Inscription I
B 7 from Northern Syria 9° , cf. Table 2.5.1, 8). It is thus
the heritage of a Weste rn tradi ti on in contrast to lams
raM or melek gâdiil. But whereas the latter terms car ry a
super-regional quality (cf. 2.4; 2 6 I), melee rab functions
in a more limited regional framework.
The first instance of this title appears in Ps. 48:2 [MT
48:3], where the word "great" in the idiom ri tz rrnp,
4 a c'ty of the great king" has been taken almost unani-
mously as an epithet for God, who is characterized here
as the great king ofJerusalem Although God is the dom-
inant figure in this Psalm in connection with his city
Jerusalem, we claini9 1 that it is King Solomon who is re-
ferred to here, our assertion being based as well on the
next instance in the Bible where the idiom occurs. Rab
in the above passage, as well as elsewhere (cf. Jer. 50:4 i),
87. The epic hymn the exodus. conquest
ment in Canaan. specifying only the Anionic ki
a nd Og; cf., r.d., Hi. Knus, , vol 2. 4, Neukirchen, x972, p.
902.
88. See comme t 9.4.
4. Some resume that
the great king hat refers ; cf L. Levy,
Das Budé Qoheletth, Leipzig Kits
the Hebrew Text are taken throughout
(=A New Trimathot y(die.Holy Smptures .
89. Published by A. Millard, hvq s4 4 5ff n.
ao.
FitaWeyei. Thee A
,.6t; cf. Table
n.
38 PINHAS ARTZI ttND ABRAHAM MALAMAT
has sometimes been interpreted not as "great"' but as
'numerous," that is "many kings," indicating also the
exceptionally lengthy Davidic dynasty. 92 But there re-
mains still the possibility of translating the idiom in Jer.
5o:41 as mighty kings," and not "many kings."
The second occurrence, strengthening our assump-
tion concerning the first one, is the Aramaic passage in
Ezra 5: i i which undoubtedly refers in retrospect to So-
lomon's building Jerusalem and beautifying it: tai
155Dh r "illitat. In other words, a tide applied to
Solomon alone of all the kings of Israel and Judah evokes
a particular category of a major potentate the overlord,
which later history was to call "emperor" and the like. 93
Perhaps the grandiose title is the result of a lengthy pro-
cess in which courtiers and political leaden, as well as
historiographers, participated. King David did not as-
sume this title, 94 although in I Chron. 17:8b we read:
"Moreover, I will give you renown like that of the
greatest men on earth " It is most likely that early West-
em traditions penetrated the royal Israelite cou rt under
Solomon. Of all the Hebrew kings it is he who bears the
title GK in a later Greek source in the Sibylline Oracles
(t i :8o). In Biblical Aramaic we also find rl to ri
exit "for a great king and ruler" (Dan. 2: to).
Finally, most peculiar is the form in the Book of Ho-
sea (5:13; to:6), melek yârèb, referring to an Assyrian ruler
in relation with the Kingdom of Israel (Tiglat-pileser
II I?). The form yàreb is most likely related to the same
word in Syriac "(to become) great." 95 The strange form
perhaps reflects a No rt h Israelite linguistic usage, a fea-
ture not uncommon in Hosea. Usually, the commenta-
tors emend melek yard) to malkt rab. 96
The Bible is, of course, not the last source mention-
ing the royal title "Great King"; it is rather the impetus
92. Set, e.g., A. Berlin, JBL loo (1981), pp. 9o-91.
93. For the expansion and the vast international relations of
Solomon's kingdom, favoring for this ruler the tide Great King, see
Malaetnt in Studies (above, n. 86), pp. 189-204
94. See in this connection the passage in I Kings 1:47: 'May
God make the renown of Solomon even greater than yours (i.e., of
David), and may he exalt his throne even higher than yours!"
95. Cf. Greenfield in the 4th World Congress (above, n. 86), p.
119; S. Paul in Y. Avishur and J. Blau, eds., Studies in the Bib le and
Ancient Near East (FS. [Hebrew] S.A. Loewenstamm), Jerusalem
i978, pp. 313f. and n. 34
for the future usage of this epithet. Indeed the title flour-
ishes in the Persian and Hellenistic penods 97 and be-
yond, throughout European history from Alexander the
Great to Czar Peter the Great (cf. 2.6.2, end). 98
3. CONCLUSIONS
We are aware of the need to deepen our presentation
on the history of the royal title Great King, especially as
to the following aspects.
♦ A closer investigation of the emergence of the ti-
tle, especially in the north and northwest of the
Near East;
♦ A detailed analysis of the relationship of the title
with other royal titles;
♦ A systematic investigation of the influence of the
Great Kingship as a political institution, on state-
craft, on dependent states, and on inte rn ational re-
lations;
♦ The theological aspects of the Great Kingship;
♦ Its transmission into Hellenistic and post-Biblical
Jewish thought and literature;
♦ The causes, reasons and methods of applying the
attribute "Great" in relation to individual political
figures from its earliest inception (cf. note 8) to the
present (cf. 2.7, end and note 98).
96. E.g. the commentary of F.l. Andersen and D.N. Freed-
man, Hosea (Anchor Bible), Garden Ci ty , NY, 1980, pp. 413-4 1 4
(yarrb is an incorrect division of mallet rab). For retaining the term
yarib, see E.M. Good, JBL 85 (1966), pp. 277f.; H.L. Ginsberg, Et-
cytlopediaJudaiCa vol. 8 (1971), pp. IOIO-'oz4.
97. For the Hellenistic Period (also referring to earlier times),
see most recently D.C. Duling, JBL i w (1991), pp. z96ff., and see
still the pioneer treatment by E.R. Bevan, 'Antiochus Iii and his Ti-
de the 'Great King'," JHS 22 (1902), pp. 241-244.
98. For Europe, see the short monograph of T. Schiedet, Ober
den Beinamen "der G ro sse' — Reflexionen über hisforischc Grosse,
Rheinisch-Westfilrsche Akadenue der Wissenschaften (G 271), 1984.
EIN SUN ERISCHES SPRICHWORT
Josef Bauer
Julius-Maximilans-Universititt, Würzburg
Das auf einer kleinen Schülertafel überlieferte Sprich-
wort, UET 6/2 275, gehört nach B. Alster, RA 72
(1978) ioo-ior zur Sammlung 8+2o. Die einzige dem
Verf bekanntgewordene Bearbeitung hat C. Wilcke,
JNES 27 (1968) 236 im Rahmen seiner Erschließung des
modalen Adverbs i-gi 4 in-zu versucht. Er hat es folgen-
dermaßen verstanden:
Nah gu àm-kâr-lcâr-e I i-g1 4 in-zu rü-te-ni-sè / lugal-
a-m-se-am
"Du(?) erweist einem Schwein eine Wohltat. I Wie
zu sich selbst / verhält es sich zu seinem Ei-
gentümer.
Die Schwierigkeiten dieser Interpretation sind C.
Wilcke nicht entgangen Zum einen entspricht eine Bil-
dung der 2. Ps. Sg. des transitiven Präsens-Futurs auf -e
statt auf -en nicht der Norm sumerischer Texte altbaby-
lonischer Zeit Deswegen steht das Fragezeichen hinter
dem "Du." Und zum zweiten verweist er auf S. 236
Anm. 23 auf die S. 233 Anm. 16 desselben Aufsatzes
zurück, in der er seine Übersetzung von gu kâr mit einer
Bedeutung rechtfertigt wie sie sonst gu gar zukommt.
Doch ist das gu im-kâr-kàr-e seiner Umschrift ein
Versehen fursu àm-kar-kar-re. C. Wilcke bekennt ab-
schließend: "Die genaue Bedeutung dieses Sprichwortes
ist mir unklar."
Der folgende Versuch einer Neudeutung bemüht
sich für die erste Zeile mit einer 3. Ps. Sg. des Präsens-
Futu rs und mit der bekannten Bedeutung des Verbums
gu kar = ekèmu, e rim auszukommen. Damit aber wurde
es unumgänglich, auch den Namen des Tieres,
stellt durch das erste Zeichen der ersten Zeile, zu
verändern:
Id]ur9 gu àm-kar-kar-re
-gi4 in zu ni-te-ni-sè
-
lugal-a-ni-sè-im
Der Eselhengst eilt dahin,
als ob es für ihn selbst wäre
(Doch) es ist für semen Herrn.
Entscheidend an geregt wurde diese Neudeutung
durch eine Kurzfabel, the der bekannte im 13 nach-
christlichen Jahrhundert lebende monophysitische Bi-
schof von Tagrit, Gregorius Abu 1-Frarag genannt Bar
Hebräus, in seinem Buch der ergötzenden Geschichten
(K9142â Lh-lunnâyi n19gabNkane) überliefert. Sie lautet
nach dem Estrangelâ-Text der Ausgabe von E.A.W.
Budge, London, 1897 (Nachdruck New York, 1976) S.
72, NI' 379:
kalba f ail râ dep-(h)wâ Tatar laf yâ. drin miksi a(n)tt
da-tesmattén(y). emar leh kalbâ mettul mänâ. emar
takyâ. mettul d-enâ mettul nap!(y) rathet en cl . w-
a(n)tt mettul mitrafr.
Der Hund verfolgte die Gazelle. (Sie sagte)
"Du kannst mich nicht fassen!" (Da) sprach zu
ihr der Hund: "Warum (ist das so)?" Es sprach
die Gazelle: "Weil ich, we il ich um mein Leben
laufe, aber du für deinen Heim"
Die Unterschiede zwischen den beiden Stücken der
Kleinprosa sind bedeutend. Entliàlt das sumerische
Sprichwort die verwunderte oder gar spöttische Aussage
über die gute Verwendbarkeit eines Tieres, des Esel-
hengstes, so fährt uns die syrische Fabel eine Jagdszene
mit dem Dialog zwischen einer gehetzten Gazelle und
dem sie verfolgenden Hund vor Augen, während der die
Gazelle ihre zum Überleben notwendige Schnelligkei t
begriindet. Und dennoch ist der Ke rn der Aussage, die
Gegenüberstellung des Laufens li' r sich selbst und des
Laufens fiir einen Herrn, trotz aller Verschiedenheiten
der Einkleidung, beiden Stücken gemeinsam. So stellt
sich die Frage, ob die Fabel des Syrischen ein ferner
Nachklang des sumenschen Spnchwortes oder selbstän-
dig entstanden ist. Die lin ersten Falle vorauszusetzenden
Zwischenglieder einer akkadischen und einer aramä-
ischen Übersetzung haben sich nicht erhalten. Aber was
bedeutet das schon angesichts der relativ geringen Zahl
tiberkommener akkadischer Sprichwörter und der
wenigen Reste erhaltener aramäischer Literatur. Doch
auch bei. den Kernsätzen gibt es eine kleine Verän-
derung. Sumerisches ni-te-ni sè bedeutet nur "fiir sich
40 JOSEF BAUER
selbst," während "ftir sein/mein Leben" mit nam-ti-1
(oder allenfalls mit zi) ausgedrückt werden müßte. Auch
eine hypothetische akkadische Übersetzung mit dem für
ni-te üblichen ramânu bliebe völlig eindeutig. Die
Weichenstellung zur Umgestaltung in die dialogische
Form könnte erst mit einer wiede ru m hypothetischen
Übertragung ins Aramäische erfolgt sein, die das Wo rt
tip, oder rib' (syr. napla) an die Stelle des ehemaligen ni-
te setzte Aber eine selbständige Entstehung der kleinen
Fabel bleibt ebensogut möglich.
THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
OF THE URUK PROPHECY
Paul-Alain Beaulieu
Yale University
In their 1964 article entitled "Akkadian Prophecies"
A K. Grayson and W.G. Lambe rt defined this genre of
Akkadian literature as desc riptions of the reigns of un-
named kings expressed in the form of predictions i The
reign of each king is described either as paradigmatically
propitious or evil, an d the phraseology of the predictions
is strongly reminiscent of the apodoses of omen litera-
ture. Although the protagonists of the events described
are never named the language of the prophecies is rarely
so cryptic as to prevent their iden ti fica ti on, with the re-
sult that the historical a llusions contained in those texts
have for the most pa rt been decoded by Assyriologists
Clearly these so-called "prophecies are best descnbed as
vaticinia ex eventu, predictions after the events. Their pur-
pose is not always, if ever, clear to the modem reader,
particularly in cases where some c ru cial pa rt of the text
Is lost or has been preserved only in fragmentary condi-
tion. One may presume, on the basis of the few exam-
ples whose historical settings have been assessed with
some degree of confidence, that they were intended to
provide sanction to an event contemporary with their
composition, such as the restoration of a cult or the rise
of a new dynasty. This crucial event is always announced
in the closing prediction of the prophecy an d constitutes
in a manner of speaking, its historical climax. The narra-
tive which leads up to this climax includes a succession
of historical events carefully selected for their illustrative
value an d assembled into a dramatic progression of cycles
of "good ' an d ' bad" heralding the establishment of a
all era of bliss The prophecy contains the implicit mes-
sage that this era of bliss is brought about by the real-
ization of the event which it is the purpose of the text to
vindicate
Only five Akkadian literary compositions have been
classified as "prophecies" in the sense we understand the
term here. They include Prophecy A, 2 the Marduk an d
1. A.K. Grayson and W.G. Lambert, "Akkadian Prophec
tit
JCS t8 (1964), pp. 7-3o.
2. Edition in Grayson and Lambe rt , "Akkadian Prophecies,"
PP. 9-10 and 12-16, with references to previous editions and studies
on P.7.
Sulgi Prophecies, 3 the Dynastic Prophecy, 4 and the
Uru k Prophecy. 5 Other texts which were originally
classified as prophecies have since been shown to lack
some of the fundamental characteristics of the genre an d
should be considered separately. These include LBAT
1 543 and Text B. 6 It should be noted that the designa-
tion of "prophecies' for the compositions under consid-
eration here is exclusively a creation of modern schol-
arship. There is no na ti ve name for the genre and no
conclusive evidence that the compositions we call
" prophecies" formed, for the ancient Mesopotamians, a
distinct genre within their literary heritage. At least two
of the prophecies, however, namely the Marduk and
Sulgi prophetic speeches, were clearly considered pa rt of
a single series by the scholars of the library of As`s"urban-
ipal, since the colophon of the Marduk Prophecy con-
tains the catch-line of the Sulgi Prophecy anâku Saki,
which may well have been the native name of that corn-
position. This and the fact that all the prophecies share
some unique features which lend them a distinctive tone
an d flavor leads one to suspect that the modem classifi-
cation may not be too far removed from the ancient per-
ception. We hope a literary catalogue containing the na-
tive designation(s) for prophecies will eventually come
to light.
In spite of the considerable interest aroused by the
prophecies since the genre was assessed by Grayson an d
Lambert, the matter of their relationship to other genres
of Akkadian literature has remained entirely problemat-
ic. To be su re , numerous comparisons have been estab-
3. Edition by R. Borger, "Goa Marduk and Gott-König
Sulgi als Propheten," BhOr 28 (1971), pp. 3 -24.
4. Edition with commentary by A.K. Grayson, Babylonian
Histork l-literary Texts, Toronto Semitic Texts and Studies 3, Toronto,
1 975. pp. 24-37.
5. For references to this text see the main discussion below.
6. Edition of and LBAT 1543 in RD. B°.+,... "Mo re Baby-
Ionian Prophecies,' Iraq 29 (1967), pp. t 17-32, to which add the new
fragment published by the same author in "Babylonian Prophecies,
AstsObgy and a New Source for «Prophecy Text B»," in Lan-
guage Literature, and His1c,y: Philologial and Historical Studies Presented
to Erica Reiner, AIDS 67, New Haven, t987, pp, 1-14.
 PAUL -ALAEN BEAULIEU
42
lished with omens, 7 naril-literature or ' pseudo-autobi-
ographies, ' 8 chronicles, or with such individual compo-
sitions as the Furstenspiegel, but these connections remain
generally superficial or of a purely stylistic nature. The
only convincing argument linking the prophecies with
another literary genre in Akkadian was brought forth by
R.D Biggs who pointed to many correspondences with
astrological texts, particularly with the astrological omen
series. 9 Not only do they involve more than a superficial
stylistic resemblance, but the case for an influence of the
astrological tradition upon the prophecies is further en-
hanced by the fact that two of the compositions which
bear the strongest resemblance to the prophecies, namely
Text B (formerly considered a prophecy) and LBAT
1 543 contain a large amount of astrological material. In
these texts the predictions, which are cast, as in the
prophecies, in the form of lengthy apodoses, are in addi-
tion accompanied by elaborate astrological protases. Fu-
ture research may determine how dependent the
prophecies are on the astrological an d astronomical tra-
dition.
It is outside the Mesopotamian cultural area, howev-
er, that the most meaningful connections with another
literary genre have been suggested. Grayson an d Lam-
bert originally noted that sec ti ons of the Book of Daniel
bore a certain similarity to Akkadian prophecies. In par-
ticular they were similar to Daniel 8:23-25 an d 11:3-45,
which contain predictions regarding the reigns of un-
named kings using cryptic language that could be under-
stood only by well-informed readers In his 1966 article
provocatively entitled "Akkadian Apocalypses," the
dedicatee of the present volume took the comparison
many steps further, proposing to see in the Old Testa-
ment apocalypses as well as in their intertestamental an d
New Testament correspondents the real parallels to the
Akkadian prophecies, which la tt er designation he re-
jected as a misnomer because of the absence of any clear
relationship between Akkadian an d Old Testament li ter-
ary prophecies. t0 He noted that most elements which
charactenze Jewish apocalyptic literature are also present
in Akkadian prophecies, notably the pseudonymity (the
authorship of the text is ascribed to a prophet or a god
set in the distant past), the anonymity and use of cryptic
language (historical events an d figures are never explic-
itly named, but cast in a ll usive terms), the vaticinium ex
eventu, the deterministic view of history an d the vast
temporal and spa ti al scope contemplated by the author.
7. Particularly valuable for compaiison are the omens predict-
ing the M I of Akkad published in L i 29. plates 48ff.
8. On this particular connection see T. Longman, Fictional
Akkadian Autobiographies: A Generic and Comparative Study, Eisen-
bnuns, Winona Lake, Indiana, 199o.
9. See the works referred to in note 6 above, and add, by the
nine author, "The Babylonian Prophecies and the Astrological Tra-
dition in Mesop°nmn•"JCS 37 ( 1 98 5), pp. 86-9o.
to. W.W. Hallo, "Akkadian Apocalypses," IEJ i6 (1966),. pp.
-4a.
He also insisted, however, on the provisional charac-
ter of his conclusions, because of the fragmentary state of
most Akkadian prophecies and the many unanswered
riddles they presented to the modem interpreter. Subse-
quent critics of his hypothesis, most notably W.G. Lam-
bert an d S.A. Kaufman, raised the objection that Akkad-
ian prophecies lack two fundamental traits of apoca-
l
lypses, ' namely the universal scope (Akkadian prophe-
cies are culturally and geographically bound), an d the
eschatology which I would define as a dramatic and cat-
aclysmic interven tion of God in human history on behalf
of the just, the ensuing end of historical time and the
estab lishment of a new everlasting order of things ruled
by God. While he recognized that the climactic times
hoped for by Akkadian prophecies were those of a per-
manent Heilszett under the auspices of a benevolent
earthly ruler, William Hallo nevertheless seriously envis-
aged the possibility that the Mesopotamians might have
developed a doct ri ne of Endzeit close to a true eschatol-
ogy, hence his proposal to rename the texts under con-
sideration "Akkadian Apocalypses."
In spite of the criticisms voiced against this categori-
zation, it should be emphasized that the debate over the
significance of Akkadian prophecies for our understand-
ing of such a significant phenomenon as Jewish apoca-
lyptic is far from being closed. The title itself of H.
Ringgren's cont ribu ti on to the Inte rna ti onal Co llo-
quium on Apocalypticism held at Uppsala in 1979,
"Akkadian Apocalypses," was a timely reminder of that.
Ringgren concluded that the relationship between the
two genres was probably best summarized as "parallel
phenomena (rather than Akkadian prophecies being an
earlier stage ofJudaeo-Chnstian apocalyptics), examples
of similar reactions to similar condi tions couched in the
language and s tyle of their respec tive milieu." 12 It thus
remains the task of future researchers to more precisely
evaluate how significant Akkadian prophecies are for our
understanding of apocalypticism. It is therefore with
great pleasure that I offer to William Hallo, who took
such an import an t initial step toward their elucidation, a
I I. W.G. Lambert, "History and the Gods: A Review Md-
OrNS 39 (1970), pp. 17o-77; by the same author, The Back-
ground of Jewish Apocalyptic (Athlone, London, 1978); and S.A.
Kaufman, "Prediction, Prophecy and Apocalypses in the Light of
New Akkadian Texts," in Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of
Jewish Studies vol. s Qenuakm Academic Press, Jerusalem, 1977), pp.
22,-a8.
12. H. Ringgren, "Akkadian Apocalypses," in Apocalyptidsm in
the Mediterranean World and the Near East, ed. by D. HellhoIm (Mohr,
Tübingen, 1 983). pp. 379-386. Other studies on the question of
Akkadian prophecies and apocalypucism are J.G. Heintz, "Note sur
les origines de l'apocalyptique judaique a b lumière des p ro phéti es
akkadiennes, ' in L'Apocalyptique, ed. by M. Philonenko and M. Si-
mon (Geuthuer, Paru, 1977), pp. 71-87; P Höfiken, "Heilszeitherr-
schererwartung im Babylonische Rau m," WO 9 (1977), pp. 57-71;
and H.S. Kvangig, Roots of Apocalyptic:,. Mesopotamian Background of
the Enodi Figure and the Son of Man (Wiue ► suhaftlidie MQmo9iaph&n zum
Altar und Neuen Testament 61; Neukirchener-Verlag, Neukirchen-
v 1988).
The Historical Background of the Uruk Prophecy
few thoughts about one of those enigmatic corn-
positions the Uruk Prophecy
The tablet upon which the Uruk Prophecy is in-
scribed was found at Uruk in 1969 during the 27th sea-
son of excava ti ons carried out by the German archae-
ological expedition. The tablet was excavated in quad-
rant Ue XVIII-1 in the southeast residential quarters to-
gether with a group of literary tablets, many of which
bear colophons of the sc ribe an d scholar Anu-ikqur. The
houses in that area are of late Achaemenid or Seleucid
date, and the tablets belong to the same period. It is im-
possible, on the basis of the archaeological data alone, to
offer a more precise chronology for our exemplar of the
Uruk Prophecy. The tablet may have been drafted at any
time between the fifth and third centu ri es. The sc ript is
standard Neo-Babylonian, with no slant. Measurements
are 135 x 98 x 3o mm. and the excava ti on number is
W.223o7/7. A photograph of the reverse as well as a pre-
liminary transliteration an d transla ti on were published
by H. Hunger in the 1972 archaeological repo rt of the
26th season ^ 3 The same author published a copy an d a
definitive edition in 1976, 1¢ an d, together with S. Kauf-
man, an edition and a commentary in 1975. 15
Only the ends of lines are preserved on the obverse,
but the reverse is almost complete. Since the composi-
tion presents no textual problem, only a translation,
which does not depart from previous ones except in
matten of details, is offered here. In the tr an slati on the
rubrics on the reverse have been divided according to
kings. This is only for the convenience of the present
discussion and doesn't reflect the arrangement of the tab-
let, which presents itself as a continuous narrative with
no internal divisions.
Obverse
1. [...] my r signs,
2. [...] rxi
3. 1...] `xi
4. [...] they will be made
5. [...] it was made
6. [. .] rx,
7. [... it] passed
8. [...] this is his/its writing
9. [...] there will be distress in the land
to. [...] his name
I t. [...] they stood
12. [...] he will not seize `the th ro nt( ?) of his fath-
er(?)'
13. See UVB 26/27 (1972), p. 87 for the p edi
and plate zsg for the photograph The archaeological c
cussed on pp. 79ff.
14. H. Hunger, Spôtbabylori dw Texte ares Uruk I (AD 9.
1976) no.3 (edition on Pp. 21-23 and copy on p 124
15. H Hunger and S. A. Kaufman. "A New Akkadian Proph-
ecy Ten." JAGS 95 (1975), pp. 371-375•
43
13. [ in/of] Uruk will seize the throne
14. [...] the rxi he will restore
15. [...] he will establish destruc ti on
16. [...] he will establish
17. [...] he laid in `Dér'
18. [...]hewillbeshutup
19. [...] he will settle in. 'Die
20. [...] he will go to rDer'
2I. [...] you (plural) possess
22. [.. rx,
]
23. I.. .1 the king will be shut up
24. In his palace for a number of months
Reverse
King i [... a king w]ill arise and rule the scattered
count ry . [... a king] from the Sealand who
had exercised rulership in Babylon.
King 2 [Aft]er him a king will arise. He will not pro-
vide justice for the land. He will not make the
right decisions for the land. The old protec-
dye goddess of Uruk he will take away from
Uruk and make her dwell in Babylon He will
make dwell in her sanctuary a protective god-
dess not belonging to Uruk an d dedicate to
her people not belonging to her. He will im-
pose a heavy tnbute on the peop le of Unit
He will lay Uruk waste, fill the canals with silt ,
and abandon the cultivated fields.
King 3 After him a king will arise. He will not pr o-
vide justice for the land. He will not make the
right decisions for the land.
Ks 4-8 Ditto, ditto, ditto, ditto, ditto, he will take the
property of the l an d of Akkad to the land of
Subartu (i.e. Assyria).
Ki ng 9 After him a king will arise. He will not pr o-
vide justice for the land. He will not make the
right decisions for the land. He will rule the
four quarters of the world. At the mention of
his name the world will tremble.
a After him a king will arise in Uruk. He will
provide justice for the land. He will make the
right decisions for the land. He will establish
the rites of the cult of Anu in Uruk. The old
protective goddess of Uruk he will take away
from Babylon and make her dwell in Uruk, in
her sanctuary. He will dedicate to her people
belonging to her. He will rebuild the temples
of Uruk. He will restore the sanctuaries. He
n will renew Uruk. He will rebuild the gates of
Uruk with lapis-lazuli. Fi e will fill the canals
and the cultivated fields with pknty and
abundance
 PAUL-ALAIN BEAULIEU
King 11 [Af]ter him a king, his son, will a ri se in Uruk
and rule the four quarters. He will exercise
[ruler]ship? an d kingship in Uruk. His dynasty
will endure forever [The kinds of Uruk will
exercise rulership like the gods
The fragmentary character of the obverse precludes
any final statement as to the literary affinities of the corn-
position. Fortunately, enough is preserved on the ob-
verse to show that the introductory section consisted of
a statement in the first person. The first line ends with
`izKiM.MEs'-4-a (ittiitû'a "my signs"), and the first per-
son discourse may have been carried on as far as line 21,
which ends possibly with a verbal address in the second
person plural: ra-14-tu-nu "you possess." The Uruk
Prophecy shares this important distinction with the Mar-
duk an d Sulgi prophetic speeches, which both open
with first person statements by Marduk and Sulgi respec-
tively while the predictions in the balance of the two
texts are cast in the third person with occasional first per-
son inte rv en ti ons by Marduk in the predictive sec ti on of
his prophecy.
The structure of the composition is noteworthy in
two other respects. One is the obvious preponderance of
the predictions associated with the reigns of kings z and
to. In both cases the predictions are elaborate and spe-
cific while other reigns are described in vague, paradig-
matic terms of "good" and "bad." Also, the reigns of
kings 2 and io mirror each other in a relationship ofop-
posites. The traumatic event during the reign of king 2,
namely the removal of the lamassu goddess of Uruk to
Babylon and the alteration of her cult, was later reversed
during the reign of king ro who returned her to Uruk
an d reestablished her proper ri tes. While king z acted
with hostility towards Uruk in other respects as well, im-
posing a heavy tax load upon the city, king io behaved
in the exact opposite manner providing (presumably
with funds from the royal treasury) for the architectural
renewal of the city. And, while the nefarious acts of king
2 led to the destruction of the agricultural domains of
Uruk, the reign of king to brought abundant yields to
the cultivated areas of the city and its countryside The
two reigns are thus presented as emblematic of two ar-
chetypes of Babylonian rulers the one who behaves hos-
tilely towards Uruk, an d the one who fosters care on the
city. Another noteworthy aspect of the composition is
the asymmetrical alternation of propitious and nefarious
reigns, which suggests that these characterizations might
be more than purely symbolic an d reflect the author's
point of view on the reigns of actual kings, regardless of
the fact that the description of many reigns is reduced to
mere stereotyped formulas. Most reigns on the reverse
are described as inauspicious While judgment concern-
ing the reign of king t seems neutral, kings 2 to 9 a re
uniformly castigated as "bad" rulers, and only kings w
and r i meet with the approval of the author. One may
start with the working hypothesis that, insofar as these
unnamed kings may be identified with historical rulers,
this may provide us with a specific Urukaean point of view
on successive rulers who assumed power in Babylon
In their commentary on the Prophecy Hunger and
Kaufman proposed to identify king 2 with Eriba-Mar-
duk, who reigned in troubled times during the first half
of the eighth century and king io with Nebuchadnezzar
H, who reigned two centu ri es later (605-562 B C.). The
sources for these identifications are the insc ri ptions of
Nebuchadnezzar himself, who claims to have returned
to Uruk her lamassu goddess an d to have restored the
Eanna temple an d insc ri ption i of Nabomdus (accord-
ing to my own numbering) in which that king refers to
the restoration of the lamassu to her abode by one of his
predecessors and also points out in language strongly
reminiscent of the Prophecy that the lamassu had previ-
ously been removed from Uruk during the reign of
Eriba-Marduk an d replaced with the image of an inap-
propriate lamassu. In suppo rt of their identifica ti on of
king 2 with Eriba-Marduk Hunger and Kaufman also
pointed out that the repeated references to Der at the
end of the obverse of the Prophecy, as well as the men-
tion of a king being held prisoner in his palace, are com-
patible with what we know of the reigns of Marduk-
balassu-igbi and Baba-ab-iddin, the two kings who
reigned before the intervening period of trouble which
preceded the rise of Eriba-Marduk. These two kings
fought battles against the Assyrian invaders in the vicin-
ity of Der, were besieged, and then taken captive to As-
syria. Hunger and Kaufman concluded that the Proph-
ecy was a political tract in suppo rt of the son and succes-
sor of Nebuchadnezzar, Awel-Marduk, who should be
identified as king II, the last one in the Prophecy. The
Prophecy specifically iden ti fies king i r as the son and
successor of king w. Otherwise the text is not too insis-
tent on succession from father to son, and this seems one
more argument for identifying king II as Awel-Marduk
who must have been badly in need of such support since
he was deposed and assassinated by his own brother-in-
law Nenglissar after reigning only two years.
In spite of the fact that the evidence brought by Hun-
ger an d Kaufman in suppo rt of their identifications is
quite convincing, some doubts have been raised as to
their validity. W.G. Lambe rt questioned the view that
kings io and r r were Nebuchadnezzar and Awel-Mar-
duk, pointing out that the proposed correspondences
between the Prophecy, the inscriptions of Nebuchadn-
ezzar, and inscription i of Nabonidus, were far from
sound» There seem indeed to be inconsistencies be-
tween the repo rt of Nebuchadnezzar, who claims in his
inscription to have returned to Uruk both a male (sedu)
and a female (lamassu) deity and the repo rts of the Proph-
ecy an d inscnption i of Nabomdus, which speak only of
16. W.G. Lambert, 71r Background ofJnuish Apocalyptic, pp. 10-1a.
The Historical Background of the Uruk Prophecy
a lamassu removed from Uruk by Eriba- Marduk and lat-
er returned to her abode. In addition it is not certain
whether the king who, according to inscription i of Na-
bonidus, returned to Uruk the lamassu carried off by
Eriba- Marduk, is indeed Nebuchadnezzar II, for the
name of the king in question is lost in the insc ri ption.
Lambert also expressed some doubts that a strong current
in favor of Autel-Marduk might have existed in Babylo-
nia considering that ancient sources consistently paint a
negative picture of his short reign. Lambert proposed in-
stead to identify king ro as Nabopolassar and king II as
his son Nebuchadnezzar II, in suppo rt of whose claim to
the throne the text would have been composed. In a
more recent reassessment of the Prophecy J. Goldstein
has proposed to put the histoncal setting of the compo--
sition further back in time.^ 7 He accepts the current
iden ti fication of king 2 as Eriba- Marduk, and proposes
simply to identify the successors of king 2 in the Proph-
ecy as the real successors of Eriba- Marduk on the Baby-
lonian throne. Thus kings 3 to 9 would be Nabû-ium-
iskun, Nabonassar, Nabû-nâdin-zeri, Nabû-gum-ukin
II, Nabû-mukin-zéri Tiglathpileser III/Pulu, and Shal-
maneser V/Ulfilâyu. King io would then be Merodach-
Baladan II and king II his prospective son and successor.
Goldstein posits that at the time the author wrote the re-
turn of the lamassu to Uruk still lay in the future. He
dates the Prophecy between 721-710 and sees it as a pro-
pagandistic tract in favor of Merodach-Baladan II,
whom the Urukaeans hoped would be a benefactor to
their city.
Admittedly neither Lambe rt 's nor Goldstein's hy-
potheses are a p rio ri impossible. Their main weakness is
the lack of corroborative evidence in their support,
while Hunger and Kaufman can claim in favor of their
identifications the agreement of two outside sources
with the material found in the Prophecy. In fact, the
correspondences proposed by these two authors be-
tween the Prophecy, the insc ri p ti ons of Nebuchadnez-
zar, and insc ri ption z of Nabonidus, are much sounder
than is generally acknowledged. The relev an t portion of
Nabomdus' inscription i reads as follows (Col. III I r-
43 ) 18
I J Goldstein, ' The Historical Setting of the Uruk Prophe-
cy," JNES 47 ( 1 988 ). pp 43 -46
18. The inscription was published by V. Scheit, "Inscription de
Nabonide, ' RT 18 0896), pp. 15-29, with a photograph. a tnnslit-
ention, and a translation. A somewhat unreliable copy was published
by L Messerschmidt "Die Inschrift der Stele Nabuna'ids des Königs
von Babylon," MVAG r (1896), pp. 73-83 . The inscnption was also
.
edited by S. Langdon, Dir Neubalrylonischc Känigiinthmflnera (VAB IV;
Leipzig, 1912.), Naborudus no. 8. A translation by A.L. Oppcnheim
can be found in Pritchard, ANET, pp. 3°8-311.
45
Istar of Uruk (dINNIN UNUGI" ), the lofty princess
who dwells in a golden shrine, to whom are har-
nessed seven lions (and) whose cult the Urukaeans
changed during the reign of Eriba-Marduk, remov-
ing her shrine and unhamessing her team, left Eanna
in anger to dwell in a place not her dwelling. They
made dwell in her cella a protective goddess not be-
longing to Eanna (dLAMA la si-mat É.AN.NA). He
(presumably Nebuchadnezzar II) appeased Istar
(d15), reestablished her shrine for her (and) harnessed
for her the seven lions befitting her godhead. The in-
appropnate ilstar (d i 5 la si-ma-a 14) he removed from
the Eanna and returned Innin (din-nin-na) to the Ean-
na, her sanctuary. Etar (dif-tar) the Lady of Elam , the .
princess who dwells in Susa [...].
Lambert warned that the identification of the lamassu
of Uruk with Istar was by no means certain. However,
the above insc ri p ti on refers to the improper image in-
stalled in the Eanna under Eriba- Marduk both as a la-
massu (dLAMA la si -mat É AN.NA ) and as an improper
likeness of Istar (d15 la si -ma-a-t4), su.:esting that the
same double designation applied to the proper image re-
moved by the Urukaeans which image the insc ri p ti on
does not however specifically call a lamassu. But the
Prophecy insists that the proper image removed from
Uruk by king 2 (i.e Eriba- Marduk) an d returned by
king ro (presumably Nebuchadnezzar II) was the old la-
massu of Uruk (d LAMA UNUGki da-ri-ti/tu 4), while the
Nabonidus insc ri p ti on designates her as Istar of Uruk
- na). 19
(dINNEN UNUG ki), Istar (d15) and Innin (din-nits
Thus there is reason to believe that the authors of these
texts assumed that Istar of Uruk and the lamassu of Uruk
were one an d the same deity.
The fact that the name of the king who returned the
lamassu to Uruk is lost in the Nabonidus inscription ap-
pears to be a more serious objec ti on to the identification
of king w in the Prophecy as Nebuchadnezzar II. Nev-
ertheless, Lambe rt 's sugges ti on that the king in question
might be Nabopolassar is not substantiated by the in-
scnptions of that king, which mentions neither building
activity at Uruk during his reign nor the return of any
cult statue to the city. Several inscrip ti ons of Nebuchad-
nezzar II, on the other hand, refer to the restoration of
the Eanna and the return of the lamassu goddess
19. These spelling varian
the king's confusion as to the identi
nun sources from Uruk make
was known under three different names: Deli
Uruk), Bur, and Innin. The name tirai u
dit-tar and dINNIN, while the name Innin is spe
with a phonetic complement indicating a phonetic
-na), or syllabically li n - crin na/ din -ni
logogram ('innin -
ovcrhangirtg final vowel dropped in clic s sÀcn L n -
46 PAUL-ALAIN BEAULIEU
to Uruk. 2O The most elaborate account is I R 65-66,
Col. II 5o-S9: 21
I reinstated the o ri ginal cultic features (si-ma-a-ti w-
el-to-a-tt) and the former rites of Istar of Uruk, the
holy Lady of Uruk I returned to Uruk her protective
genius (fe-a-du-i -fu) and to Eanna its beneficent pro-
tective goddess (la-ma-sa .fa da-mi-iq-h). I excavated
and inspected the old perimeter of the Eanna an d
established the (new) foundations above the old pe-
rimeter.
Lambe rt pointed to the discrepancies between this
account and the ones found in the Prophecy an d Na-
bonidus' insc ri ption t. Yet, even a cursory glance taken
at these sources indicates that the similarities outweigh
the differences by a wide margin. Nebuchadnezzar's re-
po rt is in almost perfect agreement with the insc ri ption
of Nabonidus, save for its mention of the tedu of Uruk.
Otherwise both sources insist that the ri tes of Btar an d
her cubic features were reestablished (by Nebuchadnez-
zar) in their original form. The cultic features are re-
ferred to as simat ilûtiuu in Nabonidus' insc ri p ti on z
(1.32) specifically in reference to her team of seven lions,
an d as simäti rèftâti in Nebuchadnezzar's account. In both
the Prophecy and Nebuchadnezzar's insc ri p ti on the
goddess returned to the Eanna is called the lamassu of
Uruk, a designation which, as argued above, is implicitly
used also in Nabonidus' insc ri ption z for the deity re-
turned to Uruk The Prophecy also agrees with Neb-
uchadnezzar's account of his reestablishment of former
ri tes (called paras anûtu in the Prophecy for mo ti ves that
will be expounded below) and on his architectural re-
newal of U ru k, his restoration of temples in particular.
That these sources do not always agree verbatim on spe-
cific points and that elements which are included in one
source are omitted in another (e.g. the mention of gates
of lapis-lazuli for Uruk in the Prophecy) is only natural
for accounts of a complex event written from different
perspectives, locales, and time periods.
This survey coven the sources which have been dis-
cussed in previous studies. These sources convincingly
point to the identification of kings 2 to and z z in the
Prophecy as Eriba-Marduk, Nebuchadnezzar II, and
Awél-Marduk, as was suggested by Hunger and Kauf-
man. As I will presently show, there is still more evi-
dence, some relatively new, some which has long been
available, that can be invoked in support of their hypothesis.
20, Aside from the inscription quoted below, these deeds are
also mentioned in VAB 1V, Nbk, t, Col Il 33 (= Berger AOAT 4/
I, p. 285. Zylindn III, 3) Nbk 13, Col. II 63 (= Berger, p. 292, Zyl-
inder III, 7); Nbk. 19, B Col. VIII I-4 (= Berger pP• 314-318, Nahr
el-Ke%b/Wadr -Brins Inuknf); and Nbk. so, Col. III 13 (= Berger, p.
293, Zylindn 11i, 8). Note abo that two sho rt butkbng inscriptions
consisting of stamped bricks with the king s titulary were also found
at Uruk (see Berger, p. 202, Backstair A, U and pp. 221-222, Bade
urbi B I, 1s).
2t.. Edited iii Langdon, VAB IV, Nbk. 9.
As mentioned earlier, the narra tive of the Prophecy,
which was obviously written from a parochial Urukaean
perspec tive, hinges on the opposition between the reigns
of kings 2 and io, who are presented as emblematic rul-
ers in their attitude towards the city — the former being
nefarious, the la tt er beneficent. Granted that king io is
indeed Nebuchadnezzar H, one must then conclude that
this ruler must have enjoyed wide popularity among the
ruling elite of Uruk, and one might hope this popularity
would be reflected in the abundant Neo-Babylonian
source material from that city Such information can be
gleaned from two texts originating in the archive of the
Eanna temple, YOS 6 io and PTS 2097, dated respec-
tively to the 28th day of the first month of the first year
of Nabonidus, and to the 2nd day of the third month of
the same year. 22 They belong to a larger group of archi-
val texts documenting king Nabonidus visit to Uruk
and Lana in the beginning of his first regnal year, during
which visit he ordered a partial reorganization of the cul-
tic and economic affairs of the Eanna temple. YOS 6 zo
an d PTS 2097 record mostly royal direc tives regarding
the reorganization of the offering system of the temple
with the aim to reinstate cultic practices as they had been
"in the time of Nebuchadnezzar." This enjoinment to
take as a model the practices current in the reign of Na-
bonidus' illustnous predecessor should be understood in
the light of other records from the Eanna archive which
suggest that the temple suffered administra ti ve an d cultic
disruptions during the intervening years between the
death of Nebuchadnezzar and the accession of Naboni-
dus, most likely during the reign of Neriglissar. By these
actions Nabonidus was ending a period of relative chaos
an d, more importantly for his political future was ingra-
tiating himself with the ruling elite of Uruk, who appar-
ently remembered Nebuchadnezzar as an ideal ruler, one
who had restored their city's temples and reinstated the
local cults as they had been before times of disruption (as
Nebuchadnezzar claims in his own inscriptions) As I ar-
gued elsewhere, Nabonidus commissioned his earliest
known monumental inscription (no. i) very shortly after
his tri p to Uruk. 23 The trip is in fact mentioned in the
insc ription among other noteworthy deeds of the king
after his assumption of power, and, since the insc ription
is also the one which contains the historical narrative on
the removal of the lamassu from Uru k under Eriba-Mar-
duk and its return under an unknown king whom we
have identified as Nebuchadnezzar II, one is tempted to
speculate that the recent royal visit to the city provided
the antecedents for the inclusion of the lamassu narrative
22. These texts are discussed in P.A. Beaulieu, The Rngn of Na-
boniduu, King of Babylon, 336-539 D.C. (YNER to; New Haven/Lon-
don, 1989), pp. 117-27. Due to an oversight I omitted to mention the
date of PTS zo97 on p. no. It is dated at Uruk on the second day of
Simanu of the first year of Nabondus The text is now published by
G. Frame, ZA Si (1991), pp 3 8-44-
23. See ibid. pp. ao-22 and ro4-115.
The Historical Background of the Uruk Prophecy
in the insc ri ption. The story of the lamassu is only one
element in a larger historical prologue whose purpose
was to provide an exemplary selection of the numerous
restorations of temples and cults undertaken by previous
rulers of the Neo-Babylonian dynasty in order to pre-
pare the reader (or listener) for Nabonidus' vindication
of his main restoration project the rebuilding of the
E(}uI13uI in Harran. The episode of the lamassu may have
been included in the prologue just to stress the king's in-
tention to maintain and further the religious program of
his predecessors, which he had just done at Uruk by re-
establishing the recently disrupted cult originally re-
stored in its previous form by Nebuchadnezzar II
Thus we have a strong piece of corroborative evi-
dence that there prevailed at Uruk an opinion extremely
favorable to Nebuchadnezzar (since Nabonidus evident-
ly intended to cater to the Urukaeans by so emphatically
espousing their point of view) and possibly also to his son
AwEl-Marduk, while Neriglissar might have been
viewed with an unfavorable eye (but there is no direct
evidence). 24 Tlus is in agreement with the point of view
expressed in the Uruk Prophecy.
Taking the argument one step further, one moves on
to the ques ti on of the identity of king 9 Hunger an d
Kaufiran suggested identifying him as Nabopolassar
who brought Assyrian domination to an end an d found-
ed the Neo-Babylonian empire. This possibility seems
indeed the most likely if one takes kings 4-8 as symbol-
izing a long period of Assyrian hegemony down to
Nabopolassar's uprising in 626 B.C. The only puzzling
ques ti on is the negative portrayal of king 9 in the Proph-
ecy which would seem inappropriate for a ruler who re -
stored Babylonian independence. A search:.mong na ti ve
Urukaean sources, however, indicates that such a nega-
tive view of Nabopolassar is not limited to the Prophecy.
The colophon of TCL 6 38, a Seleucid period prescrip-
tive ritual for the daily offerings in the temple of Anu
(the Bit Reg), contains a surprising statement as to the
opinion held about Nabopolassar at Uruk in the early
Seleucid period- 25
By the hand of Samai-étir, son of Ina-gibit-Anu,
grandson ofSibgât-Anu. Writing board of the rites of
the cult of Anu (GARZA d6o4-tu), of the holy rituals
(and) the ntual regulations of kingship, together with
the divine ritt als of the Bit Res, the Irigal, the Eanna
and the temples of Uruk, the ritual activities of the
exorcists, the kahl priests, the singen, and all the ex-
24. Note however that Nabonidus' inscription t expresses a
negative view of AweI-Marduk while it is generally 6vorable to
Nengli^nr. This reflects a specifically Babylonian, as opposed to an
Undtaean, point ofview (inscription I was probahly intended for dis-
play in the capital, where it was found), whici also finds expression
In the Babyl oniaca of Berossts (equally unâvorable to Awe- l-Marduk
and also stemming from Babylon).
25. Edited in F. T hurcau-Dangin Ritrrelr Aaadikns (Leroux,
Pam, 1921), pp. 79-8o and 8546; and H. Hunger Babybnische wed
Arayi11je Kolophar (AOAT s, Neuki chen-Masyn. 1968) no. 1o7i
47
pens who follow the ... , ^ apart from everything that
pertains to the apprentice diviners, according to the
tablets which Nabopolassar the king of the Sealand,
took away from Uruk (TA gé-nb UNUGki if-lu-lu-
ma) and then Kidin-Anu, the Urukaean, the exorcist
of Anu and Antu, the descendent of Ekur-zaa tir, the
high-priest of the Bit Res", saw those tablets in the
land of Elam, and copied them and brought them
back to Uruk during the reign of kings Seleucus (i)
an d Antiochus (I).
The tone of the colophon, especially the use of the
verb !'21ä!u "to plunder," is blatantly hostile to Nabopo-
,
lassar. The misdeeds ascribed to him can be correlated
with an entry in the Babylonian Chronicle Series stating
that in Addaru of his accession year "Nabopolassar re-
turned to Susa the gods of Susa whom the Assyrians had
carried off and settled in Uruk." 27 Since the colophon of
TCL 6 38 insists that the tablets plundered by Nabopo-
lassar were found in Elam, it seems reasonable to assume
that they were transferred there, perhaps by mistake,
when the gods of Susa an d their appurtenances were re-
turned to their city. This raises some questions. How
could texts with presumably no relevance to the Elamite
cults su rv ive at Susa for more than three centu ries an d
then be retrieved by the high-p ri est of the Bit Re tern-
ple? Why did the priesthood of Uruk tolerate the loss of
such important rituals for so long? Whether or not the
claim of the colophon is, as I will argue below, a fracs pia
concocted by the priesthood of the Bit RH in order to
vindicate its own view on the reorganization of the cult
of Anu in the third century is beside the point. The cru-
cial fact is that, for reasons which escape us, the return of
the Elamite deities to Susa by Nabopolassar had been so
resented by the Urukaeans that three centuries later the
religious establishment of the city could still claim that
the departure of the gods was accompanied by acts of
plunder an d impiety by the founder of the new dynasty.
This suggests that an attitude of hostility to Nabopolassar
had been imbedded for centuries in the literary an d his-
toncal tradition of Uruk, z8 and also supports the identi-
fication of king 9 in the Prophecy with Nabopolassar.
Thus the identity of the eleven kings mentioned on
the reverse of the Prophecy is as follows. Kings 4 to 8 are
the core•
Dared
27. A.K. Grayson,
Locust Valley, New York, it
also E. Carter and M.W. Stolper,
Archaeology (University of California publications,
Studies 25; Berkeley/Los Angeles, 19841. P. 5
Nabopolassar's "gesture seenn to have been an attempt to
rte support for his insur rection, on the pattern of Chaldean insurgents
to the previous
28. Note that the section insciiption
the onuses of the lain assts
concerning lip of Suse, the Laety of
media as, however, and at the
the
48 PAUL-ALAIN BEAULIEU
symbolic of the century long period of Assyrian domina-
tion of Babylonia, from Tiglath-pileser III to the upris-
ing of Nabopolassar. All these rulers are viewed nega-
tively (the KI.MIN refers each time to the inauspicious
reign of king 3) and summarized as "he will take the
property of the l an d of Akkad to the land of Subartu"
(although this statement might refer to the reign of king
8 only) After the Assyrian episode Neo-Babylonian rul-
ers are listed in chronological order. Nabopolassar, Neb-
uchadnezzar and Awel-Marduk (kings 9 to 11). Kings 1
to 3 are Babylonian kings who ruled before the period
of Assyrian hegemony. Within this group only the iden-
tity of king 2 (Le. Eriba-Marduk) can be established
Previous discussions of the Prophecy have implicitly
assumed that assessment of its historical background
would automatically give the clue as to its purpose. In
accordance with the evidence just outlined one would
thus as sume that the purpose of the Prophecy was to bol-
ster Awel-Marduk's claim to the throne. Yet one may
also entertain the possibility that the historical material
contained in the Prophecy was recast many generations
after the actual events in order to provide an unnamed
Persian or Seleucid ruler with a prestigious model set in
the historical p as t, of exemplary behavior towards the
city of Uruk. There is cogent evidence that this is indeed
the c as e.
In the Prophecy we read that king 1o/Nebuchadnez-
zar II not only returned to her abode the lamassu goddess
carried off to Babylon by Eriba-Marduk but also estab-
lished "the ri tes of the cult of Anu (GARZA da-nit-ti-tu)
in Uruk." This statement is not corroborated by the in-
scnptions of that king, who never mentions Anu and his
cult, but only claims to have reinstated the former ri tes
of Istar (I R 65-66 II, 51. pel-lu-de-e q6-ud-mu-ti-ti 52. Ia
dINNIN UNUGkt bé-e-li-it UNUGki e-el-li-d 53. ti-te-er af^
rat-ui lu-un), to have returned the goddess to Uruk, and
to have rebuilt the Eanna. Anu was a rather unimportant
deity at Uruk in the Neo-Babylonian period and the
emphasis put on the reinstatement of his cult in the
Prophecy seems more in agreement with the outlook of
the Urukaean priesthood of the Hellenistic period than
with that of their sixth century counterpart.^ 9 The fact is
that at some point during the Achaemenid period there
occurred a complete reorganization of the pantheon of
the city leading to the replacement of Istar by Arm as
head of the local divine hierarchy. The crucial phase of
this process had already taken place by the end of the
fifth century since by that time name forma ti ons with
29. Admittedly the word anutu ma y also apply to other gods in
reference to their leading status The word may also apply to the cults
of Uruk in general (including that of litar) with no spe.:ific reference
to Anu (but still inclucng him). In this context, however, and be-
cause Uttar is never explicitly mentioned in the Prophecy, although
the narrative is historically based on her tribulations, It seems appro-
priate to assume that, in his use of pear anütu, the author specifically
had in mind the cult of Anu and his retinue.
Anu are overwhelmingly predominant in the local ono-
mastics. It is only in the Seleucid period, however, that
the rise of Anu was consummated with the final con-
struction of the Bit Reg temple complex. 3° The author
of the Prophecy is clearly more interested in Anu than in
Istar (note that Istar is never mentioned by name in the
Prophecy), and this might point to, first a later date of
composition for the Prophecy than previously assumed,
and second, the possibility suggested by Heinrich," that
the text was composed to commemorate the dedication
of the temple of Anu in the third century. This hypoth-
esis is also supported by the colophon of TCL 6 38,
which summanzes the contents of the tablet as GARZA
d6o-u-tat "the ntes of the cult of Anu " The implica ti on
of the colophon is that because of Nabopolassar's acts of
plunder at Uruk, the ri tes in question were forgotten and
the cult of Anu was suspended until the high-p ri est of
the Bit Res" rediscovered the tablets in Elam during the
co-regency of Seleucus (I) and Antiochus (I), which
covered the years 294/93-281 B.C. It is significant that
the alleged rediscovery of these rituals took place at a
time when the bu il ding program involving the exten-
sion of the Bit RH the Irigal, and the ziggurat of Anu
into one of the largest cultic architectural complexes
ever built in Mesopotamia was certainly already con-
templated by the establishment of Uruk, with the tacit
approval, if not the active suppo rt , of the Seleucid mien.
The dates of the phases of the rebuilding are known
from the two dedicatory inscriptions of Anu-uballit/
Kephalon and Anu-uballit/Nikarchos, respectively dat-
ed to the years 68 and i to of the Seleucid era (= 244 and
201 B C.).j 2 These bu ildings almost completely obliter-
ated the earlier Seleucid structures which were probably
erected, on a much more modest scale, during the first
quarter of the third century. The cult of Anu, Antu, and
their circle of deities was doubtless reorganized on
grander proportions to meet this considerable architec-
tural expansion. There is Iittle doubt as to the antiquari-
an , and even somewhat artificial, character of the cultic
revival which then took place. One may safely assume
that such rituals as TCL 6 38, miraculously rediscovered
before the onset of the vast building program of the third
century were in fact complete fab rications firms pia that
only remotely reflected the state of earlier cubic practices.
3o. Some aspects of the rise of Anu in late Babylonian Uruk,
including the chronology of the change and the antiquarian character
of the new cult are discussed in my article ' Antiquarian Theology in
Seleucid Uruk " Ada Sumerologica 14 (1992).
3L E. Heinnch, Die Tempel und Heiligtumer im alten Mesopota-
m ien (DAR 14, Berli n, 1982), p. 301.
32. On these two personages and their inscriptions see L.T.
Dory "Nikarchos and Kephalon," in A Scienti tc Humanist, Studies in
Memory o"Abraham Sacks, ed. by E Leichry, M. deJ Ellis. and P. Ger-
ardo (Occasional Pubhcauons of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund 9,
Philadelphia, 1988) pp. 95-118. The architectural remains from
Seleuctd Uruk have recently been studied by S.B. Downey Mesopot-
amian Religious Architecture, Alexander through the Parthians (Princeton
U. Press, Princeton, 1988), pp. 1 5 -46.
The Historical Background of the Uruk Prophecy
Let us now consider the colophon of TCL 6 38 in
conjunction with the Prophecy. The colophon indirect-
ly imputes to Nabopolassar the responsibility for the loss
of the paras anûtu "the ri tes of the cult of Anu, ' while the
Prophecy insists, employing vague an d stereotyped for-
mulas, that his reign (= king 9) was inauspicious. The
Prophecy also credits his son and successor Nebuchad-
nezzar II with the reestablishment of these same paras
anûtu. Thus we are able to detect two layers in the
Prophecy. One layer is the emblematic opposition be-
tween two Babylonian rulers in their attitude to Uruk:
Eriba-Marduk and Nebuchadnezzar II. This opposition
rs based historically on the cultic disruptions imposed by
the former and the reinstatement of the cult by the la tt er.
But, while these historical events really concerned the
cult of Istar, the author of the Prophecy is specifically in-
terested in the cult of Anu His view of Nebuchadnezzar
II is that of an exemplary ruler of the p as t, who restored
the cults of Uruk and rebuilt her temples, a model for
any contemporary or future ruler to follow should the
same type of situa ti on a ri se. The second layer is the re-
cas ti ng of Nebuchadnezzar II as the restorer of the cult
of Anu as well as the implicit portrayal of his father
Nabopol as sar as the ruler, or one of the rulers, responsi-
ble for the interruption, or at least neglect, of that cult.
The Uruk Prophecy is therefore a recanting of historical
material with the purpose of vindicating the establish-
ment (presented as reestablishment) of a new cult (i e.
the cult of Anu as reorganized in the third century by the
priesthood of the Bit Res), to present the ruler who will
foster this cultic revival (i e one of the contemporary
Seleucid rider) as a new Nebuchadnezzar, to obliquely
suggest that his father was a neglectful, and therefore ma-
levolent, ruler ( as Nabopolassar had been) an d to predict
an everlasting rule for his dynasty, even a rule of divine
character.
The historical background of the Prophecy now
emerges clearly. Nebuchadnezzar II an d his son Awel-
Marduk were viewed favorably at Uruk, an d already in
the Neo-Babylonian period there may have circulated
among the city's literati composi ti ons written in suppo rt
of their rule and in condemnation of their successors, es-
pecially the usurper Neriglissar, an d predecessors, Eriba-
Marduk, Nabopolassar, an d other kings who did not ful-
fill the expectations of the Uruk estab li shment. This ma-
terial was later recast in the Uruk Prophecy, whose
purpose was to show to a Seleucid ruler of the first half
of the third century the proper royal conduct toward the
city. Specifically the Uruk priesthood was soliciting the
active suppo rt of the Seleucid monarchy for its ambitious
religious and architectural program of renewal. One may
raise the obvious question' was the Uruk Prophecy really
ever brought to the attention of the Seleucid monarch
for whom it was intended? It is quite conceivable that it
indeed was, albeit not necessarily in the form it has been
preserved at Uruk. A Greek or an Aramaic version may
49
have been in circula ti on, or perhaps only the existence
itself of the predictions was reported to the king or to
cou rt officials. One may easily imagine a scenario in
which the priesthood of the Bit Reg orchestrated a pur-
ported `discovery" of the tablet among ancient docu-
ments thus lending an aura of great antiquity to their
fab ri ca ti on. One may further speculate, on the basis of
some broken parts being preserved as first person speech
that the entire text may have been cast as an oracle de-
livered by the god Anu, the obvious beneficiary of the
predictions. As seen earlier, two other Akkadian proph-
ecies, the Marduk and Sulgi prophetic speeches, a re like-
wise cast as oracles delivered in the first person by a god
or a (deified) king with the purpose of justifying the re-
establishment of the cult (Le. the cult of Marduk as su-
preme god at the end of the second millennium B C )
Further research may be needed in order to determine
which of the Seleucid rulers was meant in the Prophecy
as a new Nebuchadnezzar II, but Antiochus I appears to
be the most probable candidate Like Nebuchadnezzar,
Antiochus was the son of the founder of a new dynasty.
In 294/93 B.C. his father, Seleucus, instituted a c o- regen-
cy by which Antiochus was to rule the portion of the
empire located east of the Euphrates, with Seleucia-on-
the-Tigris and Babylon as his capitals. After the death of
Seleucus I in 281 Antiochus became sole ruler of the em-
pire. But it was not long before he reinstituted with his
own son Seleucus the same type of co-regency (this fi rn e
not on st ri ct ter ri to ri al basis) he had shared with his fa-
ther. This co-regency lasted from 279 until 267 and was
brought to an abrupt end by the execution of Seleucus
on charges of treason. In 266, however, Antiochus set up
a new co-regency with his other son, Antiochus, who
became sole ruler as Antiochus I1 after the death of An-
tiochus I in 261.
During his co-regency with Seleucus I, Antiochus I
was bound as ruler of the eastern domains to pay special
a tt en ti on to Babylonia an d therefore to develop with the
local elites a closer relationship than might otherwise
have been expected of the remote ruler of a multination-
al empi re . It may not be a coincidence that it is precisely
in this context that the Babylonian scholar Berossus
composed his Babyloniaca. According to ancient histori-
33
ographers Berossus dedicated his work to Antiochus I,
and it has been convincingly argued that the work was
offered to Antiochus for his own instruction and edifica-
don on the occasion of his accession to the throne as sole
ruler in 281 B.C. 34 It is likely that Antiochus was the fo-
cus of hopeful expectations that he would reverse the
somewhat hostile policies of Seleucus I, who had already
deprived Babylon of its central position with the foun-
da ti on of his new capital Seleucia-on-the-Tigris. These
S M. Burstein, 7#re Babykretioca of Remind, SANE
and P. Lehmann-Haupt, "Berossos. ' in RIA II 0938),
34. See Bunt B.ilki iaca,.p. 34.
 so PAUL -ALAIN BEAULIEU
hopes were partly fulfilled, albeit on a very limited basis,
by Antiochus' own patronage of Babylonian temples. A
building insc ri ption in the Babylonian s ty le found at
Borsippa (V R 66) commemorates his restoration of the
Ezida the temple of Nabû, begun in the 43rd year of the
Seleucid era. 35 However, this pro-Babylonian policy
was not emulated by Antiochus' successors. As seen ear-
li er, the dedicatory inscriptions from Uruk commemo-
rating the extension of the Bit Re are in the name of
Babylonian city officials, and no building insc ri ptions of
Seleucid rulers have been found in other Babylonian cit-
ies in spite of evidence of continuing rebuilding until the
Parthian period. Antiochus I may thus have been the
only Seleucid ruler who strove to win over the Babylo-
nian city elites by promoting native culture and religion,
presenting himself in the garb of a traditional Babylonian
king, an d fostering care over the old sanctuaries of the
country . There are good reasons to believe that the
Uruk Prophecy was intended for him and was, very
much like the Babyloniaca, a work of edification designed
to convey a sense of respect for the great antiquity of
Babylonian culture, as well as to underscore the ruler's
duty to protect an d further that culture by his active sup-
po rt of pious works. 36 As seen earlier, the colophon of
TCL 6 38 indicates that the priesthood of the Bit Reg
was already collecting and forging documents supporting
the revival of the cult of Anu during the co-regency of
Seleucus I an d Antiochus I. And the archaeological evi-
dence indicates that the early phases of the Seleucid ex-
pansion of the Bit Reg must date to the first qua rt er of
the third century, only slightly more than a generation
before the first rebuilding on a massive scale, the one
commemorated by the insc ri ption of Anu-uballit/Ni-
karchos in 244 B.C. Evidently Antiochus I did not live to
witness the completion of the new structure, but the cir-
cumstantial evidence (especially the chronology of the
material) suggests that he was indeed the new Neb-
uchadnezzar described in the Prophecy as the expected
restorer of the cult of Mu an d rebuilder of his temple.
The author of the Prophecy also equated Seleucus I with
Nabopolassar, two rulers he viewed negatively. Both
founded new dynasties but neglected the cults of Uruk.
King r r in the Prophecy (i.e. the historical Awel-Mar-
duk) was equated, depending on the date of composition
of the text, with either one of the two sons of Antiochus
I, who successively shared the throne with him as co-re-
gent.
Antiochus I at Babylon
. Horo witz, "Antiochus 1, Esagil
n of the Ritual for Reewvation of Temples," RA 85
75-77.
36 This view agrees with the opinion recently expressed by
M. de). Elks on the function of the prophecies and other "literary
pttdsetive texts„" which was to indicate "correct and legitimate ac-
tion." See M. deJ. Elks, "Observations on Mesopotanuan Oncles
and Prophetic Tern Literary and Historiographic Considerations,"
JCS 0 (i989), P. 178.
To conclude, I must address the difficult question of
the relationship of the Uruk Prophecy to other genres of
Akkadian literature and to non-Mesopotamian genres as
well. On the Mesopotamian side, little can be added to
what has been said in previous studies I would only like
to point to the resemblance between the Uruk Prophecy
(and other prophecies as we ll) and certain chronographic
and chronicle-like texts in which the reigns of past
(named) kings are evaluated in the light of their behavior
toward one or several cult centers. 37 One such text with
a colophon of Anu-a[}-ugabgi, the high-p ri est of the Bit
Reg and bearing the date year 61 of the Seleucid era (_
25r/5o B.C.), is a fragment of an originally longer com-
position dealing with the kings of the third dynasty of Ur
an d their attitude to several major Babylonian cult cen-
ten. 38 The preserved excerpt of the composition con-
cerns the reign of Sulgi, who is charged anachronistically
with plundering the property of the Esagil and also as
having "disturbed the rites of the cult of Anu ([GAR]ZA
d6o-u-tu), the plan of Uruk (GIS.BUR.MES sra UNUGM])
and the secret knowledge of the learned ([4-fir-ti Mum-
ma-nu)." While the exact purpose of the composition
still remains unclear, its general setting presents no in-
terpretive problem. The date, only five years before
completion of the full-scale rebuilding of the Bit Reg, as
well as the specific mention of the ri tes of the cult of
Anu, the paras anûtu, indicate that STU I z is also a pseu-
do-historical literary fab rication concocted in the wake
of the reorganization of the cult of Anu by the priest-
hood of the Bit Reg in the third century. 39 To be sure,
from a strictly formal point of view, this genre bears only
a superficial resemblance to the prophecies. From the
more general standpoint of their purpose an d ideological
framework, however, they are characterized by a single
preoccupation which they share with most oldie proph-
ecies. the respective merit of successive rulers as protec-
ton of cult centers, or of one particular cult, both in the
past and in the future.
Outside the Mesopotamian area, a few remarks
should be made on the question of the relationship of the
Uruk Prophecy to Jewish apocalyptic literature. Both
the Uruk Prophecy and the Dynastic Prophecy a re par-
37. The best known of these texts is the so-called "Weidner
Chronicle, which evaluates third millennium rulers according to
their attitude towards the cult of Marduk and the Esagil. The text,
now nearly complete since the pubhcation of a late Babylonian ex-
emplar from Sippar, is cast in the form of a letter purportedly sent by
king Dämiq-ildu of hin to king Apil-SIn of Babylon. For the new
edition see F.N.H. al-Rawl, "Tablets from the Sippar Library I. The
«Weidner Chronicle»: A Suppostitious Royal Letter Concern-
ing a Vision," bog 52 (t99o), pp. 1-13
38. Published in Hunger, STU 12 . The text has attracted little
attention so far save for the elucidation of the historical allusions con-
cerning the reign of Sulgi by William Hallo, "Simurrum and the
Hurrian Frontier," in RNA 36 0978) 76 (= XXIV` RAI, Pans,
1977).
39. Notwithstanding the fact that this fabrication may have
been based on historical and chronographic material transmitted with
the canonical corpus.
The Historical Background of the Uruk Prophecy
titularly relevant to the study of apocalypticism because
of their extremely late date of composition (third centu-
ry), which brings them quite close to the date of corn-
position of the Book of Daniel (early second century).
The formal similarities between the prophesies and the
historical predictions in the Book of D an iel have been
repeatedly stressed. Both genres relish anonymity, allu-
sive and cryptic language and prophesize ex eventu to-
ward an apocalyptic climax. The Uruk Prophecy how-
ever distinguishes itself by one singularity. In the Book
of Daniel, as seems to also be the case in the better pre-
served Akkadian prophecies, the historical narrative re-
cast in the form of pseudo-predictions leads chrono-
logically from the fictitious narrator (or prophet), set in
the distant past, to the author, who writes just before the
historical terminus (or the apocalyptic c li max) which ends
the composition. The prophet D an iel, for instance, is set
historically at the cou rt of Nebuchadnezzar II. The four
successive kingdoms symbolized by the statue in Neb-
uchadnezzar's dream are the Median, the Neo-Babylo-
Man (both contemporary with Daniel), the Persian, and
finally the Graeco-Macedonian (i.e. Seleucid), whose
impending destruction is prophesied by the author. On
the a gr eement of most modern critics, the author lived
at the time of Antiochus IV, whose pursuance of policies
hostile to the Jews led to the Maccabean uprising and the
rise of messianic hopes connected with the expected
overthrow of the Seleucid dynasty. As we have seen, the
underlying structure of the Uruk Prophecy is somewhat
more complex. The historical figures who inspired the
closing predictions lived three centu ri es before the actual
author of the Prophecy. The narrative on their reigns
was only slightly recast in order to provide a superficial
parallel with Seleucid rulers of the early third century
The view of history which is inherent to apocalyptic lit-
erature is that history has a purpose (God's purpose) an d
develops in time as a linear process leading to a cosmic
c li max (apocalyptic time). The Uruk Prophecy, on the
other hand, still adheres to the traditional Mesopotamian
view of history, according to which events occur cycli-
cally with the purpose each time of reestablishing an ide-
al model which was set once an d forever in primeval
times and is periodically disrupted by the acts of malevo-
lent rulers. This still seems to be the outlook of the Uni-
kaean priesthood of the third century. Their "revival" of
the cult of Mu, the result of complex theological and
antiquarian speculations going back at least as early as the
fifth century, was in many respects a self-conscious fab-
rication supported with spurious claims of its great antiq-
uity. The insc ription of Anu-uballit/Kephalon even sets
the origins of the Bit RE temple in antediluvian times ,
before the coming of the cultu re hero Oannes-Adapa.
The reestablishment of this cult with the suppo rt of An-
tiochus I would just repeat the reestablishment of the (al-
legedly) same cult a Uruk by Nebuchadnezzar II, thus
completing another cy cle .
5t
These remarks do not however undermine the value
of the Uruk Prophecy for comparison with the Book of
Daniel and other works of Jewish apocalyptic literature.
It has been repeatedly pointed out that Akkadian proph-
ecies, in spite of the close formal resemblance they bar
to some Jewish apocalypses, lack the universal scope as
well as the eschatological implications of the latter. The
author of the Uruk Prophecy yearned only for a new
Hetlszeit, which was to be brought about, not by the dra-
matic inte rv ention of God in history but rather, in ac-
cordance with the traditional Mesopotamian view, by a
mundane ruler who would reestablish the cult in its pe-
rennial form. He was looking "backward" at primeval
times as an age of bliss to be eternally emulated, rather
than looking "forward" to an eschatological end of his-
to ry on behalf of the just, the salvation of man, and the
estab lishment of everlasting good an d peace in the king-
dom of God. Nevertheless, I would not rule out the pos-
sibility that some conceptual change was beginning to
occur among the Babylonian intel li gentsia of that peri-
od. In the cosmopolitan atmosphere of the Seleucid em-
pire the increased exposure of Babylonian scholars to
other cultures, religions, an d philosophical systems may
have induced them to alter their traditional intellectual
outlook, very much in the same manner as Judaism was
progressively becoming tainted with Hellenistic thought,
this in spite of the fact that the Seleucid cuneiform record
shows altogether little trace of a Greek cultural influ-
ence. The author of the Uruk Prophecy expresses his
yearning for a new Heilszeit m rather forceful terms: "His
dynasty will endure forever. [The kings of Uruk will
exercise rulership like the gods." To hope for the estab-
lishment of an everlasting rule or dynasty is a topos of
Mesopotamian literature an d royal inscriptions. Divine
kingship, on the other hand — assuming the final sen-
tence of the Prophecy points in that direction — seems
in disagreement with the Late-Babylonian concept of
kingship, although ideas of divine rule were current in
the third and early second millennia. That kings pos-
sessed a divine aura, however, was a prevalent assump-
don in Hellenistic political thought. Among the many
divine qualities attributed to Hellenistic rulers was that of
saviour-king, Greek sour, an epithet borne incidentally
by Andochus I himself. While this fact alone may not
provide sufficient grounds to assume that the author of
the Uruk Prophecy really viewed Antiochus I as a sav-
iour much less as a. god one may still contemplate the
possibility that the Hellenistic concept of royal soteriol-
ogy had become familiar enough to the Babylonians for
i t to sur fa ce in a text intended to cater to a Seleucid
way to go
monarch. But there is still, of course, a long
between third century Greek soteriology and the escha-
or is theft? As is amply
t ology of Jewish apocalypses
evidenced by the count of Jewish history during the
Second Temple period, and even * tly later down to
the revolt of Bar Kochba, cxpecudoru of the rise of a
52 PAUL-ALAIN BEAULIEU

messianic mundane ruler cannot be fully dissociated
from the spiritual quest of salvation and the establish-
ment of a celestial kingdom. Though falling sho rt of be-
ing true apocalypses the late Akkadian prophecies
belong nevertheless to that formative period when the
meeting of Hellenism with Judaism, Near Eastern, and
Egyptian cultures provided the background for the reli-
gious and intellectual revolution that was to culminate in
the rise of Hellenized Judaism and Christianity. In that
sense Akkadian prophecies and Judaeo-Christian apoca-
lypses are arguably dis ti nct, yet inseparable, phenomena.
SOME OBSERVATIONS ON
THE SUPPILULIUMA - SATTIWAZA TREATIES
Gary Beckman
Yale University

The diplomatic a gr eement between Suppiluliuma I HT n + KUB 8.8o edited by J. Friedrich, MO

of Llatti and Sattiwaza of Mitanni, composed in two sep-
arate "editions," one attributed to each ruler, constitutes
one of the most important primary sources for the histo-
ry of Hittite expansion into northern Syria in the early
fourteenth century B.C.E. The better pa rt of the Akkadi-
an- and Hittite-language texts of both venions has been
available since the earliest days of Hittitology. But I
would like to use the occasion of this volume honoring
my friend William W Hallo to call attention to two ad-
ditional pieces of this text group and to make a number
of comments concerning these treaties and their rela-
tionship to one another. The texts are:
CTH 51 1 , Treaty of Suppiluliuma I with Sattiwaza
2 (1924), pp' I 19-24.
As indicated above, the poorly-preserved Hi tt ite ver-
sion of CTH 52 was edited long ago by J. Friedrich, but
it is now possible to improve on his work through the
joining of two further pieces to the text, 219/w and
KUB 23.5o, the latter of which was tentatively placed by
H.G. Güterbock in the "Deeds of Suppiluliuma 1"
(CTH 4o JCS to [1956], p. 114, Fragment 42
KUB 23.5o + 219/w + HT 21 + KUB 8.8o
(parallels Akkadian KBo 1.3 obv. 48-65)
] X tJRU[ Wa-al-lu-ugga-ni]

I. Akkadian "edition" 21. ]-an - ma-al-ma-fat

3' • pf-r]a-an [hu-]i-nu-ut ma-(ab- ba - an-ma]
A. KBo I.1 [

4t• uRUWa-al-lu-ugga-an-ni URU-n û-[it n]u-ul-

B. KBo 1.2
ma-al [LU.MES URI/ Wa- 114-u]g ga-a[ n-ni
C. KUB3.I a-d+ KBo 28.III + 1I2+ I14(+)
tâk-lu-uf )
I13
St. [i ya u-wa - an-zi' m i-im-rn -ir ma-ab- ba -a [n
]
-.

Edited by E. Weidner, BoSt 8, 2-37 (without

]

ka rt ERIN.MES [ANSE KUR.RA ME]S

KBo z8 texts). URU Wa-al-fu-ugga- an-
[SA KUR uRUA-allu]r
H. Hittite "edition" na-an+ an-da ua-ah-[nu -ut]
KUB 21.18 (+) KUB 26.34 [mPf-ya-al- li -It]-ïf-tna-za am-mu-ugga mSat-ti
Edited by E Laroche, Ugaritica 6 (1969), pp. 4+-az-za-all-NA uR U lr-ri-te
Ulk'.' Wa-al-lu-
369-373. e- lu -u-en nu-u -na-al'-° 1 L e MU
CTH 52, Treaty of Sattiwaza with Suppiluliuma ugga + -an-na-az u-it
ki-il-fa-]an IQ-BI SA .ERIN.MES» KUR uR UA-
I. Akkadian "edition"
a,f-slur] ERIN.M.8 ANSE.KURRA.
KBo 1.3 (+) KUB 3.17
A-NA ? ER(N.MES ANSE.KU]R.(RA.ME]S
Edited by E. Weidner, BoSt 8, 36-57. uRUUa-at-tï [pa/ fa- ra)-a 4-iz-zi
II Hittite "edition" -ya-an-ni-lie Ix
KUB 23 .5o + 219/w + HT 21 + KUB 8.8o e-na-ah- ba -an-da
A-NA [P4-MI LÙDUB,SAR

1. I have made a few min in Laroche's entry to re-

2. I would like to thank Professor Heinrich Otters for permis-
flect subsequent progress in the publication and study of these corn-
positions. Special abbreviations employed here are CHD = H.G. sion to utilize here unpublished 119/w and for checking my translit-
eration against his copy of the piece, which will appear m a future
Gitterbock and H.A. Haffner, Jr., eds , Chicago Hittite Dictionary
volume of Kilo Professor H.G. Gitterbock called my attention to
(Chicago: The Onental Institute,
Enstitute, 1980 -); CTH = E Laroche, Cat-
alqgue des textes hittites (Paris: Klincksieck, 1971); HT = L. King, Mt- 219/w and kindly allowed r c to study his photograph of the frag-
ment, Professor H.A Hodner, Jr. initially suggested to me that KUB
tar Texts in the Cuneiform Charaaer from Tablets in the British Museum
(London: The British Museum, 192o). 23.5o might belong to this composition
 54 GARY BECKMAN
14'. [ ] nu-wa-kân ERfN.MES ANSE.KUR[.RA MES
I5 [ pé-]e-jtu-te-et ma-ah-ba-[an
i6'. [ A-NA URU Wa-as- fu ga-a]n-na sra-ra-a pa-a-u-[en
17'. if-st[i? ] x x [ ] ne-ya-at-ta-[at ma-ab-ba-an-ma
Li7.MES URUPa-kar-ri pal
18'. mP{-ya-[aS-srï -li-in DUMU.LUGAL] niSat-ti-ti-az-
za-an-na [DUMU.LUGAL ERIN.MES ANSE.
KUR.RA.MES]
19e. SA KUR URU fJa-[at-ti A-N]A URU Wa-aJ-sru-ugga-
a[n]-ni [ ...I
20'. sra-ra-a pa-a-[u-wa-a]r if-ta-ma-ab srir
+ sign on edge of join of KUB 23.5o and 2191W
TRANSLATION
(also utilizing Akkadian version) 3
[The Assyrian ...] sent him/it [t]o besiege Wa[ssuk-
kanni] an d gave them a single marlyannu as leader. [But]
when he c[ame] to the city [Wassukk]anni, [the people
of Wa]is`ukkanni refused to make peace. But when the
infantry an d chariotry [of Assyria] besieg[ed] Wassuk-
kanni, P ri nce Piyaggili an d I, P ri nce Sattiwaza [were] in
the town Irrite. A messenger came to us from Was"suk-
kanni [and] spoke [as follows]: "The infantry and chart-
otry of Assyria will come [for]th (in battle) [against the
infantry an d chariotry] of Hatti ' (lines ir -17 are too frag-
mentary for translation.) [... And when the people of the
town Pakarripa] heard that [Prince] Piya[s'gili] and
[P ri nce] Sattiwaza, and the infantry an d chariotry of
J3a[tti] were going up [t]o Waggukkanni, (the people of
Pakarripa deserted and came over to our side).
PHILOLOGICAL COMMENTARY
The Hittite text seems to require slightly less than
two lines for each line in the Akkadian If lines 33'f. of
the Hittite (lines 17f. in F ri edri ch AID 2 [1924], p. 12o)
( gat-ti-G-az-za-at
m
[DUMU.LUGAL .. ]) = Akkadian
KBo 1.3 re v. 1'f. (mSat-ti-4-a-za] DUMU.[LUGAL ...]),
and line 38' (Friedrich's 22) ([ . LUGAL] GAL LUGAL
KUR [URU Jja-at-ti UR.SAG NA-RA-AM du ...]) = KBo 1.3
rev 4' (na-r[a-am dU ...]), then only about 7 Hittite lines
or 3-4 Akkadian lines have been completely lost in CTH
52. If these lines were distributed evenly, we would have
70 lines on the obverse of KBo 7.3 and 64 lines on the
reverse.
Since the text often runs over onto the edge of the
tablet - see copy of KUB 23.5o - we cannot be certain
of the length of the lines in those cases where the
has been lost or damaged (e.g., lines 3', 12'ff.). To judge
by the following paragraph (lines 2I ' -29' = Friedrich's
3. KBo 1.3 obv. 48-56 (Weidner, Bost 8, 46-47). A full tram-
btion of CTH 51-5s will he presented in my forthcoming Hittite
Diplomatic Texts.
lines 5-13), however, the lines usually accommodated
about 20 signs excluding what was inscribed on the edge.
Line I': Akkadian parallel KBo 1.3 obv. 48: [LU A-as-
ssu-ra-i / A-assfur-ra-i o o o o o] x URU Wa-[fug ga-a-ni a-
n]a la-me-e il-ta par-sru. The spelling of "the Assyrian"
va ri es within KBo 1.3 - c f. obv 6 an d 5 7. Assur-ubalut
is never dignified with the title LUGAL in this text. It is
uncertain whether the object pronoun -sru refers to an
individual military commander or to a co llective desig-
nation for military forces (ERIN.MES). The plural geni-
tive pronoun -srunu in the following sentence makes
second alternative more likely.
Lines 2'f.: Parallel KBo 1.3 obv. 48: I-EN Lil mar-ya-
nu a-na a-lik pa-ni-sru-nu SUM-din. The Hittite sentence
begins with an a-stem noun in the accusative, cone-
sponding to Akkadian maryannu, of which only the
desinence has been preserved: [...1-an=ma=mma[! ...].
For piran buwai- (here in the causative buinu-) used of a
human military leader, see R. Beal, "The Organization
of the Hittite Military," diss. Chicago 1986, pp 554-559.
Lines 4'f.: Parallel KBo 2.3 obv. 49: [... DUMU.MES
URUWa-]srugga-an-ni a-na sti-lu[m-me-]e ul i-ma-an-ku-n+.
The traces in the copy of KUB 23 50•4 are better for
URUWa-srugga-a[n-ni] but this would diverge from the
usual Hittite spelling of the name of this city. 4 One
might alternately restore [tak-feu-la-u-wa-an-zi] at the be -
ginning of line 5', but this seems too long. For the con-
struction takiul iya- see E Neu, Studia Mediterranea Piero
Meriggi dicata (Pavia: Gianni Iuculano Editore, 1979),
472. =srmasrin line 4' is probably in place of the reflexive
particle -za. For minima-, "to refuse," with -za and infin-
itive see CHD 3, 264f.
Lines 5'£: Parallel KBo 1.3 obv. 49f: i-nu-ma GI$GI-
GIR.MES ( [ERIN.MES ] For the restoration anda wa-
ab-[nu-ut] note [ar]a lamêin KBo 1.3 obv. 48 and see the
vocabulary KBo 1.42 iii 46 (Izi Bogh - MSL XIII, 139,
line 186): SI = la mu-A = an-da wa-aj-nu-mar, cited Heth.
Wb. 240.
Lines 7'f.: Parallel KBo 1.3 obv. So: [a-na-kju meat-ti-
4-a-za DUMU.LUGAL [Al mPf-ya-asp sri-li DUMU.LUGAL I-
na URU Ir-ri -te.
Lines 8'-Id: Parallel KBo 1.3 obv. 5 If: [ü-tu URUWa-
srug-ga-a-ni DUMU.KIN it-li-kam iq-bi ma-]a [sea LOA-1 ar-
srur-a-i [o o ERIN.ME]S-fu û I0t$IGIGIR.MES-sru a-na UGU
GIS
GEGiR.MES I [ù ERIN MES fa KUR URUHa-at-ti
kg. Of
Of course such extensive restorations must remain
tentative.
Lines I tit:: Parallel KBo 1.3 obv. 52: [...] ul-flu ...]-
sir-ma DUMU.KIN a-na pa-ni-nt [il-li-kani].
Line 16 1 : Parallel KBo 1.3 obv. 5c [... UR] U Wa-lug-
ga-an-nt ni-te-nr-ub-fu In the Hittite we can restore IRU[-
6 . p. 479.
Some Observations on the .uppiluliuma - Sattiwaza Treaties
WasSrugga]nna since the usual Hittite a-stem is found in
lines 6' and 8', despite the use of the i-stem in lines 4'
and 19' (the latter damaged in any case).
Line 21 1 (= Fri ed ri ch line 5)• In nu-use ma-fa-an [an-
da] kisrantat, =final, "to them/their side," must be an er-
ror for =nasr, "to us/our side," as shown by the context
in which the people of Pakarripa respond to the presence
of Hittite forces by informing them of the plans of their
Assyrian adversary.
***
In order to extend the hegemony of ljatti into north-
em Sy ri a, it was necessary for Suppiluliuma to eliminate
or at least reduce the influence of the current dominant
power in the area Mitanni Among the Hittite king's
first initiatives toward this end was the undermining of
Tusratta, King of Mitanni, through the cultivation of a
ri val line of mien: Artatama II who in our Hittite
sources is styled "King of fjurri" and his son Suttarna
III. Upon the murder of Tusratta in a palace coup, one
of his sons, Kili-Tessup, later known as Samwaza, 5 fled
by way of Babylonia to Matti, where Suppiluliuma ex-
tended him protection an d gave him a daughter in mar-
riage. When Suttarna later became a creature of the
Assyrians it was his son-in-law Sattiwaza whom Suppi-
luliuma installed as ruler in the rump state of Mitanni.
This project required a military campaign against the
forces both of Suttarna and of the Assyrians. This effort
was not undertaken by the Great King himself, but was
entrusted to his son Piyasgili, whom he had named King
of Karkamis". 6
The newly-restored text of CTH 52 adds to our
knowledge of the course of this campaign, but its final
stages narrated in the extremely fragmentary lines 30'-
38' of the Hittite "edition" and the equally sorry KBo
13 rev. 7-6 of the Akkadian, remain unclear. 7 We may
be certain of its success, of course, because this is implied
by the very existence of the composition with which we
are here concerned.
5. See H.G. Güterbock, JOE to (1956), p. 121, and C. Zac-
cagnini, Oilers Antiquus 13 (1974), PP• 25-34.
6. For a brief outline of the ruin of Mitanm at the hands of
Suppiluliuma, see G. Wilhelm, Grundzüge der Geschichte and Kultur
der Hurriter (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesdhchaft, 1982),
PP. 49 - 53. Cf. also A Harrak, Assyria and Hanigalbat (Hildesheim:
Obns, 1987), pp. 15-19, and 42-46.
7. These same military activities are treated in "Fragment 35"
of the "Deeds of Suppduliunta ': KUB 19.13 + 14 + 961/ 1; duel.
KBo 19 5o, studied without loins or duplicate by H.G. Güterbock,
JCS to (1956), pp. 110-iii. (My thanks to Richard Beal, who made
me aware of the supplementary material. He will discuss this passage
more fully in the forthcoming publication of his dissertation.) In this
section of the "Deeds," however the uiitial phases of the campaign
are merely sketched as a victorious progress from Katkamil to Hat-
no, from Barran to Wa&ukkanni, and finally from Wa ukkanni to
Taita, while only the ultimate confrontation before Tatra n treated in
some detail. (It seems that the Assyrian forces take Fright and with-
draw.) It is precisely this final phase of operations which cannot yet
be recovered in CTH 52.
55
Since Sattiwaza was the son-in-law of Suppiluliuma
an d owed his throne and perhaps even his life to Hittite
intervention in the affairs of Mitanni, he was definitely
the junior party in his relationship to the Hittite Great
King. This is made abundantly clear in the two treaties,
CTH 5 i (of Suppiluliuma) and CTH 52 (of Sattiwaza).
The historical introductions of these documents, so cen-
tral to modem writing of the narrative history of this pe-
riod, deal for the most pa rt with different events. The
first section of CTH 51 tells of Suppilufuma's conquests
in Syria - of I3alab, Mukis, Niya, Nu}jais"e, and Kinza,
as well as of Mitanni. The introduction to CTH 52, on
the other hand, mentions none of these undertakings ,
but is rather devoted to painting a dark picture of Artat -
ama an d Suttarna in order to justify the actions of Satti-
waza in turning to the Hittite Great King. In what might
thus be termed the "Apology of Sattiwaza," we are told
that Suttarna had betrayed his heritage by turning his
nches over to the Assyrians an d the people of Alie and
by allowing these fo rm er vassals of Mitanni to massacre
the cream of the Hurrian nobility. Sattiwaza himself we
learn, had survived only through flight.
It is only at this point that the historical sections of
CTH 51 an d CTH 52 coincide. Both describe the arrival
of the impoverished Sattiwaza before the Great King and
the hospitality an d generosity displayed by Suppiluliuma
toward his young guest.
In structu re , CTH 5 t is a typical Hittite treaty. 8 After
the historical prologue there follow the stipulations,
which here deal with succession to the throne in Mitan-
ni, alliance between I jatti and Mitanni, extradition of
fugitives, frontiers, and the mutual relations of Hittite
subordinates in Syria (i.e., Sattiwaza of Mitanni an d
Piyasiili, King of Karkaniii). The text concludes with a
clause concerning the deposition of the treaty tablet,
with the list of the gods of both parties guaranteeing the
provisions, and with curses and blessings upon Sattiwaza
(dependent, of count, upon his future conduct toward
Satti).
In contrast, CTH 51 is totally anomalous among Hit-
tite treaties. It contains no formal stipulations and thus
a diplomatic instniment. It consists
cannot stand alone as
simply of the "Apology of Sattiwaza," followed by the
deposition clause, the list of oath gods of Haut and curs-
es and blessings, the latter interrupted by the list of dei-
ties of Mittani.
It is dear that this text, after the first section compiled
by Sattiwaza or his entourage (KBo 1.3 obv. t-3o) 9 is
. as' ally a rearrangement of the Hittite document. The
group of curses and blessings (Kilo 1.3 rev. 8-n) has
first
not even been changed from the second person appro-
priate in CTH 51 to the first person expected in CTH
r V. Karaite, Hed itische ,
do (Leipzig Weither,

56 GARY BECKMAN
52 I° The Human divine list has been removed and
placed after this section (KBo 1.3 rev 23-26)," i followed
by a second collection of curses and blessings, phrased
this time in the first person (singular and plural, the latter
to include the Hurrian nobility) and possibly the work
of the Hurrians themselves, since the imagery here is un-
paralleled in CTH 5 t.
This structural comparison of CTH 51 and CTH 52
has also revealed the dependence of Sattiwaza upon Sup-
piluliuma. The Human prince was certainly not acting
autonomously in the composition of his diplomatic doc-
ument. I2
In this regard it is instructive to examine the various
manuscripts of CTH 51 and CTH 52.' 3 In sc ri pt, CTH
51.A and the more poorly-preserved CTH 5 i .0 are sim-
ilar to CTH 52 in showing the usual sign forms used in
Hittite-language texts of the first half of the fourteenth
century ^ 4 and not what I have termed the "chancellery
hand" employed for Akkadian-language diplomatic texts
and international correspondence under the Empire»
The sc ri pt of CTH St.B, however, resembles that used
in texts dispatched from Mitanni to the Egyptian capital
at Akhetaten (El-Amarna). i6
On the other hand it is CTH 51.B which shows the
greatest orthographical affinities with CTH 52. This may
best be illustrated by several writings from the Hittite
god li st:
9. Note that it discusses deuils of Mitannian politics of which
the Hittites could have known or cared little, such as the return of a
door of silver and gold from WaEukkanni to its o ri ginal home in
Assur (KBo 1.3 obv. 8-to). Even in this section Sattiwaza displays ob-
sequiousness in repeatedly employing the full panoply of Suppiluli-
ma's diplomatic tides: "Great King, King of Uatn, Hero, Beloved of
Teiiup" (e.g., KBo 1.3 obv. 18)
lo. If the sequence of identical curses was not sufficient to
demonstrate the "boilerplate" transference of this section, it is proven
beyond all doubt by the common lapsus in KBo 1.1 rev. 66 (CTH
51) and KBo 1.3 rev. 15 (CTH 52): la lapeira < ... >.
11. The list of Hurrian deities is nonetheless the same as that
employed in CT-I 51 (KBo 1.t rev. 54-58) with only minor diver-
gences in sequence and orthography.
12, H Klengel, Kilo 5 t (1969), p. 9 aptly remarks that for Sat-
tiwaza 'gewiss hethitischeneits die Federgeführt wurde "
13. In this section I have benefited from an unpublished course
papa by M ar c Van De Microop.
14. See C. Riister and E Neu, Hethitisches Zeichenkxikon
(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1989), and more particularly Hethitische
Keilsdsrift-Paläographie II, Studien zu den +..=azköy-Texten 2t (Wiesba-
den: Harrassowitz, 1975) ISff, column I.
IS JCS 35 ( 1 98 3). pp. 98-too.
16 See the fins column of the sign-list provided by O.
Schroeder, VAS 12, pp. 7311 Note especially EN (KBo 1.2 obv. 36),
SA (obv. 2, etc.), 1-UR (obv. 2, etc.), and AH (obv. 8, etc.). Of course
these shapes a re on rare occasion encountered even in Hittite-lan-
guage texts at Boghazkny, but it is important to stress here that they
do not appear m CTH Si.A and C
Some Observations on the $uppiluliuma - Sattiwaza Treaties 57
CTH 51 CTH 52 In summary, we may characterize the tablets: IIB Hittite copy of the Akkadian text of Sattiwaza 's
I. Hittite-language drafts of both "editions": CTH "edition" — CTH 52.I.
DINGIR.MES lu-la-ab-bi
51.I1; CTH 52.II. III. Mitannian copy of the Akkadian text of Suppi-
(A rev. so)
luliuma's "edition": CTH 51.I B
II.A. Hi tt ite copies of the Akkadian text of Suppiluli-
DINGIR.MES nu-t)-ab-bi t7 DINGIR.MES sra
uma's "edition": CTH 51 .I.A and C.
(B rev. 27) nu-la-a^i- [hi]IS
(rev. 4)
DINGIR.MES it-se-ti
(A rev. 51)
dERES KI GAL dERES KI [GAL]
(B rev. 28) (rev. 5)
dNa-a-ra
(A rev. 52)
dNa-ar-ra dNa-ar-ra i9
(B rev. 28) (rev. 6)
How are these intersecting relationships among the
various texts and their manuscripts to be understood? I
put forward here a plausible explanation, in fu ll realiza-
tion that others might account equally well for the evi-
dence.
At the diplomatic conference which formalized the
alliance between Suppiluliuma and Sattiwaza, the Hit-
tites obviously dictated the terms. But since Mitanni was
given the status of kuirwana, "protectorate,s 2O rather
than of vassal, the Hurrian was allowed to present his
own "edition" of the treaty, with his name heading the
text as in a parity agreement. We have already discussed
the possible contributions of Sattiwaza an d his party to
this composition, which is before us as CTH 52. The
copy we actually possess was apparently made by a Hit-
tite sc ri be from the o ri ginal tablet "presented" by the
Mitannian ruler. On the other hand, CTH 51 is the
'edition" of the Great King, composed entirely by his
chancellery. Since CTH 51.B is in a Hurrian hind, it was
probably copied by a Mitannian scribe/diplomat in the
entourage of Sattiwaza, but for some reason ultimately
deposited in the Hittite archives. The Hittite-language
versions of each "edition" might well have been the
working notes of the Hittite diplomats at the conference.
17. Collated BoSt 8, 3o, note I CHD 3, 79 plausibly emends
to rats-la -alb-bi
18. See CHD 3, 79-80, where no additional writings with mi-
re listed.
19. For spellings of this divine name sec A. Archi, Or. 59
(199o), pp. t29 where only one other writing in -n- is included:
[dNa-a)r-ra, CTH 66 (Treaty of Murs"ili II with Nigmepa of Ugant),
line ro8.
2o. A status still held by Miunni under Murs'ili II — we KUB
2 4.3 ii 26-27, edited by O R Gurney, Liverpool Annals of Art and Ar-
chaeology 27 (1940). pp. 28-29. For the technical term, see A. Goetze,
Kleinasien, zweite Auflage (München: Beck, 1957), pp. 98-99. A
good general introduction to Hittite diplomatic practice is presented
on pp. 95-103 of this work. For much mo re detail, sec G. Kcstemont,
Diplomatic et droit international en Asie Orzidentak (shoo-:zoo ay. J.C.)
(Louvain: Institut Orientaliste, 1 974)

THROUGH A TABLET DARKLY
A RECONSTRUCTION OF OLD AKKADIAN MONUMENTS
DESCRIBED IN OLD BABYLONIAN COPIES
Giorgio Buccellati
University of California at Los Angeles
There is today a haunting quality to the open spaces
of Ekur: the remnants of a modern house perched atop
the ziggurat; a massive dune spread over the temple at its
b as e; an eerie stratigraphic column standing in the mid-
dle of the courtyard; all of it sunk in a hole as if a balus-
trade of centu ri es looking down at their own earlier
past.' The perceptual reality of this monumental com-
plex must clearly have been quite different in antiquity,
being, as it w as , the most revered religious center of Me-
sopotamia, the bustling core of a thriving urban center,
the magnet for a vast flow of cultural goods. Ekur was in
fact the architectural complex centering around the tem-
ple tower, or ziggurat, of Enlil, the supreme god of the
pantheon in Nippur, the sacred city par excellence. It con-
sisted primarily ofa precinct which contained at one end
the temple tower itself and at the other a relatively small
temple at the basis of the temple tower. Considerable re-
mains of the precinct wa ll , of the ziggurat, and of the
temple at its b as e are still extant today The rest of the
vast precinct was otherwise filled with the kind of regu-
lar deposit which accumulates in an open area
But this open area would hardly have been empty in
antiquity. In the Old Babylonian period for example,
we know that there were monuments still st an ding
which had been first erected by the kings of the Old
Akkadian dynasty, some four to five hundred years ear-
lier. The physical remains of these monuments have dis-
appeared, but we have a so rt of archaeological record
I. So at least, did Ekur look when I first went to Nippur in
the early sixties. I may be forgiven these personal reminiscences with
which I reach back to the years when I Ent came in touch with Bi ll
Hallo, first indirectly through our common mentor, Jay Gelb, who
would so frequently refer to him when peaking to us younger nu-
dents, and then personally through a growing series of encounters
and through the commonality of our mutual interests. I am delighted
to be ab le to offer him, as a token of my warm friendship and great
admiration, these thoughts on a period to which he has contributed
so much and so well. — In keeping with the recommendations by
the editon of the volume, I win present here only the broad outline
of my argument, addressing a general, non-Assyriological audience
and trying to imitate Bill Hallo in what he don so well integrate into
a unified picture the divenity of our sou rc es, see the life behind the
words; empathize with the ancient scribe as if a colleague
58
which we owe not to recent excavators, but to an an-
dent diligent obse rv er. For reasons which might have
combined scribal erudition with simple scholarly inter-
est, the texts written on these monuments were copied
onto several large clay tablets, on which brief nota ti ons
were added describing the monumental or "archaeolog-
ical" setting of the insc rip ti ons themselves. The result
was a so rt of anthology, which the ancient compiler de-
scribed as follows:
"The open air (monuments) which are set up in the
courtyard ofEkur.i 2
The copies made by the Old Babylonian scribes were so
accurate that these texts still se rve as one of the major
sources for our knowledge of the Old Akkadian dialect.
It is interesting to note that the sc ribes chose not to re-
produce the paleographic appearance of the writing, but
rendered nevertheless very carefully the graphemic as -
pect, so that they preserved for us much invaluable in-
formation about the details of Old Akkadian phonetics,
divergent as this was from that of the Old Babylonian
period 3
The linguistic contribution of these ancient scholars
is so overwhelming that it has overshadowed the other
dimension of this unique scholarly enterprise, namely
the "archaeological" contribution, i.e. the rendering of
the monuments as monuments. Our modern lack of ap-
preciation for this important endeavor derives perhaps
from the simple fact that nowhere is any monument de-
scribed as such, i.e. as a complete an d self-standing struc-
ture of its own. Rather, the sc ribe noted the individual
2. Literally: "They are set up in the middle of the cou
of the courtyard of Ekur," I.J. Gelb and B. Kienast, Die altakkadisdsen
Königsinsdtnften des dritten Jahrtausends v. Cbr., Freiburger Altorienta-
lische Studien, vol. 7, Stuttgart 199o, p.136 (abbreviated FAOS 7).
See also p 139: ' [Monuments of] Sargon, Rimuï and Mantituiu,
such as they an (found) in Ekur." The text edition in FAOS is the
most recent pubhcation of these texts and will be used in this article
as the standard reference. The other impo rt ant earlier edition is H.
Hirsch, ' Die Inschriften der Konige von Agade," AR) w (1963), pp.
t-82 (abbreviated AK) 20).
3. Thus, for example, signs of the set SA stand for /!a/, those
of the set SA for /pi/.
Through a Tablet Daddy 59
components which together made up some large com- and, of course, textual portions. As we shall see, it would
posite monuments, and it is not immediately apparent appear as though even the name of the ancient artist is
how these components fit together. Such is then precise- preserved. I will first present my reconstruction of the
ly the thrust of my argument: that out of the many Old monument; then I will describe the inscriptional materi-
Akkadian insc riptions given in the Old Babylonian scribal al; and finally I will draw some conclusions with regard
anthology we may reconstruct relatively few monuments to the fuller historical interpretation which the newly
each one consisting of several different structural ele- proposed interpretation makes possible.
ments, with a variety of inscriptional components added There has been, to my knowledge no attempt in the
to suit the nature of any given sec tion of the monument. literature at reconstructing the monuments quite in the
Such an understanding would seem more aptly to same way as I am doing here. The graphic reconstruc-
match the assumption that these were large open-air don proposed by Kraus and by Foster for an inscription
structures, still standing in their o ri ginal outdoor loca ti on of Naram-Sins does not properly look at the monument
several centu ri es after they had first been erected. And it as such, but only at the topographic situation as given in
is interesting for us to try and visualize not only the in- the representation pa rt of the monument.
dividual monuments, but also the general layout ofEkur.
It was an open public space much like a square, defined I. THE MONUMENT
not by houses but rather by a precinct (hence the term The monument, as I understand it, contained nine
"courtyard" used to define it). And it contained not just distinct portions on which inscriptional material was in-
a single towering monument, but a collec ti on of impor- cluded.° These nine distinct components correspond to
tant, juxtaposed structures. The perceptual image which what are normally assumed to be, in our text editions,
we may form is thus somewhat similar to that of, say the five or s ix different texts. 1 will refer to these nine corrt-
Capitol in Rome. The very fact that such an assemblage ponents by means of a Rom an numeral, according to a
of Old Akkadian monuments had survived as a group sequence which follows the logical order of the monu-
into the Old Babylonian period, and very likely m the ment as I understand it. Such order is slightly at variance
o riginal emplacement in which they had first been set from the sequence which the texts have m the anthology
up, is indicative of their prominence an d overall impact for reasons which I will explain below. For ease of ref-
on the viewer. erence, I append here a concordance between the two
But what can more readily be reconstructed from the sequences an d the standard editions.
scribal anthology as we have it are the individual monu-
Sequence Sequence FAGS 7
ments themselves, an d not so much the larger setting of proposed on tablet J9tff.
which they were a pa rt . In return for such a reconstruc-
I 1 Cl bi
tion we obtain not only the presumed recovery ofa lost II II CI bi
archaeological artifact, but also a fuller understanding of bi
III III CI
bi
the text in its more complex literary structure. What IV (Ur+) IV (1.1r+) C2
b3
were disparate philological segments acquire a new life V (Adab+) VIl (Kazallu) C3
as the inscriptional a rt iculation of a larger display. The V (Adab+) C4 b4
VI (U +)
VI (Umma+ C5 b5
segments complement each other an d emerge as a uni- VII (Kazallu)
VIII VIII C5 b5
fied new whole If the whole is more than the sum of the
IX IX C5 b6
parts it is because the texts point at each other an d at the
representational components of the monuments.
Our knowledge of the arrangement of these nine
In what follows I will take up for special consider-
components derives exclusively from very brief scholarly
ation one such monument, 4 which we may call the Bat-
notations which are included in the anthology. These
tles of Sumer by Rimus. It is composed of nine different
notations are clearly identifiable as such because they are
insc rip ti ons an d can be reconstructed as a statue of the
written in Sumerian and because they come at natural
king standing atop two quadrangular platforms and a
breaks in the flow of the Akkadian text. According to
rounded base, with a variety of representational elements
the standard style of cuneiform texts, these notations
appended to the portion of the text to which they re
4. A fun treatment of the various monuments which can they are colophons. I will review now these colo-
i.e.
nstructed from the Old Babylonian anthology would requi the order which I consider to be germane to
phons in .
more space than I have available here. I have prepared a detailed re-
the monument, and I will also offer an explanation for
construction of all monuments mentioned in the Old Babylonian an-
thology as part of an Old Akkadian seminar which 1 have offered the manner in which the sc ri be would have copied the
from time to time at UCLA. I wish to record here my gratitude to
the many students who have participated at various points in this
seminar, in particirlar, Daniel Shimabuku assisted m an earlyconec-
tion of the representational evidence. I hope to have the oppQtniHit5'
to provsele at some pomt the fun rendering of these interpretations,
with a more detailed philological dision than is possible here.
 6o GIORGIO BUCCELLATI
insc ri ptions in the particular sequence found in the an-
thology.
Such order is represented graphically in Fig. i
which, it must be stressed, is based exclusively on my
understanding of the colophons and on no other explicit
textual or figurative evidence. My assumption is that a
stone statue was placed on top of a double b ri ck plat-
form, which was partly covered by stone plaques and re-
hefs. The choice of bricks was conditioned by the size of
the platform* the lower platform especially would have
been too large to allow for it to be made of a single block
of stone. The b ri ck platforms would have ensured the
permanence in their onginal emplacement as long as
they were cared for and maintained, presumably through
regular replastering — at least down through the Old
Babylonian period when they were still visible for the
author(s) of the an thologies to be able to copy them. But
the least amount of neglect would have precipitated the
collapse of the platforms, and with it the dislocation, if
not the ruin of the statue an d plaques. This would ex-
plain why it would be very difficult indeed to discover
such a monumental setting in its pristine emplacement.
Judging from the size of portions of statues which are
preserved an d which are essentially life-size, we may sur-
mise that both platforms together may not have exceed-
ed a total height of 1.5 or 2 meters.
I. " Wntten on the upper pedestal, to the front" — The
fr ont of the monument is defined as the one towards
which the statue is facing. The upper pedestal, presum-
ably at eye level, would provide the most prominent lo-
ca ti on for a display inscription And in point of fact, the
insc ri ption found here, as we will see momentarily, is a
summary of a series of campaigns which are collectively
called the Battles of Sumer.
H. "On the (footstool] ? — My hypothetical recon-
"
struction of the text at this point presupposes that the
next insc ri p ti on is written on a less-visible surface of the
monument, i.e. on the upper pa rt of the lower platform,
which may have been understood as a footstool (If the
statue had been sitting, then the top platform could have
literally served as a footstool). It is possible that this sur-
face may have tapered somewhat towards ground level,
so that it would have been partly visible to an onlooker
standing in front of the monument. However, since the
i nscnptional content as we will see, consists of curses
against individuals who might remove or appropriate the
statue, it would stand to reason that for this particular in-
scription the main orientation should have been up-
wards, i.e. in the direction of the divine onlookers who
were entrusted with the carrying out of the curses.
iII.. " Written on the lower pedestal. Lu-Damu was the en-
gravers — The front face of lower pedestal would be the
7. This is hypothetical, since the text is largely broken at this
point i assume a. reading [GiR 3 .GUB].E.
surface of greatest significance in terms of the monu-
mental impact of the display as a whole: it might stand
up to a meter high, and would be most readily identified
by any viewer, whether literate or not. Clearly, this was
the "p ri me time" equivalent of political propaganda: and
it is here that the relief would have shown for all to see
the rulers who had just been defeated, led by their very
protective deities who had failed to protect them in bat-
tle. In spite of the breaks in the text, we can reconstruct,
on the basis of the cap ti ons which were written above
the individual figures four pairs of god/ruler. Such a
row of figures in relief is known from fragments of other
monuments which have survived. 9 Ironically, in our
case, we seem to have the name of the artist (presumably
written in some unobtrusive corner of the same pedestal
face) for a work which has not been preserved!
IV. "Inscription written on its left hand side" — This col-
ophon is the least explicit as to loca ti on. From the gen-
eral logic of the display sequence, I am surmising that it
may have been placed on the upper pedestal, the other
two sides of which would have been left blank. Since
this is the most important of the individual battles mak-
ing up the overall sequence of the Battles of Sumer (as we
shall see later), it may stand to reason that it be given a
posi ti on of preeminence next to the summary account
(inscription Number I), which is said to have been
placed on the front of the upper pedestal. The notation
that the insc ri ption is "on its left side" presents a slight
problem: I am assuming that what is meant is the left of
the monument as one looks at it from the front, but the
exact convene may of cou rs e be true. This remains
however inconsequential, since the alternative interpre-
tation would simply result in a mirror-image rendering
of my overall reconstruction.
V. "Plaque on the lower pedestal, on its left-hand side"
VI. "Plaque on the lower pedestal, on its backside"
VII. ' Plaque on the lower pedestal, on its right-hand side"
These three insc ri p ti ons are symmetrically arranged on
the three remaining sides of the lower pedestal. The
word which I translate as "plaque" 1O is to be understood,
8. 1 propose to read BUR.<GUL> at the end of the line. Since
the copy (FAGS 7, p. 144) shows a hole in the clay immediately to
the right of the sign BUR it may be possible to assume a reading
BUR.[GUL] instead, though from the appearance of the copy this is
doubtful.
9. A vanquished ruler led by his (personal') god does not
seem to be a motif occurring in known early Mesopotamian reiefs.
I am assuming here a scene which is otherwise very common in pre-
sentation scenes, see for instance E. Strommenger, "Statuemnschnft-
en and ihr Datierungswert," ZA 53 ( 1 959). p. 49, pl. Xla, or D.
Collon Catalogue of the Western Asiatic Seals in the British Museum.
Cylinder Seals II: Akkadian, Post Akkadian, Ur III Periods, London
1982, no. 1 59.
to. Sumerian MUS, (according to a collation by B. Foster,
quoted in FAOS 7, p. zoo), corresponding to Akkadian bünu for
which see CAD B 3zo. l^iterally bw,u means "figure 6ce," and then,
,
by extension, "plan, shape (of an object)."
Through a Tablet Darkly
I submit, in a specific "archaeological" meaning, namely
as a stone slab which coven part, but not all, of the b ri ck
structure of which the lower pedestal is made; in other
words, a plaque embedded in plaster. In contrast, the
word "inscription"" used for N. IV would refer to a
face which is completely made of stone. This might also
imply that the upper pedestal was a solid block of stone,
rather than a core of bricks lined with stone slabs — The
reason for the discrepancy between what I perceive to be
the logical sequence of the monumental display (V-VI-
VII) and the sequence as we have it on the Old Babylo-
nian tablet (VII-V-VI) is as follows. As he was copying
the insc ri ptions, the sc ribe would have covered first the
front (I-II-III), then the secondary face of the top ped-
estal (IV) at that point he would have moved (perhaps
after an interrup ti on?) to the lower pedestal, and would
have started somewhat haphazardly from the right (VII-
V-VI); finally he would have turned to the statue itself.
The logical sequence of the historical events as related in
the insc ri p ti ons would seem to require instead the se-
quence proposed, which might have been less apparent
to the sc ri be as he was engaged in the physical labor of
copying on clay the text of the stone insc ri ptions
VIII. "The pedestal on which he stands: the fallen ones" 12
We are now moving to the statue itself. As on the front
face of the lower pedestal, this is a semiotically rich dis-
play surface, if I may say so. Here too we have four pai rs
of names, each pair representing one of the four major
armies defeated in the overall Battle of Sumer. They are
not necessarily the leaders, but presumably the most im-
portant individuals that were slain in the field. As in oth-
er figura ti ve representations, 3 they were most likely
shown in a supine position, going around in a circle.
Presumably, the names would not have been readable
from the ground, but the main message was conveyed
representationally by indicating very concretely the na-
ture of the success achieved in battle.
4
IX. "Inscription on his side" — As in other statues,
the small inscription with the name of the king would
have been placed on his shoulder. This too could not
easily have been read by anyone on the ground, but the
informational content of the inscription is obviously
minimal. As for the more general ques ti on as to who
may have in any c as e been privy to the written message,
we must obviously think in terms of the broader issue of
display insc ri p ti ons as a whole. In a well-known p as sage
of the Code of Hammurapi the king urges that the per-
son who feels oppressed should have "the inscribed
monument read aloud" to him' 5 : the monument stands
II. Sumerian MU.SAR.
12. On the copy given in FAOS 7, p. 144, the reading KLGAL
KI.GUB' (instead of KI.GAL KI TA) seems clear.
13. See for example A. Spycket, La statuai re du Proche -Ortent
Ancient, Leiden 1981 pl tot. On our monument, the two individu-
als in each pair may have been shown one on top of the other.
14 See for example Strommenger, op. cit. p. 31. P I. trb•
61
as a visible symbol of the judicial caring of the king, but
one which contains at the same time the substance of the
judicial verdicts to be issued. Similarly, a political display
inscription is a visible symbol of the successes of the ruler
(in this case, military successes)* the content, which may
be validated upon reading of the text by an expert,
would but verify and validate the claim which is other-
wise made representationally. It is time, then, that we
turn to the specifics of the insc ri ptions as given on our
monument.
2. THE INSCRIPTIONS
I will give now a brief review of the inscriptional
content of each section, with a translation of some key
passages, explaining how they relate to the individual
components of the monument as I have just described it
Accordingly, I will follow the sequence as outlined
above, and in so doing I will emphasize how the various
parts of the monument, far from being isolated vignettes,
add up to a unified whole which exhibits a perhaps un-
suspected unity of literary composition. Fig. 2 reproduc-
es the monument as I have explained it, with an
appropriate desc ri ption for each inscriptional compo-
nent of the monument. Appendix i gives the fu ll text in
transc ri p ti on, and Appendix 2 the translation.
I. Summary — In capsule form , this provides a synop-
.
sis of the whole monument. It begins with an identifica-
tion of Rimui as king — which parallels insc ri ption N.
IX on the shoulder of the statue. This is followed by a
brief summary of the major battles waged, with body
counts for the overall campaign. A brief sentence refers
to the setting up of this monument 16 : this is the only
place where such a reference is given. A brief curse for-
mula concludes this section.
One point deserves particular mention. I interpret the
beginning of the narrative as follows:
"He won three battles of Sumer in succession."' 7
or, mo re loosely,
"He defeated Sumer in three consecutive battles."
This requires a few comments. (t) The term translat-
ed as "baffle" is a plural, since it agrees with the numeral
"three " The text uses a logogram here, followed by the
genitive "of Sumer." Either the logogram may be taken
to stand for an Akkadian plural form (tabazi), or else it is
a singular form which, however, as is often the case in
the construct state st an ds for a plur al . (2) The term trans-
qualifies adverbially the numeral,
lated "in succession" t8
on similar to that found in "the four riv-
with a construc ti
) The qualification of a (rapid) suc-
er banks together."
cession of the three battles is important for a historical
evaluation of the events about which I will say more bc-
62 GIORGIO BUCCELLATI Through a Tablet Darkly 63

Stone
Stone
Mudbrick
Mudbrick
IX. Insc ription on his side.
IX. The conqueror.

VI. Plaque on back

side of lower pedestal.

VIII. The pedestal on which

he s ta nds, the fallen ones. VIII. The fallen ones.
VI. Umma and Der.

IV. Written on VIL Plaque on the

lower pedestal, on VIL Kazallu
its left hand side
its right hand side.
Written on the
upper pedestal, to the front IV. Ur and L'agas

it On the footstool.
V. Plaque on the
lower pedestal, on
its left hand side
, li
ala ^`

N„ , ..
;

11111 .1% lit

^ \N: :..

anaaa aaa
aaa

wawa am-
i

aaaa

(The monuments) which are set up in the

iddle of the courtyard, the courtyard of Ekur.

Figure I. Reconstruction of the monument of Rimu.l onuncental arrangement of the inscriptions.

Figure 2. The Battle of Stoner.
showing hypothetical placement of tablet colophons.
64 GIORGIO BUCCELLATI
low. (3) While the text speaks of three battles, there are
in fact four major battles all told. However, as we shall
see, only three battles take place in the Sumerian south
(hence, appropriately, "three" battles of Sumer), while
the fourth takes place against Akkadian Kazallu, which is
mentioned separately in this first insc ription for reasons
which will become clear later.
II. The major curses — While each prose section (i.e.
e ach section except II, VIII and IX, which only give
captions) contains a brief curse formula, this section is
e ntirely devoted to a longer curse formula, which men-
tions explicitly the "statue of Rimus," i.e. the overall
monument with its platforms as well as the statue itself
As mentioned earlier this particular section may have
been facing upwards as it was destined primarily for the
-
III. The enemies — The list of enemies and their gods
is partly broken, but from the size of the break an d from
the names that are left we may assume that there were
four pairs of names, each pair giving the name of the rul-
e r and of the deity; this was placed, as if a caption, next
to the representation in relief of the two figures The se-
quence is as follows:
God + governor of Kazallu
[God + ruler of Adab or Zabalam]
[God] + governor of Umma
God + king of Ur
If so, then each of the four pairs would represent one
of the four major campaigns to which the monument is
dedicated. Since in the figurative sequence the god
should appear in fr ont of the respective ruler, and since
e n the other hand the sequence as given on the tablet
begins with a god it is possible that the row of figures
was split in two, so that two pairs faced right, and two
pairs faced left, each one progressing therefore towards
the center, i.e. toward a point which was dominated
above by the towering figure of Rimus. The figurative
sequence may therefore be as follows
:
Adab/Zabalam Kazallu Ur Uroma
G G
IV - VI. The three battles of Sumer — Two pairs of cit-
ies are mentioned in each of the three inscriptions, using
a formulaic and repetitive language. The pairs are: Ur
and Lagas, Adab and Zabalam, Umma and Der. There is
a geographic rationale about this order, to which we
ead ad matt!, consisting of the preposition ad "until" and
the temporal mati which has the value "when, ' but also the value "a1-
ways" in the form matima. I understand the terminative-adverbial
ending -i!, as giving a special lexicalized value to the expression, "un-
til whenever," i.e. 'consecutively , in sequence." I owe the reading
matt! though not the interpretation, to some personal notes of U.
Gelb.
t9. kiémtum arbeurn &tenif e.g. in Sar-kah-s`arti C1 10-12.
shall revert later. In N. IV the standard editions recon-
struct in a break (C2 7) the name of Umma as the second
city next to Ur, but there is no reason for this. The logic
of the monumental sequence suggests that the name of
Lagas has to be reconstructed here.
VII. The battle of Kazallu — The battle of Kazallu
stands apart in that the city is mentioned by itself rather
than as pa rt of a pair What is also significant is that the
governor of the city bean an Akkadian name, and that
the city is located at some remove north of the other
Sumerian cities, and much closer to the presumed loca-
tion of the capital city of Rimus All of this is explained
in the summary inscription (N.I), where it is said that
Kazallu was in revolt as Rimus was winding his way
back from Ur and Lagas by way of the other Sumerian
cities: it was, in other words, a rebellious Akkadian city,
of which the king took care after dealing with the Sum-
erian enemy.
VIII. The fallen ones — The most prestigious enemies
that had fallen in battle are shown in a supine position
immediately below the king's feet, and their respec ti ve
names are given as captions wntten on the silhouette of
their prostrate bodies They are also given in pain: the
second, third, and fourth pair are accompanied by the
name of a city, but not the first one, as follows:
governor's brother his minister
Zabalam governor his minister
Der governor his high minister
LAO governor his general
Zabalam, Der and Lagas each corresponds to one of
the three major campaigns of Sumer. For the first pair,
for which no city is mentioned, two alterna ti ves may be
suggested The missing city may be Kazallu, which is the
fourth major campaign to which the monument is ded-
icated. It seems strange, however, that the name of the
city should be omitted, an d that the leading figure
should be identified as the brother of the governor, im-
plying that the pertinent governor is already known. It
seems more likely, therefore, that the person mentioned
is the brother of the governor of Lagas. It is true that
Lagas is mentioned last in this sequence, but since it is
very likely that the row of fallen figures is placed in a cir-
cle on the outside face of a round base, the first an d the
last would in fact match. In other words, the "brother of
the governor ' would in fact appear immediately to the
nght of the governor of Lagas", and thus the relationship
would be clearly established.
IX The conqueror — The final text is the caption
placed on the shoulder of the statue which identifies the
conqueror of all battles towering above his enemies and
standing as guarantor of the truth of the statements con-
tained in the insc ri ptions written throughout the monu-
ment.
Through a Tablet Darkly
There is one problem for which I have no adequate
solution, namely the discrepancy in detail among the
various body counts given in the different insc ri pti ons.
This problem, however, is not a function of the inter-
pretation I am offering here, so it does not militate
against it: there are discrepancies even within the same
summary insc rip ti on given as N. I. It may be that further
I IV+V+VI I I
total for Sumer grand total grand total
as computed for three as given
individual by sc ribe
(4 1 ,784)
plus Kazallu Sumerian in summary
( 1 7,914) campaigns
59,698 5 9, 8 94 54,106
3. THE EVENTS
body counts might suggest that there was some confu-
sion in the o ri ginal tallies resulting from the campaigns.
But such a confusion might militate in favor of consid-
ering the informa ti on as relatively accurate within an or-
der of magnitude, precisely on account of its slight
discrepancies: if these were purely imaginary figures,
they would presumably have been even figures which
would have easily been kept the same across the board.
At any rate, the desc ri p ti on which emerges for the over-
all conduct of the war appears to be quite historical in
nature, partly because of how unexpected some of the
details are.
The best way to visualize this is to look at a map (Fig.
3). Leaving from a point in the north, wherever the cap-
ital of Akkad may have been located, Rimus bypassed all
of the Sumerian cities and went straight for Ur, the
southernmost city, which was probably the leading and
unifying power behind the enemy forces. He also by-
passed Kazallu, which is described in the text as "being
in revolt," 2 O not as ' having started a revolt" (following
the departure of the king for the South). The implica-
non may be on the one hand that Rimus exposed his
flank by overreaching all intermediary stages and aiming
directly for the farthest target, but on the other hand t hat
20. The Akkadian uses the (Cr 47). not
the preterite, ikkir
65
collations will clarify this issue, or that there were mis-
takes made by the Old Babylonian copyist, or that there
was some confusion in the o ri ginal figures. I cannot dis-
cuss this issue in any detail, but it is interesting to point
out at least the following correlations:
The curious correlations among divergent ways of ar-
riving at similar total figures when starting from different
I VII
total for Sumer Kazallu Kazallu
as computed
(4 1 ,784)
plus Kazallu dead
(12,052)
53, 8 3 6 17,9 1 4 17,916
he took possibly by surprise the city of Ur, which would
presumably not have expected such a swift action. (In
some way, this appears to be a mirror image of the strat-
egy followed by the allied forces during the Gulf war.)
Assuming that the proposed sequence of the inscrip-
dons corresponds to the sequence of the events, it would
appear that Rimus' would have continued the war going
north from Or and choosing his engagements in a so rt of
irregular spiral. It would appear as though the Sumerian
cities joined forces in pain which corresponded to dis-
crete regions: Ur an d Lagas in the south, Adab and. Za-
balam slightly to the northeast, Der an d Umma in the
south-central region, an d finally the single city of Kazallu
in the north, dangerously close to his own capital. Kaza-
llu is an "Akkadian" city in the specific sense that k does
not belong to "Sumer": its governor, with an Akkadian
name, is a governor close to the Akkadian dynasty, ap-
pointed directly by it.
It h interesting to observe the geographical awareness
that the insc ri ptions of the Old Akkadian kings reveal.
Sumer is viewed in the Rimus monument as a distinct
region, from which Kazallu is clearly perceived to be al-
together separate. The other monuments of the Akkadi-
an kings, partly preserved in the Old Babylonian copies,
afford a glimpse into the wider horizons which their ex-
pan ing geographical percepaon Wes incorporating.
While I cannot delve here into the details of these other
66 GIORGIO BUCCELLATI
Figure 3. Proposed sequence of events for Rimut' battle of Sumer (2315 B.C. )
monuments, I will conclude by referring briefly to some
aspects of this development.
The map on Fig. 4 combines two specific dimensions
of this perceptual atlas of early Mesopotamia. The very
concept of Mesopotamia takes shape at this point in
time. It is not the perception incorporated in the Arama-
ic/Greek term of "Mesopotamia" or the Arabic term of
jezira, which reflect an almost cartographic view of the
rivers as encasing an "island" in their 'middle." It is a
more concrete perception from within, as it were, ac-
cording to which the "four ri ver banks" shown with
shading in the map on Fig 4 are what we call Mesopot-
amia. 21 Thus when Sar-kali-sarri, for instance says that
2a
the "four ri ver banks revolted against him,' he indi-
at. For mo re details on this, as well as on the whole concept
of perceptual geography, see G. Buccellan, "'River Bank', 'High
Country and 'Pasture Land' The Growth of Nomadism on the
Middle Euphrates and the Klubur," in S. Eichler, M. Wäeer, D.
Warburton (eds.). Tell alHamidiyah 2, Göttingen: Vandenhoek &
Ruprecht, pp. 87-117.
as. See above, footnote 19.
cates all of Mesopotamia (not the "four quarters of the
world, which would have been an excessive hyperbole
even for this type of political literature) as a comprehen-
sive ter ri to ri al unit, of which the Sumer of Rimus is only
a part.
The perceptual dimension of the rivers is also appar-
ent in other terms which begin to appear at this time.
The collection of insc ri ptions of Naram-Sin recently
published by Foster23 presents us with military cam-
paigns to the north an d the west In the reconstruction
of the itinerary as shown on Fig. 4, Naram-Sin goes
along the Tigris to the regions "upstream,"^ 4 i.e. the
Khabur plains which are at the headwaters of the various
rivers an d streams comprising the Khabur triangle. From
there he goes to Subartu, which is the upper pan of the
Tigris basin, where the ri ver is still channeled through a
23 B. Foster, "Naram-Sin in Manes and Magan," Annual R i-
mew of tlse Roy al fnscriptionr of Mesopotamia Protect 8 (î 990), pp. 25-44-
24. Referred to by the Akkadian term abitum (Foster, op
p. 25,i 3); on this too see Buccellati, op. dt., pp. 96-98.
Through a Tablet Darkly 67
ÏXRTU
Ç
the "countries al
upstream" %
BASAR
Itinerary of
Naram-Sin.
"forehead of
the Euphrates"
the `four
river banks"
Figure 4. Geographical perception of early Mesopotamia.
of new perceptions of the geo-polipca! environ-
mountain valley. Coming southwest across the Sinjar, he fion
faces the "forehead of the Euphrates,"^ 5 i.e. the steep es- ment, and, more importantly, the establishment of major
permanent monuments to commemorate their accom-
carpment which delimits the edge of the valley trough
plishments, on a scale perhaps unknown in previous
cut by the Euphrates along its middle cou rs e. From
times. If the ravages of time came to have at sonic point
there, he went across the western steppe, away now
the upper hand on their physical permanence, their in-
from the ri ver banks, towards the r an ge of the Bishri in
tellectual survival was guaranteed by those early Meso-
the di re ction of Palmyra.
potamian Assyriologists who, like us, treasured the past
To the many innovations of the Akkadian period, so 26
as a safeguard for the future.
dynamic within the overall cultural development of an-
cient Mesopotamia, we can also add now the introduc-
25• Akkadian ana pati Purattim (foster, op. cit., p. 27, n 13)• My
interpretation "escarpment (of the z&)" fits well both the perceptual
Impression that the escarpment makes on anyhody coming from the
steppe, and with the general geographical situa ti on of the itinerary.
Thu is abo true for the occurrence of the same term in another in- fo r the pro-
2, I am grateful to my student Dana M. Rennes
scnpnon of Naram-Sin (FAOS 7. Narun-Sin CS 421) Foster's sue`
fessioosl rendenng of the figures.
won (p. 36) that the expression may refer to Sippar seems less
Plausible to me on both grounds
68 GIORGIO BUCCELLATI Through a Tablet Darkly

APPENDIX i APPENDIX I
Synopsis of Rimush Ci -i (left po rt ion) Synopsis of Rimush CI-S (right po rtion

I (Cl) I i (Cl) Iii (Cl) IV (C2) V (C3) VI (C4)

VI (C5) VIII (C5) IX (C5)
Invocation RimuS far killatim
surranima Invocation
larnaam
Enlil iddinuJuni!

Occasion Tdliaz Eumerim Rimul far killatim Rimul far killatim Rimul Jar kiliatins
ad midis 3 if'ar in iilbazim Urim u gagaflinu Kazallu en'ar in ta(lazim Occasion Rimul Jar killarim Riirnul Jar killatim
11322 glutim ulamgi4 dar in tdhaz Kazallu Adab u Zabatam iPar ina tdhazim ni Enlil
2520 eitiairn ikmi. u 8040 eilatim ulamgit. 12052 eflatitn ulamgi4 u15718c airn Umma u Der it'ar matira
5460 axis.
' ünt ikini. 5864 asir&tim ikmi, ufamgit u 8960 ellatirn ulatngit. la iddilfum.
UKaku far Urim ikmi UKaki, far Urim uAlarit4 illiakK, 14576 astrutun ikmi. 3540 osiratim [ikmi)
u ilJu^k/ri-Ju. ikm il ikmi. U Meskigalla,
U rarablunit 1."J
Udüaânilu :rabbit. iJliakAdab, Uajl ilfïak Umma
adima ti'amtim UKuuPid iladlt ULugalgalzu, if flak data
lapiltim Lugal Zabalam, ikmi. u Lugal-K4 UFtakDer
t iloni AlaniUuni en'ar aura
4100 liairrl u dlanifuni en'ar [u diianiluni u'abbit u itldniluni en'ar
in dldni Sumerim u divdniluni u'abbit U âldniluniJ u dirdnduni u'abbit
u fri um-ma u in tldniluni ulit}iam-ma u Ma dldniluni 3600
ana kardlim Wain. ula iamma anakariilim ilkun. etliaim
U dldniIuna en'ar ana kardlim ilkun.
u dioànilun6 u'abbit ul6,ciam-ma
ana karnllitn ilkun.
UUion ina ta'drifu
Kazaltu nakirma en 'as;
ina garbi mat Kn'allu
12052 gtatim ulamgi4
5862 dsiriaim £bni
UAfarid iIJiak K,
ibni u duMu u'abbir
Napluv 54014
adi migittim,
adi asirraim
adi cilia tin fat ana
karaJim ifkunni
(Jarrànu n lu
surra(mmaJ!
gamal u Aba iun•
let surratim,
la kind-mai
The !nu ràhazim fua
memorial $alamfu ibni-ma
monument ana Entil sdlimilu igif. The
memorial
Curses Sa prppam lua Mannama fum RimuS S`a tuppam lua ga fuppam lua Ssa n ippant lao
monument
ulazzakuni far kt.ffati" ulannakuni ulaaakuni, ulnnn,lami
Entil u Écimai Enlil u gamed Curses Ta pippam tua
ulazzakuig Enlil u .`amaf Entil u . amaf ufazzakum
ilidfu listuha `al ,fatant Rimuf ifidlu linutld if -uilu lissului (ifidlu li ssut^äJ
u zerfu liqutti. funda ifakkanu-ma u zerfu lilquta. u zerlu lilqutd u zerlu lilqutd. Enlil u gam&
"$almi-me" igabbiu,
ilidlu lissuCä
Enlil be'al ia/mi fua u zerfu !iqutd.
u gamaf
ifidfu Gssutud
u zerfu litq^^rd
mdra
matrif

Captiom (DNJ ilia ma(rifu.

Alar& ifEak Kazallu.
[ca. 3 missing) Captions
Be(.. J drak Umma
u.ME dlik ma(rifu
Kakis Jar Urim.

Colophon SISAL Aix 10.GAL 10-TA MUSAR GUB j NISE3 MU33 KLGAL KITA GAL KLT
BUR Lu-Damu A.A8SAR Ir 2WANA EGI
q.GAL 10-GUB 1
Colophon Mu ta
GUB3 BU
 Through a Tablet Darkly 71
70 GIORGiO BUCCELLATI

APPENDIX 2 Section IV (Conquest of Ur and Lagash, text similar to that of Section I)

Translation of Rimush CI-5
Reference to INSCRIPTION WRI 1 E TO ITS LEFT-HAND SIDE
monument
Section I Rimush, king of Kish
Invocation by god, if it isn't Enlil who bestowed kingship on him!
Section VII (Conquest of Kazallu; text similar to that of Section I)
Conquest of He won three battles of Sumer in succession
Reference to PLAQUE ON THE LOWER PEDESTAL,TO ITS RiGHT-HAND SIDE
Ur and in which he struck down 11,322 men an d bound 2,52o men in fetters.
He bound in fetters Kaku, king of Ur, and his governors. monument
Kazallu, with
body counts He forcibly seized the tribute (as due) as far south as the lower sea,
he removed 14,100 men from the cities of Sumer and slaughtered/interned(?) them, Section V (Conquest of Adab an d Zabalam, text similar to that of Section I)
then he occupied their cities an d tore down their walls.
Reference to PLAQUE ON THE LOWER PEDESTAL, TO ITS BACK SIDE
Afterwards, on his way back, monument
he occupied Kazallu which was up in arms against him,
within its temtory he struck down 12,052 men Section VI (Conquest of Umma an d Der; text similar to that of Section I)
and bound 5,862 prisoners in fetters;
Ashared, governor of Kazallu, he bound in fetters Reference to PLAQUE ON THE LOWER PEDESTAL, TO ITS LEFT SIDE
an d he tore down the city's walls. monument

The total is of 54,016 men, including those fallen in battle, Section VIII Zinuba, brother of the governor; Ashar-mubi, his vizier
those bound in fetters, an d those slaughtered/interned(?). Captions on Lugal-galzu, governor of Zabalam, Ur-Sin, his vizier
figures Lugal-KA governor of Der, GIS-SA, his grand vizier,
By g[od], if this wasn't the campaign! (?) Kitnu'1d, governor of Lagash Irbada, his general.
By Shamash and Aba I swear that these are no lies,
but that it is all true. Reference to THE PEDESTAL ON WHICH HE STANDS, THE FALLEN ONES
monument
The memorial At the time of this campaign, he set up his statue
monument an d dedicated it to Enlil, his helper. Section IX Rimush, king of Kish, to whom Enlil gave no ri val.

Curses Whoever should abrade this insc ri p ti on, Reference to INSCRIPTION ON HIS SIDE
let Enlil and Shamash tear out his genitals an d drain out his semen. monument

Reference to WRITTEN ON THE UPPER PEDESTAL, TO THE FRONT

monument

Section II Whosoever should deface the statue of Rimush

Curses and put his name on it an d say "h is my statue,"
let Enlil, the lord of this statue, an d Shamash
tear out his genitals and drain out his semen,
let them not give him any heir
let him be unable to stand in front of his god.

Reference to ON THE [FOOTSTOOL]

monument

Section ID I the god who goes in fr ont of him

Cap ti ons hared, governor of Kazallu [DN, the god who goes in fro nt of him.]
[PN, governor of Adab(?). DN, the god who goes in front of him.]
E.. ] governor of Umma. U.MES the god who goes in front of him;
Kakug, the king of Ur.

Reference to WRITTEN ON THE LOWER PEDESTAL; LU-DAHU WAS THE ENGRAVER

monument

ON MESOPOTAMIAN JAILS
AND THEIR LADY WARDEN
Miguel Civil
The Oriental Institute
This study attempts to clarify the general meaning
and some points of detail of the composition é u 4 bus an-
ki, published under the tide "Nungal in the Ekur" by
Â.W. Sjöberg in 1973. 1 It is dedicated to my colleague
W.W. Hallo who years ago devoted his a tt ention to a
lexical point — not unrelated to the present notes — of
the composition.' Most of the improvements proposed
here stem from a reexamination of Sumerian terms des-
ignating jails and capital offenses. Others are due to the
n ormal progress of Sumenan studies during the inter-
vening years between the fundamental edition of
Sjöberg's and the present time The interpretation pro-
posed here is based on the following premises: (i) é-kur
means 'prison , and so does é-és', and (2) NIR-da means
`capital offense' and, by extension, 'capital punishment'.
The justification for these statements will be found in
sections 2 and 3 respectively.
E THE NUNGAL HYMN
1. 1. The author of the Nungal text appears to have
been, in all likelihood, a sc ri be who found himself ac-
cused of a capital offense. Before his sentencing, and in
the hope of being given a jail sentence instead of being
e xecuted, he sings the praises of Nungal, the divine
Warden, of her prison, and of its rehabilitating effects.
He is not the only sc ri be known to have faced the rigors
o f incarceration Centuries later, Ribi-Dagan, an Emar
scribe, tells us that he spent his time while he was "in
chains" writing a tablet with the Sa Vocabulary. 3 What-
e ver may have been the fate of our anonymous scnbe,
his brief poem became one of the "classics" of the Nip-
pur literary cur ri culum and has been preserved in some
fifty-four tablets and fragments. The only thing which
AtO 24 (1973) t9ff.: additional material in JCS 29 ( 1 977)
ext used here is a complete revision prepared in the Oriental
the hypertext corpus of Sumerian litenry texts (file
NU.HW3). Studies on the Nungal text: T.S. Frymer, JESHO 20
(1977) 78ff.; G. Komoréxzy, .9da Antigua 23 975) 1 53ff
( 1
z. JCS 3t (1979) 161ff.
3. M. Civil, AuOr 7/1 (i9 8 9) 7.
72
can be said about the date of composition of this text is
that it already was in existence — like almost all Sumer-
ian literary productions — in the first half of the 18th
century B.C. The text abounds in literary devices, but has
no discernible poetic patterns. The disorganized s tyle
and confusing images may perhaps be attnbuted to the
straits the author found himself in at the time he corn-
posed the text.
1.2. The opening lines (1-26) describe — with the
help of rather baroque, mixed metaphors — the p ri son
itself, stressing (see 2.1) the solidity of the building and
of its doors, as well as its capabilities for the capture and
restraint of enemies and criminals. Next, the Lady in
charge is briefly introduced (27-33) and the transpo rt and
jailing of the accused is described in some detail (34 - 57)
The t ri al and the sentencing, a public affair with ai rs of a
fes ti val, and the subsequent imprisonment start with line
58 and continue until line 116; this section takes one-half
of the text length and constitutes the heart of the corn-
position. After line 62 the desc ri p ti on comes from Nun-
gal's own mouth an d is embedded in a self-praise of the
goddess, introduced with the traditional formulas. Lines
117-121 are a bnef closing doxology. To keep this article
within reasonable limits, only a transla ti on of the crucial
passages will be given here.
3. Translation
27 Nungal, its (of the p ri son) Lady, a powerful god-
dess whose aura coven heaven and earth
takes a seat on its great august dais,
she resides in the precinct of the House, she rules
the land,
3o looks at the king in the middle of the council.
She secures the 'beam" over her enemies, her vig-
ilance never ends
Great House, trap laying in wait for the enemy,
(but) giving good advice to the land.
Fearsome waves, onrush of a flood that overflows
the ri ver banks
.
On Mesopotamian Jails and Their Lady Warden
When an individual is brought in, he cannot resist
her aura.
35 The gods of the universe have to bow down to-
wards the t ri bunal.
The Lady-of-the-Great-House sits down, high on
the lapis lazuli dais.
She keeps her eyes on judgments an d decisions,
she knows true from false.
For her, they throw over the land her casting net
of cleverly woven mesh;
the evildoer who does not follow her path does
not escape its reach.
4o The gate of the great House is an angry storm, a
flood which reaches everybody,
when a man of whom his god disapproves reaches
it (the gate),
he is delivered to the august hands of Nungal, the
warden of the p ri son;
this man is held by a painful g ri p, like a wild ox
with spread forelegs.
She makes him go to the house of sorrow,
45 she blindfolds him, she walks him in darkness,
he forgets his way, is caught in a wide street.
His acquaintances do not address him, they keep
away (from him).
No powerful one knows (how to say) "open up
this door!," incanta ti ons for it are ineffective
(This door) opens over a city in ruins, its layout
destroyed
5o The men in there, like sparrows held by the talons
of the big owl,
look towards the opening like to the rising sun.
Brother counts for brother the days of misfortune,
(but) their calculations get utterly confused.
A man does not recognize his fellow men, they
have become strangers.
A man does not return the password of his fellow
men, their looks are so changed
55 The interior of the House gives rise to weeping,
laments, and c ri es.
Its b ri ck walls crush the evil ones, but give birth to
honest men.
The angry hearts spend there the days in weeping
an d laments
When the time (for the t ri al) has come, the Prison
is made up as for a pub li c fes ti val.
The gods are present at the place of interrogation,
at the River Ordeal,
6o separating the honest from the evildoer, it gives
birth to a just one.
She clamps down on her enemy, he does not es-
cape her reach.
At that moment, the Lady praises herself,
63 the powerful goddess, holy Nungal, congntulates
herself
73
75 "Pity an d compassion are mine, I put pressure on
no one.
I keep the black-headed people under my sight,
they are under su rv eillance.
I hold in my hands the tablets of life, I write down
the honest ones
No evildoer escapes my reach, I know about his
actions.
All countries look towards me, as to their own
mother-goddess.
8o I temper severe punishments, i am a compassion-
ate mother.
I cool down the angriest hearts, pouring (on them)
cool water.
I calm down the wounded hearts, I snatch men
from the jaws of destruction.
i built my House on compassion, I am a life giv-
ing lady.
Its shadow is like an oak forest growing on a clean
place,
85 Birtum, my husband, the very strong one, takes a
seat there with me
He sits down on the great august dais, gives im-
portant orders.
The spi rits of my House, the angels of beautiful
eyes, urge the men (to come).
My head superintendent, igalimma, is the "be
of my hand.
He has been promoted caretaker of my House
they urge the men (to come).
no My messenger does not forget anything, he is the
pride of the palace.
In the city named after/by Enlil, i know true from
false.
Ninharrana brings the news, they are put before
me.
My chief barber se ts my litter in the awesome
House
Nezilla organizes the joyous occasion.
95 When the individual has been brought to the
House, the man is accused ofa capital offense;
My chief prosecutor, Ninmug, extends his arm (in
accusation).
The man receives the death se nte nce, (but) he is
not executed.
This man (instead) is snatched from the jaws of de-
struction ,
.
brought into my "House of Life" (and) kept under
too No one wears clean clothes in my dusty House.
My House falls like some drunkard, upon the
man.
He is listening for snakes and scorpions
of the House
My House gives birth to a dust
the liar.

MiGUEL CIVIL
74
I filled its b ri ck walk, (which are like?) a womb,
with tears, (but) I (also) built it with compas-
sion.
loy i soothe this man's heart, i cool him down.
Once I have appeased for him his god's heart,
burnished (this man) like precious metal, made
him shine from among the dust,
washed out the dirt, like the best metal applied to
a holy body,
I retum him to the good hands of his god,
110 so that this man 's god be praised forever,
so that this m an may prise me (and) tell about my
greatness."
1.4. Commentary'
"Beam ' translates &drab, Akk. rappu, a literary
term refemng to some kind of restraining device used to
control or curb (iu-n = lâ{u A). Since GIS.RAB GAL, and
possibly GIS.RAB, have a reading /guiur/ (like gist-ùr)
one can imagine some so rt of heavy log or pole that im-
mobilized the miscreants attached to it.
32 The transition from the trap metaphor to na-de s
is somewhat surprising. This term has three meanings•
(t) 'to purify' (e1ûIu), (a) 'to advise' (aiani), an d (3) `to fell
trees' (magctu, or the like). The second meaning seems
to be indicated here: the danger of being caught by the
trap makes people alert to their ways.
34. The accused man is also called sag in line 95.
35. 'Have to' renders the verbal infix styG^tieal-
ly associated with some verbs, one of them gam/gûr.
38. Because of the infix -na-, one has to assume ei-
ther an indeterminate 3rd person agent or that -na- can
have a reflexive meaning when it refers to the agent ('for
herself')
43 , ssu-si-d re mains obscure but it must describe
way of immobilizing the forelegs(?) of a wild ani-
perhaps 'forcibly spread ?
The second pa rt is ambiguous; the varian t sâ-sù-
es a transla ti on 'walks hungry', while sa-sig-ga
probably means 'walks (as) in a dark, narrow place'. Ref-
erences for in TCS 3 7of.
46. The second clause must mean that, blindfolded,
he geu lost even in a broad street; the precise translation
of Ku/dab s is not clear.
48. The translation takes nig-gig 'sick' in the sense
of 'weak'. .
49. if one could open the door one would see inside
only ruins; strange image. comparing
the insides of the
jail to an outside landscape.
59. It is not clear whether the t ri al is metaphorically
compared to a River Ordeal, or an ordeal effectively
takes place.
75 Here u1 4 = unuhu, as recognized by Sjöberg;
however, I prefer the meaning 'to harass, to put pressure
on', derived from to hurry' (trans.), in agreement with
the regular meaning of arabu A. The parallelism with hu-
lub does not contradict this nu an ce. Here because of the
presence of -d-, perhaps one should translate "I do not
need to hurry anyone. ' See also line 87.
84. This is an example of the equative construc ti ons
which have the postposi ti on after the subject/agent rath-
er than after the predicate. Here the implication seems to
be that the t ri al takes place outdoors, next to the prison,
in a pleasantly shaded spot. All this, furthermore, is next
to the royal palace (line 95), an d speaks for jails being an
annex of the palace, rather than of a temple.
9o. Seven or eight messengers (kin-gi r a, instead of
ra-gaba) of Nungal are listed in An = anum (CT 25
4:15ff.; CT 24 35:22ff.), all with names of instruments of
restraint or torture; the last is 'sleeplessness' (dù-nu-ku).
91. Is this a way to men ti on Nippur?
92. it is doubtful that Nin-bar-ra-an-na, the
maskim sag of Nungal, should be identified with Pabil-
sag (var. of CT 24 47:32, against CT 25 4:9); I think that
ML is just a mistake for DU-srae.fieig.
94• dNE-zi-il-la is the herald (nimgir) of Nungal in
CT 25 4 23, where the name is written dein en-rziP-lâl
-
(tablet, or copy?, PA). There is a deity dNE-zil-15 in an as-
trological context in 5R 46 9, most likely the same. The
alternation NE : en recommends the reading en-zi-il. A
single source (K) has nig-kal(?) something difficult/pre-
cious' before s"à otherwise the object of si-sa has to be
,
s"à-bù1-ia, referring to the t ri al (called `festival' in line 58).
96 Nin-dimgul, `Lady/Lord-Mooring-Pole', is the
sukkal of Nungal in An = anum (CT 25 4:8). The duties
of the gal s -li, an officer of the cou rt , are unknown, but
he had an odious reputation - like the masicim - as
shown, e.g., by the manna an d Dumuzi literature. 'Pros-
ecutor' is a provisional transla ti on that seems to fit the
context and the reputation of the office. The term is
common until Ur III times, when it becomes quite rare.
It may very well be identical to Akk. kalla, 'messenger'
or the like. The term is unknown in OB (except Ma ri )
and attested from MB on
97. This is a crucial line for the interpretation of
Nit-da; see section 2. The expression ka NIR-da should
mean 'death sentence'; cf tidi ina pi lerti pans babâla "you
know how to pardon in case of a death sentence" (Lam-
bert, AID 19 [ 1 959/6o] 56:13, 15).
104. The third sign of the line is presented only in
source I, where it is unmistakably GAxSAL, not itima
(GAxM9); see photo in MO 24 ( 1
973) 21 .
109. Stock phrase to indicate, in incantations, the fu ll
recovery of physical or "moral" health; for parallels, see
A. Falkenstein Haupttypen 65.
On Mesopotamian Jails and Their Lady Warden 75
2. ON SOME SUMERIAN TERMS FOR JAIL 2.3. en-nu-un (and va riants)
2.1. é-kur The use of this word to designate 'imprisonment' is
It is generally assumed that the é-kur mentioned in well-known in Ur III and Sargonic texts. Already Th
Fish, JRAS ( 1 939) 29ff., collected sufficient passages
the Nungal hymn is the Ekur temple of Enlil in Nippur.
proving this meaning. More recent studies, however,
The tide of Sjöberg's edition (Nungal in the Ekur [em-
e.g., J.-P. Grégoire, AAS (197o) 33ff., seem reluctant to
phasis mine]) and statements by commentators of the
accept this meaning. The word en-nu-un has three se-
text, such as "the Ekur complex in Nippur sewed such
mantically related meanings: (i) `watch, guard'; (2)
a function [sc. of pnson]", or "das Ekur [of the text] ist
' watch' (as a division of night time); an d (3) 'imprison-
das Heiligtum Enlils in Nippur,' 5 leave no doubt about
ment' and, when designating a place, `prison'. An exam-
it. Frymer, noticing the pnson function, assumed thus
ination of the administrative texts where this word
that there was a jail in the Ekur. Already Sjöberg (p. 24)
appears shows that although meaning i is known in Ur
sensed the existence of the problem, without directly ad-
III texts, meaning 3 is more frequent. Whenever en-nu-
dressing it. One can prove I believe, that this é-kur has
un is used in the locative with the verbs ti-(I) or tai, or
nothing in common, besides homonymy, with Enlil's
the subject is qualified of lù-dab s -ba, an d in most in-
sanctuary.
stances of the construction s"à en-nu-un-ga-(me), the
There is, in the first place, the equation é-kur-ra =
meaning is undoubtedly 'detention' or jail . Often, the
stbittu 'prison'. 6 It is found in a late prayer, but there is
reason for the imprisonment is given: theft (NATN 32),
no serious reason to doubt its correctness. An examina-
desertion (TENS 259, TJAMC pl. 57 [OS 40]), or the
tion of the description of the e-kur in the Nungal text
duration of the detention is specified (from 7 to 450 days
(lines 1-26) shows that it is radically different from any
are attested) There are inst an ces of "forced labor at
desc ripti on of Enlil's Ekur (e.g., Temple Hymns 25-38,
times when there is a pressing need for manpower har-
or the text é gal kur-ra-àm gal [Kramer RSO 32 (19S7)
vest (TENS 419) an d flood season (TENS 196:5ff., STA
95ff]). There is no men ti on of Enlil or Ninlil nor of any
2 iv 3o0. 9
known architectural pa rt of the Ekur, or of the religious
2.4. There are other terms which, one way or another,
role of Enlil's sanctuary. 7 The epitheta and explanatory
mean `prison', or are desc ri ptive epitheta of 'prison'.
terms that accompany é-kur, such as é-éi, en-nu-un, é
They will not be discussed here, but note in the Nungal
Nit-da (see below), point to something quite different io
text: é NiR-da a a-sir-ra, e-gas-la, etc.
from the great sanctuary. The main motifs of the de-
scription are: (a) capture and restrain (traps, nets); (b) so-
3. NiR-DA 'CAPITAL OFFENSE'
lidity of doors and locks; (c) darkness and terror; and (d)
separation of good and evil Finally, in the two passages 3.1. Form and etymology
where é-kur is found in the Nungal text (lines 2 and I i5)
The origin of the word NiR-da is not clear. The
it is explained by é-ég, a term for prison (see 2.2). A
Emesal form is ie-er-da or ièr-da in Post-OB texts (see
meaning 'prison' for é-kur is thus the most natural in the
3.2.4 for references). The Akkadian transla ti on is consis-
Nungal text.
tently tins. Assuming that NIR-da is an early loanword
from .•tu, one would expect a main dialect form ier I-
2.2. é-H
da, thus identical with the Emesal one. The writings
This term appears also in Nungal, line 2, but was with k-er- and ièr- would be in this case a kind of hy-
omitted in Sjöberg's critical text, despite being - with percorrection. However, there is no proof for a main di-
a single excep ti on - in all manuscripts. It reappears in alect S other than the assumption of a loanword. The
line 115. In both inst an ces it follows é-kur, as an epithe-
presumed existence of an Akkadian nerda, loanword
ton P Steinkeller has in press an article proving that é- from Sum. *nee-da, hardly proves anything since this
éi means 'jail', based on UruKAgina 4 xi 20-29 = 5 xii word should, in my opinion, be eliminated from the die-
13-22 and on several Pre-Sargonic an d Sargonic passag- tionaries: it is nothing but the logogram NIR..DA with an
8
extra A (compare the writing in [3 6]). More appropriate
would be to assume that *ntr-da comes from Akk. rEmu.
But this would require a semantic shift from murder, as
5. T.S. Frymer, JESHO 20 ( 1 977) 7 8 and G. Koinoeétzy,
Acta Antiqua 23 ( 1 975) 159, respectively. a crime, to legal execution Furthermore there is no basis
6. S.M. Maul Herzbenshigungsklagon no. 57 r. 6, with com-
ments p. 266; Maul considers the term a designation for the Nether-
world. 9. The tontbuiorn accepted here
are given in detail in a recent term
7. The mention of Enlil as name-giver, or namesake, of the gratefully aoknowwkalg+ed here.
"town" (line 91) does not refer in any way to the é-kur = jail.
to. See, for insane, W.W. Hallo's note on é gu-b. `big home '
8. Steinkel er kindly communicated to me proofs of his arti- 16tß A orararu which
colloquial trim for prison
cle; since his conclusions are identical to, but better supported than
mine there is here neither need nor space to repeat hu arguments.
Gktrau nsncnces .. .
- is é- rus -ra.
See also B. Alster and C.B.F. Walker in Sjöberg Vol. 9f.
 MIGUEL CIVIL
76
in the lexical tradition for this hypothesis. Note, howev-
er, that such shifts are known in the earliest lexical
texts.'` The meaning 'capital offense' has thus to be in-
ferred from contextual evidence.
Follow the main passages with this word, with the
translations suggested by the new proposed meaning.
Pre-Ur III
gig-3tt mu-due gis-gir mu-zi û-gur 5 mu-gar inim-
dug4 -ga bi-gi 4 MR-da c-ba im-ma-an-gi 4 '(Gudea)
opened manacles, removed fetters, established . , legal
complaints were rejected; he locked up (the ones guilty
of) capital offenses' (instead of executing them) Gudea
Cyl. A xi' 24ff. ts
3.2.2. Ur Ill
[2.1] u 4 ba-zàb-dè -na -gi NIR -da bé-a bi-in-dug4 "he
declared: '11 I were to desert (again), let it be a capital of-
fense"' (BE 3 1:5f (guarantee document)).
[2.2] tukum-b1 nu -3g NIR -da lugal-a -mu in- na -dug4
"he declared to him: 'if I do not pay back, it will be my
capital offense against the king' (NATN 366:3ff.).
u4 kin-a -na a-ba -na-da NIR be-a "If he aban-
]
dons (da = tak 4) his duties it will be a capital offense"
,
(YOS 4 14:3ff.).
tukum-bi di bi-in-dug4 mit-da i-me-a 'if the
(2.4]
case goes to cou rt , it will be a capital offense" (JCS 12
io6 = WMAH iff.).
ed.. &Iinguirmo a Ebk 86ff.
(polite) 'to slaughter' in
ry (MEE 4 295:852), with a loanword from Semitic
A proposed ne-ra-ak to murder' (Or 54 [19851
a8 n' 9') is aI1 l ikelihood wrong. Rare occurrences of this teen in
Ur 111 docunwnta suggest that tic-n-(as')-4k is simply a variant writ-
ing of nam-ra-(tai) ale. Compare, for instance, 3o genii ..•
tie-n-a3-
ak hu-hu-nu-ri le` igriu Router 15 r:18fi. (= JAOS 33 11912] 300)),
and 1 lo xa gi si -dug4 gemé ne -n-ale -ne (Charpin and Durand
Stras -
bowrg 52: t IT). with occurrences of nam-n-ale followed by a toponym
(e.g. , TrD 86.15, TCL a 54 8 5. 55454. etc), and with 3à-grtl
gercé
rum-ra-ale (Nikolski 2329 iv 6) or gercé nam-n-ak-me (TUT 159 v
7". . respectively. In any case, the Ur III p as
sages exclude a meaning
to kill'.
1a. The is rsasonably clear within a context of amnesty
(to provide manpower for the building of the temple) and suspension
ofJudicial activities, 1 assume that in gii gir the second sign sands for
gir 'foot'. A translation "he pulled out the camel thorn" does not fit
the context. except perhaps in
fer r see here a scnbal a metaphonc, unparalleled way. 1 pre-
' n * de signet. ' The scribe then would have
ucd in the nme vein with the puzzling ii-gur. A translation
_a the
s" (S1dberg TOE 3. 1 33) n grammatically and con-
bk. Perhaps one could read bu, -gtrr artd
aniline
rate solution, but n-
pare sig-erim e
St. B vii 36)• Th e meaning of
he suspended capital punish-
[2.5] PN i dam-gir-ra dumu PN 2 PN3 in-ni-Rl-a-sè
ba-bul NIR-da-as 'PN 3 had caused harm to the mer-
chan t PN I , son of PN 2 , by (or: 'up to') ... (enough) to
(constitute) a capital offense ' (MVN 3 342).
[2.6] PN sabra-ni ensi-ke 4 NIR-da-bi ba-mu-gâ-gà
in na-an-dug4 'PN said to his temple administrator: let
the governor establish (whether there has been) a capital
offense in this matter' (Gomi & Sato, Selected Neo-Sum-
erian Texts from the British Museum 373; a slave had been
discovered with stolen meat (uzu zub-a) from two sheep
of his master and there had been no compensation for
the stolen sheep (zi-is-da udu zub-a-sè in-na)).^ 3
[2.7] tukum-bi ad-da-ni in-gu 7(?) NIR-da nu-ub-
tuku tukum-bi egirx(MUR7) ab-ba-na-ta-àm PN-e sag
kur6-ra ba-ra-an-tak4 PN NIR-da-àm "if his father con-
sumes it (a share of grain crops), he will not be guilty of
a capital offense. But if PN, after his father s (death),
takes away the best pa rt of the share, (for) PN it will be
a capital offense" (Falkenstein NSG no. 215:9ff. [TCL 5
6048]).
[2.8] 12 iku sag GAN-gud-ka engar PN-ke 4 in-uru 4-
a PN sanga ba-an-su-a `x'' 4 -ba NIR-da in-ni-gar-ra [se]-
bi é-gal ba-an-ku 4-ra "12 iku, at the narrow end(?) of an
oxen-field', farmer(s) of PN had plowed an d seeded,
this (part of the field) has been returned to (or by(?)) PN,
the temple administrator; a capital offense was estab-
lished for/in its ... (?), the [grain] went to the palace"
(Falkenstein NSG no 213 If . [ITT 2/1 924]) This ob-
scure passage is a sworn declaration by the temple ad-
ministrator himself; there was, it seems, a prohibition,
under death penal ty , on some form of cultivation of a
part of a field* it resulted in the confiscation of the crops
by the palace But nothing is said about the guilty party
and his fate.
[2 9] NIR-da-dba-u-ib-gu-ul (Jacobsen CTNMC 54 i
29) is not, I believe, a personal name the NIR-da pa rt is
probably a scribal notation an d not pa rt of the name,
leaving an otherwise well-known dba-u-113-gu-ul as the
onomastic pa rt . Thus NIR-da is here a nota ti on similar to
BAD, tu-(ra), or Lib, before a personal name.
3.2 3. OB literary texts
[3. 1 ] d nun-g[al ]15
dnun gal kill-la-a[t ...] r[i-. ]
é NER-d[a ...]
bi 't sie-er-ti-i[m ] t[i- ]
-
...
...
13. The editors have copied UZU but read subur, For zi-ß-da,
see P. Steinkeler's note in RA 74 ( 1 98o) 178f. now to be slightly
modified Th e rest of the document deals with the governor's request
for the master to produce a related document.
14, Falkenstein restores [An, possible but not certain.
1 5• The first sign, here and in line z', looks like MAS, but it
must be a simplified AN; most
texts of this group write AN with two
consecutive honzontah (like the late form of the sign) rather that in
the older star-shaped form.
On Mesopotamian Jails and Their Lady Warden
giitukul erim
kà-kà-am a-lei 'l [...] i[m-...]
za-ra mu-ra-a[n-...]
a-leas-a sri im i di-`x' [...]
"Nungal [...] all of the [..,], the 'house of capital
offense' [...], weapon that devours the evil one
to you .. [..]" (AO 4332 ii zfF [NFT 212]).
This passage appears to be an early OB text addressed to
Nungal.
[3.2] 269. NIR-da i-gà-gâ zi n[u-m]u-ra-ab-sum-mu
27o. um-nu sag-bur-ra mas-mas-e unkin(?)-né
inim(?)-ma-ni mu-ni in-sig -
271. saga-a-ni gû idburanun-na-ka i-ni-in-sub
"She established that it was a capital offense (of
the diviner), `I am not pardoning your life' (she
said) The old lady Sagburra . . her decision,
about the diviner, in the assembly(?). She threw
her prisoner from the banks of the Euphrates
(and he drowned)" (Enmerkar and Ensuh-
kesdanna 269ff) 16
Note that once the offense is established, there is a pos-
sibility of pardon but a swift execution is equally possi-
ble.
[3.3] NIR-da mu-dub su mu-un-sig-sig "I strike
against (the ones guilty of) capital offenses, the flesh
trembles" (Ur-Namma C 32 [ZA 53 ( 1 959) 118])• The
context describes other judicial activities.
[3.4] NIR-da KA-ni DU-DU-gâ (Sulgi B 228); obscure
context, the assembly (pu-6b-ru-um) is mentioned in
the preceding lines ^ 7
[3 5] NIR-da gu-la-ni su-ni-ta ù-mu-e-ni-in-gar (In-
ninsagurra 8o [ZA 65 (1975) 184, revised]) "when she
(manna) has charged her (the rejected woman) with the
greatest mortal sin against her (manna), in her (the worn-
an's) flesh. s' 8 The passage describes the fate of the worn-
an who has been rejected by manna ("she treats most
harshly the woman she rejects," line 76). The punish-
ment is described in lines 81-82: "she makes her perform
an act of submission, calls her 'vilest' (a term for 'eu-
nuch'), cuts her with the tip (of a dagger), and, as if she
were a man, delivers a weapon to her heart" ( an allusion
16. See A Berlin, Enmerkar and Ensuhkefdanna p. 58; text col-
lated and revised. The second verbal form is restored from R: `nu -
n-ab-sum-mu, X. -m]u-ra-ab-sum-mu. 1 do not know how to
t ra nslate line 270: source R has at the end K[A]-`ni? x? -'sub. The sign
LÛxGAN-ten17, not LOxBAD, is certain at the beginning of 271.
Line 227 seems to read: zub-a X gin 7 unft-ba dar-n-ba
17.
"when a thief has tunneled like a .. into the dining hall"(?)
18. The possessive after NIR-da gu-la refers in this case to the
person against whom the fault has been committed, as shown by the
parallel line 25of NIR-da gu-la-zu su-mu/gi ba-e zu-zu a-nu nïg-
gig-ga igi ma-lib la-n-ab si-il-ta-Am 'I recognize in my flesh a great
moral sin against you; sad laments keep me awake, with splitting
sharp pains."
to the self-inflicted punishments of manna's male devo-
tees) .
[3.6] nam-tag-ga du e -ù tu-lu-bi mu-e-zu NIR-da-a
sag gis nu-ub-ra-ra-an "I release from punishment, I
know how to temper it, I do not kill the one (guilty) of
a capital offense" (Enlilbani A 8 i ff)
[3.7] lugal mu-zu lui-e-es pà-dè-dè sag im-ma-ab-
sum-mu-a lu NIR-da did-16-ru-g6 kalam-ma gait lei us
bal-bal-e-ba ni la ba da ab to ga e a nam-tag dugud-ta
nu-e, -dè e-ne-ra it The king who rushes to falsely
swear m your name, who is not afraid of the place of ex-
ecution, of the River of Ordeal of the l an d, of the defeat
where blood is shed, he does not escape heavy punish-
ment, it is imposed on him" (OECT 5 8:75ff. (complet-
ed by UM 29-13-704), see ibid. p. 23 (Iddin-Dagan war
-song)).
[3.8] NIR-da uru-za-ka im-"sub-bé dingir bus-ni NE
[...]-na-ak (Lugale 598, composite text, with the Akka-
dian translation partly preserved: ana semi a[li ...]; ob-
scure context).
[3.9] anse 16 a-ga-dèki 2-1m u-gu ba-an-dé al-du u 4
za-ba-al-ak-e ul-tus NIR-da-àm "Two Akkadians have
lost an ass, one walks and gets lost (too), the other sits
down and becomes (guilty of) a capital c ri me" (Proverb
Coll 2.82) This proverb is obviously based on a word-
play between ù-gu-dé = bialaqu an d (za)-ba-al-ak' 9 ; the
gist of the proverb is that there are situations where no
matter what one does the consequences are bad.
3.2.4. Post-OB
The occurrences of NIR-da, after OB, are in peniten-
tial prayers; see CAD S/2 324, an d S.M Maul Herzberu-
higungsklagen 446 sub se - er-da, sèr-da. (NIR-da does not
appear in this corpus). They will not be discussed here.
3.3. Meaning
For purposes of exegesis of the Nungal text, it is suf-
ficient to prove that the semantic field of NIR-da in-
cludes the meaning 'capital c ri me', i.e., punishable by
death. The assertion, in Nungal 97 and in [3 6], that the
man who is guilty of NIR-da thanks to a compassionate
deity or ruler, sometimes was not executed, shows that
NIR-da implied, if not always at least in some cases, pun-
ishment by death The same conclusion can be inferred
once by I^lâqu:
t9. The term u4 za-ba-al-(ak) itself is
tw-Zra-la-oq
"you make evil disappear" (VAS
nig-erim u 4 - za-ba-al-ale
1738:32). In Proto-lzi 1 383, one ms, has u 4 - za [3a a[l-(ak')] between
entries designating pits and holes in the ground, and graves. Other-
mu-e-zalag-ge si nu-s5 u c za-hal-
wise, it is found in. [si]-si ku-ssg, 7
ak-e (var. u 4 za-h(a-al) "you make shine like gold what is just, make
what is unjust disappear" (EnWbani A 75ff [ZA 59 ( 1 96 9) 78D. us
za-ha-al-ale-ba gur-ru bi si maab-[dug 4 ?] "the return of what had
disappeared has .. me' (TRS 57:144 text uncertain, very poorly
it
t). The morphology of this word is uncertain
written school tab le
rs found in parallel with finite verbal forms, but the term itself is not
inflected.
 MIGUEL CIViL
78
from (3 2], since the guilty party could be pardoned, lit.
"given life" (zi-sum). While there is no direct proof that
all NIR-da offenses were punishable by death, it is clear
that the crimes punished by execution were classified as
NIR-da. Pertinent questions such as what crimes could
belong to these two categories, to what extent the legal
terminology fits the penal practice, who can impose the
death penal ty , to what extent the term applies to theo-
logical capital sins, to what extent it is used metaphori-
cally, etc. deserve a study that cannot be pursued here.
Suffice it to say that a comparison of the NIR-da c rimes
with the crimes for which the death penal ty is explicitly
mentioned in Ur III times corroborates the proposed
meaning of NIR-da. 2O
2o. Leaving aside the instances of gaz in the law codes, (Or so
0981) 87@:), the court record RA 71 (1n) 125ff. (see also M Roth
and R. Zeder MO 31 [1984) or) uses gaz-de ba-sum "was given the
death sent ence," li t. "was delivered to be executed' (lines 6 25). The
pardon is expressed by lugal-e in-na-ti "the king gave him life ' (line
8), compa re ri-sum above [3.2]. En a standard type of sworn (Iecla-
ration about the use of irrigation waten without government pemnis-
sion (ITT 3 48 47. 5395. MVN to 152), the farmer states that his
failure to comply will result in his own execution: I-gaz-46)1n-dug s;
compare nir-da bé-a bi-dugg y and variants, above [2.1-2]. A contract
(Finkelstein Mem. Vol. 1591f) has the clause tukim nu-na-Sg gaz-da
"if he does not repay (the grain), he has to be executed"; the objec-
tions of S. Lieberman JCS 3o (r978) 91ff. are unconvincing (note,
among other points, that in Ur EII texts to break/annul a tablet is zi-
not gaz). A Sargonic text (MCS 9(1964] 252) reads a-ga-dè i lugal-
lit na-bi-gaz-e "there is a king in Agade, you cannot execute an
Agade citizen," which I take to indicate a conflict of jurisdiction:
only the king can impose the death penal ty upon his subjects. It h not
within the power of the addressee of the letter. This interpretation
differ somewhat from the ones proposed before, see M Lambert
RSO 49 ( 1 975) 163, B. Foster Iraq 39 (1977) 41, C. Wikke JCS 29
(1977) 185f., with the rejoinder of Foster RA 73 ( 1 979) 1 79 Since
some cases of negligence can be a ca pital offense, it may be worth
quoting here the puzzling text NRVN 6: PN engar en-nu-ta é di-
dam! tukum-ba I g3-la dag-ga im -ma-gub e lei mu-Kum-mu-a "PN,
a farmer. has to go home from jail; if he (again) performs (his) duties
with negligence. he will be immured in the house." I propose this
vanibdora with the utmost c au tion; against it is the existence ofa PN
é- lei (a farmer in TMH NF r 142 r. s') and the questionable -dam
(Waetzokk's collations in OEM t4 [ 1 975] 310 have no remark at this
point) In any case, I am reluctant to follow the proposal of H. Sauren
to translate é b nin(?) "(amen seine) Sdnrester can freigelassen)"
and
then inserting <iu-dui-a> (ZA 6o [ 1 97o] 78; see alto C. Wikke
ZA
68 [1978]) 21
4. WHY A LADY WARDEN'
Leaving without comment many other interesting
points of the text, one question at least deserves an an-
swer. Why the Warden of Mesopotamian jails is a wom-
an, an d not a strong man capable of keeping the inmates
under control? From the perspective of the author of the
text, a prison sentence is a compassionate alternative to
the death penal ty , and compassion in Mesopotamia is
mainly a female attribute. Nungal herself is described as
compassionate in several passages. But there is more.
The metaphors of the text insist on the darkness of the
jail an d on its solid enclosure. The prison's gate is a
source of light All this points to the underlying meta-
phor of the jail as a womb from which a new, rehabili-
tated m an will after expiating his cnme, emerge to the
light of day The text itself explicitly says that the jail
`gives birth" (ù-tm) to an honest just man (lines 56, 60
103). If it has been correctly understood above, line 104
may even directly equate the solid b ri ck walls of the jail
with the womb. The metaphor has a lexical foundation
which ties together the aspects of compassion and re-
birth the term for 'womb' and the term for 'compassion'
are identical both in Sumerian and in Akkadian. 2 '
21. arhul, urx = rimu; see E. Dhorme L'emploi métapho ri que des
pallia du corps en hébwu et en acadien (1923) pp. 34f Other Semitic
1 tion of Old Sumerian names an d terms. 3 Both YOS 1 I I
parallels in H. Nokia Kt tog I want to thank Dr. Jenai H. Wu for a
productive discussion of the literary images of the text.
TWO VERSIONS OF A FARA-PERIOD NAME-LIST
Mark E. Cohen
Potomac, Maryland
The organization of personal names into standardized
tur, ku-li-tur, a-zal-le (YOS I I I vi 5-7, Text A ii 19-
lists is well-attested from the Old Babylonian period and 2I, Text B 20-21). 4
with the publication of BM 86271 by W.G. Lambe rt , An interesting aspect of these prisms is the inclusion
this type of scribal endeavor can be traced back to the of pronunciation glosses for the signs ENxG I (aura enki_
Sargonic period.' Wi lliam W. Hallo, among whose in- ENx[G]IP-re-si [A iii 16]); mim (mimmim-ni [B Ii 17]);
terests is the study of prosopography, drew my a tt ention [(AN)].MUSit- IPTIN.[TIR] BALAG (A ii 29); and urn s (a-
many years ago to two prisms in the Yale tablet collec- Ia-uru 5 um [B vii 19]). Interesting va rian ts include [id-
tions catalogued as name-lists. Subsequent investigation fib (B ii 13) for [se]s-ib (A ii 13) and the variants mès-lul-
revealed not only did the names in these prisms derive LAL+NI (A iü 19) an d mès-LO/LO (B Iv 2I). A rather cu-
from the Fara period, but the two prisms contained ver- rious variant is iitax(SILA 3 )-ba (B vi 23) for DU-ba-da-ba
sions of the same list. (A iv 29).
YBC 2124 (Text A) is a partially preserved nine-sided We cannot discern any particular logic for the overall
pri sm, measuring 2 cm. high with an average of 5 cune- ordering of the name-list contained in the two prisms
iform lines per cm. 2 NBC 11202 (= 5NT ?5) (Text B) However, there is the grouping of small numbers of
is a five-sided prism measuring 17.5 cm. high. Despite names on the basis ofsiurilar signs (men in B i 20-22; mès
the contents reflecting names from the Fara period, the in A iii 18 20 = B iv 20-23; sag in A iii 28-3o; dul 9 in A
two prisms were copied at a later date, probably during iv 9-Io; lugal in A iv II-13; e in A v 27-31; abzu in B
the Sargonic or early Ur III period. Text A appears to be viii 19-21) an d similar concepts ("water" in A ii 21-22 =
the less corrupted form of the o riginal version of the Fara B n 21-22 an d B v ia 17-21).
name-list, for Text B has divided the names sei-ib-ul-tu
(A ii 13) and ses-ib-dim-gal-an-na (A iv 24) each into Text A: Text B:
two separate entries: [ses-i]b / [(x)]-ùn-du 10 (B Ii 13-14)
YBC 2124 NBC 11202 = 5NT 75
and ies-ib-dim-gal / na-na (B vi 17-18). Also Text B has
omitted the name nim-tur (A ii 19), which was probably (col i destroyed) i (break of 14 lines)
on the onginal list (see below). 15. [(x)] x x
The Fara period name-list upon which our two 16. KA-kés
prisms are based may have been known to the compiler 17. URUxA-URUxA
of YOS I it, a seven-column Sargonic period compila- 18. en- kalam -du 10
19. en-ezem -kalam
and our two prisms contain the sequence of names nim- 20. men-du 10
21. men-an
t.
22. men-ki
W.G. Lambert, "An Old Akkadian List of Sumerian Per-
sonal Names, ' A Saent Humanist, Studies in Memory of Abraham 23. PAP.USUM DU
Sacks, Philadelphia, 1988, pp. 251f., wherein footnote 5 contains a list
of references to Old Bahylonian name-lists. ii (break of I t lines) (break (ill lines)
2. For 'microscopic" cuneiform cf S.N. Kramer, "A Sume- 12. [x]-Su-min-kaur I2. [...]
rian Document with Microscopic Cuneiform," Expedition 1/3 ( 1 959)
pp. 2-3, a Louvre tablet of erfemma-hymns, the largest fragment of
which measures approximately I x r inch and contains 16 lines per 4. Another group of Old S terns pub-
inch. lished in WVDOG 43 has been treated 47 ( 1 953)
3. Pa rt of this list has been commented upon by J.J.A. van pp. 84-86. Although several of the names on o cur in
Dijk, UVB 16 pp. 58-59, who notes "Dieses Penner, das palogra- these lists, there is no indication that the compiler(
phlsch wohl in die AnSnge der Akkadzeit gehört ..." texts were aware of the Fan name-list on which our
79
 MARK E. COHEN Two Versions of a Fara-Penod Name-list 8i
8o

Text A: Text B: Text A: Text B: Text B:

Text A: Text B:
14. en-lù-nu-zàb 16. en-lit-nu-zit). 28. dar-da 22. dar-da 19. ga-na-mud
1 3. [se]s-lb-W -tu 13. Reg-i]b
15. s"ul-la 17. sul:AN:la 29. DU-ba-da -ba sitax(SILA 3) -ba 2o. uriki-ki-du 10
14. [(x)] un du 1O
23.

I 6. ama-enki-ENx [G] I gi 18. ama-ki-ENxGi-ra 3o. turs-turs-a Vli I. 21. kuark-ki-du 1O

15. KID? -KID?
[...]

14. [GADA+KI]D 3 I . IGI -IàI -LU 2. [..]

-re-si
-GADA+KID
17. en-ki-dagal 19. en-ki-dagal 32. [...] -li 3• [•••]
15. [giz]zu 16. gizzu
16. [x]-nu ro^ 17. mimrnlm-ni 18. mès-KA-du 1 o-ga 20. mès-KA-dù
mès-LLJ/LLJ
33- 1•••] 4. [..] NOTES5
17. [x -ur-ra 18. ur-ùr 19. mès-lul-LAL+rNP 21. 34. [ •] 5- [...]

19. é?-ul -kalam 22. mès-fir -ba 35. [.••] 6. [•••] B i 17 URUxA-URUxA - The personal name URUxA is
18. [é• -ûr-k
20. mès-ul-tu 23. mès-ul-tu 36 . [...] 7• [•••] attested among the scribal names listed in Biggs, Abu Sal-
19. [n]im-tur
20. [ku]- li -tur 20. ku - li-tur 21. lù-làl V I. E..] 37. [•• .] 8. [•••] abikh pp. 34-35 and in the name list YOS I II iv 9. For
21. a zal-le 22. LUGUD 2 -da 2. [...] 38. [...] 9. [...] the reading of the sign as /uru/ note MSL 2 73 54 0: u4-
21. [a- zal]-le
22.a-mir-sir 23. me-mm-né-si 3. [..-1 V I. [ . .] Io. [•J ru / URUx[A) (restored on the basis of Ni.1o278 7); A.
22. [x-x]-surb
23. (ù]r-[xJ-ni 23 ùr-ru 12 -ni 24. gi-en8-bar-tur 4. E...) 2. [. .] II. [•••] Falkenstein ZA 52 (1957) 70 n. z; E. Sollberger, ZA 54
24. sul é? [N]E? [ J 25. ganam-da-mud 5. [. ..) 3. L...] I2. [...] (1961) p. 9 with references; A. w. SJöberg, TCS 3 64
25. [(x)] mes -1ab 2 [ J 26. a-nun-en-da 6. [...] 4.E..] 13.

1•••1 and 140. For the reading /rid see I.J. Gelb, MAD 2 p.
26. lu[gal]-Iù 3. [...] 27. URUxA-gal 7. E...] 5• [...] 14. [•••] 73 no 243 B i 18 en-kalam-du10 - For this name at
27.x-bùl 4. 1•••] -unkin-e-si 6. [ .. ] 15.PIR G? [...] Fara see Pomponio Prosopografta, pp. 98-99. Similar
28. [nin] -gis- s. [...] 28. sag-mès-ul-tu 8. [ ..] 7. E...] 16. ganam-da-[mud] names are a-kalam-du 1O (Biggs Abu Salabikh, scribal
29. [(AN)].MUS 1r- b' 6. [...] 29. sag-SlM 9•[ .1 8. a-[...J 17. a-da[lla- ..] names pp. 34-35); nin-kalam-du 1O and unkin-kalam-
TIN [T1R].BALAG 3o. sag-BIZ-BIZ Io. [ ..] 9. PIRIG [...] 18. PIRIG-x-x du lo (Biggs Abu Salabikh, names an d professions list);
7. [. ..] 31. [. .] II. [ ..1 Jo. a-[...] a-ma-inus ual munus-kalam-du io (TSS), mes -kalam-du lo (BIN 8).
30. [x]-bulug3 19.
31. [x]-tur 8. [...] 32. [...] I2. [ ..] II. id•gna-an 20. idigna-an Note the hypocoristic names en-kalam (Biggs Abu Sal-
32. [x]-ga 9. 1.•.] 33. [••-1 I3. dumu -kù 12. a-lul-[x] 2I. a-lul-le abikh, names and professions list) an d kalam-du lo (TSS).
33• [(x)-d]i rdu7 10. [...] 34. [.• -J 14. ses-kù 13. DU-[x] 22. x-(x)-lul-le B i 20-22 men-du10, men-an, men-ki - Note the
34 [x]-mu-da I I. [...] 35. E.•.] I5. UA-gi 14. sà-an-[x] 23.
si-an similar names me-en-du 10 (Biggs Abu Salabikh names
35. (a-N]E-NE 12. [...] 36 . [ ] I6.su -ba-nu-GIBIL 15. kingal NI [x] viii I [J an d professions li st), men-DU (OECT 7, Jemdat Nan
36. (x]-BAD 13. x-BAD iv I. gu¢ nun-NI-[gi] 17. gu4 nun-gi 1 6. GIS GIBIL-[...] 2. [...] period), me-en-DU (Falkenstein, ATU). The names
37. [me-lirn] -kur -ra 14. me-Lim -kur -ra 2. sitax (SILA 3)-ne- 18. sitax (SILA 3 )-me- 17. GIS.GIBIL-[ .] 3. E•••] men-du i ., men- an , an d men-ki may be hypocoristic
38, [é]-anzumuien 15. é-anzumusen te-[na] te-na i8. sitax(KAK+GIS)- 4 - [•••] names possibly beginning with en-, as in en-me(-en)-
39. [- •]-su - nun-NI 16. ssess-ib-sul-nun- 3. Id-Ex) 19. gi-uU é-nu[n'] dirr-an -na, en-me(-en)-bira-ge -si, en-me(-en)-gal-an-
NI-du to 4. lù-kù-x 20. la-kin-du ll 19. pa 4-an-[ .] 5• [ •J na, en-me(-en)-lù-an -na, an d en-me(n)-nun -na (see
40. [xl -na
[ x]-na 17. KA-na 5. AN: ma-tri 2I. AN:ma-gi 20. pa-GIS.GIBIL-[x] 6. 1...] Th. Jacobsen, index to AS it (1959) 16); en-men- an-na
41. [x]-gar 18. nun-né-és- gar -ra 6. me-ki-gal-ta 22. me-ki-gal -ta 21. nim-[...] 7. [...] (D O Edzard, ZA 53 [ 1 959] t6). For-me-en- with vari-
42. [.. -NJl-m ud 19. a-nun-NI-mud 7. a-ul-tu 23. a-1114u 22 . d Li9 - si4 Ex] 8. [...J ant -men- see Edzard, ibidem 18 n. 41. This might ex-
43• [.,•] 20. k-ur4-ra 8. a-mir-kalam -ma vi I. [...] 23. sag-dLi9-si4 9. [...]
plain the positioning of these three entries directly after
44. [...1 21. me-ur, --ra 9. dul9-dul9 2. [...] 24. AN:AN:[x] I0. [•..] names beginning with en-. For men-ki as a possible hy-
45. [...] 22 ur [S]t• nu sa? 1o. munus-dul-amar 3. [•••) 25. a-NI-[x] II. [...1 pocoristic, cf the names in UET z: a-men-kalam an d
46- [...] 23. gestin-tur I I . lugal -ni-bi-ak 4. [...] 26. amar-[x] I2. 100 e]
ei PA-me-en-ki B i 23 PAP.USUM.DU - For the element
47• [•••] iv 1. [...] 12. ak -lugal 5. [...] 27. é- UD -[x] 13. [...] PAP.DU possibly occurring in a name cf. OECT 7: EN:-
48. [.•.] 2 [ ] 13. ur-lugal 6. [...] 28. ban- uD -Ex] 14. [. •.] sign-it (=PAP?):DU an d sign-I 1:Du; Falkenstein, ATU:
49. [. ..] 3 • [•..] 14. IGI +BUR-ma 7. [...] 29. é-ul-[mar] i5. [ ..] EN.rPAP'.DU A ii 13 = B i-ib-ul-UI - B ii
50, [...] 4.(...) 15. ma-nu 8. [...] 30. é-igi-b[us] 16. [(x)-a i -nu-kùs
ANGU:LU L 5. [,..] i6. a-me-s 9. [...] 31. é- igi -[...] [g]i-dar-AN
17. [gli- dar-AN s. In addition to specific tablets, we well refer m the personal
munus-ur-sag 6. [...] 17. a-kar-re-si Io. [...] 32. x-[...1 18. [e]s -da- gin -na name indices or lists in the following books: Bt .•. Abu $alabrkh = R.
3, lugl-sà-ge-ib-tud 18 LA-LA Biggs, Inscriptions from T ell Abe Salâbikh, OIP 99; BIN 8 = G. Hack-
7. [• •l
-

II. [. ..] (remainder 19.abzu- gin 7 - d[uiJJ

4, RU-gis 8 • (...] 19. gestin-LA man, Sumerian and Akkadian Administrative Texts from Pndynastic
I2. [...] destroyed) 20. me-dim-gal-abzu
5. sal-sal-la 9. [.•.] Times to the End of the Akkad Dynasty; Deimel Fara III = A. Deùnel,
20. gu c an-na 13. 21. abzu-nu-si
6. KA -sum The budtri . ften von Fara vol. III; Falkenstein ATU = A. Falkenstein,
i o. [...] 21. an-na-s'e-x 14. an-[ ..] 22. '-bara 2 -u- Archaische Texte aus Uruk; NTSS = R Jesnn, NouveIks Tablette
7. 16-LUGUD2 -da t 1. I, „] 22 nig-ki-bi-s"è -gar Suméri en nes de Sun/ppak au Mush d'Istanbul; Pomponio Rvsopogmf+a
I5. nig-ki-bi-sè -gar (x)-gin ? -bi -la
8, â-mu-ta = La Prosopografa der Teal presatgoniri di Fans - Edzard Rerhtsurkunden
23. d utu -me-te 16. utu-me-te z3. a-gin r tiim
9 1:11-i- na = D.O. Edzard, Sumerische Rtdrtsurkunden des IIL Jahrtausnrs; TSS =
24. ses-ib- dim -gal 17. ses' -ib -dim -gal I5. (not preserved) R. Jestin, Tablettes Sumér trines de Sunrppak, Westenholz Jena = A.
bcndur-sag- gis` -hé-ak Westenholz, Early Cuneiform Texts in Jena; Westenholz OSP = A.
-an-na 18. na-na 16. gue ra[b-(x)]
111 ab sin -na 13. al-apin-ta Westenholz, Old Sumerian and Old Akkadian Texts ils- Philadelphia
25. é-sag-gi-ni-du lo 19. sag-ni-da 17. ama-aga Chiefly from Nippur (Put 1 = BiMes 1, Put 2 = Carnet] Niebuhr In-
12, a-ur-sag-kalain_ 14. a-ur-sag -kalam 26. sag-ga-ni-da 20. é-sag-ni-da 18. gal-ga stitute Publia E. Burrows. • Ur ravation Texts,
13, cri- Iii-nu-g1 4 lù-nu-g1 4 27. AS- sul-la 21 "sul-la vol. II.
8z MARK E. COHEN
13-14 has written the name as two entries. Reg-i]b and
[(x)]-ùn-du i p, ùn-du i p being a phonetic va ri ant for ul-
tu. Our reading ib indicates a reading ses-ib for sesL.IB.
For a discussion of the name 'se's-ib-gestin, see Earliest
Land Tenure Systems in the Near East Ancient Kudurrus,
O1P 104 p. 72 wherein Steinkeller notes "two Ebla lex-
ical entries where IB.SES plus other signs is identified
with gamàrum, "to please," "to save," and ra'àmum "to
love." There are seven names listed in UET 2 beginning
with the term ses-ib. In addition, the names ses-ib-gir-
gal (and hypocoristic(?) ses-gir-gal), me.dar:ses-ib-IGI
+BUR, and su:se3-ib:du 10 occur in UET 2. Note similar
formations in UET 2 a-gestin; munus-gestin; lu-ges"tin;
ama-gestin; Ici-ib-gir-gal, a-gir-gal, munus-gir-gal,
lugal-gir-gal, ama-gir-gal. Perhaps the element ib is re-
laced to the element iB in the terms EN'IB (ED La A 13);
in (ED Là B 39 an d ED Lti E 58); 16-03 (ED Lii C 6).The
term ul-tu occurs in several personal names in our
prisms: mès-ul-tu, a-ul-tu, sag-mès-ul-tu, as well as in
bâra-ul-tu (NFT 222: AO 4397, Edzard Rechtsurkunden
no. n6 iv 18'), possibly meaning "born (in) joy." A ü
14 = B ü 15 GADA+KID-DADA+HID / It1D?-K1D?
This name may be attested in OECT 7 no. 49 ii 6 an d
most certainly occurs in UET 2, being listed in the pros-
opography as GAD NUR. Cf. also DP 478 rev. i an d DP
481:e-GADA+X-ki-du i0 . Cf. also BE 3o no. 4 37-40
(vDijk LaSagessc 66): NI+KID-na A h 15 = B ii 16 Giz-
zu - This name is extremely common in Old Sumerian
economic documents. A ii 17 = B ii 18 ur-ùr - Al-
though the orthography ur-ùr(-ra) is elsewhere unattest-
ed, the orthography ur-ur(-ra) is extremely common in
Old Sumerian prosopographies. Note PBS tr/i for the
orthography ur-ur 4 . Note RA 47 ( 1 953) p. 84 in which
ur-UR is followed by ur-Ku, which M. Lambe rt has read
as ur-tai and ur-tus. A ii iç-aI = B ü 20-21 nim-tar
ku-li-tnr, a-zal-le - All three names occur in this order
in YOS 1 U t, the only other occurrence of the names
nim-fur and ku-li-tur. The name nim occurs in UET 2,
Westenholz OSP 1; ku-li as a scribal name in Biggs Abu
$alabikh, in TSS and VET 2. The name a-zal ( 'running
water") occurs in Deimel Fara I1L A ii 22 = B ii 22 a-
mir-suri13r - This name occurs as é-mir-sur 6 in TSS.
Note the variant in RA 47 ( 1 953) p. 84 i 6: a-gar i4 -sùr.
Cf also the possibly hypocoristic name a-mir (Deimel
Fara III and UET 2) and the similar names a-mir-ZAL
(Deimel Fara III) and a-mir-kalam-ma in our Text A iv
8. A ü 23 = B ü 23 ùr-rung-ni - The following or-
thographies may represent the same names: ur-ni (De-
imel. Fara III, TSS, NTSS); ùr-ni (Deimel Fara III,
WestenholzJena nos. 16, 34, 36, 52); ar-ni (TSS, West-
e nholz OSP i, Edzard Rechtsurkunden, TMH nF 5; Wes-
tenholz OSP 2); urn-ni (Westenholz OSP 1); ur-ra-ni
(W.W. Hallo , OrNS 42 238:61); ùr-ra-ni (Edzard
Recht-
surkunden; Westenholz OSP 2). A ii 25 [(x)] mui-lab
- The term mui-lab4 ("snake-charmer") occurs in De- s engi/ for the sign ENxGI. A hi 19 = B iv 21 m1s-lul-
imd Faro 111,. Bi :... Abu ,Salabikh
names and professions,
and TSS. It is, of course, possible that this entry in our
text is a profession and not a personal name. Cf. gal-ga
(Text B ix i 8) which occurs in the ED Lù list A ii 28-
29 Nin- gir-im4, Irban - The inclusion of two
theophoric names is unexpected, unless these entries are
hypocoristic forms for names. The only other entries
which might be construed as theophoric are lù-làl (Text
A iii 21) and ma-ma (Text A iv 15). Note the Za-mi
hymns (OIP 99 p. 51) 161-162, wherein the names Nin-
girim and Irban occur in the same order as in our text.
A ii 35 a-NE-NE - This name is quite common (Po rn-
ponio Prosopografia, p. 9). Note Biggs Abu Salabikh scrib-
al names p. 35 for u-NE-NE. A h 37 = B ni 14 me-
l3m-kur-ra - This name occurs in Deimel Fara III. A ii
38 é-anzumokn _ This name is quite common Note
the va rian t a-anzumaien in Deimel Fara 'IL A ii 39 = B
iii 16 lei-ib-lu-nun-NI(-duip) - For ses-ib see our
commentary to Text A u 13 above. A ii 37 = B iii 14
KA-na - This name occurs in Deimel Fara III. A ii 42
= B iü 19 a-nun-NI-mud - For names ending in -
mud, see our commentary to Text A iii 25 below. Cf.
YOS I I I iii 9: Nun-NI-NI-mud B ni 20-21 le-ur4-
ra, me-ur4-ra - The name me-ur 4 occurs in Deimel
Fara III. B hi 23 geitin-tur - This name occurs in De-
imel Fara III and UET 2. A iii 1 AN:GU:LUL - Cf. the
name LUL:GU-aka m Edzard Rechtsurkunden and BIN 8.
For the value /lug/ for LUL see P. Steinkeller, SEL I
(1984) pp. Sff A iii 3 lugal-11-ge-ib-tud - Cf. West-
enholz OSP 2 for the name lugal-a, possibly hypocoros-
tic for our name. A iii 4 RU-gii - Cf. the name dRU-
kès"-ta O. Bauer, Altorientalistische Notizen 44 [Höchberg,
1987] for OIP 14, 51). Cf. also lugal-gis (Westenholz
OSP I, Erhard Rechtsurkunden, BIN 8); ur-gis (BIN 8);
é-gis (BIN 8); gis-ri (Westenholz OSP O. A iii 7 1tß -LU-
GUD2-da - Cf. the names LUGUD2 -ta (Westenholz OSP
I); LUGUD 2 -da (DP 207 et passim and our Text A iii 22).
A üi 8 3-mu-ta - Although unattested elsewhere, the
similar name â-ni-ta does occur (BIN 8, Edzard Recht-
surkunden). A iii 9 131-3-na - For a similar type con-
struction cf. the name làl-anu-na (BIN 8). A iii 10
bendur-sag-gii-bé-ak _ For a similar type construction
cf the name lugal-ib-bé-ak (UET 2). A hi 12 = B iv
14 a-ur-sag-kalam-ma - Cf. the similar names in
UET 2: a-ur-sag-dNanna, amar-ur-sag-kalam, a-ur-sag.
A iii 15 = B iv 17 iul-la - The namesul-la occurs in
Deimel Fara IIIan d NTSS. Note that Text A has sul-la
and Text B sul:AN:la, whereas further in the list Text A
has AS--s'ul-la an d Text B has sul-la The name AS-sul-sul
occurs in UET 2 and for sul-sul/dun-dun see V an Dijk
UVB 16 p. 58. A iii 16 = B iv 18 ara-enki-ENx [Os
-re-si / ara - ki-ENxGI-ra - Despite the occurrence
of the en-sign before the 1d-sign m Text A, we believe
that the en-sign is part of a gloss, indicating a reading /
I.4L+'NI+ / mès-LU1/L0 - For similar names cf mès-lu-
lu (Deimel Fara III, HSS III t), mès-lui-le ('TSS); mès
Two Versions of a Fara-Period Name-List
gar-lul-le (Deimel Fara III); mès-gur-lul-le (Deimel Fara
III); mn-gar-LCT/LtJ-a (Edzard Rechtsurkunden); nin-gar-
li-e (Edzard Rechtsurkunden). It is unclear whether the
lul-sign in Text A is a gloss for the sign-LAL+NI (=1a1u2).
It is also possible that this entry is a combination of two
va riant o rthographies: mès-lul and mès-lalu 2 For a dis-
cussion of the reading of the sign LNL+Ni, see P.
Steinkeller, AuOr 2 (1984) pp. 137ff. B iv 22
This name occurs in Deimel Fara III. A iü 21 Ili-
ba - This
IM - The name occurs as a personal, not theophoric
name, in UET 2, Deimel Fara III, and Westenholz OSP
I. A iii 23 me-nun-ni-si - Cf me-é-nun-si (UET 2,
Deimel Fara III) me-nun-si (UET 2, TSS); me-an-né-si
(Deimel Fara III, Edgard Rechtsurkunden, BIN 8). A iü
25 ganam-da-mud - Note Text B vii 16 below for ga-
nam-da-[mud] with the syllabic orthography ga-na-mud
in Text B ix 19. The -da- in our name is a variant for -
ta-, as in pa4-abzu-ta-mud (TSS); ad-ta-mud (NTSS),
abzu-ta-mud (Edzard Rechtsurkunden); and es-ta-mud
(Edzard Rechtsurkunden; Pomponio Prosopografia, p. 105)
A ill 26 a-nun-en-da - Cf. the name é-nu-an-da
(TSS). Also note a-en-da (Deimel Fara III, UET 2); a-
en-da-das (?) (TMH NF 5) A iv 1 gu4-nun-Nl-gi - Cf.
YOS 1 II iv 6 munus-nun-NI-gi4. A iv 6= B v 22
me-ki•gal-ta - Our reading of this name as -ki-gal-
rather than -sur 6- is based upon the orthography me-U-
gal-la-ta (TSS). For other names with -U-gal- see A.
Goetze, JCS 23 (1970) 44. A iv 9 duit-dish - The name
dul-dul is attested in Deimel Fara III, TSS, and NTSS. A
iv 12 ak-lugal - The name occurs in UET 2 Falken-
stein ATU. A iv 13 ur-lugal - This is a quite common
name. A iv 14 IGI+BUR-ma - The sign IGi+BUR is at-
tested in UET 2: a:IGI+BUR; ama:é:iGI+BUR; ama:ki:I-
GI+BUR; é:IGI+BUR; munus-: IGI+BUR; me.darses-
ib:IGI+BUR. For the deity dUNUG. IGI+BUR.ME.MU at
Ur note UET 2 Suppl. no. 12. Alberti and Pomponio,
Stadia Pohl 13, p. 44 notes the Fara deity dUNUG.ME.MU .
A iv 16 a-me-si - Perhaps this name is a vari ant of
83
dama-si (YOS I I1 1 I, 12). A iv 18-19 Lid-LA, geitin-
LEi - The name la-la is quite common. It is possible that
our entry is to be read sur s-surs and Text A iv 19 then
gestin-sur s . A iv 24 = B vi 17-18 3el-ib-dim-gal-an-
na - Note that Text B has divided the entry into two
names, ses-ib-dim-gal and na-na, the la tt er being a rather
common name. A iv 28 dar-da - The name dar-da oc-
curs in Deimel Fara III, DP too ii 3 et passim, UET 2,
and YOS I II. A iv 29 Du-ba-da-ba - This name may
be a form of the name DU-ba-pà-da (RA 47 [ 1 953] P•
86). We have no explanation for the variant sita x-ba in
Text B, except for the homonymous endings /daba/ and
/taba/ A iv 30 turn-turn-a - Note RA 47 ( 1 953) p. 84
for the homonymous entries dùr-dùr-a / air s -tut-5-a. A
v 8-Ia - These names have been grouped together on
the basis of terms dealing with water. For the name idi-
gna-an cf. idigna-[ ] in UET 2. A y 24 AN:AN-[x]
For possible restorations note the names AN:AN:AG
(TSS) an d AN:AN:DCJL (Westenholz OSP i). A v 25 a-
Ni-[x] - Perhaps this entry should be restored as a-ni-DU
on the basis of RA 47 ( 1 953) p. 8 5 iv 6 B viii 16 [x-6]-
nu-kù1- For names of similar construction note munus-
â-nu-kùs (Deimel Fara III, TSS, NTSS, UET 2); pa 4 â-
nu-kùs (Deimel Fara HI, TSS, NTSS, Westenholz OSP
I); en-â-nu-kùs (Deimel Fara III); mès-â-nu-kùs (De-
imel Fara III); dumu-â-nu-kùs" (TSS); ses-â-nu-kùs
Edzard Rechtsurkunden). Note also the possibly hypo-
coristic name â-nu-kùs (Deimel Fara III; Yoshikawa,
Bulletin of the Ancient Orient Museum 5 [1983] p. 24. B
viii 23 a-gin)-tûm - This entry has been read on the
basis of RA 47 ( 1 953) p. 8 5 iv 7: é-gins tum. This name
is attested in Deimel Fara III and Edzard Rechtsurkunden.
Note é-gin.I-tam in BIN 8 B ix 18 gal-ga - Gal-ga oc-
curs in ED Lù A 20 and Falkenstein ATU B ix 20-21
Uric ki-än10 Kuarki-ki-duip - Names ending with -
-
,
ki-du i p are quite common. For Urib-ki-du io see UET
2 an d PBS it/1. However, we are unaware of any other
references to Kuarb-ki-du,o.
84 MARK E. COHEN Two Versions of a Para-Period Name-List 85

COL. ii COL. iii COL. iv COL. y

YBC 2124 (to the left resting on its top) an d NBC YBC 2124
11202 (to t he right)
86 MARKE COHEN
AKKADIAN
L.
University of Missouri - Kansas City
The Akkadian expression bit pirilti refers to a room in
the Babylonian temple complex which was used to
house the vestments of priests an d the garments used to
clothe the statues of deities. While pirisrtu, "secret," is a
fairly common word, it occurs with bitu only in Neo-
Babylonian and later contexts. These include the le xi cal
list ea A = ndqu, where the Sumerian é-hal-la is given the
Akkadian equivalent É pi-ri is- tû. 1
-
That the bitpirifti was a room in the Babylonian tern-
ple complex is indicated by two texts, one monumental
an d one canonical The first is the Nabonidus stela, 2 col-
umn VIII lines 31-43, which read as follows: "I had plat-
ed with shining silver the wooden door-leaves of (all)
the rooms in the temple of the gods of the upper and the
netherworld (to wit) the mystery-room [É pi-oil ti] (lit.:
room of seclusion) of Marduk and Sarpanit, and the door
leaves of the temple ki.durun.KA which are on both sides
of the temple é.mah, and (also) those of the gate of the
goddess Beltia (Madonna) for the procession of Sarpanit,
the beloved of Marduk, she who makes firm/steadtst
the foundations of my royal throne." 3
The canonical text is the late bilingual lamentation
ABZU PELAM. 4 The relevant line (S 1) is pa rt of the de-
scription of the destruction of the temple of Damgalnun-
na in E ridu: é-bar-ra mu-lu ba-ab-dib-ba-na e ne-sè, -
"She goes to him because of her corridor through which
I. Richard T. Hallock, The Chicago Syllabary and the Louvn
Syllabary AO 7661, Assynological Studies, No 7 (Chi ca go: r94o),
page 2.4 (line 256). The Chi ca go Syllabary copy of ca A = nckju is dat-
ed to the Seleucid En (see page 4).
2. Inscription t in Paul -A lain Beauli eu, The Reign of Naboni-
dus King of Babylon 556-539 B.C., Yale Near Eastern Researches to
(New Haven: 1989), pp. 2of., where previous literature is cited.
3. The translation is that of A. Leo Oppenheim in ANET 2,
p. 31o. The Akkadian reads: (31) giiIG.MES 'i-ii lb ira (32) E.MES
É.DINGIR.AN.KI (33) É pa-ril--ti dAMAR.UTU (34) ù 'ierpa-ri'U 4
(35) ù ISIG.MES 1 KI.DURUN.KA (36) hi-la-at-ta-an (37) la EÉ.MAtJ
{38) a KA dGASAN-ia (39) 14 mal-da-fu 4tm-pa-rri-tu 4 (40) na-nr-am-ti
AMARUTU (41) mu - lao- f-da -at SUMS (42) FiGU.ZA lao- ru-d-ia
(43) KU i .BABBAR eb-bs 4 lal-bil.
4. The following quotation is from the edition and translation
of M.E. Cohen, The Canonical Lamentatiortr of Ancient Mesopotamia,
vol 1 (Potomac, MD: 1988), pp. 51 and S9 with the note to lines so-
51 on p. 62.
bit piristi
Timothy Doty
men (now) traipse." The Akkadian translation for this
line reads: ana É pi-ris-h-!â !â nak-ru i-ba-'-û. As the edi-
tor points out (p. 62), é-bar-ra is not the equivalent of bit
pirifti, 5 which does not mean "cor ridor," as we shall see.
However this passage an d the preceding Nabonidus in-
scription make it clear that the bit pirüti was a part of the
Babylonian temple complex, an d a significant one at
that.
The association of the bit pirifti with the wardrobe of
priests is suggested by the Seleucid Era ritual text from
Uruk, W18728. 6 The text relates to the clothing to be
worn by various cultic functionaries an d by the king on
a particular ritual occasion (the "taking the hands of the
gods" ceremony is mentioned in re v. 8'). The lines obv.
3' and rev. I', containing the expression bit pinfti (E pi-
ril-tu4), are unfortunately damaged, but the association of
the clothing of the temple personnel with the bit pirifti is
apparent. Presumably the bit pintrti was the area of the
temple in which the priestly vestments were stored.
This presumption is confirmed, an d extended to the
wardrobe of the deities as well, by a group of archival
texts from Hellenistic Uruk. These a re sales an d other
documents relating to nghts to temple income associated
with the goldsmith's craft (kutimmtku). 7 In each of these
texts, the craft of goldsmith is associated with authoriza-
tion to enter a particular restricted area of the temp
This authorization is expressed by the phrase bib-bit-pir-
iStatu, "office of one permitted to enter the bit pirifti."
These texts provide unusually detailed descriptions of
pplied the Akkadian translation for this
line periaaps interpreted bar in é-bar-n as an occurrence of bar =
set aside, reserve; to hide PS D bar E), rather than as bare "outside"
" (
in the expression c-bar- n "outside of the house, corridor" (PSD bar
A 3.2.2). Thus the scribe might have understood c-bar-ra as "set
aside/hidden room" and translated the te rmas bi t përirL
6. The text is edited and discussed by A. Falkenstein,
Rimait eus seIeuk her Zeit, ' WB r 5 pp. 40-44•
7. The texts are OECT 9:33 (sale 95 St). OECT 9:57 ( u
too+ s.E.). OECT 9:45 = OECT 9:46 (sale, it r 5.E.). OEC1" 9:5o
(deed of gift, 135 s.E.), OECT 9:54 = OECT 9:55 (quitclaim, 126+
5.E.), OECT 9:60 (sale, 133 s.e.), VAS 1 5 0 37 (sak. 171 LE). OECT
2 (sale, date lost), OECT 9:44 (sak, date lost) and OECT 9:5 t
9:4
(sale , date lost).
 Akkadian bit pirilti 89
L. TIMOTHY DOTY
88

the particular temple income to which the owner of the
allotment (isqu) had rights. A well-preserved example of
such a desc ri ption is found in OECT 9:5o, a deed of gift
which reads: 8
1, 'd6o-DIN-il A la'd6o-NUMUN-MU A 14 '1a-ba-fi
A 'é- kur-za-kir ina bu-ud lib-bi-fû
mi-fil ina 12-'-4 GIS.SUB.BA-fti i 6KU4 .É-AD I-JAL-
2.
u-tû û l "KU3 .DiM t+ -rti
3. la d 6o den -111 dna-na-a u dGASAN-srâ eSAG mi-fil
ina 1 2-
ina AN-e û US2 .MES GADA MES }u-up-
pa-a-ta
5 GESTIN.BI,A bu-sa-na-a-14 d Ma KU 3 BABBAR fa
a-na ta-am-mir-ra-a-tu
6. ik-kal fi-du mi-fil Ma 12-'-4 ina UDU. NiTA 2 .MES
la b7-ta-parmi fa a-na
7, lu -bu-uf tu 4 " fa d6o den-111 dna-na-a u dGASAN-
LI eSAG
8. ïk-kaf -li -du mi-fil Ma 12-'-4 ina UZU ba-l'al u bal-
çu 14 uDU.NETA 2 .MFS
9. la ina u4 .ES3 .E5 3 MES gab-bi a-na 8ABANSUR fa
den-1a u dGASAN -Ia -eSAG E , MES
ina 12-'-4 GES.SUB.BA luKU4 .É-AD UAL-it-
t1 u i 1KU3 .DIM-441i MU.MES
ä d6o dm-111 dna-na-a u dGASAN-la iSAG a mim-
ma gab-bi
12. la a-na GIS.[SUB.B]A MU.MES ik-kaf-fi-du la KI
i 6 EN MES UA.LA.MES-fli gab-bi a-na
2 -4-tu a-na ' dUTU -MU-nu A fa 'Ki.
dGASAN A 'lu -uf-tam-mar -diM
14, a-na u4 -mu ja-a-t4 it-ta-din
Anu-ubal]ïç, so n of Anu-zer-iddin, son of La-
bel. , descendant of Ekur-zakir, 9 of his own free
will gave as a gift (ana rimatu ... irradin) one-half
in one-twelfth (ï e. 1 1a4th), his "authorization
to enter the bit ptrifti" and goldsmith allotment
of Anu, Enlil, Nanaya and Belet-sa-Res — one
half in one-twelfth (share) in the canopies and
cultic pedestals. curtains, linen coven, strips of
carded wool, juniper, wine, sashes and in the sil-
ver which pertains to the iâmamu-gifts; 1° one-
half in one-twelfth (share) in the sheep of the
8.
Lines a Gilbert J.P. McEwan,
Fliest and Temple in Hditnisili urger dltarientalische
5rnr3ltn. Band 4 (Wiesbaden: t and 763 respectively,
9. Anu-ubaDi;, the glv n member of the
extended fanù)y of Laban descendant of Ekur-zaitir. Th
e business
of the; fesniniy are descnhed m L T. Doty, `Cuneiform Ar -
tic Uruk" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Yale
Uni.crsity, 7977). pp, t8rg-228,
1o.. For a discussion of the terre tànwrtu e McEwan, Print
and Tr.epk, p. 130,
9:33 as the sale by the goldsmith Labasi's sons of shares official permission to enter this storage area. The storage
bitpu-offerings which pertain to the clothing
ceremonies of Anu, Enlil, Nanaya and Belet-sa- previously actively held by their father. area or room was the bit pirlti an d the authorization to
Given the high value of the gold and silver objects enter this area was called érib-bit pinft4tu. Thus the bit pir-
Res; one-half in one-twelfth (share) in the
used to decorate the garments of the deities, one must as- iltl was a room or area of the temple in which the vest-
cooked and raw flesh of sheep which goes up to
sume that the pa rt of the temple in which these garments ments of priests and the costly garments of the statues of
the offering table of Enlil and Belet-sa-Res on
were stored was highly restricted. Since the work of the the deities were stored. The English term "sacristy"
all of the (monthly) effelu-festivals — one-half
goldsmiths required that they enter this area on a regular comes closest to translating Akkadian bit pirilti.
in one-twelfth of the "authorization to enter the
basis, the craft of goldsmith was always accompanied by
bitpirilti" an d goldsmith allotment of Anu, Enlil,
Nanaya and Belet-sa-Res, and whatever per-
tains to that allotment, which is with the owners
of all of his shares, to Samas"-ittannu, son of
Dannat-Belti, descendant of Lustammar-Adad,
in perpetuity
It is noteworthy that in this and other desc ri ptions of
the inib-bitpiri!tatu and kutimmatu allotments, much of
the income pertaining to them derives from the clothing
ceremonies (lubuftu) which included the hitpu-sacrific-
es I r It is this connection between ritual vestments, the
garments of the divine images, and the goldsmiths that
provides the final clue to the meaning of bit pirilti.
The enb-bit-piriftatu and kutimmatu allotments are in-
separably joined in the documents from Uruk because
both were necessary to carry out the duties of the gold-
smith. It was one of the jobs of goldsmiths in the service
of the temples to clean and repair the gold and silver or-
naments sewn onto the clothing of the statues of the
gods an d goddesses. 1Z This work, due to the great value
of the materials involved, was carefully regulated by the
temple administration. Detailed invento ri es were kept of
the gold an d silver items issued to the goldsmiths for
cleaning and repair.
One such 'jewelry inventory" from Hellenistic
Uruk, NCBT 1066, is an accounting of the items issued
to the goldsmiths Labasi and his (unnamed) brothers
sons of Anu-uballit.^ 3 The text is dated 22 Teb e tu 7 1 S.E.
(= 20 January 240 B.C.E.). It is likely, though not certain,
that this is the same Labasi who appears in the earliest of
the érib-bit-piriftatu an d kutimmtitu allotment sales. This
sale is OECT 9 33, dated 22 Arabsamnu 95 S.E. (= 27
November 217 B.0 E.). The opening line of this text,
which names the sellen, reads: 'ana-GAL-ka-d6o à 'ina-gi-
btt-d6o DUMU.MES fa 'la-ba-fi DUMU fa 1d6o-DIN-il [...],
'Ana-rabutika-Anu an d Ina-qibit-Anu, sons of Labari,
son ofAnu-ubal iç [...].' The break at the end of the line
is big enough to contain an ancestral name or a profes-
sional designation. The remainder of the text does not
give any indication of what if anything, was in the
break. However, given the approximately 27 year differ-
ence between the two texts, it is tempting to see OECT
IL For details, see McEwan, Priest and Temp le , pp. 163-164.
I2. A. Leo Oppenheem, "The Golden Garments of the Gods,"
J•ES 8 ( 1 949). pp• 172-193•
1 3. This text is copied and edited by Paul-Alain Beaulieu,
'Textes administratifs inédits d'époque hellénistique provenant des
archives du Bit Rel," RA 83 ( 1 9), pp. 62-67 The copy is Texte I
98
on p. St.
 mar-URU 5 : Tempest in a Deluge 91

mar-URU 5 : TEMPEST IN A DELUGE
Bar ry L. Eichler
University of Pennsylvania
This lexicographical article, presented to Bi ll Hallo in
appreciation and wann re gard, will attempt to set forth
the relevant textual an d orthographic data relating to the
Sumerian term mar-URU 5 an d to discern its relationship
to the terms a-ma-ru "deluge" an d e 2-mar-URU 5 "quiv-
et"
A first millennium bilingual text of the canonical lam-
entation uru 2 am 3 -ma-ir-ra-bi, dating to Seleucid times,
exemplifies the confusion concerning the meaning of
the term mar-URU 5 (=TE guna). The text gives two al-
ternative Akkadian translations reading
mar-TE I Iu-sat-ill -la me-e s'i-in ga- men3 -[na]:
-
nomenon such as a strong wind or tempest! O This un-
derstanding is further strengthened by the passage from
Bird and Fish whose va ri ant text records the term as 1M-
mar-TE indicating a type of wind.1 r
It should also be noted that the term mar-ru 1O occurs
in association with the following winds:
with dal-ha-mun:a.fam to "whirlwind," 12 in VAS
Jo, 199: rev iii 16 mar-URU 5 ma-an-ze e-rem3 dal'-
ha-mun mac-an-ze e-em 3 > "(Enlil) gave the tempest
to me, he gave the whirlwind to me ' 13 ;
with IM-u, 8 -Iu:mertl "impetuous windstorm" in
Inanna and Sukaletuda 188 = 20o IM- 1 u 1 81 -lu mar-
URU5 -hug igi-se a mu-un-[dib-be e -esi "An impetu-
raphy is a-ma-ru, 4 it is generally accepted that both a-
ous windstorm, a furious tempest [passed by?] to the
ma-ru "flood" and e2-mar-URU 5 "quiver" share the
front" 14 ;
common orthographic vari ant mar-URU S.5 It is also as-
sumed that this va riant should be read as mar-ru m since and also with iM-mir-ra. mejia "raging windstorm"
the URU5 sign is at times replaced with the ru sign in in Sulgi A 62-63: u 4-bi-a u 4-de3 gu3 he t -eb-be e mar-
these contexts. 6 URU 5 het -nigin-nigin IM-mil-mil-ra IM-u l g-lu ur 5-bi
The general acceptance that mar-ru m is an ortho- nix bi-a bu-mu-un-sa 4 15 "On that day, the storm
graphic variant ofa-ma-ru an d e2-mar-ru 1O is called into shrieked, the tempest whirled; the impetuous wind-
ques ti on by the occurrence of the term in an unpub- storm an d the raging windstorm howled at each oth-
er. "16
hshed fragment housed in the University Museum, N
2 355. The line 'n ques ti on, rev. 2 r , reads sag-kal a-ma-
As evident from the above passage, Sulgi A 62, mar-
ru mar-UR[u s] [...].7 In this context, it seems difficult to
swift runner, the storm, the tempest, (the strength of) his
loins is never ending." zi The term mar-ru m also occurs
as a similitude for u 4 in Lamentation Over Sumer and Ur
2 an d 113: u4-de3 mar-URU 5 -gin,, ur-bi i 3 -gu7-en "The
storm, like the tempest, is all devouring."
Additional suppo rt for interpreting mar-ru n, as "tern-
pest" may be sought from the above mentioned unpub-
lished fragment N 2355 rev. 2t in which the term is
juxtaposed to a-ma-m. Should mar-ru n, bear the mean-
ing "tempest," this verse would be parallel to STVC 35
rev. 16: a-ma-m IM-u 1 8-1u nim-gin 7 gir2-gir2-e "(Nin-
urta) the deluge, the impetuous windstorm, who flashes
like lightening," 23 in which a-ma-m is similarly apposed
to turbulent winds.
Since some of the winds with which mar-ru 1O has
been associated a re also identified in lexical lists with di-
rectional winds, namely lM-u 1 3-lu with 1^ttu "the south-
wind"^4 an d IM-mir with dtanu "the northwind,i 2 $ it is
tempting to associate the mar-ru n, with IM-mar-TU=
amurru ' the westwind." z6 This seemingly attrac ti ve sug-
ges ti on, however, cannot be maintained with certainty
because of the orthographic evidence. While mar-ru in
'tempest" is usually written with either the URU 5 (—ih-
gun1)-sign or the TE-sign,^7 none of the references to
tM-mar-du 2 (TU):amunu "westwind," to mar-du 2 (Tu): a-

mm may occur in poetic parallelism with u 4:iimu

a-bu-bu fa t e-mu-qa-a-1u 2 1a2 -qa-a /
if-pa-turn ve-bi-tum [Ana]-rku'-ma
'I am a flood whose strength is extraordinary I
I am a quiver raised up." 2
Th e confusion in rendering the term mar-URU 5 as
then "flood" or "quiver" does not seem to be restricted
late periods since both meanings of the term are as-
sumed to have been attested also in early Neo-Sumerian
interpret mar-ru n, as "quiver" yet the text clearly distin-
guishes it from a-ma-ru "flood." There are also a few
passages in Sumerian literature in which the term mar-
ru m does not seem to refer to either "flood" or "quiv-
er." This is especially apparent in those contexts in
which the term occurs in conjunction with an "heavens,
sky." The simile invoked in both Dumuzi's Dream 67:
silo-mu mar-URU 5 -gin7 an-na ma-ra-nigin-e 8 "My hair
will whirl around like a mar-ru m in the sky for you," and
murru as an ethnic or geographic designation, or to dmar-
"storm."" Both terms also occur appositionally in OIP URU s -
3 The du2 (TU) "the god Mardu" are written with the
99, p. 47:53-54: mar-URU5 u4 am-gal-nun za y -mi 28
tempest, the storm, Amgalnun, be praised";; in Inanna sign.
Although one cannot definitively equate mar-ru m
and Ebih 4: u 4 mar-URU 5 su-tag4-du 11 -ga 19 "You are
with the westwind, the above cita ti ons from Sumerian
armed with the storm, the tempest" and in Sulgi V 13:
literary texts seem to attest to a term mar-ru 1O with the
du tu-tuku u4-mar-`URU 5' za 3 -s"e-nil nu-til-e .O "The
meaning "stormwind, tempest" to be distinguished from
the terms a-ma-ru "floodwaters, deluge" and e2 -mar-
ro. An irinnma to Blur also associates this term with an in BM
96927 rev. ii 97: mar-TE an-ta-zi-zi Di-Di sag an-Le s mi ni=in-d3.
-

times. Basing himself upon the Gudea insc ri p ti ons, S.N. Kramer ("BM 96927: A Prime Example of Ancient Scribal Re-
in Bird and Fish 1 i5' mar-TU an-sa 3 -ga pu 2-pu 2-gin-i 20. Because the middle of the URU 5 -sign is effac (SRT
Adam Falkenstein understood mar-URU 5 to represent an daction," Lingering Over Words [Harvard Semitic Series 37], p. 26o) TE or
an -na mu-un-nigin 9 'Like a mar-ru m whirling in the translates the line as "Made the deluge raging from ahove, rushing
13:13), it is impossible to deternune whether
orthographic variant of two distinct vocables. 3 Accord- URU 5 (-
midst of heaven, (the bird) circled in the sky " seems to about, raise head to heaven." M.E. Cohen (Sumerian Hymnology:
ing to Falkenstein. these two vocables, *aura`-URU 5 (- The Erfemma [HUCA Supplements 2], p. 6o) translates the line as 21. CL Wilcke (Latbadoepos. p. 179 n. 46o) interpreted this
k):abnibu "deluge, floodwaters," and e 2 -mar-URU 5 ilpahu indicate that the term refers to a meteorological phe-
"proceeding(?), a devastating flood, rising high, he is majestic " The expression as a variant writing for a-mar -uni s (cf. aho J. Klein, Beer-
Skew 2, p. 2i), suggesting perhaps an ara value for u 4 by comparing
quiver," coalesced orthographically as a result of the context is difficuh but there is no reason why a possible association
4. with "stormwind" rather than "flood" should be excluded An alter- the writing u 4 ri-a (UET 6/i izo:i) with a-n-a (OECT 1. ri 1).
loss of each of their initial vowels. Although the o ri ginal A. Falkenstein, AnOr 28, p. 41 n. 5; E. Sollberger, Business However, AM A1-Fouadi s collation of die OECT passage yields u 4
and Administrative Co nespondena Under the Kings of Ur (TCS I), p. 99. native transla ti on would then he 'Made the tempest, rising up from and not a. Although Wilcke's interpretation is still tenable by assum-
etymology of the Sumerian term for "flood" remains 5. J.S. Cooper, The Return of Ninurta to Nippur (AnOr 52), p. the heavens, rushing ahout, rant high the had"
127 with n. i. ing an assimilation of the /a/ vowel > /u/ in the environment of
undetermined and its earliest and most prevalent orthog- 1 I. See n. 9 above. environnent exists in the previously erred urne
du, o -tuku, no such
,

6. A. sjöb rg, TCS 3, p. 62 on the basis ofTemple Hymns 63 12. With A. Sjöberg. TOE 3, p. 83. CAD (Al2, p. 4n) trans- treat rIlis expression
ha and Ebih 4,
Inna and hence it is proibnble to
which has the variant ma-ru for mar-URU 5 (see apparatus m TCS 3. lates olaHrlÜ- tu as "dust storm."
as two separate nouns in apposition
P . 243); Cf also n. 53 helow for Ewe and Grain mi in which a-mar- 13. Cf W H Ph. Römer, "Eine sumerische Hymne mit Selbst- Following P. Michalowsk 's sigh (77a Lamentation Che the
lob inannai," Or NS 39 (1969) 981 16 with pp ro4E 22.
URUs (UM 29-16-461 + 29-16-662 rev. 5) interchanges with a-ma- tion of Sumer and Ur [Mesopotamian Civilizations, il, Winona
ru (CBS 1 3941 + UM 29-15-913 obv. 3o; CBS 15161 rev. I1). Quoted from an unpuhlished ins. in the Unive rs i ty Muse- Destruction
14.
ÛRU AM-MA-lR-RA-B! Lake: Eisenbrnune 19 8 9 pp. 288:). texts A rev. r5 and U obv. a have
Stuttgart: Franz Steiner
7. Despite the fact that the tablet breaks off at the fi nal vertical um, provided by Dr. Konrad Volk for the University of Pennsylvania while Be obv a and DD obv. 2 have the variant mar -TE.
of the sign, there is no doubt that the sign is URU 5 . This tablet was mar-URU 5
Sumerian Dictionary Project.
P. tos No. 56:22-24. The 23. With J. Klein. 'Sulgi and ibnedagan: Runners in the Ser-
brought to my attention by Professor Ake Sjöberg. It represents hie 15. At least two of the witnesses attest to the variant mar-TE
Lu -il, -la with the tab- ofthe Gods (SRT i3)," Beer-Shan' (1985) 2, p 23
2 37 of the composition, Death of Urnammu, according to an
unpub- (3N-T468 Eli 13; and VET 6/1 79 rev i6) for mar-URU 5 (CBS 10993 44:to'; cf A. Sjiiberg, TCS 3, p. 102.
Volk, op. cis . Tafel 24. MSL 17. p. 3o:82, p.
fished m ^ prepared by Dr. Steve Tinney at the University
manuscript + N 2478 in 9; and SLTNi 81 rev. 4). i 5 6:156; cf A. *berg, TCS 3, p. 118.
Lamentations of An 25. MSL 17, p.
16. Cf. J. Klein, 77rnee Sulgi Hymns (Ramat Gan:Bar-Ihn Uni- J. Klein. That Su* Hyman, P. 2U and A. *berg,
. vol. 2 26. Cf
p, 5ar I. c+43o. 8. One of the four witnesses, CBS 1590 ohv. 13, has the vari- versity Press 1981), pp. 196f.
TCS 3,p.83 ,
A Faiternsein, Grammatik der TE for mar-URU 5 . '7. The term u 4 :wrm, with the meaning "storm," is discussed 42- 42 (It 4 71
27. A S'ipQar witness for Bird and Fish r15
.

(MC' aa).. p 41- Lq. 9. So CT 42 pl. 47 no. 42 rev. iii 4. The other witness, UET by A Sjöherg (TOE 3, p. too) who notes that the term is character-
6/1 4o M. 47 reads [M ized by its ferocious roaring and howling as it rushes forth.
iii 4) cbsplays the unique variant writing mar
mar-T[E] for mar-TU. in the Ur witness
a. Thus the variant iM-ma1-TE
18. With J.S. Cooper, AnOr 52, p.127 a. 2. and Ash 115 cited above NET 6/11 4t> rev. 47) cannot be
Two of the five witnesses (UET 6/1 in and Sb 12 67)
19. IM-mar`ths a(nl).
;

have the vacsnt nay- Ili Gor t;rar n-URU5.

 BARRY L EICHLER mar-URU5: Tempest in a Deluge 93

ru,° "quiver." This distinction, however, is assured most
definitively by the unpublished fragment N 2355 rev. 2 7
sag-kal a-ma-rw mar-r[u, O J in which two of the terms
ar e orthographically differentiated. It is therefore neces-
sary to determine whether such orthographic differenti-
ation is evident from other texts.
For the early Neo-Sumerian period, evidence of such
orthographic differentiation may be gleaned from the
Gudea Cylinders. On the basis of context, a-ma-m oc-
curs in the Gudea Cylinders as ' floodwaters,"^ 9 as the
name of a weapon, "Deluge-weapon," 3° and as an epi-
thet of Ningirsu, "Deluge of Enlil." 3 ' The writing mar-
ru 10 occurs only twice in the Gudea Cylinders: Cylinder
A vi 20: ti-mar-URU 5 -a u4 gin 7 i3 -e3 clearly associates
mar-ru 1O with ti "arrow" and must therefore be translat-
ed as "(When) you have made arrows protrude from the
quiver like rays." 32 Thus mar-ru 1O is clearly an ortho-
graphic va ri ant of e 2-mar-URU 5 (Cyl B xiv 6) "quiv-
er." 33 The other occurrence of mar-ru 10 is Cylinder B
ix 22° mar-URU 5 -gin7 zi-ga which describes Ensignun's
execution of his duties. This context will not allow the
tra nsla ti on of mar-ru 10 as "quiver" and hence Falken-
stein opted for an association with a-ma-ru "flood "34
Nevertheless, context would also clearly allow an associ-
ation with mar-ru 10 "stormwind, tempest " By translat-
ing, "He sets out like a stormwind," the simile appro-
priately emphasizes Ensignun's alacrity in performing his
duties. Thus by giving weight to the orthographic evi-
dence, one may discern that a-nu-ru "floodwaters" is
orthographically differentiated from mar-ru 10 "storm-
wind' and (e 2 -)mar- ru 10 'quiver" in the Gudea Cylin-
den
Such an orthographic differentiation seems to be
maintained also in the Old Babylonian period as is evi-
dent from the occurrence of the above terms in Angim
and Lugale. In the Old Babylonian unilingual ve rs ion of
Angim a-ma- ru "deluge" occurs as an epithet of Ningir-
su," and as an epithet of a weapon, 36 while the term
mar-ru 10 occurs only once. Angim 142 reads: mir lu g -ra
4=
ana mar-URU 5 -mu mu-da an gal l -la-am 3 37 "I
bear the min-snake that attacks humans, my bow and
quiver."j 8 There is an Old Babylonian witness to this
sq. Cyl. A iv t 8, v 15, viii 26 (written uniquely as a-ma -ru f2 );
verse with the va rian t a-ma-m. This va ri ant is best ex-
plained as scribal confusion based on the occurrence of
the a-ma-ru-weapon in the preceding verse which was
transferred in error to this verse because the context of
both verses is that of weaponry 39 Since the a-ma-m-
weapon occurs already in line 141 and this Deluge-
weapon is usually described as a mace and never as bow,
the reading mar-n1 1O in Angim 142 with the meaning
"quiver ' is to be preferred. 4°
A similar orthographic differentiation between a-ma-
ru "floodwaters" and mar-ru m , representing either the
term "stormwind" or a va ri ant writing of e2-mar-ru 1O
"quiver," is also found in the unilingual Old-Babylonian
version of Lugale. In this version, a-ma-rm occurs as an
epithet of Ningirse an d as a destruc ti ve force against
the foe. 42 These contexts clearly allow the usual transla-
tion of a-ma-ru as "deluge." 43 The term mar-ru m oc-
curs three times. In line 114, the tireless ac ti on of Sarur,
who is depicted as a bird, is descnbed as nu-kus 2-u 3 la-
ba-lass-u3 a2-bee mar-URU 5 DU ' Untiring, (garur) did
not perch, its wings brought forth a mar-ru 1O." 44 This
context would allow a meaning ' stormwind, tempest,"
which seems preferable to a meaning "floodwaters, del-
uge" since the movement of a bird in flight and the
stormwind are both associated with the atmosphere. The
term mar-ru m also occurs in Lugale 82. mar-URU5 se-ba
mu-un-NE-en-DU. 45 Despite the later bilingual version
which equates this occurrence with abubu "deluge," 46
context and orthography point to ' tempest." In the pre-
vious and following lines mar-ru m is parallel to 1M-bu!
and u 18 -lu (line 81) and uru 2 mab (line 83) The result-
ant ac ti on of these windstorms is Ninurta s stirring up
the dust an d depositing it elsewhere, thereby levelling
the ground. 47 Although this context is slightly ambigu-
37. J.S. Cooper, AnOr 52, p. 8o with text Q = Ni 4297 rev.
1 t (ISET 2, pI. 26). Text P = CBS 14012 + UM 29-16-64 has the
variant 'a-ma-ni'.
38. Based on the variant reading in text P (see previous note),
J.S. Cooper to slates this line as "I bear the mir-snake that attacks hu-
mans, my Deluge-bow" (AnOr n p. 80.
39. For a similar example of scribal confusion, see the va ri ants
to Lugale 689 with n. 49 discussed below.
40 Cf. J.A. Black MO 27 [198o] p. 158. Also note that the
quiver described with other weaponry in Gudea Cyl. B xiv 6 seems
ous since floodwaters would also displace the soil, the
parallels with other windstorms and the writing mar-
ru m favors the translation "tempest. ' The final occur-
rence, Lugale 689, is problematic since the Old Babylo-
nian witnesses offer two different readings. Texts I 4 an d
J4 attest to the reading gstukul mar-URU 5 kur-re
sum-mu while Text S4 attests to the reading gistukul
ma-r[u] . 48 Unlike the conflicting Old Babylonian vari-
ants to Angim 142, discussed above, it is more difficult
to ascertain which of the two va ri ant readings of Lugale
689 is correct. Since a-ma-ru is well attested as an epithet
of a weapon in Sumerian literature, 49 it seems best to
consider a-ma-rm as the preferred reading, thus translat-
ing "The Deluge-weapon, hurling fire upon the high-
lands. ' 5° The literary associations of Otukul with arrows
and quivers' would help explain the more difficult vari-
ant reading mar-ru 1 0 "quiver," especially since the
weapon's hurling of fire would suggest a projec tile
weapon with a burning rip, such as arrows. 52
From the above references in the Gudea Cylinders
and the Old Babylonian venions of Lugale and Angim,
it is evident that during the Old Babylonian period and
earlier, the term a-ma-ru "deluge' was usually differen-
tiated orthographically from the terms mar-ru m, 'tem-
pest" an d (e 2-)mar-ru 10 'quiver." It is also evident from
corrupt va ri ants in Angim 142 and Lugale 689 that the
Old Babylonian sc ribes began to confuse a-ma-rm "del-
uge" with (e 2-)mar-ru r0 "quiver" in the context of
weaponry. 53
This orthographic confusion, however, was not lim-
ited to a-ma- ru and (e 2-)mar-ru m . Confusion also arose
between a-ma-rat "floodwaters, deluge" an d mar-ru m
`stormwind, tempest" because of the similarity of their
47• Ibid., pp. 53f. lines 84-85: sabar i 3 -zi-zi sahar i 3 -gargaz
dub-du 12 lag mu-un-si-p a-p-n i 3 -KAB-be, "It was tearing up
the dust depositing it (again) evening out hill and dale, filling in hol-
lows (T. Jacohsen, Harps, p. 241)
For the textual apparatus, see van Dijk, LUCAL 2, pp.
48
1741
49. See nn. 3o and 36 above, to which may be added Gudea
Statue B v 37: sar rur3 a-ma-ru-me 3 -ka-ni; Susin Hut. Inset. A i 25
and Angim 141: a-ma-ru-nae 3 -a. Also cf. CAD A/I, p. 79•
5o. As in Lugale 82, the bilingual version equates the term in
line 689 with abûbu. Both T. Jacobsen (Harps, p. 27o) and J van Dijk
literary associations. As mentioned above, a-ma-m oc-
curs in association with stormwinds, especially with IM-
u 1 8-1u:meb4 "impetuous windstorm."S 4 Such an associ-
ation is in consonance with Sumerian literary imagery
which associates gale winds an d torrents of water, e.g.,
Lamentation Over Ur 184: IM-bul-e a-mab-e 3 -a-gin7
gut-bi nu-ga 2-ga2 "The evil winds, like mighty waten
surging forth, cannot be quelled." The devastating pow-
er of the fierce onrush of both the floodwater an d
stormwinds which one can neither remain nor with-
stand easily accounts for their associa ti on. This associa-
tion is further strengthened by the use of the same verb
zi(-g) in describing their common action of rising up. 55
Furthermore, in comparing Lamentation Over Ur 199:
u4 a-ma-ru-gin 7 uru2 i 3 -gul-gul-e "The storm, like the
deluge, destroys cities," with Lamentation Over Sumer
and Ur 2 and 113: u 4- de 3 mar-ru 10-gin 7 ur-bi i 3 -gu 7-e
"The storm, like the tempest, is all-devouring," it is ev-
ident that both terms, at times can be easily inter-
changed Thus it is often difficult to distinguish the two
terms when translating a verse if one re li es only on con-
text. A c as e in point is Ninegalla 84: dinanna mar-TU
kus"7 -za su 3 -[ x x x (x) ]. 56 Basing himself on Lugale 229
in which the verb is associated with a-ma-ru:abtibu, H.
Behrens understands mar-TU as "deluge" although he
does note that in the preceding line manna is described
as a heavenly phenomenon.S 7 Equally instructive, how-
ever, is Lamentation Over the Destruction of Sumer and
Ur 491: an-sa 4 -anki-e IM bul rlal-la-gin ? kus7 bee- ni-ib-
su-su "It (the storm) levelled Anian like an evil blowing
wind." 58 Thus the verb kus 7-su su/su3 -su3 `to level,
devastate" is associated with both floodwaters an d
stormwinds and only attention to orthography is able to
help dispel the ambiguity. Unfortunately, however the
53. Also instructive are variant writings for "quiver" in Ewe
and G rain tot Ida-lu -us, a-ma -ru Opana-gal-gal-e si mu - na -ab-
sa,-e "He prepares the sling, the quiver and the great bows,
which CBS 15161 rev. I i and CBS 13941 + UM 29-15-973 obv. 3o
have the va ri ant a-ma-ru and UM 29-16-461 + UM 29-16-662 rev.
5 has the variant a-mar-URU 5 , while the Philadelphia Free Library
pnsm FLP 2628 has the reading gi3/e 2 "-mar-URU 5 . This unpub-
lished material does not appear in the text apparatus of B Alster and
H Vanstiphout s edition of iable and Aman (A cta Sumelogica 9
[198 7] 1-43).
IM
54. See above with n. 23. Also ci VAS 17, 40.4, Ain

and Cyl B c 21. to be decorated with snakes (AnOr 52, p. 16o n. 2 and T. Jacobsen, (LUGAL 1, 142) translate the line under discussion u referring to the
Harps, p. 437). Deluge-weapon. u 13 -lu rx-x' [ ], said of likur.
3o Gudea Cy+ A acv s4: tukul a- Cyl. B
na -ru; Cyl. B viii a. g0-'sar2- ur3 a-ma -ru -rne3. 41. Lugak 3: a-ma-m mir -ia 4 nu -kus u3 lei -bal -a ga nga,. 51. Cf. Susin Hist. Inscr. B i 32: gittukul n-mar-ru, o , and gis.al 55. Cf. a- nia -m zi-ga (Curse of Agade t jo), u,
ki's Journey o Nippur 85), mar-ru, o û-p and IM-bul zi
31, Cy E Ax a and xxiiï 14: a -tria ni d en- 42. Lugale 229: a-ma -ru r u$.7 ' [...-d]a - gar-a tu r n sud, sud 1- Hymn 66: utug2 Ydiukul 6-mar-ru m d al am3 -ma-an-du,,.
de 3 and Lugale 66o: ur-sag a-m[a -ru ga]ba and Ebiih 137 and 138).
32. With T. Jac obsen. The Harps that once. . su nu -gaz-ga2. 52. For the association of arrows from the quiver with fire, see
(New Haven: 56. For the writing mar -TU attested in both witnesses, CBS
Yak Untversity Press, ;987), p. 396, 43. So.) van Dijk. LUGAL UD ME-LAM-bi NIR-CAL (Lei- Tree and Reed 186: gis-leak-ti mar-ru, o -da izi-girn ri gis-gin s ba-n- 833o + 13669 ii 13' and CBS t4o52 + t41o9 ii 33, see the above ref-
33. A. Falkenstein. AnOr 28, p. 41 n. 7 A. *berg, TCS den: E J. Brill, 1983), 1, pp. 51, 79, 138: "déluge' ; and T. Jacobsen, dimz -en ' You (the Reed) cannot fashion like the Tree an arrow-
Harps, pp. 2 35, 247, 269: 'floodstorm." erence to Bird and Fish t is with n. 9.
3, p. 6s and StOr 46 (1975) 313. head which shoots forth from the quiver like fire." For this idea to in his forthcoming treatment of the
57• Dr. Hermann Behrens
34. A. Falkcrcuein, AnOr 28. p 41 and cf. T. 44• The image is that of the constant and rapid movement of be reflected in Lugale 689, one would have to understand Otukul as
Jacobsen, Harps. Ninegalla Hymn (to appear in FAOS) restores the end of the line as
p. 433, Note t hat both translations depart from the basic meaning of the wings which stirred up a mar-URU 5 . Cf. T Jacobsen, (Harps, p. a genenc term for weapon, thus translating "weapons of the quiver" manna, Stunnfut, in
[su 3 - da -zu-de 3 e)]. translating "[wenn du.j
rma'rn n "deluge, floodwaters" and opt for 'hurricane" and 2 42), who translates the clause as ' its wings kept moving (bke) a (i.e., arrows). Note, however, that etuku) without reference to ar-
deiner Zerstörung (alles) Überfluten [hiss[]." In his commentary, Be-
'doodstorm," respectively. floodstomi' ; and J. van Dijk, (LUGAL, I, p. 66) who translates "dons rows also occurs in association with fire in Lugale 256 gi ltukul naspnntu "destruction" and sui as nabasau "to
Angim sol, kala-ga a-ma-ru les talks portent k déluge.' `7a massue subversive mit k feu hrens takes kus 7 alone as
la, " Stro ng one, Del- KIN(var. sag,)-di-da kur-re izi ba-sum
45. T. Jacobsen (Harps, p. 240) and J. van Dijk (LUGAL 1, p. LUGAL 1, p. 83). Th. Jacobsen (Harps, inundate."
Angim 160 and Angi a la Montagne" 0. van Dijk, 58. With P Michaiowski, The Lmncntation Over the Desindaion
141: a-ma -ru-mea -a utug, 62) have translated the verse as "the flood storm strode at their flanks" p. 248) seems to take giltukul as a projectile weapon from his transla-
mace. "
- sag-5a-mu "Deluge of and "dam leur bras il plana le deluge " don, "The weapon, going to reconnoiter the border areas, can fire of Sumer and Ur, p. 67 and bibhogrnphïc references to kid,-su-su as a
respectively. compound verb on p, rob
46. J. van Dijk, LUGAL z, p. 53. upon the highlands."
 BARRY L. EICHLER
94
orthographic differentiation between a-ma-ru "flood-
waten" and mar-ru 10 "stormwind" which is apparent in
the early Neo-Sumerian and Old Babylonian periods
begins to break down even in the Old Babylonian peri-
od due to scribal confusion. For example, in the bilin-
gual royal hymnal inscription of Hammurapi, one finds
mar-URU 5 gi -gis'-la 2 :abwb tuqumàtim.S 9 Based on the
Sumerian orthography, one would have expected an
Akkadian translation of the epithet "Tempest of battles"
rather than "Deluge of battles." This orthographic con-
fusion seems to have increased in the post-Old Babylo-
nian periods when mar-ru 10 "tempest" and "quiver"
began to be written as mat-ru 10, an d subsequently a-ma-
ru began to be written as a-ma t-ru 1O , as attested in the
bilingual venions of Legale an d Angim. 6o
Despite the scribal confusion which eventually devel-
oped, the term a-ma-ru "deluge" seems to have been
differentiated, nevertheless, from the two terms mar-
ru 10 "stormwind" and (e 2-)mar-ru, 0 "quiver" by their
different orthographies throughout most of the Old
Babylonian period an d earlier. This orthographic differ-
entiation and subsequent confusion seem to be evident
also from the lexical evidence. In Proto-lzi, it is note-
1, 42 iv 8.
of Lugak 3, 82, 229, and 689, see
LUGAL 2 pp. 2 5, 53, 82, and 1 75;
Angun 72, 141, 142, and 2o7, see the
.S Cooper, AnOr 52 pp. 66, 8o, 82, and too.
ne possible reference to a-ma -ni in
my in TCL 15, 14 (pl. 41) rev. iv 5':
i-bal (gul gal-line and which
-
...]
attested only as a later ortho-
worthy that there are two separate orthographic entries,
a-ma-ru an d mar-ru m, which are followed by ulu 3 (or
uru2?), an d a-ma-ru-kam. 6 ' However, in an appendix to
In Boghazköy, there is only one orthographic entry a-
mar-ru in which is equated with Akkadian isr [pa tu] -
"quiver," a bu [bu] "deluge," an d a fa a[m fu tu] ' wind-
- -
- - - -
62
storm." Nevertheless, despite its confused orthogra-
phy, the In Boghazköy listing seems to suppo rt the
existence of three onginal Sumerian terms, namely a-
ma-ru "floodwaters,' e 2-mar-ru 1O "quiver," an d mar-
ru m "stormwind." 63
61. MSL 13 p. 30:402-405.
62. MSL 13 p• 1473'-5'.
63. On a final note, the article may he viewed in some way as
" a tempest in a deluge." If one understands a-ma-m as a cataclysmic
phenomenon comprised of devastating floodwaters and humcane
winds, one is tempted to see both aspects of water and wind in the
etymology of the term, a + mar -r11 10> a-ma-ru. However, as under-
scored in this ankle, there is strong evidence of an orthographic dif-
ferentiation between the terms a-ma-m "deluge" and mar-ru, o
'tempest" which does not readily allow for such an attractive etymo-
bgid derivation for a-ma-ru. However, in discussing this matter
with Dr. Antoine Cavigneaux, he has suggested that the term a-ma-
ru may have been isolated graphically from its etymological compo-
nents a "water"+ mar-ru, o "wind" because of its overwhelming ref-
erence to the unique "cosmic deluge." There is also a temptation to
speculate about the relationship of mar-ru,, "tempest" to the term
ea -mar-m u, "quiver." If one were to view e a -mar-ru m as `tempest-
box," the "tempest" must then be descriptive of the onslaught of the
arrows contained therein. The phrase P itukul ti-mar-ru, a (see above
n. 51) would then be translated "weapon, tempest-arrows" rather
than "weapon, arrow (and) quiver." The difficulty of such a deriva-
tion for the term e a-mar-ru in , however, lies pnmarily in the highly
hterary nature of the etymology.
"FORERUNNERS" AND "STANDARD VERSIONS"
A FEW THOUGHTS ABOUT TERMINOLOGY
Walter Farber
The Oriental Institute
The term "forerunner"' has been pa rt of Assyriolog-
ical jargon for many years, so much so that a cuneiform-
ist who has not, on occasion, used it himself would
probably be hard to find. I have refrained from spending
much time to find out exactly when, an d by whom, the
term was first introduced into our field,' but there is ht-
tie doubt that it came to lasting prominence only after B.
Landsberger used it for the pre-canonical versions of
U AR-ra=bubullu, starting in MSL 5 (1957). From this us-
age with lexical texts, the term was borrowed quite fre-
quently to describe texts of other genres which were
viewed as links in some kind of a developmental chain,
thus contrasting the earlier stages with later, "standard-
ized," or "canonical" versions. For obvious reasons, such
a concept of "forerunners" is strictly limited to texts be-
longing to the "Stream of Tradition" which, after being
written down once, were collected, edited, an d often
completely reformatted by ancient scribes of later gener-
ations. The terminology has thus been used with more
or less frequency 3 with reference to, for inst an ce, omen
texts, 4 myths and epics, 5 hymns,6 cultic laments, 7 and
magico-religious texts like prayers & and incantations?
A preliminary version of this paper was read at the tooth Annual
Meeting of the AOS, Atlanta 1990. It profited from a spirited discus-
sion there, in which Bill Hallo, to whom I wish to dedicate this final
version, was one of the main voices. Obviously, responsibility for all
views expressed here remains with me alone.
t. German " Vorliufer," French "pr&xrseur."
2. The earliest reference I am aware of is in H S Schuster's
dissertation RA 44 11 93 8 1. pp. 235, 238ff., et, pointed out to me hy
M Civil), and the term may thus well ultimately go back to
Schuster's teacher B. Landsherger. See also the patinent remarks by
Landsberger, MSL 2 (1951) 2 and the clarifying note by M Civil,
MSL 14 ( 1 979) 3.
3. The following footnotes give a few examples, but do not
go back to a systematic search of recent publications, and a re by no
means meant to be exhaustive.
4. E. Leichry, The Omar Series lwnnra izbu (GIüekstadt/löew
York 1970) pp. 231E; F. Rochberg-Halton, Aspects of Babylonian Ce-
lestial Divination: The Lunar Eclipse Tablets of Enwrw Anw Enlil (Ho rn
1988), p. 19
5. J.H. Tigay, The Evolution of do Gildamresk Epic (Philadelphia
1982), passim' note, however, the terrnitologiral differentiation be-
tween Old Babylonian "version" and Sumerian "forerunners"
•
•
Some other genres of more technical literature, like
medical presc ri ptions, cubic rituals, or musical texts to
name but a few, would hardly ever meet the same crite-
ria of a straight developmental chain: with such texts, di-
achronic differences would be much mo re likely to
reflect deeper changes in contents, such as refined tech-
nologies, or a new cultic setting. At a first glance, histor-
ical texts seem to be equally unlikely candidates for the
application of such a concept of 'forerunners" versus
`standard venions," because they tend to focus on one-
time events the description of which is not likely to be
freely rewritten in a diachronic process of textual devel-
opment. As a matter of fact, however, it is a specific
group of historical texts which, I think, does provide us
with an especially interesting example of exactly such a
process, although the development here takes place in an
atypically short period of time. I am thinking of the sit-
uation when annals of a given king underwent reediting
as new facts an d deeds for the following years accumu-
lated an d had to be incorporated into what at the end of
the king's reign would constitute the "final version."
Common Assyriological jargon tends to use the terms
"redaction" or " re cension" for such intermediate stages
of historical accounts, an d I cannot remember having
seen them referred to as "forerunners," although I do
think that in this case the term would not be inappropri-
ate if used to emphasize the diachronic development of
the text in question.
6. B. Grorxberg, Syntax, loir rind Sal des jeagbabyk-
nischen "hyriwthehen" Literabit (scraltgart 1987,) p. 167. Somewhat
more cautious is the term 'prototype," as used for instance by W.
von Soden, ZA 61 ( 1 97 1 ), p. 44, or M J. Seta, Hymns et Finites sex
Deux de Babylonie et d'Assyrie (Paris 1976) p. 1 73.
7. S. Maul, 7`lcrzbertgitungsklrgen' (Wiesbaden r988), p. 5.
8. W. Farber, Bodnar:Unwritrak an Iller rod Drimaszi (VT
baden ten) pp. Io2E; W.R. Mayer, Ulaerndrwn rn tar FalooIpmdw
do Babylorwsdsen Gebetsieschsrönunirn (Roua 1976), p. 32 (ci p 211:
"Vorstrifil.
9. W. Farber, ZA 7i (1981)
Sddofl (Winona Lake 1989),
(1987), p. 62; M. Geller, Fomwwsns to
passim
96
WALTER FARBER
This example of the annals can also be used to illus-
some of the most important aspects inherent in the
rrn "forerunner." First of all, one has to keep in mind
that its focus is under all circumstances directed back-
wards in time, an d that it quite obviously can never de-
scribe a text at the time of its composition It also implies
that the person rewriting the text knows an d has full ac-
cess to the previous version which he uses while corn-
posing the new texts. Thirdly, the new version is deemed
to be superior to its predecessor, at least for the purpose
of the given situation. And lastly, the final product effec-
tively replaces all previous textual stages and thus be-
comes the "standard ve rs ion" we need for a dichotomy
with the term "forerunner."
Of all the genres mentioned above, to which the term
" forerunner' has occasionally been applied in Assyriolo-
gy, only one sterns to me to truly fulfill all these condi-
dons, an d it is surely not a coincidence that it is the one
for which Landsberger originally used the terminology,
namely the lexical lists. Given the well-known con-
tinuity of the Babylonian school system and the lexical
tradition within it, 1° it seems very likely that in this field
most changes in selection, wording or arrangement
were made intentionally by people fully convenant
with, an d having physical access to tablets representing
previous stages of the text in question Individual addi-
tions and topical rearrangements were surely understood
mprovements, an d the final result after a long textual
history became our "canonical ve rs ion," surprisingly
uniform and basically identical throughout the country.
This standard version then in fact replaced the previous
ditiorts which thus can legitimately be called "forerun-
rs
"
A similar process of step-by-step textual growth an d
improvement might also have affected some groups of
omen texts between the Old Babylonian and Neo-As-
syrian periods, although a direct dependence of later
texts on the earlier material has not been claimed too of-
ten, an d the term "forerunner" has thus been used rarely.
One example that comes to mind is a group of Old
Babylonian tablets with celestial omens which F. Roch-
berg-Haken has called "forerunners or prototypes" to
the later series Enirma Anu Enhl. The texts in ques ti on
still being unpublished, I am unable to put her argument
the test, but it seems from her discussion that some re-
lated texts from the Middle period do not quite b ri dge
the gap from the oldest to the latest venions. The conti-
nuity of the developmental process thus has yet to be
proven. In any case, the concept of forerunners seems to
me quite suitable for what we think might have been the
H rid W.K. Simpson The An-
,p A. Falkenstein, .Sa1il1ri. 4
anly on the Old Babylo-
(AS ao, Chicago 1976), pp.
I I F. Roc it, A x,
.p-t9.
textual history of at least some of the omen collections,
but the evidence has to be thoroughly checked in every
single case before such a claim is made, to see if the basic
conditions for this type of diachronic model exist.
If we now shift our a tt ention to literary texts in the
narrower sense the question of terminology becomes
even more vexing. As far as I can see, most scholars have
been careful to avoid altogether the term 'forerunner"
with regard to epics myths, hymns and the like As a
matter of fact, there are several good reasons why such a
concept of "forerunners" is indeed very questionable
here, an d I have yet to find a single example where the
terminology would seem fully appropriate First of all,
when applied to works of art, the negative tinge of the
term, contrasting it with an ever more perfected "final
ve rs ion," cannot be ignored any longer. A diachronically
later literary treatment of a given topic is not ipso facto
meant to be an improvement over a previous one, even
if the author is known to have had access to the earlier
ve rs ion an d can be shown to have made deliberate use of
it while developing his own work. This situation is cru-
cially different from the one involving groups of non-ar-
tistic traditional texts, like the ones mentioned before. In
written works of art, the only case of a "forerunner" de-
serving its name would be a work by a given author that
was later rewritten, an d thus effectively replaced by an -
other ve rs ion, as exemplified by J.W. Goethe's "Urfaust"
an d the later two-part drama "Faust. " The phenomenon
can also occasionally be found in music, 1z but it is much
more common in pictorial a rt , where the earlier ver-
sions, if they survived as independent works, are usually
referred to as "studies." On the other hand, a develop-
mental chain may well link topically related works of art
over centu ri es, without any of the earlier venions being
merely "forerunners" of the later ones. As just one ex-
ample, let me men ti on here the set of tales about the Ni-
belungs, where the Middle High German "Nibelungen-
lied" certainly cannot be called a forerunner, neither to
Hans Sachs' play Der hörnen Seufriedt (1557), nor to Ri-
chard Wagner s "Ring" cycle (1853), F. Hebbel's Die Ni-
belungen (1861), nor finally to some politically and artis-
tically questionable elaborations by German nationalist
poets like F. Schreyvogel's Herfahrt nach Osten (1938) ' 3
Still all of these authors obviously knew, an d used the
medieval text Quite similarly, there is no reason why an
Old Babylonian ve rs ion of the epic tales about Gilgarnea
should be downgraded to a "forerunner," something
that was — in this case after further intermediate stages
— finally replaced by a standardized, and for reasons of
history de facto final, new work on the topic in the first
millennium. Such terminology would be inappropriate
12. See, for instance, the different "versions" (nos. z and 3) of
Beethoven's Leonora overture, op. 72 and 72.1.
13. For a convenient summary of the most prominent works
in this chain, as well as for basic bibliography, see Kindless Lirrratea-
EcYiImm (München 1 974). pp. 4582-3, 6718-23, and 8189-9z.
"Foreunners" and "Standard Versions"
even if there were proof that a poet like Sîn-leqe-
unnldi'4 actually owned and made use of a set of older
tablets with earlier versions of the story — which inci-
dentally there is not.
A word of caution seems in order here. It is a rather
strange fact that in all the libraries from the first millen-
nium which have been excavated to date there seem to
be hardly any tablets containing "pre-canonical" ver-
sions of any literary or scholarly compositions, and at the
same time I do not know of a single proven example of
an Old Babylonian o ri ginal tablet found in the archaeo-
logical context of such a library I S This is even more sur-
prising since we know from external sources as well as
from textual criticism that the ancient scholars an d au-
thon who standardized the texts an d compiled the li-
braries actually searched for, collected, an d used older
sources.' 6 If they in fact discarded their source material
after incorporating it into their ` updated ve rs ions," it
may well be that they themselves would not at all have
taken exception to the term "forerunner," since their
true objective then would seem to have been to replace
the old tablets with something superior of their own.
But even this, being a phenomenon whose explanation
has to be sought within the scholarly an d artistic tradi-
dons of Mesopotamia, should not induce us to be simi-
larly biased when looking at the respec ti ve works of art
from outside, and from a historic perspec ti ve.
If we now take a final brief look at texts from the
magico-religious sphere, still another important aspect of
our problem becomes apparent. As I have shown élse-
where,' 7 most of those Standard Babylonian incantation
texts for which we know parallel texts from the Old
14. The alleged author of the hest-preserved version of the
epic, who supposedly lived around 1 too B C. For a brief introduction
to the textual history of the tales about Gilgarnes`, see now S. Dailey,
Myths from Mesopotamia (Oxford 1 989). PP , 41-49; and M. Ga ll ery
Kovacs, The Epic of Gilgamed (Stanford 1989), pp. xxiff. For more de-
ta il , cf. the study hy Tigay quoted in n. 5.
t 5. The fact that a few Old Babylonian tablets form part of the
Kuyunjik co ll ection in the B ri tish Museum, and similar cases known
from other museums and collections, are almost certainly due to mix-
ups during the initial acquisition and numbering process, and thus
have little or no heanng on this problem.
16. The isolated find of a tablet which, according to its
stamped colophon must originally have been part of Assurbampal's
library at Nineveh, in a private library in Uruk dating to the Seleucid
period (E. von Weiher, SpTU xt no. 46; cf. W. Farber, WO i8
[1987] 35) is so singular that one can hardly draw any far-reaching
conclusions from it
17. W. Farher, JNES 49 (199 0 ). PP , z99f
97
Babylonian period can be traced back to folldoristic p o-
etry an d show a strong in fl uence of an oral tradition
which probably still continued to exist right into the first
millennium B.C. As far as I can tell, there are no indica-
dons that an individual text stemming from this old oral
tradition and written down in Old Babylonian times
ever became pa rt of a corpus that was handed down in
written form through schools or scholarly libraries. The
situation is thus quite different from what we saw with
the lexical texts, and possibly some other gen re s like the
celestial omens. We should therefore view such an Old
Babylonian incantation, not as an interdependent link of
an unbroken chain of tradition, but rather as a momen-
tary, and in each case individual result of poetic creativ-
ity, which drew its source material directly from the pool
of themes, motifs, an d poetic forms of the oral tradi ti on
It is quite improbable that such an "ephemeral' tablet
then actually ended up in a library an d was handed down
through generations, or that it even acciden ally resur-
faced later, so that it could be used as a "forerunner" ver-
sion by later sc ri bes when they compiled their stan-
dardized corpora of inc an ta ti ons and rituals As a matter
of fact, a study of a particularly informa ti ve group of such
texts, the baby inc an tations an d lullabies,' 8 showed that
the texts from the first millennium B.C. are structurally
very different from the two extant Old Babylonian ex-
amples. It would thus be very hard to believe that the lat-
er texts are a direct con ti nuation of the textual tradition
of the earlier ones, in spite of the striking similarities in
contents and motifs
To sum up: when speaking of forerunners, as op-
posed to standard ve rs ions, we should always keep in
mind the set of conditions necessary to justify such an
evolutionary model. Extra cau ti on is needed when the
texts in ques ti on belong to the realm of literature ( an d
thus a rt), and/or when they are based on oral traditions
as in the case of folkloristic poetry. Under most such cir-
cumstances, the concept of "forerunners" seems Map-
propriate to me, although I have to admit that I myself
have used the term quite profusely an d mo re often than
not, wrongly.
18. Newly edited in W. Farber, Schlrf IC
also id., Antkropos 85 (1990). pp. 139ff

LETTERS AND LITERATURE.
A GHOST'S ENTREATY
Benjamin R. Foster
Yale University
Creative process in a dead literature is visible only in
fossilized form. Approaching a finished product from the
point of view of how it was put together runs the risk of
proclaiming the obvious, but can be a useful way of eval-
uating the creative effort that went into producing it.
Research on the Mesopotamian writer's craft has f0-
cused on poetics and politics, the former mostly in belles-
lefties,' the la tt a mostly in commemorative prose.' In-
vestigation of rhetorical strategy in ancient letter-writing
has only begun, but offers a rich field of inquiry. 3
Correlation between letter-writing and prayer has
been documented by the jubilarian in a pioneering
study.' This dealt with form, content, an d manipulation
of topoi. The purpose of this essay is to show that study
of figurative language is another avenue of approach that
can be used in conjunction with these. Two advantages
of letter over prayers for this purpose are first that letters
can be the efforts of people who need not be accom-
plished in the literary arts and second, that language,
form, and content oftener; are not so burdened by tradi-
tion and expectation as devotional expression 5 The
writer's intentions and techniques are therefore the more
tforward and lacking in subtlety, a helpful state of
o the modem reader. Some Akkadian private let-
h as Dailey, OBTR 150, discussed below, show
laborately worked-out rhetorical effects more sugges-
tive of careful composition than of scream-of-discourse.
Here the reader can see everyday (or, at least, non-liter-
Hecker. Arch 45 ( 1 977), pp. i.45û , AOATS 8 (1974); E.
einer, Yore Pawns in Pieces, Your Mooring Rope Cut, poetry from
Babylonia and Assyria (Ann Arbor, MI, 1985); M. Mindhn, n
al.. eds.,
e Language ne the Animus Near Ear (London,
1 98 7).
2, Especially the "Rome School," for example, Zaccagnini,
CRR.AI 23 (1978), pp. 4o9ff; Faith, CRRAI 25 (1978), pp 4
2 5ff,
OAC 17 0981). pp. 169ff.; Livenni. OAC 17 0981), pp. 225E.; Bad-
a$ et al, Vifh 5 (1982/3). pp. 138.; Gehe, V1cOr 1 (1978). pp. 47ff;
Ponchia, OA 26 ('987). pp. 223ff
3. Tales. Rem8âmiii dells Class/ di Scienzt month, sto
gy a filo-
togiar, Acres raz. *1 Lf1a sor vin vol xeix,
pp. 'Siff.; Sauen
Dunsnd adi.-R. Kupp«, eds., Miscel sea
rot ( P u _
a 1998 3), pp 2378: . ; Poncräa SAAB 3/2 (1989), p.iitar ff ,
4 JAos 88 (1968). pp. 711, mw. recent survey in Hot. Seri
nub Wald Catgnsr aflelrisle studies (Jerusalem, 1981). pp, î78f.
try) language being differentiated, rewritten, and arti-
ficed, perhaps by amateurs. This raises an important
question of language an d literature: at what point do let-
ten become literature? Use of originally independent
letters to create non-epistolary works can be document-
ed in both Sumerian and Akkadian 6 so the literary pos-
sibilities of letters were recognized. Although carefully
written letters need not be considered literary on that ac-
count alone, they provide an exce ll ent testing ground for
the creative process that goes into making literature, be-
ing cases of careful choice of words, form, an d figures of
speech, though with the intent of persuading only a spe-
cific reader.
A letter addressed by a certain Yasitna-abum to Iltani,
queen of the small kingdom of Qattara in northern Meso-
potamia in the Old Babylonian period, allows a test of
this hypothesis. A transliteration and tr ansla ti on of this
document (Dailey, OBTR i 5o) are appended for the
reader's convenience.
The salutation identifies this document as a letter, the
self-characterization of the sender as a letter from an in-
ferior in social status to a superior. Already the salutation
Introduces what is read here as the "metaphor of the
dead petitioner." In prayers an d other religious literture,
old age an d death can be tropes for penitents who have
5. For the question of whether or not Old Bahylonian letters
are exemplary of everyday speech, see F.R. K ra us, Vont mesopotamis-
then Menschen der a!tbobylornsehei Z eit und seiner Welt (Amsterdam,
1 97 3) , pp. 4off; Nominalsmze in altbabyloniseM Bdeft and der Stativ
(Amsterdam, 1 98 4), p. 13 note 79. In any case, no one would claim
that they regularly used the same language as Old Babyknian hymns
or narrative poetry. The form and language of later hymns and
prayers has heen studied by W Mayer, Unttnuchungen zur For-
mecuproche der ba4ylonischen ' Cebetsbeschuavnatgen, " Studies Pohl 5, Sens
Major (Rome, 1976), hereafter cited as UFBG; B. Groneherg, Mor-
phologic and Stil der jungbobyonisdun 'iymriarhtn' Liteturur, FAOS 14
(Stuttgart, 1987). For general considerations, see L. Milk, "Choice
and Stylistic Option: The Conscious and Unconscious Poles," in S.
Chaman, ed., literary Styk: A Symposium (Oxford, 1970, pp 77ff
6. For Sumerian, Hallo, AS 20 (1975), p. 196. For Akkadian,
an example s the "Kedor-Laome" texts BM 35404 rev" = Pinches,
JTVI 29 ( 18 97) pp. 841 reach (collated): [x (x)] IM 1 Ku-dur-[...1 "let-
ter(?) of K." See further Van DO. OrNS 55 (1986), PP. t66ff.
Letters and literature: A Ghost's Entreaty
lost divine favor, 7 and salvation from death is portrayed
as the highest sign of divine favor. 8 The writer's choice
of words, "son of a ghost," is peculiar, 9 and has led to a
proposal that Yasitna-abum had been adopted by the
queen as an orphan. 1O This proposal is unconvincing be-
cause in this case "son of a ghost" would in effect deny
the adoptive parent, a major offense in Mesopotamian
society, and scarcely an effec ti ve way for an alleged
adop ti ve son to persuade his adop ti ve parent of his
deserts In any c as e, the figure is developed creatively
from the common theme "I cannot live without you" to
become an interesting image of a needy spi ri t wandering
back and forth among his rela ti ves. The intent may be to
say that he is forced to live off the largesse of his rela ti ves,
as do the dead," but had hoped for better from the
queen s
Turning to the body of the letter, we may outline its
contents according to the following scheme, obligatory
matter marked with an asterisk (*) (see TABLE I).
The over-all structure of the document presents
nothing unusual: statement, ques ti on and doubt, appeal
balanced with presumption of confidence. This mirrors
the young man's narra ti on of his own life: confidence,
disappointment, now only hope. Its force comes partly
from its stow-like structure (situa ti on : conflict : pre-
sumed resolution), intensified by first-person perspec-
tive, and partly from its affinity with the body of Meso-
potamian religious belief and expression centered on the
disappointment an d sense of injustice a servitor may feel
if abandoned by his divine protector!'
This early example of the motif offers a feature less
frequently developed in later theodicies: a servitor's suf-
fering is discreditable to his protector. Such transfer of
7. Nabu 1 (UFBG, pp. 469û.) lines 13-14: lobâku ana kal ileäni
petit upnâya ... ittatlakit wmiya igIÜ*ä lamât ya, "Now that I am old, my
hands make petition to all the gods ... My days have elapsed, my
years have come to an end"; Marduk 4 (= Eheling, AGH, pp. 72ff.)
line 6 trima libi ugtaddidanni, "He has hunched me over like an old
man"; SIFT 65 (see Livingstone, Court Poetry, pp. 30-32) shore ira 4t
siminia t[u]sselanni ira mayyide l [ires lâ]Hka mita liblartgwrrirte mplauu
lu tatunu ' (Now) old age has me bedridden prematurely ... Let the
dead man revive [by your] breeze, le t his squandered life become
gun"
8. mita ;dim erica ufana, "He hrings the dead back from the
netherworld," (W.G. Lambert, OINS 36 [1967], 128 line 179).
Compare Ludlul IV (= BWL, 58.33) la b 1Madduk mitutalu ubdlif,
"Who but Marduk revived his dead?" For further references, see
CAD M/2, 141 293' and helow, note 17.
9. Compare the passage in an Old Assyrian letter (OrNS 36
[1967]. P. 410) mitan' yitli lei mer'i ira kilo m :Oman "you saved us
me, a dead man, and my son — from prison." The metaphor of
the dead correspondent h frequently found in Sargonid correspon-
dence, e.g., CT S4 62.2: mite anaku "i am dead"; CT 54 57 rev. 22:
pri mini amass "I am a dead body. "
to. Anbar, RiOr35 (1978) p. 212.
II. Bonito, CRRAI 26 0979), pp. 351; ?.A 73 (1983).
'53f ; Cagni Filosofta e uD12ties 4/2 ( 1 994 PP.
12. In general,. von Soden, MDOG 9 6 ( 1 96 5), PP, 41ff.; Bot-
tiro, R8dhtreh8s et Documents du Cran Thomas More 77/7 (1977), Pp-
IEE
99
onus from servitor to served is a daring strategy rarely
encountered in Mesopotamian devotional literature.' 3
Comparing structure to the degree and rhythm oflin-
guistic differentiation, one notes that linguistic differen-
dation intensifies until the mid-point of the document,
then declines rapidly and levels off in favor of undiffer-
entiated language with well-developed parallelism (see
below) an d straightforward similes. This is near the point
focus turns from the petitioner to the addressee, and his
future (past time to "general," i.e., gnomic) time is at is-
sue. Despite the logical necessity of removing himself
from the realm of those beyond help, the writer's de-
ployment of his metaphor suggests a strong start but in-
ability or reluctance to car ry through with the figurative
premise as the author of a work of literature might have;
at least, one expects and finds inst an ces of revival at the
point of death, with the same or even greater density of
figure. t4 Seen in this way, his reuse of the metaphor t o-
wards the end of the text (34-36) contributes little be -
yond keeping memory of it fresh; similar self-
characterizations abound in Mesopotamian prayers. t5
The chiasmic parallelism of lines 34-39 is of consider-
able psychological interest. The pair father:son is ex-
panded to (gentle)men.fathers an d brothers. Singular to
plural expansion in parallelism is not unusual, but "(gen-
tle)men" for "son" is a striking replacement, motivated
by the "gentleman's estate' of line t r, the o ri ginal pro-
mise. The hint is plain. A second subtle subs ti tution is
made: the queen is subject of the main clause of the first
unit, but the petitioner is subject of the main clause of
the second unit. Thereby the parallel units become fa-
13. For example, unreasonabk neglect VOS 2 tot = AbB 9,
89-91; feigned sleep: cases cited by Sen. Hymnes et Pu its mix dieux
de Babykne et d'Assyrie (Paris, 1976), P. 147 note 9; unfair treatment:
Assumairpal Psalm (= von Soden, MO 25 [ 1 974/7]. pp. 37E) iü 61:
lei Th arfi anti u titian aladdad Iluta'J "How have I incurred no sin or
misdeed (before) that I should draw upon myself [your punishment
(now)]?", neglect of own self-interest Literary Hymn to Marduk (_
W.G. Lambert, Af0 19 [1959/6 o]. pp. 55E) tines 671E; (restoration
with Seux, Hymnes. p. 175 note 28) la hYtlil] imu min rime ss / ball.
umtma ardu bila!u ipatla4 / (Arse mfl turn ana di mina swap "What is the
profit in one who has turned [into] clay? Its a living servant who re-
veres his master. What benefit is dead] dust] to a god?"
14. In some belletrisnc works the sufferer n rescued at the
point of death or at the gave (iMmduk ina gabsi bul1rcfa ik"i, Ltx9ul
IV = BWL, 58.35). Possible variations on this common thc u u: in-
chide a fragmentary passage that may refer to snatching him from his
own funeral cortege (W.G. Lambert, ARD 19 11959/601. $3): (...]
MES sussulli ngmulka / [...] pâté lupafki "[Stop the] pa9]bearerl at
your cry, open wide [the sealed tomb]." A clearer case is G .I
II.114f. (= BWL, 46) pill kimab u ersti lukmrwa / adi k militurra biki6
gamrat, "The tomb was open, my funerary goods ready. Before I had
died, lamentation for me was done." A pamcularly vivid instance is
Ugariti a V 162 (p. 43 5) line 43: lam 9 iloom
Nougayrol,
He (Marduk) wrested the shovel from the digger of my gra ve." The
culmination of this motif is found in Ludful IV (= BWL, 5ß.28f.),
where the redeemed suf&ter gives a banquet for the Hsbylorriesnu u
the site of his intended entombrnxnt. That examples show the pm-
sib Biros, known from later literary trios, available to the petitioner,
had he chosen to avail himself of then
For example, in the Assuntanapal psalm (above. note 16):
100 BENJAMIN R. FOSTER Letters and literature: A Ghost's Entreaty IoI

ther:queen — (gentle)man.petitioner. Two common at an early date, but its purport and intentions are debat-
TABLE I expressions involving parts of the body (eye, arm) tie the ed; here the intent is manifestly to flatter.'
pair together we ll . Eye recalls the imperfect perception Other questions of poetics an d language invite con-
("forgot, do not know") emphasized in the first half of sideration. For example, inclusion in various forms (lines
Lines Form Content Language Focus the letter, made good by the common knowledge 12, 17f.) is a staple of Old Babylonian epistolary s ty le;
evoked in 29-32. Arm reflects the action called for at the one may wonder if its comparative rarity in poetic nar-
salutation* name of sender,* death metaphor addressee end, cast as a negative wish. rative, for example, is owed to avoidance of it as a form
tide of addressee* added, one unit' The reader need not consider substitution of simile of common speech. Its presence here, therefore, should
6- 7 statement of contrast between death metaphor petitioner and parallelism for metaphor a sign that the petitioner not be read as a differentiation but as pa rt of normal letter
physical health* physical health revised (_ `not alive"), had run out of ways to use his metaphorical premise half s tyle an d perhaps everyday usage. It is to be considered
and inner life 2 one unit way through his composition. Rather, he makes here re- more a secondary explanatory and highlighting strategy
course to familiar imagery suggestive of prayer, for 'like than an artistic device with independent value
8-12 main topic, with story of false metaphor of "wild goose petitioner a father/mother (etc.)" were expressions every Meso- Change of person (enallange) can again be attested in
inclusion hopes chase" plus its clarification, 3 16
potamian knew well. Furthermore, there was a ten- petitioning letters from an early date." Typically it in-
past time dency to make the beginnings of literary texts more volves opening in a respectful third person, approaching
t6 exp an sion of self-description death metaphor petitioner elaborately artificed than their immediately subsequent to the second as intimacy is presumed, then relapsing to
main topic as haunting spi ri t not expanded to three units, narratives, so the writer may have felt the need to devel- the third when authority needs to be given room to act.
properly cared for past time op his opening lines more elaborately than his appeal. 7 Use of this device in literature such as prayers an d nurra-
17-20 summary of main capriciousness parallelism, addressee Having attracted his reader's a tt ention with a rt an d feel- lives is sometimes taken as a sign of fragmented dis-
topic, with inclusion, of addressee past time ing an d thereby established his credentials as an educat- course, ch an ge of speaker, or combination of different
introduction of ed person deserving of support, the writer can then turn texts, 23 but it is too widely used to make such mechan-
new topic to other techniques of persuasion, drawn from the lan- ical explanations necessary or convincing in the face of
21-22 rhetorical guage of wisdom an d entreaty. indisputable occurrences such as this one.
unnatural woman, death metaphor addressee
question Introduction of the charge of shame an d unnatural- Yasitna-abum's literary strategy sought pity, embar-
inhumanity revised (living ghost more
ness into the plea has shock value, as witnessed by its ef- rassment, and action. To gain his ends he created a florid
pitiable than corpse), introit depending on metaphor to arouse pity a pre-
fective use in Enuma Eli!, for example.' $ The attack is
present time
skillfully depersonalized by making it sound like con- sumptive attack using simile and parallelism typical of
23-25 appeal do a deed death metaphor, addressee ventional wisdom rather than the petitioner's own judg- conventional wisdom to create embarrassment, an d con-
(second person) present time ment. 19 It gains impact by female male reversal: Iltani is cluded with the language of prayer and petition to in-
first addressed as a woman (thus according to Mesopo- spire action. Were his efforts rewarded with success?
26-292 s tatement truncated helpless condition, undifferentiated, addressee tamian literary tradition, forgiving and tender), and is
by rhetorical addressee's under- general time petitioner second petitioned as head of a household. As soon as re-
questions standing of it.
spect an d control are the subject, the writer makes the AKKADIAN TEXT
2 92- 33 rhetorical shame-provoking z
parallelism addressee queen a man, no doubt meaning to compliment her. He
questions ' a-na be-el-ti -ia ql-b(-ma um-ma la-si-it-na-bu-um arad-
analogy with appeal to general time is not looking for the "good manager of the house,"
masculine status and ki-ma i dSamaf u dMarduk al=lum mar e-[te 4 -e]m-mi-im ia -
known in Mesopotamian religious imagery, 2O but rather
personal pride ti ` da-ri-if u4 -mi be-el-ti Sli- ba -al - li -tfi 6Ia-al-ma-ku lu -lum
the householder in charge. Use of masculine imagery for be-el-ti-ia ma ti ma ' u-ul rl-li-kam-rna li-ib-b, u-ul ib-lu -ut
34 - 36 appeal - -

son to father goddesses is found in Mesopotamian religious expression

simile, addressee B i-na An-da ri-igki a-na ir-pi--ô a -tim la ba -ra -tim 9 tu-ta-ak-ki-
(third person)
-

death metaphor li-in-nr-ma u rn -ma at-ti-ma lulr-Jar-ru-tam-mw a- bu-uz-ma

37 - 39 statement of men to fathers a-na-ku-ma "bi-it a-wi-le-e , 4e-ep pE-el:ka "i-na an-ni -tim
simile, petitioner
confidence and brothers tu-ta-ak ki- li -rn -n:-ma "i na me e d me e tu-usr-te-h-
parallelism 16. Examples from devotional literature in CAD A/I, 69 lb; -
- -
-

40 appeal shame-provoking from letters CAD A/ i, 71 ia. ni-ma a-na ma-rie-(e 4 -em-mi-sm ia-tii-na bi-n-it ki-im-
undifferentiated 17. The opening lines of texts such as Atnhasis, Enuma Ells,
(third pers n negative wish addressee ti-ia ' b i-ta-a^-gu-la-am ta-al-ti-mi "u 4 -ma-am if-te-en la tu-
Etana, Gilgamesh, and Ern, for example present, mostly for artistic
reasons, major interpretive prohlems that have engendered a volumi- tu-ki -li ni ' r) tu- sa -am-mi-ri-im 19 u-ul ta-ab-su-si-ma n-ma-
-

Unit" here means an ï
have perished" = two uni
Here the convention of na
death kward conjunction from a literary point o
nous and often polemic literature. For a survey of some examples, see am =°la sinntsatim N-ul ta-ar-Ji- im " at-ti û-ui ti-de-e ki-ma
Wi lc ke, ZA 67 (1977). pp. 1 53f man e-(e4 -mi-ma "e -li la-la-am-tirn a-na ri-ms-sm na-
08. Enuma Ells I line 119: [u! um]mu anti "You a re no mother
bl
ufficient to convey a figure: "son of a ghost" = one uni
"i-na-an-na dÊamalg1-im -li -ma ue-!i ma-r i e-le4 -migï
the son
19. For a possible parallel in the Cuthaean Legend of Naram-
health takes precedence over the writer's metaphorical ill health and Sin lines 169-172, see Landsberger, SAAB 3/1 (1989), P 41; corn-
. but required by letter form. P lc, J J. M. Roberts, The Earliest
pare Kussulu to the Moon God (Gadd, UET Vi/z 402) line 36 (ed-
.

Added perhaps because his new metaphor mi

in seine not, like the first one, have been immediately t ra nsparent to ited by Gadd, Iraq 25 [ 1 96 4 PP 177« : D. Chapin, Le Clergé d'Ur
the queen,
au stick d'Hammurabi [Paris, 1986], 326ff.): taus 'Nana u dgamal
epgam imalla ilappin u aplam soli traTi', 'He who swears (fdsely) by
Nanna and Samas will be covered with leprosy, he will become a
pauper, and have no heir."
2o. Gula Hymn of Bullutsa-obi (= W.G. Lambert, Or NS 36
[1967]. p. 12o) line 65 marâku katlaku )jiritku u abrakkalor "i am
daughter, I am bride, i am spouse, and I manage the household "
(Baltimo re , 1972), p 39; Harm, History of Religions 3
268ff.
22. For example, the Old Akkadian letter Fish, MCS 4 p. 13
= Westenholz MO 31 (1984), p. 79 = Foster, Umma in the Se-
gyms Period (Hamden. CT, 1982), 134 (third to second).
23. For citation of instances in hymns and prayers, see Seux.
Hymnes (above, note 16), p. 144 note it; other texts cited Foster .
JAOS 103 (1983). p. 125 note 16.
IO2 BENJAMIN R. FOSTER
lam " da-ri-am lu -uk-n i 26 i-na-ma mt-im-ma la i -lu -u a-na
ekallim 4-but az-zi-tz d mi-nam lu -ur-ri-kam-ma iB Ju-t pu-
ra-ak-ki-im a-na-ku a-wa-a-tim "e- li -ki-i mu-da-ku G-ul ti-
de-e'° ki-ma a-wi-lum la bi-ta-nu -lu la ta-ak-lu " qâ-gti-su i-
na ekal -li -fu qa-al -lu " A lu-4 35-14 at-ti-i u-ui tu-de-e-ma "a-
na-ku al ta-na-ap-pa-ra-ak-ki-im " lei-ma a-bu-um a-na ma-
rc-(e1-ftt' s i-na -lu la el-mi-na ki-a-am be-el-ti ' 6 ta-tima- ri e-
(e4 -em-mi-sm li -da-ni-in "ki -ma a-tvi -lu -ti a-na ab-bi-fu-nu
u all-jli-lu-nu ta-ak -lu 39 a-na-ku a-na be-el-ti-ta ta-ak-la-
ku p 6e-el-ti a-all-La e -li -a 41 1a i-na-ad-di
Say to my lady, thus Yasitna-abum your serv an t. May
Shamash an d Marduk let my lady live forever for the
sake of a ghostling, myself. I am we ll . No greeting from
my lady ever reached me so my heart has not quickened
to life. You made me put my trust in a wild goose chase'
in Andarig, saying, "Learn to be a scribe an d I'll make
you a gentleman's estate," that s what you made me put
my trust in. You made me forego both fish an d fowl,b
you doomed me, the ghostling, to wander back and
forth among my relatives. You took no thought of that
one time you made me tru st an d then tried to do some-
thing for me, you felt nothing of a woman's pity.
As for you, don't you know that a ghostling deserves
more pity than a corpse? So now, do a good deed for jus-
tice,` do a lasting good deed for a ghostling Since I have
nothing, I cannot serve in the palace.
But what more should I write you? I, do I know
more about these things than you do? Don't you know
that a m an whose householders can't trust in him loses
face in his own palace, and he himself is contemptible,
don't you know that? I write to you often enough.
Just as no father gives his own son s the evil eye, so
may my lady uphold me, the ghostling. Just as gentlemen
trust in their fathers and brothers, I trust in my lady. May
my lady not neglect me!
Notes to Text: (a) Text: "in birds not caught(?)" (b) Text. "wa-
ter and broth. ' (c) Text gantaL (d) Perhaps the writer wrote
the plural, "sons," then changed it to "son "
ASTRAL DUMUZI
Daniel A. Foxvog
The University of California at Berkeley
BM 96739 (CT 3 6, 33 - 34), an Old Babylonian tigi- (3)
hymn to Inanna last edited by Falkenstein as a proof-ten digir ur-sag-ga `su'* bi-in -gar me-zu an -na mu-un-diri-
in his examination of the Sumenan contrapunctive pre- dam
forma tive (ZA 48 [1 944], pp. Io5-I13), is remarkable in sà ama-za-ta rutùg' mi-tum-ma zà sa -mu-ni-in-kés
a number of ways. Leaving aside its tightly structured din an na ur' - sag-ga [s]u* bi-in -gar me-zu an -na mu-un-
compositional style, which is not unique,' it is unusual diri-[dam]
for its martial portrayal of Dumuzi, in his aspect of sà dnin-<gal>-`a'-ta utùg mi-tum-ma zà sa -mu-ni-in-
Amausumgalanna, the royal conso rt of the goddess in kes
the Sacred Marriage Rite, and for the astral references
(4)
found throughout, particularly in its last stanzas. Falken-
stein offered a slightly improved translation an d brief de- lugal] kalam-ma gi b ni-a 'barâ' digir u 42te' sa-mu-ra*-
scription in SAHG pp. 73-76, 364, but since that time no su8*-ge-es"
full edition has yet appeared which incorporates Kram- ku[r-re b]a-e -Il kur sa-mu-`u8'-da 2 b61'-1a-àm
er s later collations. The following attempts to remedy `dams'-usumgal-an -na kalam-ma gib zal-a `bard
this lack an d is offered as a tribute to a scholar in whose u4 -te sa-mu-rat-sus*-ge-<es>
debt we shall always be for his many cont ributi ons to the kur-re `ba' -il kur sa-mu u8' -da bùI-la-àm
-`
-
establishment of the Old Babylonian Sumerian literary (5)
corpus.' nin-gu to dam ni-za im-mi-sè bùl-`be-la-mu-un-da
den-hl-le ma-ra-an-sum kur rù-gal-la su -zu -us
(I) dinanna dam ni-za im -mi-sè bù1-bùl-la-mu-un-da
rain drain-gal-e ul-e bi-li-sè sa 7-ga den-hl-le ma-ra-an-sum kur ni-gal-la su -zu -us
usumgal-am bu -bùb sa-mu-ra-an-gal (6)
dinanna drain-gal-e ul-e bi-li-sè sa l-ga
in-nin nè-a-zu mu-un-na-sum lugal-àm
usumgal-àm `bùbb-bùb "sa -mu-ra-an-gâl
d<ann>-ussumgal-an-na sse-`er'-zi ssa-n-ab-e-de
(2) dinanna nè-a-zu mu-un na-sum lugal-im
ulù-a u5 -a abzu - ta me su ti-a-me-en dama-usumgal-an-na se -er-zi sa-ra-ab-è-dè
lugal dama -usumgal-an -na barâ-`kù'-za si -im -mi (7)
dinanna ulù-a u s -a abzu -ta me su ti-a-me-en
`ki'-bala kur-bad-`ri èa'-né sùb-sab 4-
lugal dama -[usu]mgal-an -na barâ-kù-za si' -im mi-tus'
` -
zal-zal-e
dama-usumgal-an-na-ke 4
sub-sab4 a u4 mi-ru
dutu kur sim-Weren-na-ta è-a-
I. Compare, for example, the Si hymn to Suen, A. Sjöberg, sa-mu- `u 8' -si- pes-pes'-e
ZA 6 3 ( 1 973) 36-4o.
2. Kramer's col la tions, Iraq 36 0974) pp• 9 8 -99. me indicated dama-usumgal-an-na dutu kur sirr- eren-na-ta e-a-
by asterisks. A strict lineation has not been provided in order to avoid gin7 i-(text é-)du to-ga . s"a-mu - un-si-pel-pes-e
a confining presentation of the abbreviated repeated stanzas in the
second section. Instead, whole stanzas are numbered for later refer-
sa -gid-da-àm
ence. The scribe has made a number of careless errors which are dis-
counted in the translation. Otherwise, apart from the liberal use made
of the contrapunctive preformative "thus, so, corresponcfingly," the
text is fairly straightforward
104 DANIEL A. FOXVOG Astral Dumuzi I05

You, Inanna, mounted upon the storm winds, with the fine milkfat increases again and again be-
(8)

( 1 3)
powers gotten from the Apsu, cause of him.
nin me-na itu- gub-bu dumu -gal dsuen-na an-na è-a sù- My lady manna, Amausumgalanna <has relied upon
lumga-ga you then seated king Amausumgalanna on your sacred
(The above) is the sagida (section). you>,
rug tés-bi-s"è gub-gub-bu mè ezen-gin 7 sa -mu- dais.
< an d you have cloaked him> as with your (own) mantle
ra-dè-du7 (3) (8)
of divine power.
ki-bala é ni-bé sa -ra-gul-e Goddess, who has favored the hero that he might make <And so, for you, Heaven shall beget him (anew)> each
Lady, in battle with whom none can stand, eldest child
dama-ushumgal-an-na ur-sag kala-ga utüg za-gin sâr sa - your powers surpass (even) An's, month on the day of the new moon, <like the
of Suen, when (you) appear in the heavens pro-
ra- itu- u n-ug7 from your mother's very womb you have girded on the Moon (himself)>,
ducing awe-inspiring radiance,
(9)
utug and mitum maces. then all the young men st an ding as one shall join battle an d king Amausumgalanna, <the beloved of your heart>,
dinanna mè -né DIS nam -gurus DIS ki-bala DES da manna, who has favored the hero that he might make for you as though it were a fes ti val, they shall praise like the risen Sun!
usumeai-an-na your powers surpass (even) An's, the houses of the rebel l an ds shall be razed of themselves
(to) from Ningal's very womb you have girded on the utug for you, (The above) is the sagara (section).
an d mitum maces an d Amausumgalanna the mighty hero shall slay mul ti- This is a tigi-hymn of Inanna.
tun an-an -se ki-ki-sc ni sisà-zu ni-gal a -ba -a mu-e-da-
(4) tudes for you with his lapis lazuli mace. 53 (lines).
an-zu
inim-zu gis tab -ba nu-ku 5 -ru-da an tés" -ba si-im da- The king — when the night had passed in the land an d Both Falkenstein and Kramer commented briefly on
(9)

1 kù-k6 \
a-a-zu den-hi-le mu-ra-an-sum
dama-usumgal-an-na-ke 4 mi rsa(}art* - re-es" a 5 usumgal-
gut 7 nir-gal sa - ra-ni-in-
(II)
nna nin an-an-sè DES inim-zu DES a-a-zu Dl5 dama-
us'umgal-an-na
(la)
nin-gu to dama-usumgal-an-na-ke 4 nir u-u8-
tE-zu-gin 7 bar-ra si-bi-dul
i tu -da u 4 -sakar-ra dsuen-gin 7 an-ne za••ra sa-mu- -an-
ù-tu
lugal d ama-us'umgal-an-na sà-za ki-âg - bi^-im
dutu è-a-gin 7 sa -mu na - an-i-i-ne
( 1 3)
dina nna nin-gu to dama-usumgal-an-na-ke 4
n'igtiAE-zu-gin 7 DiS im-da u 4 -sakar-ra
lugal dama-us'umgal-an-na
dutu -gin 7 c-a sa-mu-u8-da-i i-ne (stcl)
sa-gar-ra-im tigi dinanna -kam
53
(I)
Lady, though (first) joyfully formed beautifully by Nin-
gal for delight,
she then provided you with the power to destroy, like a
the rulers and gods had come to st an d before
you at daylight,
an d you bore him over the mountains and so the moun-
tains rejoiced over you
Amausumgalanna — when the night had passed in the
land and the rulers and gods had come to stand
before you at daylight,
an d you bore him over the mountains and so the moun-
tains rejoiced over you
(5)
My lady, you made him into your very own husband.
Rejoice, rejoice over him!
Enlil, that Great Mountain, has given him to you, into
your hand.
Inanna, you made him into your very own husband.
Rejoice, rejoice over him!
Enlil, that Great Mountain, has given him to you, into
your hand.
(6)
Mistress, you have given hum your might, the king,
you have made Amaus'umgalanna come forth before you
in radiant splendor.
Inanna, you have given him your might, the king,
you have made Amausumgalanna come forth before you
in radiant splendor.
(7)
Inanna, in battle with whom <none can stand, eldest
child of Suen when (you) appear in the heavens
producing awe-inspinng radiance>,
then all the young men <standing as one shall join battle
for you as though it were a fes ti val>
<the houses> of the rebel lands <shall be razed of them-
selves for you>,
an d Amausumgalanna <the mighty hero shall slay mul-
titudes for you with his lapis lazuli mace>.
(to)
Lady, the matten of your heart are greater than all heav-
en and all earth, who can know (anything)
about you
and at your word, a doubled cord that cannot be cut, the
whole heaven is consumed.
Your father Enlil gave him to you,
an d so Amausumgalanna, battling (the foe) to the earth
like a dragon, shall be a match for you in p ri nce-
liness.
(II)
Inanna, lady, <the matten of your heart are greater>
than all heaven <and all earth, who can know
(anything) about you>,
an d at your word, <a doubled cord that cannot be cut,
the whole heaven is consumed>.
Your father <Enlil gave him to you>,
the text, but neither fully explained the significance of its
astral references In SAHG p. 364 after noting the un-
usual warlike characterization of the god, Falkenstein re-
marked that "Die jüngere Überlieferung setzt Tammuz
mit dem guten Hi rt en des Himmels', dem sumerischen
Namen des O ri on, gleich. Die Anspielung von [Stanza
12:3] bleibt dann aber unverständlich.' Kramer, in Iraq
3 6 ( 1 974) 9 8 , suggested that the text "celebrates, in the
main, the trusting, harmonious, mutually advantageous
rapport between the goddess and her beloved husband
Amaus"umgalanna, conceived as a bright heavenly star to
whom An 'gives birth' every New Moon." He goes on
to suggest (n. 32) that "Since, as is well-known, the king
of Sumer, as the husband of Inanna, was identified with
Amausumgalanna, it may be, to judge from this hymn,
that there was current in Sumer a theological tenet that
the king upon his death was turned into a heavenly star
situated close to the Venus-star Inanna." This sugges ti on
has certainly received confirmation at least for Shulgi of
Ur, who, it is now known, was said to have ascended to
heaven at his death an d there, for a time at least, to have
become a star or constella ti on 3 A decade later Kramer
cited the last stanzas of our text again in connection with
another Dumuzi-Inanna hymn, which seems to depict
Dumuzi's ascension to heaven in the form of an appeal
to Inanna to "station him against the sky." 4 In suggesting
that Dumuzi was finally set there, "presumably as one of
eaven's] planets or stars, and (perhaps) not far from his

dragon. When he appears over the rebel l an ds, the far distant
Inanna, though (first) joyfully formed beautifully by mountains, he causes day after day to pass (there)
Ningal for delight in trouble and confusion,
she then provided you with the power to destroy, like a when Amaus"umgalanna appears over <the rebel lands>,
n the far distant mountains, he causes day after day
to pass (there) in tr ouble and confusion.
But when (he appears) like the sun come forth from the
And you, mounted upon the storm winds , with
Mountains of Aromatic Cedar, the fine milkfat
gotten from the Apsu, increases again an d again because of him,
you then seated. king Amauiumgalanna on your sacred
when Amausumgalanna (appears) like the sun come
dais.
forth from the Mountains of Aromatic Cedar,
an d so Amausumgalanna <battling (the foe) to the earth
like a dragon, shall be a match for you in p ri nce-
liness>.
(12)
My lady, Amausumgalanna has relied upon you,
an d you have cloaked him as with your (own) mande of
divine power.
And so, for you, Heaven shall beget him (anew) each
month on the day of the new moon, like the
Moon (himself),
an d king Amausumgalanna, the beloved of your heart ,
they shall like the risen Sun!
spouse" (p. 5), Kramer surely had in mind something of
what follows
3. See W. Horowitz and P. Watson, AS) t3 (1991) 410-414
for the most recent discussion of W atson. Ba 113z with earlier ref-
erences. Note also W.W. Hallo in AV Tadmor (199 1) 158-159.
4. "BM 88318 The Ascension of Dumuzi to Heaven," Re-
cueil dt Tra vaux et de Communications de l'Association des Etudes du
Produ-Orient An cien 2 ( 1 98 4) 5-9. see n. 2. This edition is, unfortu-
nately, filled with typological erron; sec the handcopy in CT 58. No.
t3. Perhaps the enigmatic Sg-mul-an-na of BM 98396:16-18 (CT 58
No. 5) is connected in some fashion with astral Dumuzi. See Kram-
er's echtion, Errtz-Israel 16 (1982) 14I*- 146*.

I o6 DANIEL A. FOXVOG
Astral Tammuz and iliac
To begin, while Dumuzi may occasionally be called
a "shepherd of An," 5 he cannot be linked with the Ori-
on constellation muismA.ZI.AN.NA , which is associated,
rather, with Papsukkal, vizier of Anu and Istar. 6 There is
no doubt that Dumuzi/Tammuz was instead regularly
identified with the constellation known in later periods
as LO.FJUN.CA = agru, the Hired Man, for which see the
basic references under CAD agru 2. Note, further, that
the constellations dDUMU.zI and dSi-pa-zi-a-na are sep-
arate entries among the gods invoked by the diviner in
the "Prayer to the Gods of the Night ' treated by Op-
penheim, AnBib i2 (t959) 282-301. 7
For her part, inanna/IsTar is regularly identified with
the constellation called Anunitu, almost certainly her old
Sargonic by-name, used, possibly, to keep distinct her
astral and planetary manifestations. 8 See Gössmann, SL
4/2 No. 27 and cf. BM 82923 (Pinches Astrolabe) line 6:
I MU[L A-nu-ni-tu]m = dINANNA be-let KUR nu-kir--trm. 9
Agru and Anunitu represent, approximately, Aries
and the eastern fish of Pisces respectively, thus the con-
stellations of the first an d last of the twelve classical zodi-
acal signs. They are contiguous in many Babylonian
descriptions, Anunitu preceding (rising before) Agru, a
relationship that can easily been seen from mulAPIN I i
42 -43; 10
kakkabu la arks Iki' izzazzu Anunitu
kakkabu la arkilu izzazzu Agru Dumuzi
The star which stands behind the Field [= Pegasus]:
Anunitu .
The star which stands behind it: the Hired Man,
Dumuzi
In classical astrology, Venus is "exalted" (has her most
potent influence) in Pisces," and Syrian Venus figures
appear in connection with the Greco-Roman Pisces,
while Aries is the "house" (sphere of influence) of
Man. t2 In modern popular astrology, Ma rs has become
the "rather" of Aries, the sign of the firebrand, seducer,
,w. und
977) I
6, See P Giisamann SL No. 348. F in must have
been thinking of texts which associate Orion with the month Tam-
muz. for which cf. A. Lrvingstone, Mystical and Mythological Explana-
tory works olAssyl an and Babylonian Scholars (Oxford, 1986) t381
7.
See E Reiner and D. Pingree, Babylonian Planetary Omens:
Pan Two, BiMes ah (198 r) at
8, On the problem of the name, see J.J.M. Roberts, The Ear-
hest Semitic Pa,therrs (Baltimore, 1972) 1 45-148 War of Uruk and
Amsnnitu of Agade are often referred to as separate nuniksratiom of
die goddess; cf. Snaps IV 168 and 17o.
9• C.B.F. Walker and H Hunger, "Zis i aldrri," MDOG
1 09 (1977) 2 7-34; cf Reiner and Pingree op. cif.
3f
ro. H. Hunger and D. Pingree, MUL.APIN: An
Asrvnnrical
CaTendiissss in Cuneiform, MO Beiheft as (1989) 3o
Abo already in Babylonia, see F Rochberg-Halton, JAGS
$7. .
A&sh, Star -Nanu rd Their Meanings (New Y
ork,
and conqueror, and Venus and Man are opposed as male
an d female sexual principles. Thus are love an d war con-
stantly united in human imagination in Mesopotamia
above all in the person of Inanna/Istar herself, but also in
the contiguous conste llations Anunitu/Pisces and Agru/
Aries. In the light of later beliefs, it should come, then,
as less of a surp ri se that royal Amausumgalanna in our
present text is portrayed in heroic, militaristic terms.
Dumuzi Reborn Monthly Like Th e Moon
The sun moves through the entire zodiacal belt of
constellations over the course of a year, but the moon
makes the same circuit monthly. For example, muJAPIN
I iv 3 I-39 lists eighteen constellations, from the Pleiades
(located within Taurus, the sign following Aries)
through Anunitu and Agru, concluding in summary "All
these are the gods who stand in the path of the Moon
through whose regions the Moon in the cou rse of a
month passes and whom he touches."^ 3 As F. Roch-
berg-Halton has remarked "the list begins with MUL.
MUL [the Pleiades, i.e. Taurus] in the manner of older
sky lists, an d concludes with MUL.LCJ.UUN.CA (Aries)
which later became the first zodiacal sign."" The older
convention must reflect ch anges in the movement of the
sun through the zodiacal constella tions owing to the
slow westward precession of the vernal equinox, which
was located to the west of Aries in the third millennium,
arrived at Aries around 2000 B.C., reached the middle of
Aries around moo B.C., and now is beginning to leave
Pisces, heralding the popularly celebrated coming of the
Aquarian Age. Later texts thus begin the stellar year with
the first appearance of Aries. Compare the first line of
the ideal 3o-day month calendrical list mulAPIN Iii 36 -
iii 12 • ina Nisanni UD I Agru innammar "On the ist of
Nisannu the Hired M an becomes visible."
In reality, the beginning of a lunar year is not tied di-
rectly to the location of the vernal equinox, but to the
first new moon nearest the equinox, a rather more arbi-
trary matter." But in the conception of an ideal, even
fantastic, lunar calendar, I would suggest, lies the expla-
nati on for the third line of the last two stanzas of our
manna hymn In such an ideal early second millennium
calendar, in which the movement of the earth about the
sun is disregarded, the moon would return each month
to its starting point in its apparent course through the zo-
diacal belt, an d the first visibility of the new crescent
would invariably coincide with the first visibility of Ar-
s3. Hunger and Pingree, op. di. 67-69.
14. Aspects of Babylonian Celestial Divination: The Lunar Eclipse
Tablets of Enuma Anu Enlil, MO Beiheft 22 (1988) to n. 9.
15. Equinoxes and solstices were impo rtant to the Babylonians
niy for determining the length of day and night, and mulAPlN else-
where arbitrarily places these points at 1 5° of the signs. See B.L. van
der Waerden, "History of the Zodiac." MO 16 ( 1 95 2-53) 221- fl3;
also Reiner and Pingres, op. cit. 16f. on the normally inexact match
between months and heliacal Sings of their associated constellations.
Astral Dumuzi
ies, the constellation into which the spring equinox
moved around 2000 B.C. In this way, for the purposes of
a priestly hymnographer uninterested in the details, the
sky could indeed be said to "give birth" every month to
both Suen and Amausumgalanna/Aries on the day of the
i6
new moon.
Aries The Ram
In his comparison of the Greek nian zodi-
acs, van der Waerden states that "the conclusion is un-
avoidable that the whole Greek zodiac with its 12 signs
is of Babylonian origin, ' but in discussing the respective
names of the signs he remarks that "the Babylonian
`hireling'
'hireling' ... was replaced in the Greek zodiac by a Ram,
of unknown origin. 17 Some years earlier, however,
Ungnad had pointed to the common late abbreviation
LU for LCI.UUN.OA, alongside UUN.CA and HUN, and
suggested that the later replacement of the Hired Man by
the Ram may go back to a reinterpretation of this LU as
UDLl.' 8 Whether this explanation is correct cannot yet
be determined, but direct evidence now exists for a link
between the sign Aries and the figure or symbol ofa ram.
SBTU II No. 43 (W 22646) is a small, unfortunately
slightly damaged tablet which has the character of a
miniature astrological vade mecum. It associates each of
the twelve months with zodiacal symbols, 3ô divisions
along the celestial sphere, idealized calendncal calcula-
tions including rough indications of the length of the
days and night watches®, and presents as well brief as-
trological portents and a variety of ritual instructions
all in an abbreviated and rather arc an e fashion. The sig-
nificance of the sixth row of data on the obverse escaped
von Weiher, but it seems clear that it lists symbols for
each zodiacal sign , perhaps pictures to be drawn for ritual
magic. I have rearranged the essential astrological data in
tabular fashions
Zodiacal Modern
Month Symbol Sign Name
LU2 Aries
BARA2 UDU.NIT[A,J "ram"
GL 14
- al-pi i -i/n?) MUL, Taurus
"single(?) bull" (Pleiades)
SIG 4 a-me-lu "men" SiPA u MAS MAS Ori on &
Gemini
SU A.MES "waten" NAGAR Cancer
16. The notion of the sky's "giving birth" to an astral body is
certainly related to that of the day's or year s "returning to its moth-
er" (e.g. UD.AMA.Bi SÈ.Gi 4 A = Minim "evening" OBGT I 814; mu
arna-bi /ni -ir ba-gi 4 Lugalbanda
ugalhanda Epic il 2S9), out of whom it is then
reborn the next morning or at the New Year.
17. Op. ci t. 225f. Compare the German (Widder) or French
(Bélier) names for Aries, as well as Mien, op. cis. 75-79.
18. A. Ungnad, "Besprechungskunst und Astro logie in Babyl-
omen " MO 14 (i944) 256 n 37 Such homophon ous substituaors
would be unthinkable m earlier orthography, but in Seleucid texts
they are common practise mpare, for example, the use of LU 25 a
determinative m LU um-mar-mr in a Seleucid Uruk list of sages treat-
ed by I. Finkel in AV Sachs (1988).144 line 18.
107
NE UR.MAl3 "lion" UR Leo
KIN SE.BAR ' grain" AB.SIN2 Virgo
DU6 RINI ' scab" ZI Libra
APIN
APiN G[IRZ ?( TAB)] GiR2 Scorpio
"scorpion"
GAN DIRxx? PA Sagittarius
AB sé-n-sa "goat" MAS2 Capricorn
ZIZ2 sal-mu "figure" GU Aquarius
SE SE IM ? KUN Pisces
The connection between Anes an d a "ram" is here
nude explicit. The "men" of the third month refer to Si-
pazianna/Papsukkal (O ri on the Hunter/Warrior) and
the twin male gods of Gemini (Castor an d Pollux). Of
special interest are the "waten" linked with Cancer.
Compare Weidner, AID 19 (1959-6o) 107:8 and i if.
(cited by CAD A/i 361): MUL AL.LUL = ID 2 Idiglat ...,
kakkabâni panati la MUL AL.LUL = ID 2 Idtglat, arkiitu =
iD2 Purattu "Cancer is the Tigris, the front stars of Can-
cer are the Tigris, the back ones a re the Euphrates." Per-
haps the still enigmatic medieval an d modern symbol for
Can cer is not in origin a crab's claws or shell, but the
echo of an early depiction of two stylized opposed ed-
dies. Or are they, instead, the eyes of Tiimat, from
which Marduk "opened the Euphrates an d the Tigris"
(Enuma Eli(V 55), "the Tigris her right eye, the Euph-
ally, the older "goat-fish" of
rates her left eye?"' 9
Capricorn has become simply the more familiar "goat,"
an d the "figure ' of Aquarius can only be that of the "Gi-
ant ' associated with the water god Enki/Ea Cf BM
iDIM
82923 (Pinches Astrolabe) 28: MUL GU LA = dEN IDIM
dEr a ` The Great One is the lord of springs, Ea.i 20
Recapitulation And Last Thoughts
If my translation is anywhere near the mark, Stanza 1
of our text seems to acknowledge not just the well-
known contradictory nature of Inanna but also the chro-
nological primacy of the mo re benevolent side of her
character. Could this be a memory of a time before her
syncretism with Istar? If so, the theme is completed in
Stanza 3 by the description of her elevation, through the
victories of the king, her champion, to a rank above
An's.' Stanzas 4-6 have kings and gods alike watching
22
at daybreak for Dumuzi's heliacal rising, his first visi-
bility in the morning sky after his time of invisibility.
19. So the explanatory ten VAT 8917 rev. 3, see Living stone,
op. rit. 82f. and 88.
20. Walker and Hunger. op. cite 30. See E. Porada, "On the
Origins of 'Aquarius' " AV Reiser (1987) 279-291 in p©rticukir for
the iconography of the long-haired giant figure she araothtc with
Aquarius. Is this a "hairy" GM.lJA.MA/iabrnu of the Apsu or ont of
'Giants of Eridu" which figure in the Sumerian ta le "manna and
Enki" (G. Farber-Flügge, Sandia Pohl to (Rome, 1973) passim)?
21. See the pioneering work of W.W. Hallo and J.J.A. van
Dijk, Tb Exaltation of Nana (New Haven, 1968) for the Sargonic
penod syncretizing of [canna with the more warlike Mar and the
goddess' politically inspired "coital°
22. Assuming that u 4-te is for u 4-dc, t kL TCS 3
(1969) 116.
I o8 DANIEL A. FOXVOG
Inanna, whose constellation precedes his, lifts him after
her over the mountains, and, after an explicit word-play
on Enlil's standard epithet kur-gal "great mountain,"
Dumuzi finally shines forth over the eastern ho ri zon.
Stanza 7 contrasts the roles of royal Amaus"umgalanna,
the perpetual conqueror of the enemies to the east, and
Dumuzi the shepherd of the land, whose good husband-
ry produces ever larger herds each sp ri ng. The second
half of the hymn expands upon the military successes of
the goddess an d her royal consort, climaxing in 5-line
rather than 4-line stanzas which celebrate the ascension
of the divine leader of the nation to the leading place
among the zodiacal constellations. 23
23. At the risk of reading too much into the text, I wonder
whether this concluding metaphorical linking of Dumuzi and Aries
is not in fact announced at the beginning of the hymn, in the form
of a word-play in Stanza 2 on bari "dais" and the name of the first
month bari-z3-gar, the month of Aries. Dumuzi/Aries is thus
"placed at the right side of the dais," next to the constellation of his
spouse irunna/Pisces.
One wonders, in conclusion, whether it was really an
Old Babylonian period king who was the tacit subject of
such an unusual cultic tribute. The divine Shulgi is cer-
tainly a better candidate His accomplishments were ex-
traordinary, some so rt of ritual celebrated his ascension
to heaven shortly after his death, and a star named for VOCALIZED CONSONANTS:
him even found its way into an Old Babylonian Fore-
runner of IJAR-ra. 24 Since our hymn is known only THE KEY TO um-ma / en-ma /t
from a single copy and fails to mention any specific king,
perhaps it represents merely a later, creative restatement
Cyrus H. Gordon
of that earlier, most memorable theological fiction.
Brookline, Massachusetts
Because neither the conventional study of English
nor of Egypto-Semitics reckons with vocalic conso-
nants, we will start our discussion with a clear English il -
lustration of the phenomenon. "Little" is pronounced
[litl] where the first 1 is purely consonantal, whereas the
second 1 is vocalic. As examples of other commonly used
24. MSL Xl 133 viii 41 See Horowitz and Watson, op. cit. 413,
vocalic consonants, note m in "bottom" [botm], n in
for this and other secondary evidence for his ascension.
"button," [burn], and r in "butter ' [butt]. Other conso-
nants can be vocalic in English provided that they are not
stops (p, b, t, d, k, g).
The distinction between the consonantal and vocalic
values of a sound can be phonemic. There is a difference
in meaning between "week-end" which terminates in
[-end] and "weakened" which terminates in [-rid]. Oth-
erwise the two words are identical in pronunciation.
Previous treatments of Dot; can be reduced to the fol-
lowing three: (I) Joüon, in a respected Hebrew Gram-
mar,' takes the easy way out an d does not even mention
the word. His example has been widely followed. To
avoid controversy, it is safest to avoid and not deal with
problems. (2) Gesenius-Kautzsch-Cowley's Hebrew Gram-
mar states only that the word 'is always written defec-
tively" (i.e., in the Bible it is consistently written DN
an d never *Daft;). Z This brief statement should have
spurred Hebraists to seek a rational solution to the enig-
ma. Gesenius-Kautzsch-Cowley attempted no solution.
(3) Constance Wallace Gordon during an early stage of
her graduate studies at New York Unive rs i ty was a stu-
dent in my Hebrew and Akkadian cou rs es, as well as si-
multaneously enrolled in my Ebb seminar in 1983. I
pointed out in one session that Akkadian urn-ma appears
as en-ma in Eblaite. With the open and unencumbered
mind of an inquiring newcomer to the intricacies of
comparative Semitics, she asked whether Dot; might be
related to en-ma Ever since I have grappled with the
problem an d I must confess that as a veteran Semitict, it
I. Paul Joüon, Grammaire de l'Hébreu Biblique, Pontifical Bib-
lical Institute, Rome, 1947.
2. Gesenius-Kautsch-Cowley, Hebrew Grammar, znd rev. En-
glish cd., Clarendon Pins, Oxford, 1910 (Isth impression, i98o), p.
136, n. I (§ 5oa).
1
;
,
has taken a decade for me to rise above the dogmas of
the Establishment (in which I was trained an d indoctri-
nated) an d ar ri ve at a rational solution in keeping with
all the available primary evidence. Needless to say, this
required knowledge of new sources an d methods.
Telling knowledgeable Hebraists that a common
word for "utterance ' is [run] may sound not only con-
trary to fact a p riori, but even contrary to nature. It is for
this reason that I shall call a tt ention (below) to the fact of
Coptic SM- [nrnl
Factual knowledge is not obtained a p rio ri but a poste-
riori. When we run into a stone wall we may speculate
an d draw on intuition an d imagination as we grope for
the solution. But fortunately with Data we have all the
historical, comparative and descriptive linguistic data we
need to understand what has hitherto been swept under
the rug as an anomalous form. If Hindu grammarians like
Pänim reckoned with vocalic consonants two an d a half
millennia ago, we have no excuse for not doing so in
professional Hebrew linguistics today, especially since
our Indo-Europeanist colleagues have long had no diffi-
culty whatever in doing so.
We will begin our inquiry with um-ma an d en-ma.
Since the Mesopotamian syllabary has no way of writing
a vowelless conson an t, the initial labial nasal m- is written
um- (with the labial vowel u), while the initial dental na-
sal n- is written en-
In biblical. Hebrew Dot; "utterance" is never written
*Dam (with 1) in any of its many occur re nces because the
word was not to be pronounced *rr971rn. Originally the
word was *pma as in Eblaite In Hebrew, final unaccent-
ed sho rt vowels are reduced to zero (e.g., the case end-
ings -u, -i an d -a) so that the word comes into biblical
Hebrew as [nip]. Pointed Hebrew orthography does not
allow a word to be written with an initial vowelless con-
sonant but requires a Jimaa to accompany it graphically.
The only way to write n- is -; , an d the only way to write
• cm - with the sho rt labial 0 that must be placed
graphically under a consonantal letter, the shortest of
which (phonetically) is aleph (t)
I IO CYRUS H. GORDON
What has been said above of [nip] would stand with-
out further ado. However, it is more satisfying when we
can show that the combination [nip] is recognized or-
thographically in the Egypto-Semitic repertoire. Coptic
is the one written language in that repertoire which
graphically indicates vocalic consonants It does so by
placing a dash over the letter. For example, "of the heav-
ens" (as in the well-attested expression TMNTEPO
RMIIHYE ' the kingdom of the heavens') begins AM-
[nrp), The A- is the preposition "of " The -M- stands for
another morpheme N- (which indicates the plural of the
definite a rticle "the ') partially assimilated to the initial
labial stop n of the broken plural fiHYE "heavens." This
well-attested idiom has been selected to show that the
combination [nip] actually exists in Egypto-Semitic an d
is clearly recognized by the Coptic sc ribes.
The foregoing study is only the tip of the iceberg.
The pervasive role of vocalic consonants in Egypto- GENDERED OLD AGE IN ENUMA ELISH
Semitic will be demonstrated in forthcoming a rticles.
Rivkah Harris
School of the Art Institute, Chicago
Enuma Elish was a "remarkable attempt to understand
the universe, to come to terms with the human condi-
bon.'i It is also a myth that can be probed for informa-
non and insight on the issue of aging an d the old in
ancient Mesopotamia. Elsewhere I have discussed inter-
generational conflict in Enuma Elish (as well as in other
myths) and focused on the tensions between young and
old, between fathers and sons.' I emphasized there that
an as pect of this conflict was the differences m age-spe-
cific or age-appropriate behavior. Enuma Elish can also
be utilized as a source for recovering the little known
Mesopotamian at ti tude toward and views of the elderly, 3
or more accurately, the views an d attitudes held by the
author(s) of the myth and perhaps of the edubba-trained
elite. There are certain assumptions made here that
should be noted before turning to an examination of the
myth.
The old undoubtedly constituted only a small portion
of society* and ageism, the devaluation of the elderly,
I. Th. Jacobsen, Treasures of Darkness, p. 167. See ibid. pp.
167-191 for a sensitive analysis of Enuma Elfish. See the stimulating ar-
ticle by P. Michalowslu, Presence at Creation," in lingering Over
Words ed. T. Abusch et al, pp. 381-396 for an analysis of the myth's
play on words and intertextuality.
2. My article on "Conflict of Generations in Ancient Meso-
potamian Myths" will he published in a forthcoming issue of Com-
parative Studies in So ciety and History
3. To my knowledge only L. Curchin has focused on this is-
sue in his "Old Age in Sumer Life Expectancy and Social Status of
the Elderly," Flonlegium Carleton University Papers on Classical Antiqui-
ty 2 (198o), pp. 61-7o
4. The age at deaths rarely noted in the texts. See M. Roth,
"Age of Marriage and the Household: A study of Neo-Babylonian
and Neo - Assyrian Forms," Comparative Studies in Society and History
2 9/4 (1987), pp. 7 1 5 - 747, at 718 note 8 and 7181 note 9 for a discus-
sion and bibliography on life expectancy in ancient Mesopotamia.
Criteria for determining old age were more likely to involve social
factors rather than physiological changes such as grey hair, bent back
and wrinkles. Thus fbùtu "elders," literally "grey hair," was not a
negative term. More relevant would have been whether an elderly
person could perform expected functions such as participating in the
labor force fulfilling military obligations, et cetera. I would define old
age in Mesopotamia as the period beginning some time after one's
children have grown, married, and have begun having children of
their own.
III
was probably common, as it has been an d continues to
be in so many societies, despite the ideal of respecting
the old. 5 I presume that myths reflect an d refract the
world the author(s) lived in, an d perhaps their own life
experiences. Myths tend to "generalize, symbolize an d
make the particular exemplary." 6 Stated somewhat dif-
ferently, Enuma Elfish depicts emblematic representations
and prevailing stereotypes of old men an d old women
which incorporate the views and the biases of the an -
cient author(s). 7
In recent years, cross-cultural gerontological studies
have proliferated, providing helpful approaches an d
methodologies which can assist in eliciting data from
Enuma Elish on aging an d the aged. Some may object to
reading this ancient non-western text "through the
prism of modem methodology." a But gerontological re -
search has produced significant information that appears
less likely to be culture-specific an d culture-bound than
5. Th e ambiguous relationship between young and old is dis-
cussed in my "Conflict of Genennons in ancient Mesopotamian
Myths." See note 2.
6. R. Alter, "Literary Refraction of the Jewish Family," in
The Jewish Family Metaphor and Memory ed. D. Kraemer (New York,
Oxford Unive rsi ty Press, 1989), pp 225-234, at 226 makes this com-
ment regarding "mimetic fiction." I think it is also applicable to
myths.
7. This view of myth is of course one of many "for no one
method [is] applicabk to all myths. Each method offers insights into
human ways of life and thought, and no single method of analysis can
possibly exhaust all the meanings inherent in any myth," as noted by
C. Vecsey, Imagine Ourselves Ridrly: Mythic Narutives of North Ameri-
can Indians (San Francisco, Harper, 199r). p. 33. Thae is merit in
A.L. Oppenheim's view (Ancient Mesopotamia p.. i77) that "all these
works which we are wont to call mythological should be studied by
the literary critic rather than hy the historian of religion." His com-
ment on p. 194 is noteworthy "Seen typognphialiy, they [the gods]
can be classified easily, though superficially, as old and young gods..."
Just what the relationship is between the "real" world and the "myth-
ological" world can more precisely be delineated only by further
study of other types of data such as letters and legal texs
8. I am indebted to Th. Van Nortwick s "'Do Not Go Gen-
tly...' Oedipus at Colonus and the Psychology of Aging," OU Age in
Greek and Latin Literature ed Th.M. Falkner and J. de Luce (Albany
State University of New York Press, 1989), pp. 1 3 2- 1 56 , esp. t33•
His and the other conmbucions in this book I found to be highly
stimulating and instructive.
I12 RIVKAH HARRIS
ght be expected. There is therefore available a fresh
angle from which to examine the myth which reveals its
complexity and profundity and thereby enriches our
knowledge of an area as yet little explored by Assyriolo-
!its
Especially useful in studying the issue of gendered old
age has been the pioneering work of David Gutmann, a
life cycle developmental psychologist His book Re-
claimed Powers Toward a New Psychology of Men and Wom-
en in Later Life 9 was important for my analysis. He draws
on a variety of ethnographic studies which pay "some at-
tendon to the roles and behavior of older men and
women." 1O He finds that ' the male endowment of ag-
gression is not fixed over the entire life span ... it de-
dined with age."" He notes moreover that "in later life
women can become for men the embodiment of that
eternal threat they can present the aggressive visage that
men come to deny in themselves. '12 As for younger
men, Gutmann observes, not only do they enjoy aggres-
siveness, but they also take pleasure 'from being a source
of security an d provision to others, from the content-
ment and love of their dependents." Older men, on the
o ther hand, derive their pleasure "more and more di-
rectly on the produc ti ve efforts of others in their behalf,
o n the affections of others toward them, and on the sat-
isfaction of their own appetites for tasty foods, pleasant
sights, an d soothing sounds [the older man] draws his
psychological sustenance from his own receptors -
mouth eyes, skin, ears - as well as from outer sources
o f strength the reliable providers of satisfaction an d secu-
rity ...' 13 One can perceive even from these few obser-
vations the insight they offer especially into the myth's
descriptions of the relationship between young Marduk
and his elders.
One should not overlook the ongoing complaint by
the old gods about their interrupted sleep an d their need
for rest.' 4 This should perhaps be viewed in light of the
prevalence of insomnia which modem researchers have
found increases with age. Recent studies of sleep disor-
den have shown that sleep fragmentation characterizes
many elderly.' 5 it appears to be a perennial problem of
a ging.
9.
(New York, Basic. 1987). I mot my quotations from
Gutmann's book. They could easily be
tiplied many times over.
Ibid. p. 21,
ibid, p. 49,
/bid. P• 59.
Ibid. p. loaf.
14, In 1 3 8. 40. 501 and 116.
e for example D S. Woodruff, "Arousal, Sleep, and Ag-
InK, H
'
of the Psychology of Aging, ed. J.E. Bitte n et al (New
York, Van Nostrand Reinhold. 1985), pp, 26t-295 for the alterations
in patterns of sleep and the reduction in a sense of well-being which
accompanies them, Sec abo A.D Bertehen. "Insomnia,' in Sleep and
Dreams: A Sc,urrebovk, ed J. Gackenbacte (New York/London, Gar-
land, x986). pp. W6-r44, w ho discusses various studies which indicate
that the elderly. compared with other adults. experience an increase
in sleep disturbance. I am suggesting, therefore, that the complaints
of the old gods are muted in the realities of the aging process.
Enuma Efsh is obviously biased in favor of the young
Marduk. As noted by P. Michalowski, if Enuma Elish "is
about anything at all [it] is about the exaltation of Mar-
duk, the city god of Babylon, to the head of the panthe-
on X16 The bias in favor of the young over against the
old is common in Sumerian and Akkadian myths. l7 It is
therefore not surprising that ambivalence is expressed, if
only subtly and indirectly, toward the old gods The wis-
dom of Marduk's father, Ea/Nudimmud, his advice an d
assistan ce, are important and helpful. These functions
generally remain a significant cont ribu ti on of the old to
the young in traditional societies: 8 But what is empha-
sized in different ways over and over again are the inca-
pacities of the old male gods, their dependency and loss
of status, especially when faced with the cha ll enge by
Tiamat. The recently published Tablet Ili 9 vividly un-
derlines these fears an d inadequacies First Ea and then
Anu attempt to confront Tiamat, but both return too
terrified to act: adurma rigmasra atura ailed.
It is the young Marduk who helps dispel fear an d pro-
vides the needed security: imarluma Ansrar tubbatt imld
[i]ssiq sraptU'u adiralu uttessi (En. el. II 104-1o5) Just as ear-
lier Ea had calmed him: [ana Ea b]uknsru Jagiimasru usrtah-
bah (II 52)
So important is the reassuring function of the young
for the old that the nineteenth of Marduk's fifty names is
as the one "who dispels the benumbing fear from the el-
der gods"• mukkisrsruharratu ina zumur di abbesru (VII 42).
The focus in the myth is on the psychological aspects
of aging rather than on the physiological changes. 2O The
coping responses of the old gods are restricted and inef-
fective. Ea had been able to easily dispose of Apsu when
he had been younger, before the birth of his son (I 6o-
69) But he cannot face Tiamat when he ages, anymore
than can his father Anu. The older gods, to use Gut-
mann's terms, 21 have shifted from a mode of "ac ti ve
mastery" to one of "passive mastery," from "aggressive,
competitive behavior" to "apathy an d immobility," thus
allowing Marduk to move into a posi ti on of ascendancy.
t6.
"Presence at the Creation," p. 384.
1 7. This is discussed at length in "Conflict of Generations in
ancient Mesopotamian Myths." See above note 2.
18 For this see L.W. Simmons, The Role of the Aged in Primitive
Society (Hamden, CT, Archon, 1970), pp. 131-4o.
t9. F.N.H. AI-Rawl and A R. George "Tablets from the Sip-
par Library,' Iraq 52 099o), pp, 149-157, at
153 90 114. I am grate-
ful to Bob Biggs for calling my att enti on to this article.
20 Perhaps a physical description is mentioned in 1 121: burn-
mura inatuni which A L. Oppenheim in "Mesopotamian Mythology
I," Orentaria n. s. 16 ( 1 947), p. 217. 120 translated "[look how] our
eyes are reddened(?) (by insomnia)." Interestingly E.N. Davies,
"Youth and Old Age in the Thera Frescoes,' AJA 90 ( 1 986). pp. 399-
406, at 405 notes ' the conven ti on of lining the white of the eyes with
red strokes to indicate old age." She thinks the red suggests "the
bloodshot eyes of the aged" (p. 404) For vivid description of the
decrepit-odes of aging. see B. Ahster, Studies in Sumerian Proverbs
( 1 975), 93
21. Gutmann, Reclaimed Powers,
pp. 5 1- 54. and passim
.
Gendered Old Age in Enuma Elish
They still have power, but it is inadequate to the task of
aggressive action.
What is noteworthy in the myth is the importance of
"orality" for the older gods "a shi ft to the oral zone as a
preferred site of pleasure.' 22 Gutmann notes that orality
appears to be a crucial dimension of the diu rn al, waking
experience of old men. 23 Depression, he adds, is an
emotional disorder that "is a frequent side effect of the
oral character.s 24
Depression many times in the Enuma Elish describes
the mood of the old gods:
ufaharrirma Ansrar qaqqari inapt (II 86)
"Angar became despondent and looked down."
marsif usrabarrirma sraqummisr us'ba (II 6)
"Painfully he (Ea) became faint, like one who lapses
into s il ence he sat down."
[pénsru imhas]ma srapiiti ittasrka (II 50)^ 5
' [He (Ansar) smote his loins], and he bit his lips."
Thorkild Jacobsen has commented on the b anquets
of the gods, observing that "important discussions origi-
nated when the gods were in their cups Wine and beer
were evidently necessary to li ft the spi rit out of the hum-
drum existence of everyday cares to o ri ginal thought and
perspective." 26 I find another dime nsion in the vivid
lines describing one of the gods' feasts:
lisrana lisrkunu ina gtréti lusrbu asrnan tikulu liptiqu ku-
runna Erika matqu usranninu râfisru[n] Jikru ina late
babasu zum[ra] ma'disr egii kabattalun itel[sa] (III
133-137)
"They kissed one another in the assembly. They
convened (and then) they sat down for the ban-
quet. Let them eat grain, drink fine beer. They
poured the sweet liquor down their throats.
Drinking beer, feeling good they became quite
carefree their mood was high "
We have here described the satisfaction an d pleasure
of the appetite for tasty food an d drink, the oral plea-
sures, which replaced the joy of battle and violence.
22. Ibid. Chpt. 5, pp. 98-132, esp. 103.
23. Ibid. p. 1o9.
24. Ibid. p. no.
25. Silence too seems to be an aspect of the gods' depression,
an as pect of inactivity, Just as noise (rigmu, bubirru) is a metaphor for
activity. On the la tt er see Michalowski's "Presence at the Creation."
On the striking of the thigh as a form of agitation associated with de-
pression see M.i. Gruher, Aspects of Nonverbal Communication to the
Ancient Near East, (Studia Pohl 12/1) (Rome, Biblical Institute Press,
1980) vol. 13So. Note that the lips (laptu) are mentioned three times
in ii cos-co8. Twice reference is made to Marduk asking his great
Closed bps also in II 88-89
grandfather to open his lips piti Faptuk
of
suggest the withdrawal of the old god. Sec M.I. Gruber, Aspics
as-
Non-Verbal Communication vol. II pp. 4Io-4 11 , who suggests the
sociation of closed lips with sadness
mitive Democracy In Ancient Mesopotam ia."
26. In "P ri
JNES 3 Quly • 1 943). PP. 159-172, at 167.
11 3
Fighting was no holiday for the old as it was for young
men as the Poem of Erra put it. 27
The depiction of Tiamat is far more interesting, de-
28
tailed and complex. Jacobsen in Treasures of Darkness
notes the ambiguous attitude expressed toward her. He
obse rves that at first her motherliness is emphasized an d
later she is treated as the archenemy. I would account for
this ambiguity by suggesting that Tiamat is first encoun-
tered as a young woman in her childbearing years. At
this ti me, tolerant and forgiving, she is totally opposed to
decimation of the younger gods, her offspring. The
younger Tiamat resigned herself to her spouse's death for
the sake of the children. In the earlier period the positive
image of the goddess is underlined by her epithet elletu
"pure" (I 36).
But later the older Tiamat does an about face. She is
now ready to avenge Apsu's killing. In the portrayal of
the old(er) Tiamat we find the ubiquitous stereotype of
the old woman as crone an d witch. This emblematic
representation mirrors, I suspect, not only the view of
the ancient author(s), but as other sources suggest,^ 9
probably reflects the larger cultural misogynistic attitude
of male Mesopotamian. Posi ti ve images of older worn-
en 30 are found in Mesopotamian literature, where ma-
ternal, both literally and figuratively, older women act as
mediators an d intercessors on behalf of men, especially
their son. The goddess Damkina the only other female
ideal mother, focused
mentioned in Enuma Elish, is the
on her son, passively remaining in the background. She
is as a mother ought to be, dependent an d restrained
Tiamat is a p ri me example of the negative stereotype.
The increased assertiveness an d independence of older
women (especially of widows) make for their association
in many societies with witchcraft and other nefarious
practices. 3 ' Elderly women have frequently to contend
with the double whammy of ageism and sexism.
Gutmann found ample evidence in ethnographic
studies that "women do not replicate but instead invent
the order of male aging ... Across cultures, and with age,
re authoritative ,
they (older women) seem to become mo
more effective, and less willing to trade submission for
security " 32 ". the essence of the healthy, capable older
la etliiti lei la isinn
27. Cagni Em i 49f.: disk sin
28 P. 187. He explains the ambiguity by sayi
lo ve, fear a
thor is here in the grip of conflicting emotions:
of guilt that requires palliation."
rc es in a paper i c Old(er)
29. I will discuss these sou
Woman in Ancient Mesopotamia.
3o. See my "Images of Women in the Gilgamesh Epic,
Lingering Over Words, pp. 219-230.
31. See the comments by Th. Falkner in "The Wrath of Al-
cement: Gender, Authority and Old Ar in Euripedes' Children of
Greek and Latin iiimoture. pp i 14-131 , esp. 125,
Herades," Old 9ge in
The study of old(er) women was long neglected as noted by P.N.
Stearns. "Old Women: Some Historical Observations," Journal of
But this has changed tad-
Family History 5 (Spring. 1980), pp. 44-57.
and more studies being published.
• ally in the past decade with mo re
There appears to be more fi cquently a grater repugnance toward old
women dun toward old men, the situation in Mesopotamia.
 Gendered Old Age in Enuma Elish 115
114 RiVKAH HARRIS

woman: adventurous, expansive, self-asserting. By con-
test old men stress their self-control, their friendly
adaptability, an d even their passivity ... older men seek
to control their spontaneous urges, older women appear
to seek out opportunities for vigorous action ... older
men strive for quiescence and comfort. Their p sy cho-
logical defences do not facilitate overt action but replace
it with inhibitions ..." 33 He later adds: "... it may be
that the older woman ... realizes two fantasies in later life
— the dream of union with the oedipal lover and the
dream of being made whole, both feminine an d mascu-
hne." 34 Gutmann's description of the older woman is a
remarkable fit for Tiamat.
The old male gods of Enuma Elish are characterized
by passivity an d timidity, whereas the old(er) Tiamat is a
virtual virago. When she springs into action, as P.
Michalowski notes, 3 S she is Mother I3ubur, mother
noise: "The metaphor of noise establishes a privileged
position for the concept of creation activity, indepen-
dence." Tiamat becomes a monster mother who creates
monster war machines to destroy her children an d de-
scendants. And many lines (I 131-146), repeated several
times, are devoted to her terrifying creations. It is note-
worthy that in the descriptions of the monsters she cre-
ates is mentioned the phrase "instead of blood she filled
their bodies with venom." 36 Tiamat is the prototypical
uleifballu ina karri
"She installed him (Kingu) on a katm-throne." (I 152,
II 38, III loo)
tâba[za ik]tasar ana i l niprilu
"She prepared for battle against the gods, her (text:
his) 39 (own) offspring." (II 2)
pu/iru litkunatma
"she called an assembly." (H 12)
ana la stmatilu talkunii ana paras dAnfiti
"He who was not fitting you established for office."
(IV 82)
Fighting battles is a sex-specific skill and activity in
Mesopotamia, but is one in which Tiamat engages. It is
she who instigates the revolt against the gods (IV 77-84).
When Kingu's nerve fails him on seeing Marduk,
Tiamat does not waver or turn back (IV 71: ul ut utdri kilad-
sa). The vituperation and vehemence directed toward
Tiamat are remarkably strong. In her one-on-one con-
frontation with the young M arduk she is derided: "she
has become like an ecstatic (majijlutil), she has lost her
reason (ulanni toga) (IV 88).
Reference is made to her ferocity and fury: 4°
aggil labbat
"She rages furiously " (II 12, III 16 74)
,
"Her might is enormous, she is imbued with terror; kûbu has here the thrust of an invective?" Marduk splits
she is altogether mighty, none can go against her corpse "as one would a fish to prepare it for drying
her." in the sun." 46 The primal mother becomes the raw ma-
terial for the formation of the u niverse. The male god
Anu and Ea both turn back from confronting Tiamat.
decides the form; the goddess contributes the matter,
Both try to belittle her strength, for a woman is not as
thereby losing her form (and her individuality).
strong as a m an (emugla sinnilti lu dunnuna ul males
Once Tiamat has been disposed of, the initiative ear-
zikri 43). But only the young, energetic M arduk will be lier attributed to her (IV 77-84) is now transferred to
able to defgat the aggressive, old goddess.
Kingu: Kinguma fa ibnd takuntu Tiamat ulbalkituma iksutu
Her battle with Marduk can of course have only one
tâbazu ` He caused Tiamat to rebel an d set up the battle
outcome. Her powerful masculinity threatens male con-
array" (VI 23f.), an d so he is punished.
trol which is intolerable. It is not surprising that there is
Enuma Elish is a male myth, exalting male order, male
special emphasis on her repulsiveness an d a strong need rule, male relationships, 47 male power an d creativity.
to dehumanize her, for thereby she is reduced in status
There was no place for a powerful, assertive, old god-
E. Cassin has remarked that Marduk combats Tiamat
dess.
with a net (saparru) (IV 41) and she is thus seen "as a wild
44
animal to be hunted, rather than as an equal." Far
more lines (IV 95-103, 129-132) are devoted to her kill-
Cassin in Mythologi es p. t6o (see note 41) has an interesting
45. Th e
ing than to that of her husband Apsu And there is a par- interpretation of the use of kirbu and lu114
lul14 as applied to Tiamat.
ticular vehemence in the words describing her slaying: two terms "mutually valorize one another. Th e living Tiamat is like
like a human being that has not yet been encultunted;
a 1u114,'
lull4,' i.e.,
alikma la Tiamat naplatul puru'ma dead, she is nothing more than an embryonic emhryonic being who dies before
emhryo
follow CAD K 487. For in-
"Go out and cut the throat of Tiamat. (IV 30 taking form." In my translation of law I
old women in Latin htenture see A Richhn, The
vectives against
ltkme Tiamat napiltala lisiq u likri Garden of Priapus: Sexuality and Aggression in Roman Humor (New Ha-
"Let him (Marduk) subdue Tiamat, constrict and ven, Yale University Press, 183) Io9 116. Poking fun at old women
is widespread in world literature.
choke her." (VII 132) A L. Oppenheim, "Man and Nature in Mesopotamian

"venomous woman" who is an image of fear of female
power to deceive and destroy men." 37 Not only her cre-
ations but Tiamat herself is full of venom. 38
Tiamat, a far more formidable opponent than was
Apsu, asserts her authority in masculine fashion:
Anvers, p. 133.
t 52f.
34• p. 173. Note that in the Hanb myth too it is the
mother w first takes the itiative t commit incest and encourages
's theory of the gender differences in aging is
studies of agmg in non-industrial societies.
Cabe, "The 'Scheming Hag' and the 'Dear
logy of Aging Women," in Growing Old
Sokokvsky (Belmont, CA, Wadsworth,
'Old Women and Old Men in Sevcn-
Connecticut," Worinn Studin 4 (1976),
widowhood give older women "a sig-
to move beyond the gender roles
• A. d B. Myerhoff in their conclusion to
Cultural Vaieaeorai on Crowing Old, cd. B. Myer-
Simic (Beverly Hills CA. Sage. 1978). pp 2 3 1-249, n 236
inescapabk that mak and f life trajectories dif-
e at C reation ," pp 3 8 5-389 kir an insightful
6, II 22, 11126, Il
of the F
Lit-
"Mother Eve
co nnection be-
46 So
After killing Tiamat, Marduk inspects her body in or- Civilization," Dictionary of Scientific Biography 15 (1978), pp. 634-666,
Tiamat la [ug]gat duk twisting Tiamat's tail (kir rib-
der to cut the monstrous form" (uzu kûbu). The term at 656 note 4z. Sec V 59 for M ar
"(Tiamat) who was fuming with rage." (IV 6o) batsa), suggesting her form as a fish.
47.
The alliance of Tiamat and her son Kingu Ws, whereas the
Her proclivity toward evil and deceit are noted: ar duk, is successful. The warm
alliance of father and son, of Ea and M
ina laptila lul!A ukal sarrati 4 ' (IV 72) 43. Ibid. 153: 92, 154:116. relationship between grandfather and grandson
44. "The Death of the Gods" in Mortality and Immortality: The of
) ,
as is that between father and son (I 8of) whereas the hatred
Iemutta inadi ina karlila Anthropology and Archaeology of Death, ed. S.0 Humphreys and H. ring u repeated frequently (II 11, III 15, 73,
Tiamat toward her o i •
King (London/New York, Academic Press, 1981), pp. 3 1 7- 3 25. at
'She conceived an evil plan." (I 44) IV 8o).
3 1 9.
ana ilani abbea lemuttakt tuktinni
"You have fully established your evil pl an against the
gods my fathers." (IV 84)
Yet Tiamat's power is recognized as the recently
published Tablet II found in the Neo-Babylonian Sha-
mash temple clearly indicates:
gapla emugla malata adiru pujtru dunnunatma ul jarli
mumman 42
39. The use of the masculine suffixes here and in II/(pitiklu)
perhaps debbente.
4o. One is reminded here of that paradoxical goddess manna/
Ishtar . See my "lmnna/Iahiesr as Paradox and a Coincidence of Op-
Ponta," History of Religions 3o/3 (Feb , x991) pp. 45-156.
1
41, R. Borger in "1414 in Enuma ail," RA 74 0980), pp. 9off.
translata this "Auf ihren Lappen halt sie MU
(d.h.) saniiti was wir be-
helfinassig mit 'Falsitat (d.h ) Lügen' wetdergeben könnten." E.
Cassin in Mythologies, compiled hy by Y. Bonnefoy, translated by G.
Honigablum (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1991) vol. I p.
1 59 translates the passage "like a pr mauve being, upon her lips she
spoke falsehoods to him " CAD L Mi finds the passage obscure.
Whatever the meaning, the passage is clearly critical of Tiamit.
42. Al-Ravi and A.R. George, "Tablets from the Sippar Li -

brag," P. 1 53; 87f, 111f See abo 1131,11I

1131,1ii 35, 93 for Tiamat's pow-
erful magic supra t rida la towbar fuuana.

AKK.ADIAN summa immeru TEXTS
AND THEIR HURRO-HITTITE COUNTERPARTS
Harry A. Hoffner, Jr.
Oriental Institute
om the beginnings of the discipline of Hittitology
it has been recognized that the Hi ttites, like other peo-
ples of the ancient Near Fact, sought information from
the gods by means of oracular inquiry.' An oft-quoted
passage from a prayer of King Murat II shows the vari-
ous avenues open to a king for ascertaining the will of
the gods :
"if, on the other hand, people are dying for some
other reason, either let me see it in a dream or let it
be found out by an oncle, or let a prophet declare it,
or let all the priests find out by incubation whatever
I suggest to them.
" 2
in this statement the king enumerates four methods.
(I) dream, (2) oncle. (3) prophet, and (4) incubation.
The second "oracles, ' itself comprises various types: ex-
tispicy (liver oracles), augury, snake oracles, the so-called
"KIN-oracles." and something which Laroche in his
Cat-
alogue des textes hatites [henceforth CTH] called "Cli-
nomancie." 3 In the following essay i would like to con-
tribute to the understanding of this last-named type of
oncle
The starting point for my investigation was interest in
the term pakmariti, a rare word which occurs exclusively
in portions of three Hittite oracle texts KUB 16.40,
KUB t 8. r, and KUB 6.27 which belong to Laroche's
type "clinomancie! He chose this name because of the
prominent role played in them by the word fastal "bed,
bedding." Not only does each oracular observation in-
variably include a statement about the bed(ding)," spe-
cifically whether it is "right-hand" or ' left-hand,' but a
kind of summary line in KUB 16.40 obv 12 at the end
of a group of these passages, reads faltanec kan &alma arja
ariwern(i?)] "we investigated the falta-throughout This
surely shows the central importance of the "bedding."
But it has been known for some time that the examples
pkasure to dedicate this small article to my friend and col-
kague. William W Hallo, in grateful remembrance of the yean in
which we were colleagues at Yak 0969-1974).
i. Gurney 1981 and Hofiner 1987.
2.
Translation of Goetze 1969, p. J945 ,
3• Laroche 1971. page 99.
116
Akkadian lumma immeru Texts and their Hurro-Hittite Counterparts I17
"clinomancie" and these srumma immeru texts. According ram be favorable, but the second one unfavorable.""
to von Soden's citations from Ebeling's text in AHw, it Most of the preserved examples request that the two
is Old Babylonian. Other OB texts which represent the sheep would have different outcomes There is however
same genre were subsequently published by Goetze in one text with at least three examples which ask for the
YOS io 47- 54. Most recently, two more one only pre- same outcome, one of which reads: "If it will not be-
come ... for me, when My Majesty goes quickly to the
served as a fragment, have come to light in the excava-
tions of Meskene-Emar. 7 Here too there is one almost city of Alni[...] and ..., then let both sheep show favor-
fully preserved tablet and one small fragment of a second. able outcomes." 12
The sc ribe of the almost fully preserved Meskene tablet
Although certain significant behavior of the sheep as
is identified in the colophon as one Adad-malik, son of it was led to slaughter was noted m each case, the pro-
nouncement 'favorable" or "unfavorable" was only
Adad-qarrâd, who was both a sc ribe and a bari (lû-bal).
made after the exta were also examined. It was therefore
Of all the examples of lumma immeru texts now known
the closest parallels to the Hittite material are to be found the combination of behavior of the live animal and con-
in the Ebeling text and the Meskene one. Since I lack figuration of its exta which determined the outcome.
of this type of divination which Laroche in CTH called
the expertise to handle all of the intricacies of the Assyr- This fits well with Meissner's desc ri ption of the Akkadi-
"clinomancie" are actually "extispicies preceded by ob- an examples: "They actually believed they could draw
iological material, my interest here will be to use the
servation of the behavior of the sacrificial animal before conclusions as to the configuration of its entrails on the
it is slaughtered. '4 While I was discussing these passages Akkadian texts merely to elucidate where possible the
basis of all kinds of outward signs of the sacrificial animal,
Hittite texts.
with my colleague Hans Güterbock, he recalled an Ak- with the result that the expe rt was in a position even be-
Summa immeru texts from Meskene, like most of the
kadian text describing the behavior of sacrificial sheep, fore the slaughtering to make approximate statements
Yale tablets published in YOS It) an d the B ri tish Muse-
which was published by Erich Ebeling in his book Tod regarding what the exta would show."' 3
and Lebe n nach den Vo rstellungen der Babylonier, 5 and was um tablet which Gadd published in CT 41 12, deal with
As for what behavior was considered "favorable" an d
first recognized as omens by W. von Soden (OLZ 1 934 desc riptions of the sheep itself: its size, color, etc., rather
than with its actual behavior as it is being readied for what "unfavorable," we may use KUB 50.90 obv. 4-9
416). Ebeling's main text was a Berlin tablet,
VAT 9518 slaughter. The closest parallels to the Hittite examples which describes the desired outcome.
which he supplemented with a Berlin museum photo- ba-a-li IGi-zi-il la -as*-ta
come from the Ebeling text 8 It is interesting that in the (4) IGI-xi-if UDU-il iGi-z[:]
graph of a tablet fragment then in Constantinople. Each
paragraph of the text begins with the words lumma im- Hittite examples the obse rv ation of the sheep's behavior al ZAG-al EGIR-p[a]
is always followed by and linked to the observation of its (5) kam-zu-ri-ti pa-ak-ma-ri-ti-ma-za ar-ba pJ-ip pa-al
meru "if a sheep" (written BE UDU,
and initially misread entrails after slaughter. So far none of the Akkadian texts ZAG-an ZAG UDU-an pa-an[- .1]
by Ebeling as Akkadian bélu, "lord," which he took to
show this feature. In the Hittite divination procedure the (6-7) iGI-xi SU.MES (there follows a description
be a liturgical address to the god). In following up on this
an imal observed is of the sheep variety. The Sumero- tispicy)... SIG 5
lead, I received helpful suggestions, bibliographical an d
gram UDU is used, but with a Hittite phonetic comple- (7) EGiR UDU-il iGI-zi bra-a-li
otherwise, from Bob Biggs and Erica Reiner. kam -xu-ri-ti pa-ak-
ment different from the customary one. Usually the (8) iGi-xi-il la-air to-afGÙB-af
In the same year in which von Soden pointed out the
nominative case of the word for "sheep" is written UDU- ma-n-ti UL lets -i[t-lei DÙ-at]
true nature of Ebehng's text in a review of the book,
Bruno Meissner also published a sho rt article in Archivfür usr, showing that the underlying Hit ti te noun was a u- (9) EGIR SU.MES SAG ME NU.SIGS
Orientforschung ( 1 933 - 34) which discussed this type of stem. In all but one example in our texts the word is "The first ram (showed the following)• in (its) first
written UDU-is; as an i-stem If we had only one occur-
divination text, using six further examples, four from the pen (fill) (its) first bed(ding) was right-hand; after-
rence of the word, we could perhaps assume a scribal er- (the ram) was at kamzurid; but at
B ri tish Museum published in CT 28, 3o, 31 and 41, one wards (EGIR-pa) it
ror of the sign it for till The difference is slight at Bogaz- the pakmariti it turned itself over. [it ...ed] its right
from the Louvre, and one from the Ber li n Museum, a shoulder ... The first (animal's) entrails (showed the
different tablet from Ebeling's. 6 Meissner pointed out köy. But with so many examples this explanation be-
comes impossible. In one text9 the word is written ex- following): (there follows a description of what was ob-
that these lumina immeru texts formed a subdivision of the animal's entrails, followed by the verdis) Fa-
clusively as UDU.SiR-if, "ram,' which seems to offer served in
the omen series lumma izbu,
which deals with monstrous UDU- vorable."
animal births. an explanation for the other writings The writing `The second (lit. subsequent) ram (showed the fol-
is' is merely an abbreviated writing of UDU.SIR-iL All of
When I followed up on this clue, it became apparent lowing): in (its) first pen (its) first bed(ding) was left-
the animals being observed would then be males. pakmariti [it did] noth[ing];
to me that there is indeed a relationship between the hand; at kamzuriti (and)
Hi tt ite divina ti In each oracular observation two sheep were ob- the second (animal's) entrails (showed the following;:
on procedure which Laroche had called
sewed in succession In a typical text, after the question SAG.ME. (Verdict.) Unfavorable."
to be answered from the observation is posed, the test is
established: "If this statement is true, then let the first
4• Berman 1982, page u5, citing Kammenhuber and Ünal
1 9 6 7 1 3. ('Eine ande re Va ri ante füh rt eben
fa lls der LIJ.UAL aus, und
zwar anscheinend zue rs t am
lebenden Schaf (UDU-ii) und dann an o
dessen 7. Arnaud 1987, pp. 318-23, numbers 698-99.
II. KUB 1640 obv.? 3-4; KUB 18.11 -4. 12
KUS.MES'). But although these scholars refer to the relevant in AHw von Soden designates the Ebeling text as ' aB"
8. obv. 3. cf. KUB 6.14 rev. 18.
Hittite panages known at that time they made no attempt to under-
stand the details, nor did they indicate that the Hittite practice was
(Old Babylonian). The CAD references to this text ("behavior of the 12. KUB 50.90 obv. t o- t 1, cf also ibid. rev. 1 9-2o, 25-26.
sacnficial lamb") mention no date. nun, aus aller le i äusserlichen Anze-
based upon the Akkadian lumina immeru
texts t 3. "Und wirklich glaubte
5• 9. KUB 16.29 + 16.8i obv. 9, 14. 1 9. Schlüsse auf die Beschaffenheit seiner Einge-
Ebeling 1931 pp. 4 1- 44. ichen des Opfertieres
6, Meissner 1933-1934• to. Friedrich and Kammenhuber 1975-1984 pp. 191f. notes so dass der Kundige schon vor der
weide ziehen zu können,
the occurrence of both UDU -il and UDU.S1R-if, but Sib to observe Schlachtung ungefahre Angaben über den Befund der exta zu ma-
that the usual complementation for UDU is UDU-141 or to conclude.
chen in der Lage war" (Meissner 1933- 1 954. p 118).
as i do, that UDU -il stands for UDU.SiR-iL
 118 HARRY A. HOFFNER, JR.
Since this was precisely the combination proposed,
the oracle ' s answer was to confirm the test statement.
In another case the questioner proposed that both
sheep should be favorable.' 4 In this case the first pen and
first bedding) of the first ram were right-hand, as before,
but the animal did nothing at kamzuriti (and) pakmariti;
1t3 entrails contain no nipaluri - sign , with the result that
the ram was deemed "unüvorable."
Although in several other cases there is a correlation
between the animal doing nothing at kamzuriti and pak-
manti and the outcome " unfavorable ," even though the
description of the extispicy in each case differs, we have
at least one instance where the mimal "does nothing at
kamzuriti and pakmariti" and yet the outcome is "favor-
able."^ 5 It is therefore not yet clear to me what combi-
nation of sheep behavior before sacrifice and entail
configuration after sacrifice was required to produce "fa-
vorable" and "unfàvorble" outcomes.
But in spite of this negative result , there is much of
interest to be learned from the description of the sheep's
actions . So 6r in the examples quoted we have seen two
kinds ofbehavior atpakmanti : ( 1) the animal " turns itself
over ," or (2) it does nothing . In a fumma immeru text ed-
ited m Ebeling, Tod and Leben 42, rev. 3 we read situ imni
ana lumèli ittabalakkat "( the sheep ) turns itself (over?)
from the right to the left ." This is surely the source of
the Hittite kamzuriti pa-ak-ma-defrœ, =za arja pippaf
"(the sheep ) turned itself ( over ?) at kamzuriti ( and) pak-
manti . In spite of the Akkadian example's "from the
"
right to the left ," it is impossible to translate kamzuriti
and pakmariti with "on the left (and) on the right," since
the normal Hittite words for "right " and "left " occur in
the same contexts , written ZAG-af and GÙß -sal, and in
one example which we have already cited above, the
sheep " does nothing" at kamzuriti and pakmariti, a situa-
tion in which " left" and " right " would apparently be
meaningless.
A third Akkadian expression employed in the fumma
mere texts is uznu imittu Iumilta imhas "(the sheep's)
right ear flips (to ) the left," cf lemma zibbatum iltu imittim
ana Iumèlt ►n imabbas "If ( the sheep's) tail flips from the
right to the left. " i6 This may be reflected in the Hittite
version ' s uses of the verb b ee/:nu - ' to reverse the direc-
tion of something , cause something to go in a different
direction," cf. ZAG-anrsza KLYS E.SIR
GÙB-laz duinut
"(s)he revened / changed the right shoe to the left
( foot)"
KBo 13.86 obv. 4-5, etc CI.. also nuaf T3Cbupiki appezzi
[Çplran huinut)] / banrexzi=nmoza appezziaz
[(huinut)]
'she changed the rear veil to the front and the front one
to the rear" KUB 33.67 i 30-31 (CTH 333).'7 Although
the verb h umu s seems to have been the more exact term
4. KUB 50.90 obv. 11
1L KUß 18. r 1 re v. 4-6
u. YOS to;74o ctted in CAD MR 79b sub mng. 3t.
.- Abo cf mI f onaenu, NIND&G11R 4 RA lath
x j . . , l / appex-
;fi ksf !tw[ arfi ...1 / f Y bwirIIazi (KBo 17.7 5
iv 3-5 (fest.)).
for the action, one passage substitutes a near synonym,
the verb arnu-.' 8
A fourth Akkadian expression which describes sheep
behavior in the lemma immeru texts is: liTnfu fumèla un-
affak "(the sheep) bites its tongue (on the) left. " 9 Cor-
responding nicely to this is the following passage from a
Hittite Latta-oracle: kamzuriti=kan EME ZAG -n parâ uda!
/ ran uwagd EGIR pa-ma=an=kan UL namma pédal "but
at kamzuriti (the sheep) sticks its tongue out on the right
side, bites it and doesn ' t bring it in again.s 20
The enigmatic opening words about the halt may be
clarified by the following passage, which does not con-
tain pakmariti: IGI-zi hàli EGIR -if UDU.BIR-if / [...
n] -an=kan laknut laftaza IGI-zi bali 2-UI GÙB-aJ EGIR-zi
häli 2-uI ZAG-a! "In the first ball the second (lit. latter)
ram [...ed the ...,] and knocked it over. With respect to
the bed(ding) Z1 in the first 'pen' (or 'watch') the two
(sheep?) are left-hand; in the latter `pen' or 'watch' the
two are right-hand" (KW 16.29 + 16.81 obv. 24-26
Loncle, NH]). This new passage seems to suggest that
ball is a locative: either temporal "in the first watch" or
spatial "1n the first pen." No corresponding terms for
' watch,' "pen" or "bed(dS)" occur in the lemma immeru
texts known to me. If the phrases in question should be
translated as "in the first Mali the first bed(ding) was nght/
left," it is possible that the sheep was observed in a pen
to see on which side it lay down.
The Ebeling texts attest to other modes of behavior:
ina lebika i_ Iïlrat zumrilu izziz "it breaks wind, when
you approach, and its hair stands up, "22 ihu naksu 2-lu 3-
lu [grit] "[it breaks wind] two or three times after it has
been slaughtered,"^ 3 uznafu tarsa "its two ears ex-
tend ," ^4 sibbassu unarral "it shakes its tail ," ^5 sibbassu imna
u lu méla u ma1j as " it flips its tail to the nght and the left,"
uzunfu unanal " it shakes its ear ," uzunfu la imitti lumélta
umahhas "it flips its nght ear over to the left, ' ma indu
lumèli tbakki ' it weeps in its left eye," inalu parla " its two
eyes are filled with terror,' z 6 Id nfu Lumela unaflak "it
bites its tongue on the left side," inMu uzzaggapa "its eyes
bulge out," issi "it cries out ," kabbussu iddi "it defecates,"
rèfifu iili " it lifts its head," kalissu i-ni-te-er "its kidney is
... ed," 27 etc.
The new texts from Emar add the following enûma
takarrabu tppalar " it is ` loosed ', when you ' pray '," 28
nèlu ikassas "it grinds/gnashes its teeth,"^ 9
pd-lu iptcn-
18. KUB 18.11 rev. 8, cited above.
1 9• Ebclmg 1931, obv. 9.
20. KUB 18 . t 1 rev . 8-9; cf. also KUB 16.40 rev .!
4-10, KUB
6.t4 rev. 19-24, KUB 5o 90 obv. 12 -t6, rev. 21 -22, 26-28.
21. Lit. "from the bed(ding) ' (ablative).
22. Tod and Lebr, p. 41 #9, line 1.
23. Ibid. rev. 1.
24. Ibid. obv. 2.
25. mid. obv. 3.
a6. mid.
27. Ibit p. 44, Iitie la.
28.
Milt 74203a, bne t.
29. Tid. line 4.
Akkadtan fumma immeru Texts and their Hurro-Hittite Counterparts "9
ette, 3° pû-fu iptenette lifânfu ittanandi "it keeps opening its
mouth and sticking out its tongue, " 3' kabbussu iddi
â.gar.gar-fu sub-di) it drops its dung, " 32 finatefu iitien it
urinates," 33 inafu ana panilu tarsa ' its eyes are directed
(_ Arnaud, D.
1987
Bibliography
Emar VI/4. Textes de la bibliothèque: transcrip-
tions et traduaions. Mission archéologique de
straight ahead," uznalu ana warkifu tarsa "its ears are Meskéné-Emar. Recherches au pays d'Altata.
turned back," kiTd imitti-fu unaffak "it bites its neck on Synthèse no. 28, Paris, Editions Recherche sur
the right," liJänfu fa imitti ultenessi "it keeps sticking out les Civilisations.
its tongue on the right," burhûssu ihanur "it makes a Berman, H.
croaking sound in its throat " gaggassu ana warki imittifu Keilschrift -
1982 Review of Hethitische Orakeltexte,
ufa^ijjlr, bamat imittifu laptat. 34
urkunden aus Boghazköy, 49 and Hethitische
From the Hittite contexts we gather that the two Orakeltexte, Keilschnfturkunden aus Boghazköy,
terms kamzuriti and pakmariti are locatives. In the Ebeling 50 1979 in JCS 34, PP• 118-126.
texts the only elements which could correspond to Hit-
Ebeling, E
tite locatives are the infinitival expressions following ma,
1931 Tod und Leben nach der Vorstellungen der Babyl-
ana, tftu and lama: ina lehika `when you approach," ma
onier. t . Teil: Texte. Berlin und Leipzig,
karabika "when you utter the prayer," iltu karbu "after it
Walter de Gruyter.
has been consecrated ," ina/ana ni« "at the moment of
Friedrich, J., and A. Kammenhuber
sacrifice, " 35 Ma labahifu "when it is slaughtered " 36 lama
teptafu "before its being opened up." 37 And from the 1975-84 Hethitisches Wörterbuch - Indogermanische
Bibliothek Zweite Reihe: Wörterbücher.
Meskene texts we add : enûma takarrabu "when you utter
Heidelberg, Carl Winter VS
the prayer," ma nakasi "at the cutting (of the animal's
throat). "38 Since these expressions, which could cone- Goetze, A.
spond to Hittite locatives, express various points of time 1969 "Hittite Prayers," in Ancient Near Eastern Texts
in the long procedure of bringing the victim to sacrifice, Relating to the Old Testament, ed. Pritchard,
uttering the proper prayers, cutting its throat, and open- James B., pp. 393 401. Princeton, N.J., Prin-
ing it up, it is likely that we must seek the meanings of ceton University Press.
kamzunti and pakmariti in this area as well. 39 The types Gurney, O. R.
of sheep behavior at pakmariti mentioned in the texts, 1981 " The Babylonians and Hittites ," in Divination
namely (r) sticking the tongue out and biting it and not and Oracles ed. Loewe, M. and C. Blacker,
drawing it back m, (2) tunung over, and (3) doing noth- PP• 142-173. London.
ing, are all possible at the moment of killing the sheep.
Hoffner, H. A., Jr.
It is not impossible that these terms, which entered Hit- - "Ancient Views of Prophecy and Fulfillment:
1987
üte via Hurrian, themselves go back to some Mesopota- Mesopotamia and Asia Minor ," Journal of the
mian expression. But although in the Akkadian texts a Evangelical Theological Society 30 pp. 257-265
fairly wide variety of terms are attested, even in one and
Kammenhuber, A., and A. Ünal.
the same text, in the Hittite examples we have only these
1967 Orakelpraxis, Träume und Vorzciclensehau bei
two terms used repeatedly.
den Hrthitiem. Texte der Hethiter 7. Heidel-
berg, Carl Winter Univenitätsve
Laroche, E.
1971 Catalogue des texts Mattes. Études et Com-
mentaires . Par•s• Klincksieck.
30. Ibid. line 6.
31. Ibid. Lne 7. Meissner, B.
32. Ibid. hne 9. 1933-34 "Omina zur Erkenntnis der Eingeweide des
33. Ibid. hne to. Opfertieres," MRS 9, PP• 118-122.
34. Ibid. bnes 12, 14, 27, 3 1 , 37, 39, and 4$•
35. AD examples from Ebeling 1931 41f.
36. '(OS 1047:22.
37. YOS 10 47:34
38. Msk 7420 3 3 . lines 1 and 47.
1 98 4 PP• 1911 c0nssd-
39. Friedrich and Kanunenhuber 1
ers also a reading 1f1 Vf zwriii, which 1 think e can safely exclude.
 The Descent of Enki 12I

THE DESCENT OF ENKI
Thorkild Jacobsen
Bradford, N. H.
The story-line of the composition known as "Gil-
25. dEn-ki-ra a-g'smâ-egir-ra-ke 4
gamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld" presents the
events it relates as successive an d connected in one way
The section of the text here dealt with is repeated lat-
er by Inanna as pa rt of her plea to Um for help to recover
her tree. She uses Eme-sal. Va rian ts are:
Line I I UET VI 55 rev: ba-an- i-ir-re-a-ba for ba-an-
de6-a-ba.
Line 12 UET VI 55 rev: dMu-u1-111-le for dEn-lil-le,
SEM 21: [dM]u-i11-h-li UET VI 55 rev:
ba-an- i -ir-re-a-ba for ba-an-de6-a-ba.
Line 13 UET VI 55 rev: dGa- sa -an-ki-gal-la-sè for
dEres-ki-gal-la-ra, SEM 21: [dGa] -sa -an-
`ki'-[gal-la-k]a(?); UET VI 55 rev: sag-
ng7 ga-sè for sag-rig 7-bé-és and im-ma-
ab-rig7-ga-a-ba for im-ma -ab- rig7-a-ba.
Line 16 UET VI S5 rev: [d]Am-an-ki for dEn-ki.
ur-mab-gim sag gis 1m-ra-ra
Line 17 UET VI 55 rev: ù-mu -un -ra for lugal-ra and
ud-bi-a. .
the oars of the small boat on which Enki was car-
ried captive
came down upon the turtles like goring (bulls),
for the king they tore into
the waten at the bow of the boat like a pack of
wolves,
25. for Enki they smote
the waten at the stern of the boat like lions.
In those days
Commentary
Line 4 -The suffix combination -a-ba is a contraction
of -a-bi-a "is its ." and constitutes the non-personal
counterpart of -a-na, contracted from -a-ani-a "in his/
her that ..." treated by Poebel GSG § 705. The initial
-

or another with a tree — a buluppu tree — which the
goddess manna found floating on the Euphrates, picked
up, and planted in her orchard. To explain how the tree
carne to float on the ri ver the author borrowed pa rt of a
myth about Enki which described the turbulence ac-
companying Enki's ride in a boat on that ri ver. This tur-
bulence he made dislodged the buluppu tree from the
bank an d dropped it into the waten for Inanna to find.
As we have it, the author begins his composition with
ten stereotypic lines locating the story in mythical time
at the beginnings, then follows in lines ii-26 the extract
from the Enki myth. The text reads:
ud- ri - a ud- sud-râ-ri-a
ge6 - n - a ge6-bad-râ -ri -a
mu-d-a mu -sud-râ-ri-a
ud -ul' ninda -dur e pa-è-a -ba
5• ud -ul ninda-du r e
ès- kalam -ma'-ka 2 ninda-su-a -ba
im-iu -rin-na kalam- ma-ka' nig-tab-ak-a -ba
an ki-ta ba -da'-bad-râ-a -ba
ki an-u ba -da'- 3- sur-n- 2 -a -ba
ro. mu-nam-I6-ulu3lu ba - an - 'gar -ra-a -ba
ud An-né ' - an ba -an-de 6 a ba- '
dEn-lil-le ' - ki ba an-de6-a -ba '
d Ercs-ki-gal -la-ra' kur -ra sag - rig7
-bé-és im-
nu-ab-rig 7 -a -ba
ba -u 5 -a-ba ba -u5 -a -ba
15. a-a kur -sè ba -u s -a -ba
dEn-ki kur -sè ba -u s -a -ba
lugal -ra didli
dEn-ki-ra gal-gal ba -' - an-da-
didli-bi na 4 -su'-kam
20. gal-g l-bi na4-gi4-'gu4-ud-da2-kam
gisal(ßi +IZ)-tustnà-tu r-ri-dEn-ki-ga-ke4
nig-brn(?)-na du 7 -àm i'-sG-su
lugal -ra ' a- mi-sag-ga-ke 4-
'
ur-bar-ra-gim tei mu-'na-gu 7 -e
ba- da-an - ri for ba-an -da- ri a- is the one that forms infinitives and clauses and so it
Line 18 UET VI S5: dAm-an-ki-ra for dEn-ki-ra and does not occur when the combination is used with a
Textual Notes
ba- da-an - ri for ba-an -da- ri . noun. The function of the construction is to focus atten-
Line 4 r. UET VI 55: nig.
Line 19 UET VI 55: na4-su -a-kam for na 4-su -kam. non on a special aspect of the meaning of the word or
Line 5 r. SLTNi 5: om -a-. clause to which it is attached, in the case of infinitives
Line 2i SRT 21. ma-tur-ra for ggmâ-tur - ri .
Line 6 I. In SEM 21 the traces to not suggest -ma-. and clauses it is usually on the time the action occurred,
Line 22 SRT 21: se-en-bun(?) -na for nig-bßn(?) -na.
2. UET VI 55: -ke4 for -ka. or took, rather than on the action as such. A few exam-
Line 23 SRT 21: u-mu-un -ra for lugal-ra. ples may illustrate its use: (I) with nouns: dAnzumu en_de
Line 7 I. SEM 21 seemingly has [-ka]m for -h,
Line 24 SRT 21: dAm-an-ki-ra for dEn-ki-ra dùg am-ma-ni-in-bad [}u-ri-in-ba 1û-erim dili mu-un-
UET VI 55: -ke4.
Line 8 dab5 "(On Ekur's gates) the Anzud bird spread its knees,
I. Thus SLTNi 5 and ISET II Ni 4507; SEM
21. -12-, UET VI 55: -ta -.
Translation in its (capacity of) eagle it held an enemy ' (SRT r i. 24-
In bygone days, in Er off bygone days, 25); [id a-ba-mu-u]n-na-ba-e-ne su ream-[ba]-bu-i-en-
Line 9 I. Thus SLTNi 5 and ISET II Ni 4507; SEM
in bygone nights, in remote, bygone nights, zé-en a-sà k-ba mu-un-na-ba-e-ne s'u nam-ba-bu-i-en-
n:: -ra- , UET VI 55: -ta-.
in bygone years, in far off, bygone years, zé-en "they will present you(! -na < -enea-) with the
2. Thus SEM 21 and ISET II Ni 4507, SLT- ri ver in its (state of high) water, may you not accept it,
the primeval days when proper bread made (its) ap-
Ni 5: - sur-'re', UET VI 55: -sud -ra (dit- they will present you() with the field in its (state of be-
pearance,
tography?). ing full of grain), may you not accept it" (PAPS 107 p.
Line to i. SEM 21 on -an-.
5. the primeval days when proper bread was carefully 51 if. Kramer's text); [nigin] kur-kur-ra a-ab-ba-a-ba /
prepared
Line 1 I. ISET II Ni 4507: an bad-ri-a-ba. when bread was eaten in the country's temple nap-bar ma-ter-a-hi tam-turn-ma "(with) all lands in their
Line 12 ginal state of) sea" (CT XIII 35: to). (2) with infini-
I. ISET II Ni 4507: Id bad-ré-a-ba. manors, (o ri
tive: sabar màs-anse dua-dug-a-ba gud(Q?) udu tur-amas'-
Line 13 Thus SLTNi 5 and ISET II Ni 4507; SEM when fires were lit in the country's bread ovens,
a-ba nin-gu io mu-nu-tuk-gim dig-as' im-me-mu 4
21 om. -ra, UET VI 55: -sè for -ra. when heaven was removed from earth, e gis
"As the beasts are stirring up the dust, as oxen an d sheep
Line r7 I. Thus SLTNi 5 and ISET II Ni 4507; SEM when earth was separated from heaven,
io. when the denomination "mankind" was estab- are returning to byre an d fold, you, my lady, have
21 and UET VI 55• - da - an -. dressed like one of no repute in a single garment," ( li t-
Line 18 Thus SLTNi 5 and ISET II Ni 4507; SEM lished,
erally ' in their stirring up," "returning " that is "as they
21 and UET VI 55: - da - an -. the days when An carried off heaven,
stir up etc. ' [BE 31 12 re v. 14-16]). Parallel examples
Line 19 when Enlil carried off earth :
I. UET VI 55: -a-. with -a-na a re given by Poebel loc. cit. (3) with clause
Line 20 an d when he (i.e. Enki) was given (as slave) to
I. Thus UET VI 55; SEM 21, SLTNi 5, and Ample examples may be found in the text under discus-
Ereshkigal as Netherworld dowry.
ISET II Ni 4507• - gi, When he was shipped o ff, when he was shipped sion lines 8-16.
2. SEM 21 + -a
o ff, Line 7 - For nig-tab nalraptu "burning" see CAD N/2
Line 21 r. UET VI 55. -ra- for -ri -. Is. when the father was shipped off to the Nether- p. 78.
Line 22 r. Thus SEM 21; UET VI 55• mi- for i -. world, Lines 8-9 - The use of -ta indicates that AN and KI are
Line 23 1. SEM 21: kiN; UET VI 55 ont Bü. when Enki was shipped off to the Netherworld, here to be seen as non-personal things and not person-
Line 24 little ones were led away captive with the king, ified as deities.
I. UET VI 55: + -un -.
big ones were led away captive with Enki,
Line 25 I. SEM 2I: I 1 to judge from spacing; UET Line io - The usual meaning of mu ,..gar "to make a .
those little ones were hand (wielded pounding)
VI 55 om. sd. name for oneself' does not seem to fit here We there-
stones, as a recog-
fo re assume that "name" stands for existence
20, those big ones were ... stones for battering
 123
122 THORKILD JACOBSEN The Descent of Enki

ni'able entity similar to the use of fuma nab! at the
beginning of En u ma eliu:
Lines 11-12 - The curious variant bad-ra-a-ba in
SLTNi 21 may derive from a broken text which the
copyist restored from ba-da-bad-ri-ba of line 8.
Line 13 The -be of sag-rigrbé-éi is understandable
-
er in which manna retells it as pa rt of her plea to Utu for
help. The former of these settings can quite clearly not
be o riginal. It consists of a hodgepodge of snippets of in-
troductions to other tales which the rhapsode threw to-
gether haphazardly as they came to mind. The intro-
duction of bread is told before the separation of heaven
Enki's descent could reflect the low waters of the rivers
during the summer, before the floods of spring replenish
them If we had the end of the myth, things might have
been clearer.
Considering next the second point raised by the Enki
myth, the lowly manner, as a mere slave, in which he
makes the journey one must concede from the begin-
gal. The brothers get their shares. An gets heaven, Enlil
gets earth. The sister, as is customary, does not get a reg-
ular share, but receives a dowry to take with her when
she marri es. Here Ereshkigal gets as dowry a slave, Enki.
By making Enki Ereshkigal's slave the myth resolves
a problem posed by the location of Enki an d his element,
the Apsu, underground, for the underground was Eresh-

only as resuming an anticipatory genitive after kur. The
variant of UET VI 55 rev 57: sag-rig ? -ga-iè "to Eresh-
kigal in the Netherworld" may be the better text.
Line 19 - The na 4-s'u h mentioned in Gudea Cyl. A
XVI 31-32: na 4-iu-min-e u 4 -da-àm sig4 mu-na-ab-gi 4
na4-es1X na 4-iu-ke 4 I.. .] "the two-hand stone roared for
him like a storm; the dolente, the hand stone (did) ...
from earth, which must surely have preceded it, and be-
ning that no attempt at interpretation can be other than kigal's domain. Since Enki was not a very powerful god
fore nun became recognizable, of which the same may
conjectural and highly tentative only With this caveat, he always has to use cunning rather than force or au-
be said.
then, we would suggest that the descent and its manner thority to obtain his goals — he could only be there as
Far more convincing is the second setting. As manna
is to be seen in the context of the determination of subject to her authority that is, as her slave.
tells the story it begins (UET VI 55•53-54):
What the myth did further with Enki's arrival in the
"modes of being" mentioned in the beginning line of
ud-ri-a na-âm ba-tar-ra-a-ba Netherworld in his humble status we cannot know. He
the myth. What those decisions were is clear from the
ud )}é-ma-al-la ka-na-âm-<mà> ba-e-zal-la-ri might have been given high office there as happened to
„

following lines; they had to do with the dividing of the

It was a stone used to dress other stones by pounding
them into shape.
Line 20 - The term na 4-gi4-gu4 -ud-da-kam is diffi-
cult, clear is only that it denotes a stone or stones. The
element "battering ram" and the parallel to the "hand
stone" suggests an implement to break stone walls. Pos-
sibly it denotes stones loaded onto a battering ram to
give it heavier impact If the reading gi 4 is cor re ct, the
value nakàmu (SL 326.15) "to heap up" might be in-
volved; however, the other sources have simple gi.
Line 21 - Ornà-tur "small boat" was borrowed into
Akkadian as maturru (CAD M p 427) and so most likely
it denoted a specific type of boat. The sign ri that follows
does not belong to the word for the boat We assume it
stands for lalâlu "to dri ve away captive" (SL 86.48) and
is an active participle.
Line n - The reading rig-bin(?)-na we owe to
Aaron Shaffer, The Eme-sal rendering of nig as ie-en in
SRT 39 rev 2, rather than èm is unexpected even
though the correspondence Eme-sal 'i' to Eme-Or 'n' is
well known (Poebel GSG § 83) and interchange of final
'm' and 'n' is common. Possibly this Eme-sal form of nig
is particular to the word nig-b»n-na "turtle "
Line 24 - The element tes as one in tes...gu 7 shows
that attack by a pack is meant.
Interpretation
Since we do not know how the myth. of Enki's de-
scent ended, attempts to grasp what it was meant to con-
vey must necessarily be conjectural only an d limited to
what the parts we have seem to imply. Here two points
stand out, the god's journey to the Netherworld an d the
lowly manner — as a mere slave — in which he under-
takes it.
Before taking up these two points however, a few
words should be said about the possibility of recovering
the original opening lines of the myth, for we have two
settings, the one quoted above as lines 1-lo where it
forms pan of the introduction to the larger composition
"Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld" and one lat-
"In bygone days when the ways of being were de- Ningishzida when his boat arrived. But many other
universe among three major deities, An, Enlil an d Eresh-
cided on kigal. The underlying image would seem to be that of things are equally possible an d we see no clear clues in
after you (i e. Utu) had made days of plenty dawn in the parts of the story we have The stones that accompa-
heirs dividing an estate and the terms used are those of
the land" ny Enki could be one such, but if so we do not know
such divisions, "take (deb) one's share" an d "gift,"
re two what to make of it and so we must leave our attempt at
manna uses Eme-sal and addresses Utu in the second 'dowry" (sag-rig s ). The dividers in this case a
interpretation as it stands.
person. As introduction to the myth the passage would brothers, An and Enlil, and an unmarried sister, Ereshki-
have been in Eme-gir an d used 3 n p Passive also in the
second li ne. The emendation -mà is supported by a vari-
ant (ISET II pl. 52 Ni 4507 rev. 8). The word nain (na-
Sin) h usually translated as "fate.' It has, however, a far
broader meaning, it denotes "mode of being" with all
that implies. What the gods were doing was deciding on
the proper form, function an d condition of everything,
thus creating a cosmos out of chaos.
Turning next to the first of the points st an ding out in
what we have of the myth, the Descent of Enki to the
Netherworld, one notices that the myth has Enki sail
there on the Euphrates. Presumably he was sailing up-
stream toward the mountains of present day Turkey
which may well have been considered an outcropping of
Ereshkigal's stony "greater earth" (Ici-gal) which was
thought to underlie the earth an d to be the land of the
dead As for the meaning of the descent itself, it may
simply be a mythopoeic explanation of how Enki and his
realm, the Apsu, came to be underground where the
Ancients knew them to be located. It would thus merely
reflect what to them was a cosmic fact.
While this is probably the most likely interpretation,
other possibilities may at least be considered. The theme
of a deity's descent to the Netherworld is a very popular
one in Sumerian mythology. Enlil makes the descent in
"Enlil and Ninlil," manna in "Inanna's Descent," Du-
muzi an d a whole list of similar divine figures descend
against their will in the Dumuzi laments. One, Nin-
gishzida, is even taken there by boat as a captive much as
Enki seems to be in the myth under discussion. (An edi-
tion of the Ningishzrda myth by Bendt Alster and myself
is in the hands of the publisher). In all of these cases the
descent denotes a temporary decline or ceasing of an el-
ement of nature as is most dearly seen in the Dumuzi
materials where the god stands for the abundance of
spring. It is therefore conceivable that in similar fashion
 A Self-Laudatory .`ulgi Hymn Fragment from Nippur I25

A SELF-LAUDATORY SULGI HYMN FRAGMENT
FROM NIPPUR
Jacob Klein
Bar-Ilan University
The Sulgi hymn fragment from Nippur, N 3 i 3o+N
3131 was brought to my attention some time ago.' Dur-
ing my latest visit to the Universi ty Museum, I had the
opportunity to copy the fragment and photograph it.'
Since I could not identify the fragment as pa rt of any of
the known Sulgi hymns, I decided to publish it an d
make it available to Sumerologists for further study. I
dedicate this publication to the distinguished jubilarian,
whose important cont ri butions to the history of Sumer-
ian literature, as well as to the study of Sumenan royal
hymnology, provided me with indispensable guidance
in my work on the Sulgi hymns. 3
The fragment, measuring ti5x75o mm, seems to be
the lower portion of the obverse of a two-column tablet,
with only the two columns of the obverse inscribed. 4
The layout and the ductus are very similar to the Sulgi
C duplicates CBS 7079 and CBS 14o8o: 5 most lines of
the hymn are split into two (occasionally three) half-
lines with no dividing lines between them. The actual
lines of the hymn are demarcated with deep dividing
lines.
i. The above fragment was brought to my attention by both
Ake Sjoberg and Miguel Civil (sae the list of Sulgi fragments in his
forthcoming HKL 4, sub 2.42oo). For the special abbreviations in this
a nick. see The 5umm`an Dictionary, vol. B, pp. viiff
2, See below Figs. t and 2.
3.
I am grateful to Ake Sjoberg. Curator of the Unive rs ity
Mr rum tablet collection, for his permission to publish this fragment
and for his encou ra gement in my work on it.
4• The reverse of our fragment seems to be missing. This I
conclude from the fact that the two inscribed columns go from left
to right Furthermore, from the right column, where the text ends,
only about two-thirds is inscnbed. with the rest of this column unin-
scnbed. Since the right edge is also missing, the possibility cannot be
excluded that our fragment ongirally had a third column to the right,
of which at present only a small portion is preserved. Note, however,
the alternative possibility that the two extant columns belong to the
rsc of the onginal tablet En that case, we have to assume that the
.
Due to the poor condition of our fragment and the
uneven, unclear, an d sometimes condensed writing it is
impossible to determine its full contents and structure.
From what was left reasonably legible we can conclude
that our fragment was part of a self-laudatory hymn, or
a segment thereof, which dealt with the theme of the au-
thorship, purpose, and authenticity of Sulgi's hymns.
The extant text falls into seven stanzas of different
lengths; the end of each stanza is marked by the recur-
ri ng compound verb ml-du,,(-g) "to sing the praise
(of)" or the like 6 This verb which no doubt constitutes
the Leitmotiv of our hymnal passage, appears here in four
variant forms, and in six out of seven c as es it is preceded
by the precative prefix hé-/bas-. Since the verbal root
can be interpreted throughout only in an intransi tive-
passive sense it is difficult to determine whether the pre-
fix is to be taken as a precative ("let the praise thereof be
sung"), or as an affirmative ("the praise thereof has been
verily sung"). 7 The seven occurrences of this verb are as
follows:
(a) i I' mi bé-ma-ni-i[n-du„] "let the praise
(thereof) be sung for me! '8
6. The generally accepted etymology of the verb mi(-es)
du i i (-g) is "to treat womanly, ' "to address womanly" (see AnOr 28,
p. lab Sjoberg, Mondgatt 24; 33, R. 23; Klein, Sub 15o; Edzard-Wilcke,
AOAT 25, 169; M.E. Cohen, Erfernma, p. to8, I. 24; idem, The Ca-
nonical Lamentations 5482: 354:167 et passim). The Akkadian render-
ing of this verb, kunna, seems to cover only one of its aspects, namely
"to treat womanly/kindly, "to take care of," "to cherish." The other
major aspect, "to speak womanly/kindly of," i e to praise, was ap-
parently not noticed by the Akkadians. In the present context, how-
ever, none of the above transla ti ons seems to be accurate, because in
the expression rev-bi-1m du s ,(-g), mi is qualified by a possessive suf-
fix, and it can be translated only as an abstract noun i.e. "praise,"
"hymn' etc. i prefer, therefore to see in mi-du„(-g) in our hymnal
fragment an expression analogous to zi-mi du„(-g) to be translated
i I 2' mi-gal-gal ni-mu en-na bi-du i ,-ga "as Since the theme of authorship, purpose an d authen-
(b)
many great praises as I s an g about myself;" ticity of Sulgi's hymns is discussed in three of his major
self-praises, in various degrees of elaboration, namely in
(c) ii 3' IiIfi-bi-1m bu-m[u-du, t ] "let the praise thereof 2 4
[be sung]!” gulp E,' Sulgi B,' 3 and Sulgi A,' we would expect this
theme to turn up also at the still missing end of his fourth
(d) ii 6' [m]i-bi-im bu-mu-du 11 "let the praise thereof major self-praise, Sulgi C." 5 Accordingly, the possibility
be sung!"
that our hymnal fragment is part of the end of Êulgi C
(e) ii 7' g2.-r2. mi-zi-bi-im has-mu-du,, "let the truth- cannot be excluded. In fact, the above assumption can be
ful praise thereof be sung for me! ' supported by four further arguments: (a) both Sulgi C
(f) ii 8' mi-bi-im bu-mu-du,, "let the praise there- and our fragment use the prestigious epithet Sul-gi sipa-
of be sung!" zi-ki-en-gi-ra-me-en' 6 ; (b) both sources refer to the ep-
(g) ii II' gia-ra ini-zi-bi-im tits-mu-d[u],, "let the isode of the double-t ri p between Ur and Nippur, in very
truthful praise thereof be sung for met" similar terms and orthography^ 7; (c) both sources exhibit
archaic orthography characteristic of those Sulgi hymns
In each stanza Sulgi boasts of his excellence in a cer-
tain specific area of his hfe, and then utters the wish that whose orthography was not 'modernized' ts and (d)
both sources are (at least partially) inscribed on tablets
the praise thereof be sung for him. The seemingly long-
which exhibit similanties in layout and ductus.' 9
est stanza, ending with (b) (11. i 2'-I2 1 ), is an excep tion,
for in this stanza Sulgi swears by the name of Enlil that
TRANSLITERATION
any number of his praises that he sang (or ordered to be
Col. i
sung) about himself is true, none of it is false! 9
i' x rkù-sig, 7? UD?' x x [x x]
The themes of praise, as far as the highly fragmentary
mi hé-ma-ni-i[n-du„]
text allows to determine, appear in the following se-
Büt 'tukul-la u 4 sud-x-[x]-gâ?
quence: Distinction in warfare(?) (i 2'-41); abundant and 2'
u, 8 -ru-gim ki bé-ma-ni-tis-rsa' •
firm kingship (i 5'-8'); the righteous king who restores
N[l?-x] x RU-x- mes- gu, o ^è”
justice an d eradicates evil (i 9'-Io'); authority in the as -
[xx]xxxxx
sembly(?) (ii 2'); excellence an d superiority in wrestling
[x x] x rgaba-zi-ga-gu to -dè''
and athletics (ii 8') and excellence in running, demon-
["se -er-z]i? u 4 ti-s'è mû-a-gim
strated by the double t ri p between Nippur and Ur (ii
[men]?-kù-ga mul-Ia- U10- dè?
Io'-III). The extant text seems to end somewhat
abruptly, an d thus it probably does not constitute the 6' [gidri]?-ntab nam-bé-a ur 4 ur4 ra
su-mu-sè gâl-la-bi
very end of the hymn to which it belongs.
The contents and structure of our hymnal fragment 7 Ègu-za subur -gi-na
are reminiscent of the contents an d structure of the be- rx x'sag-sse rig 7 -ga-gâ'
ginning portion of Sulgi E, which I elsewhere labelled 8' rx x' sag? an-sè' bi'-bi?-il
'The Testament of Sulgi, ' for it deals with the author- of sul-gi sipa-zi-ki-en-gi-ra-me-èn
ship, purpose, and authenticity of the Sulgi hymns, toand nig-zi ki-bi -se bu -mu- gar -gd-ar
especially to ll. 16-52 of the above hymn. In these lines 10' nig-ne-ru a-g1 6 a-è - a-gim.
Sulgi tells us that he commissioned his master poets to uzugx (KA.u 2)-ge bé-mi-bù
compose for him all types of hymns in order to coin- -gal-gal ni-gu, 0 en-na bi-du„-ga
memorate his extraordinary achievements in his personal
and public life, an d subsequently swears by the great 1 I. For a partial transliteration and t ra nslation of the above sec-
d unparalleled, and all (namely of II 16-21. 31-38, an d 51-54), see Klein, Bar-
gods that his hymns are unique an tion of Sulgi E
flan Studies in Assyriology dedicated to P. Artzi (1990), pp. 73ff. A RIB
true and authentic to the last line.'
edition of Suki E is in advanced preparation.
12. See notes 9-to above
of the intransi ti ve-p as sive verb, see 13. Lines 3,4f.; see Klein TAPS 71/7, zo.
7. For the Nomtallotm
Note that in the Gudea in- 14. Line 84; see Klein Sulgt p a15f
Falkenstein, AnOr 28, pp. 173ff.; 222. d duplicates. A revised edition is in prepara-
15. CBS 7079 an
scriptions nearly all mtransitive-passive verbs with the be- prefix tion For the time being. see G.R. CasteUino. Two Sulgi Hymns (BC),
seem to be genuine precatives and Falkenstein was not able to find a
single certain occurrence with a clear affirmative connotation (cf PP. 247ff

OrNS 37 (1968), t6. See comment to 1 1 9' below.

scribe erroneously reversed the sequence of the columns, inscribing
them from left to right. similarly to the columns of the obverse.
5. Both texts are six-column tablets. For CBS 7079, see pres-
ently G.R. Castellino, Two Sulgi Hymns (BC), Figs. r9-20
.
"to sing the praise (of).” For zi-rev du„( g), see Falkenstein, ZA 56
61, n. 3o ("za-mi-du, 1 ist anscheinend synonym mit
mi-do s s '); Römer,
SKIZ 134:215; Enlil and NinliI 153; Sulgi P b 21. Note that (fir-)zà-
rni-du„-p, "(song of) praise," appears in a lexical list of types of
AnOr 29, p. 212). See further M. Yoshikawa,
401-416; D.O. Edzard, ZA 61 (1971) 213ff.; M -L Thomsen, The
Sumerian Language (1984), pp. zo4i .
pp.
17. See comment to II. is m'-1 t' below Note, however,
this hypothesis can he true only if we assume that Sulgs C referred to
le trip episode twice once in detail in the main part of the
the doub

CBS 8. Or (less likely) ` (these) are verily seemly recited for me" hymn and once in passing in its epilogue Such an assumption is quite
14080 will be published by the author in his forthcoming revised edi- songs (MSL 16, 253:29: cf. W.W. Hallo, BiOr 46 (19891 348). Con- and so on.
tion of Saki C. sequently, nti-és du el (-g), we may translate "to sing/recite as a plausible.
9. See comment to II i i t'-I2' below. Apart from da-na for damn (i . '), see further: tit'-bi-a
praise"; cf the analogous sir-re(-es) e (Sulgs A 80. Sulgi E see presently 18.
to. For a summary of the contents of bu-mu-gat-gar hé-mi-
Sutgi E for hé-bI-i7 ( 8'); hu-tutu-gar-*-2.r (i9')
Kle in, TAPS 71/7, pp. 03f For the literary dependence of for later he-mi-bu (i KO; and limn ; ) for lintm (ii 8').
, "From Gudea to Sulgi," Studies
I24 on Gudea Stat B, see now Klein .

19 See discussion above with. n. 4.

Sjöberg, pp. 289-3os.
 126 JACOB KLEIN A Self-Laudatory Sulgi Hymn Fragment from Nippur 127

12' mu-den-lH-la lul ba-ra-`na é-ge' (d) 4' growing by the life giving sun." dramatic nam-tar episodes (Sulgi X 133 an d Sulgi F 64).
13' am-babbar2 -ra-gim sag hé- s"i1 -[x-x-x] S' For mul-mul in similar context, cf. Samsuiluna C So Finally, our epithet recurs several times in re frains of en-
14' x x [...] 6' My having marched in the ... of The Land— (Falkenstein, ArOr 17/I, 216). me-lam nam-lugal-la tire hymns or parts of them In Sulgi D 294, 298, 303,
let the praise thereof be sung! 306, 311, 318, where various deities join Sulgi on his
Col, ii mu4 mu4 da-zu-dè u 4 gim mul-mul-la! x x bé'-zalag?
(e) 7' Prudence, the good thing, like ... I put in (ev- men-kù "holy crown" is frequently attested, begin- way to the campaign against the Gutfans, we find the
I' ` X X' ery) mouth— let the praise thereof be sung for ning with Gudea (see references by Sjöberg, Mondgott formula: DN ... gul-gi sipa-zi-ki-en-gf-ra-da giri 3 -a ba-
2' UNKEN? ak? me!
99) . aga-kù, on the other hand, seems to be a late and ha- da-an-du "DN ... with Sulgi, the faithful shepherd of
3' mi-bi-im bu-m[u-du„] (f) 8' In wrestling and athletics I made
4' (my) pax compound (cf. Steible, Rimsîn [FAOS I] 6:18). Sumer, walks on the road"; an d in the refrain of Sulgi O,
xxxx[...] strength truly radiate which repeatedly introduces Sulgi's praise of Gilgames in
5' [x] `URUDU? x x' [x-m]u?-du„? let the praise thereof be sung! i 6' - [gidri]-mah is restored here on the basis of the
a lengthy hymnal dialogue (cf. ll. 44-52; 85-88; 133-141;
6' [x] x- kalam ?-ma? gin'?-na-ga' context, but the alternative restoration [g]ibir (i e.
(g) 9' Vigor, which Enlil ... in The L and, text E b 5-8), we read:
[m]i -bi-im hu-`mu'-du„ of my [U].ENxKARA 2) cannot be excluded.
7' s'u'-dtm 4 ? m-sa6-ge x-gim For thematic parallels, cf. the expressions bala-nam- s"ul-gi sipa-zi-ki-en-gi-ra-ke 4
t o' My having traversed to the shrine (of) Nippur,
KA-ga nu ni- ga1-la? hé-a (UET 8, 81:31') an d bara2-nam-bé-a (Enlil in the sea ku-h-ni en dgilgames"
(and) to the road (leading) to Ur,
-

ga-ra 1ni-zi-bi-im bu-mu-du„ Ekur 37); cf. also Enlildiri!'e 74: Pgu-za-nam-lugal-Ia me nam-kala-ga-na mu-ni-in-i-i
II' My having marched a distance of thirty
8' geipu2 -lirum 3 ?-ta a ha-rrla?-gù e ur4-ur4 "a royal throne which amasses divine-offices." nam-ur-sag-gi-na mu-ni-in- pàd - pàd - dè
'miles'
ml -bi 1m hu-mu-du„
-

a-la den-111?-da? ma?-ab?-bi kalam -ma
' hand" see Enlil and Sud 4o: ù n-ra zi-sag-gi6-ga gas-zu-
gi4 -a' x x x x-na
yi NIM dar'-ra
to' èi-nibruw-sè
gar-uri s -ma -se gu-nigin 2 -nigin 2 -na-ga
kaskal-da-na 3o gin-na-g3
ga-ra mi-zi-bi-im bu-mu-d[u„]
TRANSLATION
Col. i
(a) I' ... gold? ...
Let the praise (thereof) be sung for met
(b) 2' That in the weapon, an enduring ...,
is established for me like a tower
For my ...
When [like] a . ..
I . . raise my breast,
At my shining in the holy [crown]
like a [(divine) splendor, which flares up for
wonder,
6' Of the lofty [scepter], which amasses abun-
dance,
'ts being placed in my hand,
On my throne of firm foundation,
granted to me as a gift by...
.. I raise (my) head heavenward.
9' 1, Sulgi, the faithful shepherd of Sumer,
always firmly established truth,
to' F ra ud, like a flood, an erupting water,
I verily uprooted (as uprooting) a taboo!
As many great praises as I sang about myself,
(I swear by) the Name of Enlil: None (of
them) is fake, they a re verily true!
(c) t3 Like a white aurochs I verily [raised]
the head,
1 4 1 ••.
Col. ü It could be alternatively interpreted as phonetic
let the praise thereof be sung for me!
COMMENTARY
i I' - For the recurring verb mi-du,,(-g), see the dis-
cussion above (with notes 6-'7).
i 2' - For the still obscure u, 8 -m, which is usually trans-
lated "valiant," ' mighty," see Falkenstein, ZA 52, 69ff.;
Sjöberg, TCS III 62ff. For the tentative rendering of
uf8-ru in this context see Urnammu B 29-3o: bur-sag-
galam-ma g14-gun4 -na ... u18-ru-mab-gim gà-bi-a ki
am-ma-ni-in-ûs "The Storied-Mountain the high tern-
ple ... he established in its midst like a lofty tower" (cf.
Klein, ASJ 11, p. 5o; 55). For ki-ûs-sa 'firmly estab-
lished," see Sulgf O 2 et passim (Klein, AOAT 25,
274;
285); Nanna'sJourney to Nippur 324 ti-lam-da u 1 8-m ki-
lis-sa "the twin-vessel, st an ding on the ground (like) a
tower"; Lugalbanda II 3o u,8-ru-gam ki bé-ûs-sa-ba
"stood (firmly) upon the ground like a tower."
i 3' - The last sign in this li
ne, as well as the last sign in
11. 4' and 5' resembles an UR2 -sign. The context, how-
ever, calls for -de.
In Sumerian literary texts gaba-zi refers to the ris-
ing ofa man or beast to attack (cf Falkenstein Götterhed-
er 13 t). For the present context see especially Sjöberg,
Mondgott 44:8: a-a dnanna s`e- er_ma_a1_la_xo -
dè gaba-zi-
ga-zu-dè.
f 5' - For the tentative restoration of Cse-er-z]i, see
In-
cantation to Utu 8: dutu ge-er-zi-da an-Id-a mul-mul
"Utu, splendid light, shining in heaven and earth"; VET
I 1 39:4: ie-er-zi-bi mû-mû "its
light constantly renews
` melt" (li t flares up again an
d again). It is assumed here
hat the obscure u 4 -d-iè is a unique phonetic writing for
u4-di-es ("at daytime," "daily"), u 4
-id-s'è ("at the
New M oon") or iii-sè ("as the moonlight"). An alterna-
ration of the first half of our line could be:
z]1 u 4 ti -iè mG-a-gim "Like a fertile [ma-tree],
-
For gu-s"è gâ1 (=ana gäti pagâdum) "to entrust m one's
gè ga-mu-un-gal (OB var. ga-mu-u8-gar) = kâti nap:at
salmât qaqqadi ana qat[iki lupgi]d.
i 7'-8' - For a close thematic parallel, cf. Sulgi A 89:
bara2 -babbar-ra gdgu-za suhug-gi-na sag an-gè ba -ba-il
See also Sulgi R 87: gdgu-za den-ki-k[e] 4 sag ba-ba-
ri[g] 7-ga-`a' subug-bi ba-ra-ab-gi-gi-in "The throne,
which Enki truly gave you as a gift — its foundation I
will make firm for you." Traces in the beginning of 7'b
do not point to `den-ki-ke 4' 1
The reading of the verbal form in 1. 8' is highly un-
certain. For the writing of the precative prefix hé- with
131-, which is chanctenstic of the Sulgi hymns, see Klein,
TAPS 71/7, p. 32, n. 169; Bar-Ilan Studies in Assyriology
dedicated to P. Artzi, 99, n 204.
r 9' - The epithet sipa-zi-ki-en-gi-ra, as I pointed
out elsewhere (cf. Klein, Sulgi 54, n 128), seems to be
used only in the Sulgi hymns. It is attested both in self-
laudatory hymns (Sulgi C an d I), and hymnal epics (Sulgi
D+X, K and O). A survey of the contexts where this ep-
ithet appears indicates that it is an important poetic term,
used in particularly dramatic or key episodes In the
present context, as well as in .Sulgi C 105, this epithet in-
troduces the theme of 'the king as the supreme judge of
the land'. Note that in our fragment this is further a pre-
lude to the formulaic assertion of the truthfulness of the
Sulgi hymns (see comment to i I I'-I2' below). In the
other three occasions this epithet is used in the context
of a claim for unparalleled physical strength an d super-
human athletic achievements (cf Sulgi C to', where it
introduces the theme of hunting and killing a li on single-
handedly; Sulgi C 142, where Sulgi boasts of being an
unrivalled athletic champion; an d Sulgi C, Text E rev. 7-
1o, where Sum refers to his double-trip from Nippur to
Ur in one day — see further comment to ii to'-11' be -
low). In Sulgi Y 9, this epithet introduces the main
theme of the self-praise: the specific pious votive acts
which Sulgi did for NinW, the divine protagonist of this
"Sulgi, the faithful shepherd of Sumer,
Praises his brother (and) friend the lord Gilgames,
In his might, addresses him in his heroism. ."
Note finally Sulgi K, where the refrain, concluding
the various stanzas (ll. 41'-4.2'; 5o'-51'; 67'-68'; 87'-
88'), reads as follows:
x ki-gu-la-àm é-gal-e
s'ul-gI sipa-zi-ki-en-gi-n-ke 4 â-bi-sè ba-an-dab
"... in the Netherworld, in the palace,
Sulgi, the faithful shepherd of Sumer, rendered than/
it suppo rt ."
For ki-bi-iè gar in similar context, cf. Ifinedagan A 17:
[kalam-a nag-zi ki-bi-s'è gar (SKIZ 4o); see further Sulgi
X 143-144• di-kalam-ma ki-bi-s"è i-ku s -re ga-rai'-
kalam-ma 1-ba-re; Inanna-Iddindagan 32-32a (see Klein,
JCS 23, I 19) . rain-mu di-kalam-ma ki-bi-iè i-ku s -dè
nanna-ke 4 1 ka-ai-bar-kalam-[nu ki]-bi-s'è i-bar-[re]
For the writing of bamlu verbal root gar as ga-err,
which is characteristic of the Sulgi hymns, see Klein,
Bar-Ilan Studies in Assyriology dedicated to P. Artzi, 98;
Su qi X 152; Klein, Sulgi 218:N145I1 obv. 9; TAPS 71/7,
28, n. 15o.
i to' - For a-è-a "gushing/onrushing water," see
Sjöberg, Mondgott 109; 115; idem, OrSuecana 22, 1(13, n.
3 a-gi6 "flood," "current," and its parallel a-è-a usually
appear in literature as similes and metaphors for fearful
an d destructive elements (such as demons, fierce kings in
battle and armies). Accordingly, they serve in the present
context as a simile for the king, who destroys and eradi-
cates evil, rather than for the evil, which is the object of
destruction.
The second half of this line is difficult. Its interpreta-
don depends on the reading of the slightly damaged ver-
bal root at the end. According to Ake Sjöberg (by private
communication), the verbal root is to be read gu 7
(KAxGAR), and the obscu re KA.U 2 -ge, to be read su s -
ge, is a unique phonetic writing for sug-ge. Accordingly,
he •proposes • the rendering sug x- e j é-mi egu i "I verily
made (evil) vanish." For sug-ge( 4) gu7. "to make disap-

hymn. On two other occasions our epithet introduces

 128 JACOB KLEIN
pear," li t. "to cause (something) to be consumed by the
swamp " see Falkenstein, Götterlieder 41, n 37; van Dijk,
Görtrr1ieder 28, n. 54. This expression frequently appears
in lamentations (cf Ur Lament 133; 211; 232; 279 Uruk
Lament 2:17'; Nippur Lament 211; 2711, Man and His God
128) and in royal hymns, describing the annih il a ti on of
enemies by the king (TCL 1 5, 1 9:45 [Urninurta]; STVC
73, re v. 6 [Ismedagan]• Römer, SKIZ 7.22 [Lipitestar]).
Note, however, that the verbal root at the end of the
line seems to be bù (i e. KAxSU or KAxKAR 2), rather than
gu 7 (KAxtAR). Accordingly, the obscure KA.U 2 has been
taken as a unique phonetic writing for uzug s (KAxU 2),
which in turn is an Ur III orthography for OB
uzug2 (U1 .KA) and 6-zug4 (U2 .KAxLI), Akk. (m)usukku
"(sexually) unclean," "taboo" (for an extensively docu-
mented discussion of this noun, see Behrens, Enlrl and
Ninlil 156-157). If the present reading is correct then
Sulgi would seem to liken himself in this line to a flood,
which eradicates anything that stands in its way. For the
motif of removing unclean persons from a holy city
(uru-ta ba-to-è), see e.g. Gudea Cyl A 13:12-15; Stat B
3;15-4:4; Enlil and Ninlil 59-60.
For the expression lui ba-ra-na bé-ge(-en),
which is especially cherished by the authors of the royal
hymns of Sulgi and Iimedagan, see now G. Haayer
Megor Iiajim: Festschrift fur Georg Mohn, p. 121f; J
Klein, TAPS 71/7, p. 19, n. 76. Note especially the close
and greatly expanded parallel in Su/gi E 39ff. (LIMBS X/z,
7:39ff. and dupls.), where Sulgi swears by the great gods
An, Enlil, Suen and Uni as follows:
nig-nar èn-du-gâ la ba ra-ma-ni-in-gar
s'ùd-gu, o nig nu-um-si-si- ga mi - cs b a- ra- ni-du „
Sul-gi-me - cn silim nig-â-diri- ga fir-ra ba - ra- ba -gâl
kù-sa {,- ga-gim zalag-zalag-ga-gu,o-um
gestu l -ga fir-zu inim-zu-gu m -u m
sipa-me nig-na-me zà-tit-tit-la-gu, o -um
nom-lugal-gâ mi-és' bé-ni-du „
mu rug-in-du-gI en-na ga-ba-gul-l a
lul ba-n-na bé-ge-en
Anything comparable to my melodies and songs no
one has ever ordered to be composed.
Nor has ever caused to be seemly recited my prayers,
which cannot be imitated!
I , Sulgi, have never put in a song a praise of 'excessive
wee
My shining like fine silv er,
My (having a perfect) 'ear' and being an expert in song
and speech.
I, 'the shepherd' my attaining a perfect control of any-
thing
all these be seemly recited in my kingship!
As many lines as there may be in my songs
None of them is false, they are verily true!
3' - Am-babbar seems to be attested elsewhere only
Ur III duplicate to Largatbcnd4
1247, in an obscure
context (cf S. Cohen, Enmerkar to, n. 22; W.W. Hallo,
JAOS 103, 172, I. 293). Most probably, Sulgi refers here
to his strength in battle or athletics and the verb to be
restored accordingly is: sag hé-`ii'-[ib-il-il]. Cf. TCL 16
58:9 = OECT 5 no. 25:67 (Niniatapada to Rimsin) am-
du7 -du7 igi-ai-babbar mèsen-fen gis-gis-la sag il (refer-
ring to Rimsin). Note that the expression sag-il is more
frequently associated with oxen (gu 4) in animal meta-
phors (cf W. Heimpel, Tierbilder 144f).
ii 7' - The reading and interpretation of this line are
highly uncertain. It is assumed here that the tentatively
read Su BIJLUG 3 in the beginning of the line is not to be
read geipu2 (for the la tt er, cf. ii 8 below), but iu-dim 4,
(=Akk. sanqu) "prudent," "prudence" ( li t. "reliable
hands"). Cf. Civil, JNES 23, 7.18 iu-dim 4 -ma-àm "en--
ergetic" (see his comment on p 7); see also CAD sub
sanqu; Seux, Epithètes royales 386, sub agrig.
KA-ga, which may be read ka-ga (' in every mouth")
or du,,-ga ("speech," "command"), is obscure in this
context. The last sign seems to be a damaged LA, rather
than a GA 2 (cf ii 6' above).
ii 8' - geipu 2 = umâs''u (cf. AHw 1412b) For lirum( 3)
see CAD sub abiiru B; gamiru; AHw sub abâru(m) II. For
the writing lirum 3 (KIB), which is characteristic of the Ur
III literary texts and the Sulgi hymns, see Klein, JCS 31
(1979) 151, n. to; J. Cooper, The Curse ofAgade, p. 2 45,
comment to I. 102-5. In later periods this orthography
is attested only in lexical texts (cf. MSL 14 363:216).
Note that in the Marriage of Martu, the wrestling match
(geipu 2 -Lirum; I. 68) at Nina took place in the ` wrestling
ha ll " (é-geipu 2 I. 63), which was most probably located
within the gate complex ([k]â-ni-na-abki-lea; 1. 68); see
the author s forthcoming ' Additional Notes to the
'Marriage of Martu ' in Raphael Kutscher's Memorial
"
Volume. According to Sulgi C, however, the wrestling
matches in the Ur III period took place in the `Great
(royal) Courtyard' (kisaI-mab). Cf Sulgi C 131-142 (for
the present, see Castellino, Two Sulgi Hymns (BC), 256f.,
ll 129ff.; a revised edition is in preparation):
geipu2-lirum3-ma [lù'-kola-ga- btu -me-èn
sipa-me-èn s'u-si-gid-gid-da-g[u, o ?-x] 'a'? [m]i-ni-
gùn
kisal-rnab lei-mè-gim `a'-[ba? b]a'-ni-gi 4
ur- sag-gal-gal-kal[am-m] a-ke 4 -ne
kala-ga I[ui a?-tuku kur-kur-ta [i]gi sag-gà-ne
16- kar-[ra] ? -lei-en-gi-ra-ke 4
ne
su gaba rî-x du, o -bad [tu]ku-ne
dub (or kiiib)-lâ-gu, o -u KAxA' mu-da-`ab'-du„
gu4 -dù-gim si'-bi-ta mu-[g]i 4 -es'
hrum 3 -ta ù-su-tuku i-me-nam
gesPu2P 6? -ta a-gâl i - me-tram
Sul-gi sipa-zi-lei-en_i _ ra_me- è 1 6 `nu'-mu-da-s3-
me-èn
"I, [the strong man of] wrestling and athletics,
' 30W). As to the round-trip irsrlf, Sulgi A describes in de-
A Self-Laudatory Sulgi Hymn Fragment from Nippur
I, 'the shepherd' — [with m]y very long fingers, I made
(my) strength radiate!
In the great cou rt -yard, like on a battlefield, who could
challenge me?
The great heroes of The Land,
The strong ones, the mighty men, who were selected
from all the lands,
The runners of Sumer,
Those who repel with hand and breast, who possess
'wide open knees'
In my Dubla (or with my hands) I let them contend with
me,
Like breed-bulls I turned them back by their horns!
In athletics — I was indeed the mighty one,
In wrestling — I was indeed the strong one;
I, Sulgi, the 'faithful shepherd of Sumer', am a person
with whom none can compete!"
For the uncertain a lla-ma-gùn cf. `a'? mi-ni-gùn in
Sulgi C 132 quoted above.
ii 9' - This prolonged line, which seems to be the-
matically related to the following two lines, defies a con-
nected reading and translation For the first colon cf.
Sulgi B 23-24 s'à-an-na-ke 4 hut-la ma-ab-tam a-la-gS
den-lit-le gù-zi ma-ni-in-dé "An s heart brought me joy,
to my delight Enlil called me faithfully"; cf. further Sulgi
A 61: ba-ba-gur-re-en "I decided to
return to Nippur in my vigor."
ii 10'-11' - These lines are another variation on the
central theme of Sulgi A, namely the i na ugura ti on of the
new road between Ur an d Nippur, which had been
"straightened out", i.e. levelled, in Sulgi's sixth year.
Sulgi claims that he marked this event by running back
an d forth from Nippur to Ur on an eS'esc festival day an d
by celebrating the fes ti val in Ur and Nippur on the same
day This event is mentioned in the following sources:
(1) in the date formula of Sulgi's seventh year (mu lugal-
e uri 2ki-ta nibruki-iè in-mgin 2 "Year: the king made a
round t rip between Ur an d Nippur") (2) in a literary
copy of a royal insc ription, which was perhaps intended
to illustrate Sulgi in the posture of running (gulp V 22-
29; cf. Klein, Beer-Sheva 2 [1985], zo*•21*); (3) in the
self-laudatory hymn Sulgi A (see especially ll 37-4 1 , 49 -
5o and 6o-61, cf. Klein, Sulgi 18of.); (4) and in an unpub-
lished fragment of Sulgi C
It is interesting to note that whereas the literary
sources are in general agreement as to the course of the
event, they differ as to the wording an d the details. The
levelling of the Ur-Nippur road, which preceded the in-
auguration, is mentioned only in the formula of the sixth
year (mu gir-nibrub si bi-sa ' Year: the road to Nippur
was levelled"; courtesy Marcel Sigrist) and in Sulgi A 27-
35 where we further learn that the new road was pr o-
vided with 'mile stones' and caravanserai, surrounded by
parks, where the travellers could rest at night (ibid. ll
129
tail how Sulgi ran from Nippur to Ur in the morning,
arriving at the Ekis"nugal before noon, and worshipping
there (42-59) In the afternoon Sulgi arose and returned
to Nippur in fu ll vigor boldly defying a raging storm, ar-
riving there before sunset, and celebrating there the del-
feast in the company of Utu and Inanna (Il 6o-83).
The story recounted in Sulgi V (SRT 13) 22-29, is
again a fu ll account of the events, but prosaic and con-
densed. It tells us that on a rainy day Sulgi ran from the
Kiur (in) Nippur to the shrine of Ur, the Etemenniguru.
There he offered a morning meal to Nanna. "On that
day," destined for clouds, storm and whirlwind, Sulgi
returned to the Ekur before sunset.
The actual distance which Sulgi allegedly traversed
during this fabulous double t ri p is specified only in Sulgi
A, Sulgi C an d our fragment. According to Sulgi A 75f,
the dist an ce one way i.e. from Ur to Nippur, was 15
double hours:
dutu é-a-ni-iè igi i - gâ-gâ-dè
kaskal 15 danna-àm su bar mu-nigin
-
`(Before) Utu set (his) face toward his 'house',
I traversed a distance of 15 'miles'. '
Accordingly, the distance both ways must have been
3o double hours, the exact figure mentioned in our
ment (cf. ii I1') an d in the fragmentary passage from
Sulgi C (N 3233+N 2568 rev. 7-12), which reads as fol-
lows:
ari-gi sipa-zi-[lei-en-gi-n-me-en]
ur-sag â'-gu, o-s'è'•' bIul ?-1a
dutu é-a-ni-ta UD [DU-a'-ta' ]
kaskal-da-na 3o i-gin-è[n' ...]
x-da?-x é? DI[...]
[IGI?] E2 ?-du, o im - mi-du 11 x[...]
"[l], Sulgi, the `faithful shepherd [of Sumer]' ,
[Being] a hero, who rejoices at] my strength,
[Since] the rise of Utu from his 'house' [until his setting],
I traversed a road of 3o `miles'.
[MY] ...
,
Looked on in sweet wonder ..."
Note the peculiar phonetic writing da- na (for darn ),
which the Sulgi C passage shares with our fragment.
The meaning of the verb su-nigin 2 -nigin 2 is some-
what obscure. While nigin is equated with Akk. sataàna,
lawû an d other verbs denoting "to surround," Su-nigin is
equated with sâdu and therefore in .Sulgi A 76 I inter-
preted this verb in the meaning "to traverse." Recently,
P. Michalowski pointed out that in certain contexts (iu)
nigin must denote "to rush toward a goal" (cf. The Lam-
entation over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur 94f). Howev-
er, if this is true, then the statement in the seventh year
would refer only to
name uri l k'-ta nibru -iiè in-nigin 2
.
a one way trip between Ur and Nippur (see discussion
in K le in, Sulgi 181). Hence, D. Frayne translated the
verb in the latter context "made a round trip" (cf. JAOS
130 JACOB KLEIN A Self-Laudatory Bulgi Hymn Fragment from Nippur 131

10 3,739). The sense "traverse, ' "make a round-trip," grasp the total," "gather." Hence, I retain here my
would fit well the etymology of this verb, which seems former translation "traversed."
to be 'to surround with the hand," "to embrace," "to
f
//l r rr, J /•
i
i/ // /r.r/f/,,f
/' /I /, l/ t fr#
/ /%/./I
i
/7/t/ f ./I/ I /' 117III t
.. !1/ J
///i7// / ,.. /f ,I 7 /
^rlf I JIi r,
///
''III 'v'r
I// /t/'! '' WI/
/////f/Jf/ r/rt Ill// /t //n
'/rJIJ !
d
l f I I / , /il l
tJ It , JI
/ I ft t//I '/l l/'/ (u/ Jr I', r rr /

f /f, Irtilt /
J/ t /Î lJ% _
,///1///1/ 1 "; /,/,./i

1 11'/ i I % I/I r f ^^tfl /

'f .il/,Fll/^,^

5J

Io ,

N 3130 +N3131
Figure r

N313o+N3131—Obverse
(enlarged by 1.5)
Figu re 2
 Sheep Lungs 1 33

SHEEP LUNGS
Erle Leichty
University of Pennsylvania
The honoree has been known to publish curiosities
from the Yale Babylonian collections, so he might well
be interested in an unusual amfact from the University
Museum collections. CBS 47o is an inscribed clay object
which was purchased from a dealer in London in 1888
Drawings by Tammy DeMeio
Top
by Mr. E.W. Clark, an early benefactor of the Universi ty
Museum an d of the field of Assyriology. The object in
ques ti on was incorrectly identified by Hilprecht at the
turn of the century as a sheep's hoof, and when held up-
side down it does closely resemble one and could easily
Front View
Front
be mistaken. In fact, it is an anatomically correct clay
model of a sheep s lungs.' This model of the lungs is di-
vided into fields by lines scratched into the clay and each
field is inscribed with the cuneiform sign for right (zAG)
or left (GOB). In three of the fields, right/left (zAG GOB)
or left/right (GOB.ZAG) is inscribed Presumable these
latter three fields were ambiguous. The signs are Neo-
Babylonian in form.
Divination functions on the binary principle. Two
good (posi ti ve) signs make a good omen two bad (neg-
ative) signs make a good omen, an d one good and one
bad sign make a bad omen. Both the sign and the con-
text, or field, that it occurs in are ominous. In general,
the right side, or field, is good and the left side is bad.
The Romans called this pars familiaris and pars hostile If
a good sign occurred on the right, it was a good omen,
but if a good sign occurred on the left, it was a bad
omen, etc.
The Universi ty Museum lung model defines the
good and bad fields of the lungs. If we can rely on the
direc ti on of the writing on this model, then we can de-
duce that the diviner stood at the head of the victim
which was on its back. This would put the right lung of
the victim on the right hand of the diviner. The diviner
then defined the fields on the right lung, followed by the
left lung, and finally the top of the lungs The model
must have been made for teaching divinatory techniques
or for reference.
The lung model is only of passing interest, but it does
offer incontestable evidence that the Babylonian diviners
were acutely aware of the importance of locus as a prin-
ciple of divination. The fact that locus was important to
them can be inferred from other divinatory texts for in-
stance the birth omens, but it is not as graphically illus-
trated anywhere else as it is here. It is not often that we
have clear evidence that the Mesopotamians abstracted
universal principles.
A second lung model was found at Nimrud. 2 It is
very like the University Museum model in appearance,
but is heavily inscribed in Neo-Babylonian sc ri pt. The
photograph of this model in Mallowan's book is too
grainy to read, but the same photograph was reproduced
In the London Illustrated News 3 an d there I can see
enough to identify the nature of the inscnptions. On the
top of the lungs in four of the cases I read:
KUR srh 5oKIKAR/AN!CAR
KUR LIAR J 15 Ki KAR / AN KAR
'
the area of the lung on the left is atrophied below I
is atrophied above
the area of the lung on the right is atrophied below
/ is atrophied above
the watch of the area of the lung on the left is atm-
phied below / is atrophied above
the watch of the area of the lung on the right is at-
rophied below / is atrophied above.
The remainder of the inscriptions are not clear on the
photograph, but they appear to be of the same type and
simply refer to various parts of the lung being atrophied. 4
The Nimrud lung model also has a colophon on the top
which is partially broken away It says that the model was
written on the 24th day, broken month, 9th year, bro-
ken royal name, in the city of Sapiya. The purpose of the
model must also be teaching or reference. The ominous
features recorded on the model are to be found among
the various tablets containing omens taken from lungs.
The late Jean Nougayrol collected the occurrences of
liver models an d lung models. 5 He listed a third lung
model from Kuyunjik (Rm 620) 6 which Bezold mistook
for a hoof according to the entry in his catalog, two Old
Babylonian lung models, 7 a lung model from Assur, 8
one from Uga ri t with an Ugaritic insc ri ption on it, 9 an d
what might possibly be one from Alalakh. 1O The la tt er is
not anatomically correct, so it may represent another or-
gan. It does have a deep furrow across it which is char-
acteristic of the lung models. The front of sheep lungs
has a deep cleavage separating the right an d left lungs. In
the back there is another deep furrow which surrounded
the heart. In addition to these models, Nougayrol men-
tions a curious vase from Gideon which the excavator
I It lacks many of the charac-
suggested might be lungs.)
teristics shared by the models an d is probably a represen-
tation of something else.
The occurrence of lung models, like that of liver
models, is relatively common an d we should find more
in the future

4. For the identification and on of the various

EN NUN KUR HAR la 150 KI KAR / AN KAR parts of the lungs see L Starr, Queries pp. XLVIIft
5. RA 62 (1968), p. 32.
EN.NUN KUR HAR Li 1 5 KI ISAR / AN KAR Stur, Queries
Right View Bottom 6. For a photograph of this lung
Top View T: ^T Back
,
the Sungod, p. XLVI
7. YOS Io 4 and 5.
1. I showed this model to Dr. Peter Dodson, Professor of noted
Anatomy in the Veterinary School of the Umveuity of Pennsylvania, 8 KAR 444 A. Thu ns not a true hang
by Nougayrol (RA 62 [19681, p. 31 n. 3), OD
who was kind enough to identify it and to show me other animal
tablet. The other side of the tablet has a drawing
lungs.
9• AK'J 20, P 215. fig. 34•
2. See Mallowan, M.E.L., Ninny' and its Remains I (London,
132 to. Woolley L., AtdalrR, pl. 59.
1966), p. 275f., pl 255.
t t. ILN 2.41 (1962), p. 441 fig. 7.
3. ILN 228 (195 6). p. 129.

ON THE SEMANTICS OF LAND TENURE
IN BIBLICAL LITERATURE
THE TERM 'ahuzzâh
Baruch A Levine
New York University
Comparative lexicography is a vital pursuit for bibli-
cal scholars. Many components of the Biblical Hebrew
lexicon remain elusive, and in most cases the avenue of
inquiry offering the most enlightenment is exploration
of the cognate languages. Unfortunately, biblical schol-
arship is currently riveted on other objectives largely to
the neglect of philology and lexicography. Perhaps it
would help to stimulate interest in the smaller units of
biblical literature if it were understood that the results of
compa ra tive research in lexicography often have broad
cance. Lexicography adds to our understanding of
culture an d re ligion, and helps us to define the character
of social and legal institutions. Failure to explore the
smaller units of knowledge usually leads to unwarranted
generalizations and unsubstantiated conclusions about
the character of biblical literature an d the realities of an-
cient. Israelite society. The discussion to follow will pro-
vide several cases in point.
I.
In an earlier study, I investigated the Hebrew term
'ahuzzâh, which was then translated "l an d holding." At
the time, my primary interest was probing the historical
provenance of the priestly writings of the Pentateuch,
known as "P." Through a comprehensive review of all
occurrences of the term 'ahuzzâh in biblical literature, it
was ascertained that this term of reference expressed the
distinctive view of the priestly school an d of its later dis-
ciples, that the right of the Israelite people to the L an d
of Israel was established in a certain type of divine grant.
It is the God of Israel who ultimately owns the Land of
Israel and the Israelites are His tenants, granted the land
as an 'ahuzzâh. They do not own the land outright, a fact
which explains the legal provisions of Leviticus 25 pro-
hibiting its permanent alienation It is not the Israelites '
to sell. )
s. B,A Lrnne, late Language in the Pri
Literary and Historical Observations, ,, Aaaedings
c'est Viands Studies. Pamrl Dimas
fie, knaralem 19$3. pp. 69442
1 34
In addition to arguing for the lateness of this term rel-
ative to others used in the Hebrew Bible to signify pos-
session of land, I pointed out that Hebrew 'ahuzzâh
consistently referred to land that was held legally, pursu-
ant to a grant or cha rt er, or that had been purchased, but
never to l and possessed, in the first instance, by conquest
or seizure. This distinction is all-important for an appre-
ciation of the priestly versions of the Genesis narra ti ves,
which portray the individual Patriarchs as peaceful new-
corners to Canaan, purchasing 'abuzzâh-land from its le-
gitimate, prior owners. In the same, priestly sections of
Genesis the land of Cana an is designated a national
'abuzzâh in the words of the covenantal promise.'
The term 'ahuzzâh thus contrasts with other, earlier
formulations of l an d possession in the Hebrew Bible.
Forms of the verb yaraf, usually translated ' to inherit,"
but quite often connoting actual conquest, would appear
to be part of an earlier vocabulary than the term
'ahuzzâh. Compare the following two formula ti ons:
Deut. 3:2o: welabtem 'îf ltrufsâtô
"Each person may return to his estate."
Lev 25:1o: wefabtem 't7 'el 'abuzzâtô
"Each person may return to his estate."
In effect, 'abuzzah replaces yerulIah as a term for "es-
tate, territory," and curiously, both represent the same
morphology. The Grundbedeuting of the Hebrew root y-
r-land of its cognates (in Ugaritic, for inst an ce) is admit-
tedly somewhat uncertain It may have primarily con-
noted inheritance, appropriating the sense of conquest as
a predication; or vice versa, it may have progressed from
the no ti on of conquest to that of inheritance. In either
case, it is obvious that forms of this verb often connote
conquest an d its consequences. 3 The term nabalâh "es-
tate, homestead," occurring in fairly early biblical sourc-
2. Sec Gen. 17:8, 23:8-9. In Gen 34:to the denominative of
ohsszzah , Niphal 11i'à(nèz , means "to settle, enjoy the right of settle-
mgint." Cf Gen 47:1 1, where we read that. Pharaoh granted the land
of Goshen to the clan of Jacob as an 'aluazzàh, with Gen 47:27
where it is subsequently stated that the Israchtes "settled in"
(wayyè'ahaz 4) there.
On the Semantics of Land Tenure in Biblical literature
es, has as its matrix the legal transfer or conveyance of
property; this we know from the Ma ri texts. However,
in context biblical nabalâh often designates land that was
conquered in the first instance. 4 The point is that the
same contextual connotation is not shared by the term
'abuzzâh.
In discussions with scholarly colleagues, the notion
that land designated 'abuzzâh was perceived to have
been possessed peacefully and consentually, rather than
by imposition of conquest, encountered the objection
that the verb 'âbaz most often means the opposite. Al-
though the verb 'abaz in Biblical Hebrew in no instance
specifically describes military conquest, or the forceful
possession of land, it virtually always refers to the use of
physical or other force. It speaks of an individual or a
group seizing or being seized by others and of being
seized by fear and trembling, or by some other powerful
emotion. 5
A dramatic example of the meaning "conquer, occu-
py territory" for the verb -h-z is found in a proximate
epigraphic source In the Mesha insc rip ti on a ninth-
century B.C.E. royal annal, the Moabite king, writing in
a Canaanite language akin to Biblical Hebrew, reports as
follows:
wy'mr ly kmwsr lk 'bz 't nbh 7 yir'l
"Then Kemosh said to me. `Proceed to occupy
Nebo, which belongs to Is ra el' — and I
marched through the night and did battle
against it from the break of dawn until noon."
w'hzh w'hrg kl[h]
"I then occupied it and killed it off entirely ...
For I proscribed it to Ishtar-Kemosh" (Mesita,
lines 14-17, with deletions) 6
3. The interplay of the two connotations is highlighted in Jer.
49:1-2. Th e functional sense of conquest is blatant in Num. 13:30 in
the context of a planned invasion. Also note Num. 24:18, where the
stative form yeti!ah means a land "depopulated, dispossessed (by en-
emies)." C£ the sense of the Hiphil hMf "to drive out, di
Dem. 9:3, 11:23. The infinitive/imperative rein the first chapters o
Deuteronomy (Deut. 1:21, 2:24, 31) clearly connota possession by
conquest. For usage of pi "heir" and verbal forms in Ugaritic see
J.C.L. Gibson, Canaanite Myths and Legends Edinburgh: T. do T.
Clark, Ltd., and Ed., 1977, Ugaritic Glossary, p. 148, s.v. yet, verb, and
yet, substantive.
4. On Mari na{jalu "to transfer, convey" see CAD N/1, tab,
s.v. naljnlu B, and CAD N/2, 219,5.V. NiigatN. For Ugantic nh/t "pos-
session, estate," see Gibson, op. cit., Ugaritic Glossary, 153, s.v. nblt,
and 49, in the text entitled "The Palace of Baal," lines 26-28, and
notes to-1 1. Hebrew rralml rcgululy connot es the receipt ofland and
property (but see Zech. 2:16) whereas the connotation of Man
nallàli moves in the counter-direction and signifies transfer to anoth-
er It is probable, therefore, that the Hebrew verb maim/ normally
naba(ah (ultimately Man Shinn+,
functions as a dcnoouHaflve of
Ugaritic nbil), and means "to receive a tubass "
5. For 'âbaz in the sense of seizure hy violent
Exod. 15:14, Ps 48:7, and cf. connotations of Akkadian a/Jàzu
CAD Aft, 175 s.v. *Tau, meaning I. C.
6. J.C.L. Gihson, Textbook of Syrian Sarinc Insaaiptions I, He-
brew and Moabste I,ns siphons, Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark. Ltd., p. i97.
lines 14-16, with deletions.
1 35
There can be little doubt that the verb '- h -z here con-
notes conquest an d its consequences. The same conno-
tation is most likely attested in the so-called Adon
insc ri ption, sent to Pharaoh Necho II (6og-594) by a
West-Semitic vassal at the end of the seventh century
B.C.E. It is a typical appeal for the Pharaoh's military as-
sistance, in this case against Babylonian forces that have
attacked a place named Aphek for which there are sev-
eral c an didates along the Lev an tine coast. Notwithstand-
ing serious lacunae, the perfect, plural Aramaic form
'haw "they occupied, seized" can be clearly read in line
5 of the insc ri ption, just after a statement recording the
arrival of the Babylonian forces:
[...] zy mlk bbl 'tw m!'w 'pq
'[Forces?] of the King of Babylonia came, an d
they reached Aphek — "7
Given these facts of usage, some have questioned
whether a nominal derivative of-h-z, namely 'ahuzzâh,
would exclusively designate l an d possessed through legal
acquisition, and not by conquest. This question only
seems logical; m fact, a semantic p ro gression in the
meanings of verbs an d terms from (a) possession ex-
pressed as physical seizure or conquest to (b) some form
of contractual possession is typical of many dive rs e legal
vocabularies. The act of legal possession is normally con-
veyed in terms expressive of physical holding, or con-
trolling. Often, a symbolic act of physical holding,
grasping, or contact of some sort is required to finalize
possession.
Biblical Hebrew provides any number of examples of
this syndrome, most notably, perhaps in the verb lâgah
"to take, seize, conquer," which often means to ac-
quire" — a wife. 8 The same semantic range characterizes
Akkadian kqa (Assyrian saga), an d perhaps even mo re
emphatically, Akkadian abâzu, the cognate of Hebrew-
Moabite-Aramaic '-h-z, which so frequently bears the
technical sense "to take a wife." The transactions attest-
ed in the cognate, Semitic languages for lâgah /kqa an d
'âbaz/abâzu are truly fascinating in their own nght and
testify to the fact that legal acquisition is associated con-
ceptually with physical possession.
I further adduced the analogy of the Old Babylonian
term 1ibtu " land holding" to illustrate the suggested se-
7. See B. Porten, A. Yardeni, Textbook of Aramaic Documents
Jerusalem. Hebrew Universi ty (Eisen..
feon Ancient Egypt, I, litters,
brawn), 1986. 6 The Letter of King Mon." Porten-Yardem see
traces of two additional words in line 5: IPA "they have brought, "
bid "in all, with all," which
which is barely legible, and mo re legible
do not, however, add much clarity to the text.
8. The Hebrew verb Agab technically connotes taking in
Deut. 24:13.. The
nuniage in Gen 11:29, Exod a 1 . 10, Lev. 20:17,
sense of forceful seizure for the verb Wolf is clearly to be understood
in Num. 21:26, 1 Kings 14.26. For a discussion of the connotation
attendant upon the verb. Tga(r see Seock-Tac. Sohn, The Divine Elec-
tion of Israel, Grand Rapids, Ml: William B. Eerdanm, 1991, pp.
16.
CAD.(, s.v. WA t. and CAD A /t. 175-477. s.v
 136 BARUCH A. LEVINE
mantic progression. Deriving from the verb sabatu "to
seize, hold, ' an equivalent of Hebrew 'ahaz it means in
Old Babylonian usage pretty much what 'ahuzzah means
in Biblical Hebrew usage, namely, land held under the
terms of a contract. More specifically, sibtu designates ag-
ricultural land held under terms we might call feudal, of-
ten among brothers an d family rela ti ves. Certain royal
officials were granted s ibtu property as reward for their
services, an d recipients of sibtu land normally bore the
right of usufruct. We read of claims against those who
failed to honor the rights of others to sibtu land, and of
rulings that effectively restored such l an d to those who
had lost control over it. All in a ll , the realistic compari-
sons in law between Hebrew 'abuzzah and Old Babylo-
nian sibtu are sugges ti ve 10 As we shall obse rv e usage of
the Akkadian verb sabatu will prove relev an t to the
present discussion in additional re spects, as well.
H.
There is, moreover, evidence of a legal character
bearing on the verb '-h-z itself, and this evidence makes
,
it possible to identify the source of the unusual connota-
tion of this verb that is reflected in the biblical Hebrew
term 'ahuzzàh. I failed to obse rv e that in one known Ar-
amaic legal source, the verbal root '-h-z actually meant
"to acqui re , purchase." Reference is to the Aramaic ep-
igraphs, or dockets inscribed in paleo-scnpt on Neo-As-
syrian clay tablets recording legal transac ti ons. These
inscriptions date from the seventh century B C E ; ac-
cording to S. Lieberman, from the early seventh century
B.C.E. They testify to the considerable utilization of Ar-
amaic by the Neo-Assyrian officialdom. The epigraphs
have now received a new treatment by Frederick Mario
Fales.''
Text no. 17 in Fales' collection is a conveyance from
Nineveh. Its Assyrian version is almost completely pre-
served, and it bears an alphabetic-Aramaic docket which
admittedly requires some restoration. The obverse of the
Assyrian tablet reads as follows:
I) na 4 .käiib [
2) na4 kisib [
3) dumu tja-z i-[
4) en geme
{seal}
5) sal tJa-an bu-su geme Ii
6) dumu.sal z (?) ina ugu É [
to, Site CAD B, 164-165. s.v. s ibtw B. meaning z, and
cf. ibid.,
14-15, s v. sebàtu, meaning 3d. It may be relevant to note that in the
Bmtun Inscription of Darius the Great Aramaic 'hdh
is rendered in Akk'd+ian as issabauu. See A.E. Cowley, "1 seized him"
of die Rich Century 8, Aramaic Papyri
C. (henceforth abbreviated AP), Oxford, Clar-
endon Press. 1 92 3, 2 53, line 47
[Aramaic] and a57, line 47 [Akkadi-
an]
tCtay Tabkts of
"La Sapienza ,"
" The Arama-
S OP. 192, pp, 25-31
.
7) û pis- ma 'Lu-qu
8) ln.gal ki-sir fd A [
9) Ma hb-bi i ma.na 8 gin kù.kabbar
1o) il-qi kas puga-mur
II) to-din sal meg !'u-a-tû
12) zar4 pat (at) laq-qi-'u
13) tu-a-m di-nu dug4.dug4
14)
Translation:
I) Seal of [
2) Seal of [
3) son of Hazi[
4) owner of the slave-woman
{seal}
5) Ms Hambusu, the sla[ve-woman and
6) her(?) daughter, from É[p. n.
7) He drew up a contract, [namely], Luqu,
8) the commander ofA [p.n./pl.n.];
9) for the price of I mina, 8 shekels of silver
to) he made the acquisition The silver was co rn-
pletely
t i) paid for these women,
12) They are purchased and acquired
13) The right of redress, contest, or litigation
14) does not exist.'
Fales suggests reading the Aramaic docket as follows:
1) dnt 'mt' lib! zy Iqb b
2) ] wbr t h [
3) ] ht mn h 5 [+ 3 !'qln ksp']
4) [mn(?)] 'hwh bnwh
'hz 'mt [']
Transla ti on:
"Deed of the slave-woman Habbus, belonging
to LQH, an d her daughter (?). For one mina(?),
eight shekels of silver(?) from her brothers an d
sons he purchased the slave-woman(?)s 13
Notwithstanding lacunae an d uncertain readings, the
verb '-h-z is clearly legible, an d Fales is undoubtedly cor-
rect in reading it as a 3rd mascu li ne perfect "he pur-
chased." Aramaic '-b-z thus translates the verb lags
(=laga'u), the Assyrian realization of Akkadian lega "to
take, purchase, acquire"; specifically, the preterite, 3rd
mascu li ne singular, ilqi "he made the acquisition," in line
to of the Assyrian ve rs ion.
12. J.H. Stevenson, Assynan and Babylonian Contracts, with Ar-
amaic Reference Nous, New York, American Book Company, 1903,
pp. 10 4-105, for hand-copy of the Assyrian text of no. 7 (K. 281),
which corresponds to Fales, no. 17.
13. The present translation is adapted from Fales, op rit p 176,
where the transc ri ption of the Aramaic is to be found. One is
prompted to investigate the concept underlying the biblical, royal
names 'iihiiz ahaztaltlyeh8'i>(1ôz/yo iihnz, and a few variants of the
,
MM. As an aiteioative to the not io n of holding by the hand or as
act-
ing in the role of protector perhaps the operative concept is that God
acquired or possessed the one so named.
On the Semantics of Land Tenure in Biblical Literature
No less impo rtant for understanding the Hebrew
term 'ahuzzah are the Assyrian verbal adjectives, zar-
pat(at) laqqi'u "They are purchased an d acquired," in line
12 of the Assyrian ve rs ion, forms that are not present in
the b ri efer Aramaic summary of the transaction In addi-
tion to usage of the verb laqa in the ac tive-transitive
voice to connote the act of purchase, it emerges that
functionally sta tive forms of the same verb, to be precise,
verbal adjec ti ves, were used extensively to signify the
completion of the transac ti on, as if to say: "It is done." 1¢
It may be relev an t that morphologically Hebrew
'abuzzah is based on the present, passive participial form
of the root -b-z, yielding the sense: "she/it is acquired,"
hence: "something acquired."^ 5
There are two ancillary observa ti ons to be made be-
fore concluding our discussion of Hebrew 'abuzzah:
a) The Aramaic verb 1-0 actually occurs in an un-
usual sale document from Assur of the Neo-Assyrian pe-
riod, written entirely in Aramaic. In that document, the
verb l-q-h does not however, mean "to purchase," but
rather ' to take up, keep (a tablet)," or perhaps to engage
t6
in the process of writing one. We thus obse rv e that in
the Aramaic epigraphs Assyrian lagît is not translated by
the cognate, Aramaic verb 1-q-h, but by '-b-z, whose le-
gal connotations were utilized by Aramaic-writing
sc ri bes as we suggest they were by the priestly legislators
of the Hebrew Bible.
b) In an Elephantine legal papyrus (AP 2, and its du-
plicate AP 3), Aramaic '-b-d "to seize, hold' refers to
wages "seized" pursuant to the terms of a deed of deliv-
ery. This document, incisively analyzed by Y. Muffs,
stipulates that failure of suppliers to deliver goods listed
in a contract penalizes them with a payment in silver
an d gives the officials involved the right to "attach" their
wages.
w'nt fl bprsn zy byt mlk' ...
w'nt !?t tm'bd 'd ttml' b'bwr
"And you have the right to our wages from the
Government House ..., and you have the right
to attach [them] until you are fully [indemnified]
for the grain." 7
14. For a discussion of Assyrian Iaga "to purchase" in legal for-
mularies see J.D. Postgate, Fifty Neo-Assyrian Legal Documents, War-
minster, England, Aris and Phillips, Ltd., 1976, pp. 13-17, and see
examples, pp. 85-86 [text no. 4], and pp. 86-88 [text no. 5]. Also note
numerous examples of the same type of Neo-Assyrian legal docu-
ments with the same conventional formulation in Th. Kwasman, S.
Parpola, Legal Transactions of the Royal Court of Nineveh, State Archives
of Assyria VI, Helsinki University Press, 1991. See Glossary, 301, SS.
hula for references.
15. The Nominlbildung getullah is relatively rare in biblical He-
brew, but cf. yerufläh 'estate, temtory" (Deut 2:5, 9, 19) kebuddilii
, load" (Jud 18•21), 'arublxih "pkdge"(l Sam. 17:18), pequd-
ignment, watch, order, account ' (Hos. 9:7, Isa. 6o: t7, Num.
3:32), and more.
t6. See Fales, op. pp. 230-232, text no. 49. and esPecialY
232, note 168.
1 37
"Seizure" of the wages was rightful, for that is con-
sistently the force of the verb l--1-t "to have jurisdiction"
in these legal papyri. Notwithstanding the difference in
the precise, legal connotation between '-b-z of the Neo-
Assyrian, Aramaic epigraphs an d '-b-d of the Elephantine
legal papyri, it is their common denotm nator that the
verb -b-z/d may signify legal ownership of, or rights to
goods an d property, and this is significant
It is our sense, therefore, that the Biblical Hebrew
term 'abuzzah would best be translated ' acquired land,"
thus freeing us from the notion of 'holding' so often as-
sociated with the verb 'abaz. It is reasonable to suppose
that the priestly writers of the Torah appropriated a legal
connota ti on of the verb 'ahaz, otherwise unattested in
Biblical Hebrew from what has come to be known as
the "Aramaic common law tradition." This was the very
tradition which had informed the Aramaic-writing
sc ri bes of the Neo-Assyrian administrative centers dur-
ing the seventh century B.C.E The legal arrangements
app li cable to l an d designated as 'abuzzah were known in
the ancient Near East from early times.
III.
If it is true that Hebrew 'abuzzah replaces forms of
the verb yard and usage of the term nahalah in the bibli-
cal legal vocabulary, then the specialized connotation of
the verb heheztq expressed in Nehemiah 3 represents a
still later phase in the semantics of legal possession. By
exploring this source we can place the term 'abuzzah in
perspective Interestingly, it is Akkadian sabatu, as a se-
mantic equivalent, that further informs us as to the dis-
tinctive usage of the Hebrew verb heheztq "to take hold
of, grasp" in Nehemiah 3 We will also obse rv e how the
Aramaic usage of the Achaememd period cla ri fies the
functional connotation of Hebrew heheztq.
Sometime, late in the fifth century B.0 E., Nehemiah
undertakes to rebuild the walls an d gatehouses of Jerus-
alem. Jacob Myers has systematically outlined the ac-
complishment of the project, showing that the text of
Nehemiah 3 projects a delineation of activity which pr o-
ceeds counter-clockwise. We have a long list of families
an d officials, and craftsmen's guilds an d clerics working
on contiguous sections of the wall. i e
The formulas registering the tasks involved in the
project are several. In verses i-3 we have fairly clear
terms of reference, most notably, the verb banàh "to
bu il d, fortify." But, beginning in verse 4, and continuing
throughout most of the chapter, through ve rs e 32 the
verb hebezfq is used as a way of introducing the respec-
17. See Cowley, AP 4, (text no 2, lines
duplicate, text no. 3. lines IS-19,
Muffs. Studies in the Aramaic Legal Papyri f vin FJrphanhne
Beal, 19 6 9, PP , 56- 5 8
18. See J.M. Myers, Ezra and Nehemiah, . Anchor Bible, New
York, Doubleday, 1965, pp. tole -lao.

138 BARUCH A LEVINE
rive efforts of each of the many participating groups. A
typical entry reads as follows:
we 'al yàdàm hehezfq PN ben PN, u'eneged bêtô
"Alongside them, PN son of PN hehezfq, in the
area facing his house." (Neh. 3. Ioa)
Alternative formulations express the direct object. An
example is the following.
'et Saar Haggdi hehezfq PN u'eyôlebe Zinôab ...
"PN hehezfq, with the inhabitants of Zanoah, the
Va ll ey Gate, ..." (Neh. 3:13)
Uniformly, commentators have explained the verb
hthezîq in these formulations as "to restore, repair, re-
construct," although nowhere in Biblical Hebrew are
such connotations precisely attested. The closest we
come m Biblical Hebrew is in the Piel stem bizzèq,
which bears the meaning "to strengthen, reinforce," in
contexts descriptive of fortification and reconstruc-
tion.I 9 Once, in Neh. 3:19, we actually find the Piel
form: wayyehazzêq 'al yàdô PN "So-and-So bizzèq
alongside him." This is either a lapse in the otherwise
consistent utilization of the Hiphil stem hebezfq, with no
difference in meaning intended, or an intentional usage
of Piel bizzèq to connote reconstruction. There is, of
course the well attested technical idiom bizzèq bedeq "to
repair the breach; renovate," in chronistic records of
temple renovation (2 Kings 12:6-9, 13, 2 Kings 22:3). In
Ezek 27:9, 27 similar activity is expressed by the Hiphil:
mabazfq# bidgêk "those who repair your breach, maintain
your equipment." Reference is to the merchants an d sea
captains of the Phoenician city states of the early sixth
century, B.C.E.
It is of interest to note that for itself, Hebrew bizzèq
bedeq comp ar es with Akkadian bitga "abaft:, which has the
same meaning. It is used in similar contexts of recon-
struction an d temple renovation, and it incorporates the
Akkadian cognate of Hebrew bedeq "split, breach,"
namely, Akkadian bitqu. Once again, we observe the
equivalent transactions of Hebrew and Akkadian verbs
meaning "to seize, hold, grasp." Whereas in Alcicadian,
G-stem ,sabatu has active-transitive force, in Hebrew, the
simple stem, hàzaq, has stative force, thus requiring usage
of the Piel an d Hiphil to convey the active-transitive.'
distinctly possible, therefore, that in Nehemiah 3
zfq means what hizzêq means, namely "to recon-
struct, strengthen," an d that it further resonates the tech-
nical idiom bizzèq / hehezfq bedeq "to repair the breach,
renovate."
There is, however, an alternative way of understand-
ing the formulations in Nehemiah. 3, one which again
brings us back to the Akkadian verb Fabian:, an d which
has implications for the biblical, legal vocabulary. I allud-
Ps. 14 7: 1 3, li iiinp 11: 1 51 23:
Set B.A. Levine, "Comments on
Belifica) Cub," (Hebrew), l es/w ner/a 30 I
ed to this alte rnative in my earlier study, but failed to ex-
plore it in depth. I ventured that verbal hehezfq consti-
tuted a late, biblical formula for expressing legal posses-
sion, an d that in the context of Nehemiah 3, the verb
hehezfq had the functional meaning: "to take over, take
charge of possess."
Read in this way, Nehemiah 3 records not only the
actual work of building and repair, but an administrative
process whereby vanous families an d other sorts of
groups as well as ranking officials were assigned contig-
uous sections of the walls an d gatehouses of Jerusalem
which they were to repair. These associations according-
ly took ch arge of their assigned quarters, and settled in
them, an d it is this assumption of responsibility that is
conveyed by the verb hehezfq, not the actual work they
performed. This interpretation seems to be supported by
the fact that in several entries the initial statement that a
person or group hehezfq an area is followed by a refer-
ence to the work they actually performed (Neh. 3:6-8,
13-15). We further note that in one case, recorded in
verse 5, there was a refusal to participate in the recon-
struction project. And yet, verse 5 states as follows:
"Alongside them, the Tekoites hebezfqu, though
their nobles would not bear the burden of their
leader's work assignment (ba 'abôdat 'adônêhem)."
This would seem to indicate that hehezfq refers to
something other than the actual work performed. We
are to understand that along with responsibility assumed,
there was a potential profit to be reafzed from participa-
tion in the rebuilding ofJerusalem. The participating in-
veston would gain title to housing and workspace in the
areas they had reconstructed by their own effort and
probably at their own expense. All of this is suggested by
the proposed legal-administrative connotation of the
verb hehezfq. Nehemiah's master plan was, after a ll , to
resettle Jerusalem and make it the administrative, cultic,
an d commercial center of a Judea restored.
More persuasive, in my opinion, than the internal,
but imprecise evidence suggesting that hebeztq means "to
repair, re construct" is comparative evidence of a special-
ized connotation attend an t upon the Akkadian verb
^abàtu In the annals of some Neo-Assyrian conquerors,
we find statements to the effect that these rulers took
over cities an d provinc es in regions they had occupied
for the purpose of rebuilding an d reconstituting them
under new administration. It is common to find state-
ments containing the clause: GN ana elsuti asbat "I took
over X-place for purposes of renewal," followed by
specifications as to the rebuilding of city walk an d palac-
es , the resettlement of the specified town an d its renam-
ing or the designation of cubic offerings within it. Or,
we may read: URU GN hats/ ana al bkbhI1 afbat "I took
over that X-town to se rve as my fortress city." 21
What makes the Neo-Assyrian evidence bearing on
usage of the verb sabatu so relevant is the striking simi-
On the Semantics of Land Tenure in Biblical Literature 139
larity of its context with that of Nehemiah 3. The Per- fore, that contemporary Aramaic legal usage might ex-
plain the unusual connotation being suggested for the
sians had earlier conquered Jerusalem and Judea in the
verb hehezfq in Nehemiah 3, whereas the system p roject-
third qua rt er of the sixth century B.C.E. an d had granted
the exiled Judeans a cha rt er allowing them to return ed there was known from earlier times an d corresponds
with specialized usage of the Akkadian verb labium.
Yet, about a century later, the city was still in ruins Ne-
hemiah 3 describes in considerable detail how the enter-
IV
pri se known in Assyrian as esritu "[urban] renewal" was
accomplished In recording that process, the verb hehezfq It has been the purpose of the present study to ex-
is employed to signify not the actual work performed plore the development of biblical terminology relevant
but the prior "take over of areas and quarters of Jerus- to l an d tenure, giving the term 'abuzzàh center stage. In
alem adjacent to the walls and gates where various fam- contrast to the premises of the biblical conquest tradi-
ilies, associations, and officials would accomplish the tions, the concept of the l an d of Israel as a national
construction work and eventually reside. Effectively, 'abuzzàh projects no wars of conquest, but rather the le-
specialized usage of the verb hehezfq in Nehemiah 3 an- gal acquisition of the l an d. To us it seems that this recast-
an d ing of the patriarchal narratives and of the conquest
ticipates the term hazàgiih "land tenure; possession,"
denominative, Hiphil forms (pa rt icipial mabazfq and per- traditions would have been an appropriate response to
fective hehezfq) in Rabbinic Hebrew? the edict of Cyrus the G re at, an d the subsequent Return
In contemporary Aramaic documents we find further to Zion and Judea which commenced in the third quar-
evidence bearing on the diction of the late, Biblical He- ter of the sixth century S.C.E.
Understood in this way, the repossession of the Land
brew of Nehemiah 3. We note that in the Aramaic legal
papyri from fifth century B.C.E. Egypt, the Haphel parti- of Israel by the people of Israel as a national 'abuzzàh
ciple mehabsfn means "he possesses; he is an owner (of a subsequent to the Babylonian exile, gives legal force to
"restoration ' announced in the vi -
house or property)." Aramaic hhsn is a semantic equiva- the process ofge'uIlàh
Z »
lent of Hebrew hehezfq "to take hold of." Now, twice sions of the exilic Isaiah.
we find in the Aramaic papyri that an ethnically identi-
fied individual is entitled: mehabsfn beyêb birtà' ledigil X "a
landowner in Yeb, the fortress, belonging to the degel
(detachment) of X." 23 We once read that a degel "owns' 23. See Cow le y, AP 19, [no. 7, lines z-31; u, [no 8, line z].
Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri, Yale Uni-
(mehabsfn) a field collectively ^4 It would seem, there- Also see E G Kraeling,
2, bne 5.
versity Press, 1953, p. 275, comments on text no. 1
24 See Cow le y, AP 51 [no. 16, line z). Similar usage of
Haphel halufn "to possess (kingship)" occurs in the Aramaic of Dan
21. See CAD S 16-17, s.v. sabätu meaning 3f We further note
that the sense of 'taking charge" suggested for Hebrew hehezfq in
818 22
25. The God of Israel as gil il "redeemer" and the Israelites as
Nehemiah 3 may be anticipated in Lev. 25:35 "If your kinsman, be- 8r'uipfm "the redeemed" represent major themes in the piuyhecies of
ing in straits, comes under your authority, and you take charge of him 44:6, M. 48 : 1 7, 49:4. 7, 51:10, 52:3,
Deutero-Isaiah. Sec Isa. 43:1, 14,
(wwhebczagin bo) in the manner of a resident alien."
22. See Mishnah, Baba' Barra' 3:2-3, 4•9, Srbf'% 6:1. 59:20, 63 4, 16.

LE VOCABULAIRE TECHNIQUE
DU DROIT EN SUMÉRIEN
Henri Limet
Université de Liège
Dans toutes les langues, la plupart des usagers se ser-
vent d'un vocabulaire fondamental de quelques cen-
taines de mots.' Ce bagage lexical couvre environ 8o%
du vocabulaire d'un texte normal. Les locuteurs re-
courent cependant habituellement à des centaines de
mots supplementaires qu'ils introduisent dans la conver-
sation ou dans leurs écrits• ils en ont un usage actif Ils en
connaissent encore des centaines d'autres qu'ils com-
prennent sans les utiliser eux-mêmes, c'est la connais-
sance passive. Le lexique d'une langue comporte donc, à
côté d'un noyau dur, des extensions possibles
En outre, dans toutes les professions à un certain
niveau de spécialisation, se développe un vocabulaire
particulier, propre à telle ou telle activité, et qui permet
d'éviter les imprécisions, le manque de nuances, les
équivoques. Pour ce qui est de notre propos ici, tous les
juristes jugent indispensable de se fonder sur des notions
clairement définies et exprimées de façon exacte, qui ne
seront pas sujettes à des interprétations divergentes. Le
"code" de Hammourapi fourmille d'exemples où le vo-
cabulaire est déficient, c'est pourquoi le texte qui paraît
écrit dans un babylonien classique limpide, est en réalité
truffé de pièges dont ne se sont pas encore dépêtrés les
plus subtils philologues.
Beaucoup de ces imperfections ont déjà été signalées
par A. Finet 2 comme des difficultés de traduction; elles
proviennent, en fait, d'une imprécision juridique: des
notions sont évoquées sans avoir été définies cor-
rectement. La distinction entre awilum et mulkènum,
qui
entraîne de nombreuses consequences, est fameuse, mais
très vague} Le mot màum désigne l'enfant, ou les en-
fants, garçons et filles, mais parfois le garçon seul, le fils.
A l'article 166, il est prévu que les frères ayant hénté du
Ceux qui désignent les p arties du corps, les relanons de
parenté, ,'habitat, l'environnement le temps, l'alimentation, les ani-
maux domestiques ou chassés; en outre, les mots. qui sont générale-
ment des verbes, qui indiquent les actions courantes: dire. parler,
entendre, voir, aller et Venir, entrer et sortir, rtc.
A ces deux ensem-
bics s'ajoutent quelques adjectifs, les nombres et des. mots-outils Cela
fait environ milk mots.
A. Fi net, Le code de Hammura pi, Paris.
1973, p. 25 et w.
:.
140
père mort veilleront à procurer une épouse au fils sehrum
'petit": nous comprenons "mineur" et "non encore
marié," mais qu'est-ce qu'un enfant mineur au temps de
Hammourapi? Cela signifie-t-il qu'il n'est pas nubile?
On sait aussi que le verbe abizzum "prendre, ' qui est le
mot propre pour 'épouser" (une femme) a suscite bien
des discussions modemes: 4 ce verbe, comme tuku en
sumérien, implique-t-il la consommation du mariage?
(Voir en français la nuance entre "prendre une femme"
et "prendre femme").
Cet aspect négatif de la pensée juridique babyloni-
enne nous amène à poser la question les Babyloniens et,
avant eux, les Sumeriens, avaient-ils conçu un vocabu-
laire juridique, techniquement utile? Des éléments de
réponse nous sont fournis par quelques termes, toutefois
en nombre réduit, qui ne figurent que dans les textes ju-
ridiques accadiens, en particulier le "code" de Ham-
mourapi: ils ont une acception propre et sont, le plus
souvent, monosémiques. Ainsi:
nudunnum: douaire, c'est-à-dire la donation faite par
le mari à son épouse, pour qu'elle soit a l'abri du besoin
en cas de décès prématuré;
bubullum: prêt qui porte intérêt, en sumérien ur s-ra
(bubullum évoluera en MA et MB, vers le sens de "in-
térêt");
rugummam: plainte, contestation, en sumérien inim-
gar (rugummam a pu prendre un sens plus concret: "som-
me qui est l'objet de la plainte").
Il en existe d'autres, bien connus dans le "code":
terhatum, feriktum; il s'agit, d'une part, du cadeau (ani-
maux, bijoux, argent, ...) fait par la famille du futur mari
à celle de la fiancée, et, d'autre part, de la dot accordée à
celle-ci par son père. On notera aussi purussam "décision
3 La distinction est sociologique plus que juridique; les auib
sont les notables qui dominent une communauté et les mudkenw sont
ceux qui subissent l'autorité des premiers Il suffit de regarder autour
de soi, en Syrie ou en Iraq, de nos jours, pour comprendre cette dis-
tinction.
4. Cf. R. Westbrook, Old Bobytonian Mariage Law,
Bei-
AID
hrf/ 23.p. t o à16.
Le Vocabulaire Technique du Droit en Sumérien
judiciaire" ou ipfrum "rançon" (plus tard, la personne
échangée contre une autre). On reconnaît les formes
RI-u-R2-u-RR3-u-m et RI-R2-u-RR3-û-m; ce genre
de dénvation, la structure du sumérien ne le permet pas.
- I -
Nous commencerons notre enquête en consultant les
deux premières tablettes de la série IuAR-ra = bubullu,
dont nous essayerons d'établir la typologie. 5 La tablette
I, lignes I à 68, fournit la liste des noms qui désignent les
transferts de propriété. De 87 à 120 sont cités les noms
des personnes constituant la famille, avec, de 127 à 1 33,
les esclaves. Les personnages officiels ont été rejetés en II,
10-36 de même que le statut des personnes en II, 43-54
(mots composés avec nam). Les indications de temps
sont répertoriées de I 149 à 156 (la moisson), de i76 à
210 (les jours) et de 211 à 234 (les mois). Les indications
relatives à l'espace sont disséminées; les terrains en I 163-
17S, la situation en II 228-266, les chemins et les routes
en 269-281. Des séries plus petites sont consacrées à telles
ou telles réalités, par ex. l'irrigation. Quant aux verbes,
ils n'ont pas été regroupés mais insérés ici et là; tuku en
I 70-75, fait suite à la série "famille," sans doute par as-
sociation d'idées, parce qu'il signifie, entre autres sens,
épouser. "6
"
La majeure partie des termes rassemblés par les clercs
sumériens et babyloniens appartiennent au vocabulaire
courant: père mère, frère, etc. Moins usuels sont ceux
qui caractérisent les travaux agricoles ou l'irrigation.
Relèvent du droit: les mots par lesquels débute la tablette
I et la plupart des verbes. Ceux-ci ont acquis, dans la pra-
tique juridique, un sens précis qui découle de leur sens
général mais qui se réfère à un acte spécial distinct d'au-
tres plus ou moins proches. De nombreux verbes, même
dans un contrat, conservent leur sens habituel sar, latitru
' écrire" (II 85-87) ou ku 4 ku4, tribu (II 88-89); beau-
coup sont employés de manière restrictive:
I. la, sragalu "peser" (I 241 et sv.), s'applique à l'ar-
gent, d'où "payer' tandis que âg, madiidu 'mesurer" (I
247 et sv.) vaut pour les cereales; les clercs ont donné des
exemples: k i—âg gâ, kù—là.
—
2. En 1258-261 sum, nadilnu "donner," se dis-
"rendre," de même qu'en 16• in—na-
tingue de gur, tàru
an-ba "faire un don" ne doit pas être confondu avec a
mu-un-na-ru "offrir" (à un dieu). On retrouve sum en
H 70-73, car il signifie, comme nous le venons,
remettre" la propriété de quelque chose à quelqu'un
(,'acheteur).
IlAR-n = hubuliu, avec les tablettes I et Il, fig-
5. Le début de
ure dans MSL 5, éd. de B Landsberger.
6. Il existe un précurseur très ancien de cette liste, publiée, de
façon peu satisfaisante par Ch.-F Jean, RA 33 (193 6), p• 85 et sv.: en
revanche, k vocabulaue publié par Abdul-Hadi AI-Fouadi, dans le
KramerAnniversary Volume, AOAT 25 (t976), p t à tz ne parait pas
appartenir à la même catégorie.
141
3. On a aussi le cas de bal, nabalkutu, "ne pas s'ac-
quitter de ses obligations," qui s'oppose à gi 4, apâfu
` remplir ses engagements," d'où "rendre ce qui est dû."
Quant aux mots relatifs aux transferts, définitifs ou
provisoires, de propriété ils sont représentés par ur s-ra,
bubullu, "prêt produisant intérêt"; ni-ba, qi tum "don";
ha-la zittum ' part' (d'héritage); ni-mi-Cu-si, terjatum;
rù—su sum—mu, nidintum "douaire"; ni-dé-a, biblum
—
"cadeau de noces"; ensuite par les diverses allocations:
ge-ba, tag-ba, i-ba. L'intérêt, mai, stbtu, ses emplois et
variantes sont recensés, lignes 48 et sv. Le verbe su ba-ti
"recevoir" for ge ou l'at g nt d'un prêt, c'est-à-dire ' em-
prunter" a été rejeté plu loin lignes 138-147, de même
sarn/sa, o "acheter," aux lignes 197-307.
On voit donc se dessiner, dans le lexique des clercs,
les trois catégories de termes dont il était question au
début de cet exposé:
le vocabulaire usuel;
des termes plus particuliers, niais sans doute
connus de beaucoup de gens (agriculture, irriga-
tion, par ex.);
la langue du droit.?
2
- -
Il faut cependant répondre ici à une objection: ne se-
rait-ce pas les philologues et les commentateurs mo-
dernes qui, peut-être sous l'influence de leurs connais-
sances juridiques et de leur pratique du droit romain,
introduisent indûment dans leurs traductions des préci-
sions dont les Sumériens ne se souciaient guère? Cette
objection n est pas recevable. Nous devons, en effet, ob-
server que, dans les cas qui sortaient de la pratique cou-
rante (prêts, ventes, adoptions), l'affaire se traitait orale-
ment et le "notaire" enregistrait simplement les paroles
prononcées devant témoins et/ou avec serment. Le fait,
déjà, que les propos tenus étaient mis par écrit, aurait suf-
fi à leur donner une valeur juridique, néanmoins, les in-
téressés n'utilisaient pas des mots ordinaires. Ceux-ci,
comme on le constate dans les exemples suivants, ont
bien l'air de verba solemnia; bien qu'ils aient été "dits" par
des personnes qui n'étaient pas juristes, ils sont très pré-
cis.
Texte 1 (D. Owen, NATN n° 571) .
Ur-[4Nusku-ke 4] Lu[gal-engar-a-ra] « kù-mu [b
ma-sum] ' i-na- an -du ]1
Ur ciNusku-ka Lugal -engar-e 'kù nu-mu-da-a-tuk ►
-
na-an-du 1
mu-lugal tukum-bi kù-gi? k a m? trau da-a-tuk ga-li
-
s
na-du, ,
des arc-
7. Voir un premier essai sur k v
Mans. H. Limet, "La formation du von nique en
Cnseltsdwft and Kultur im Vordemrien , 9S2 p. 163
sumérien,"
à 171.
 142 HENRI LIMET
Ur-Nusku a dit à Lugal-engar: Qu il me rende mon
argent!'
A Ur-Nusku, Lugal-engar a dit: "II n'a pas de crédit
envers moi
Par le roi, s'il avait un crédit envers moi, je payerais,"
a-t-il dit.
Le verbe tuku, employé avec le comitatif, a le sens Juri-
dique de "avoir un crédit sur quelqu'un" (voir plus bas).
Cf. Texte 3.
Texte 2 (D. Owen, Materiali per il vocabolario Neosumerico,
II n° 185):
E- à- ga - nim Su-kab-da-ra di in-da-du 11 E-ti-ga-nim
as ba-tag4
.3e-[ba] sum-mu-da• ib-du 11 Su-kab-da tag-ga-ni in-
ur 5
E-ti-ga-nim di ensi-ka 1-gur • nu-gur • loi-du 11 mu-
lugal in-pi
Su-kab-da na-ab-bé-a • s"à URUxAki-ta mu-lugal in-pi
in-da-du-de-en . loi-du , 1
Etiganim a intenté un procès à Sukabda. Etiganim a
été répudiée pour la seconde fois.
"Remets-moi mon allocation d'orge," a-t-elle dit.
Sukabda a lacére son vêtement (= s'est tenu
pour quitte de toute obligation).
Etiganun a conteste le jugement de Verni, (puis) elle a
dit: "je ne conteste plus," elle a prêté serment
par le nom du roi.
Elle a dit: "à Sukabda, dis ceci: de la ville de URUxA,
je m'éloignerai"; elle apuré par le nom du roi.
Etiganim est l'épouse et Sukabda, son mari La ville de
URUxA se trouve en Elam. Quant aux termes gur, tag s,
di. du„ et l'expression "lacérer son vêtement," ils
relèvent du vocabulaire juridique.
Texte 3 (D Owen, NATN n° 368) :
• tukum-bi Ur-dNusku-da nu-me-a uni-ta ba-ta-è
kù mu-da-tuk-a nu [x] a Ku na ga-là • loi-dar i 1
ï NP ne reste pas auprès de Ur-Nusku et sort de la
ville,
rgent qui lui est dû, ... je le payerai," dit-il .
Texte 4 (T. Gomm, Selected ... Texts from the British Mu-
seum, no 535):
Ur-dl jal - m[u-tasn -ke 4] Lugal -nanga simu[g-ra] ba
zi-in dim -me-dè 1% ma-na [i]n - na-an-sum
sà-bi - ta 1 ma-na 15 gin Lugal -nanga-e Ur-dthl-mu-
tam-n in-na-an-sum A ma-na 5 gin in-da-an-
tuk
•dab 5 - bi-siè gin-na-ni é-gi â bi-ïn-dar kiiib
ba -
an-tam ni-na-me nu-mu-da-a-tuk. i n-na-an-
du it
ni é-a ku,r-ra-ii NPi, NP2 NP3 lù inim-ma-ii in n
è-el nu - un-gi-ne-ei la. n(i-zu bla-an-kux - re -es
-
'
U. a remis au fondeur L. i mine 34 de bronze pour fa-
briquer des haches.
De cette (quantité), L. a remis à U. i mine 15 sides; il
lui doit 4 de mine et 5 sicles.
"Quand il est venu pour les prendre, il (les) a con-
fisqués dans ma maison; il a placé la tablette(?)
dans ma main; je ne lui dois plus rien" a dit (le
fondeur).
Au sujet du fait qu'il est entre dans la maison, NPI,
NP2, (et) NP3 se sont présentes comme témoins ils
n ont pas confirmé; ils ont considéré le fondeur comme
un voleur.
On constate un mélange de quelques termes courants
et de termes juridiques propres* a dar "confisquer,"
tuk+comitatif "avoir un crédit sur," e "se présenter"
(comme témoin), ku 4 a le sens de "entrer," mais, plus
bas, celui de "considerer' (comme un voleur), à côté de
dim "fabriquer."
A la ligne 12 du document, Gomi a transcrit: kiiib; il
faut sans doute lire dub "tablette." En remettant la tab-
lette, le créditeur tient son debiteur pour quitte.
Texte 5 (D. Owen, NATN n° 258):
9 mku kur6 Lugal-ka-gi-na-ka NPI dam-ni ù NP2
dumu-mi-ni Lugal-bé-gâl-ra igi-ne-ne
gar-re-ei
.kur6-ga dusu-bi il ba-ab• in-na-an-du 11
Lugal-l}é -gài-e mu-kur6-ra-sè 5 gin kù-babbar NPI
dam Lugal-ka-gi-na-ra ù NP2 dumu-mi-m-ir
in na-an-sum
lu la la-ba-an-gi s-gi4 -da mu lugal-bi in-pà -dè-es
-
9 dm du champ alimentaire de Lugal-kagina. NPI, son
épouse, et NP2, sa fille, se sont présentées à Lu-
gal-hegal.
Elles ont dit e La corvée de mon (=notre) champ, ac-
complisa.
Pour ce champ alimentaire, Lugal-begal a remis 5 si-
des d'argent à NPI, l'épouse de Lugal-kagina et
à NP2, sa fille.
Ils ont prêté serment par le nom du roi de ne pas reve-
nir, l'un et l'autre, (sur cette affaire)
On notera, dans ce document, l'expression igi. ..gar "se
présenter" devant quelqu'un pour discuter, dusu (écrit
IL2), "corvée," métaphore puisque il désigne une cor-
beille; sum qui a le sens précis de "remettre, trans-
mettre", gi 4-gi 4 qui a celui de "revenir sur ce qui a été
décidé."
- 3 -
En dehors de ces cas, les Juristes sumériens se retrou-
vaient dans des situations classiques et ils rédigeaient leurs
actes avec un vocabulaire relativement restreint, nuis
l'employaient avec rigueur dans un formulaire conven-
tionnel: chaque mot, nom ou verbe, ayant un sens bien
Le Vocabulaire Technique du Droit en Sumérien
défini dans un contexte donné. C'est cette pratique que
nous allons étudier maintenant. Nous ne multiplierons
pas les exemples nous nous bornerons à des documents
intéressants à plusieurs titres.
Texte 6 D. Owen, NATN n° 13 1):
21/2 gin kù-babbar ur s A-ba-ra in-da-0l44 Ur-nigin-
gar-ke4 A-ba-ra in-fi-su-kt A-ba ti-la Ur-ni-
gin-gar-ra ibila-na ba-ni-ku 4
Ur-nigin-gar-ke 4 A-ba-ra iti-da o o 2 se-ta Io gin i-
salj-ta mu-a 2 ma-na sig-ta' sum-mu-da mu
lugal-loi in-na-pà
mu 21/2 gin kù-babbar ur s A-ba in-su-ga-iè ù 0.0.2 se-
ta Io gin i-sab-ta mu-a 2 ma-na sig-ta a-na-ab-
sum-mu-a-lè VA su é-dù-a A-ba ti-la Ur-ni-
gin-gar in-na-ba
nu-ub-gis gi s-dè-s"è tés-bi mu lugal Ib-da-pà ù Ses-
kal-la as-rrii-sâ A-ba-ke 4 mu e A-ba r-na-ba-iè
mim nu-gâ-gâ Ur-nigin-gar-ra mu lugal-bi 1-
na-pà
Aba avait un crédit de 2%2 sicles d'argent. Ur-nigingar
a remboursé Aba Aba durant la vie de U. est re-
connu comme son héritier.
U. a prêté serment de remettre à Aba, par mois, 20 sera
d'orge et io sicles de lard (et) par an, 2 mines de
laine.
Puisque le prêt de 2 1
1 6 sides d'argent a été remboursé à
Aba et qu'il (=Ur-nigingar) a remis 20 sera
d'orge et Io sides de lard par mois et, par an, 2
mines de laine, Aba, durant la vie de Ur-nigin-
gar, lui a donné une maison construite de I sar
et demi.
Ils ont prêté serment par le nom du roi, l'un et l'autre,
de ne pas revenir (sur cette affaire). Quant à
Seskalla, le gendre d'Aba, il a prêté serment par
le nom du roi de ne pas faire un procès à Ur-
nigingar parce que Aba lui a donné une maison.
a) Le document traduit ci-dessus établit, en son
debut, qu'une somme d'argent était due a un certain
Aba: le verbe est in-da-gal-la, avec le préfixe -da bien
que le complément soit au "datif' (Aba-ra). Le verbe gal
est attesté dans ce sens, dans la série ana itti-aru 3, 1, 148
(MSL i, p. 36). Il équivaut à tuku+"comitatif," plus fré-
quent,8 dont on verra plusieurs exemples aux textes I et 4.
b) Le verbe su figure aux 1. 4 et 13 9 et correspond
au verbe accadien apirlu qui signifie "donner satisfaction
à quelqu'un à propos d'une legitime revendication" et,
en particulier, "rembourser.' On rencontre les formes
su-su-dé, su-su-dam su-su-da. Une dizaine de cas dans
D. Owen, NATN n° 4, 168, 217, 26 4, 34 6, 791; sans
8. A. Falkenstein, NSG 3, p. iß7, sv. tutu 2..
Lecture su -u donnée park CAD A/2 p. 1 56 avec h glose
9.
apir1tt !a tIAR RA "to paya debt." A Forkcn an, op. tit , p. 152,
I1$ait
ru& cf. aussi A.L. Oppenheun, Fames Coll. (AOS 34 p. 73.
143
mention d'intérêt: 164, 292, 297, également dans YOS 4
n° 5, 26, 35, 51 et dans Pohl n° I, 17, 18, 26. Il est loisible
au débiteur de s'acquitter de sa dette n'importe corn-
ment (cf. A.L. Oppenheim, Eames Coll., AOS 32, p. 5,
où le prêt d'argent est remboursé en orge; le contraire est
attesté dans M. Sig ri st, AUCT I n° 73o: argent pour
orge) Il semble que le verbe su ne soit plus employé
après l'époque de la 3e dynastie d'Ur.
c) ku4 -r, qui signifie "entrer,' est suivi à la ligne 6
d'un "locatif"; il a ici le sens de "accéder à un statut." La
formule est attestée ailleurs, 1O et en particulier dans le
texte 4, ci-dessus. Le verbe fait image, comme è "sortir "
qui a le sens, dans les documents juridiques, de "appa-
nitre comme témoin."
d) Par sum, on entend l'acte juridique de "remet-
tre, transmettre" un bien ou une personne, surtout dans
les actes de vente: sum implique un transfert de droits
(voir notre texte 5). On observera qu'il fait opposition
avec ba (1. 6 et rev. 11)" qui se réfère à un don, aussi bien
qu'à su ' restituer" (1. 4 et 13). Le verbe sum est cepen-
dant aussi employé dans les actes de prêt (voir D. Owen,
NATN n° mi, 25o, 257, 631; avec la mention mas nu-
tuku: n° 614 et 321; Çig-Kizilyay, NRVN n° 112 et
1 16). Nous avons vu plus haut (texte 4) que l'on "remet"
du bronze à un fondeur pour le façonner, on ne lui
` donne" pas comme le montre, d'ailleurs, la dispute qui
s ensuivit De même, on "donne' en location un champ
pour qu'il soit cultivé, on n'en fait pas cadeau: uni s-la-
sè Ur-dBa-a-ra in-na-sum "il a remis à ferme (le champ)
à Ur-Ba u" (D. Owen, MVN 3 n° 33 6).
e) gi4_gi 4 présente, selon le contexte, deux sens:
(i) dans le document analysé, au re v. 6, les deux parties
s'engagent à ne pas "revenir" sur la donation, à ne pas
contester les arrangements conclus. Plus haut, texte 2,
c'est le verbe gur qui est employé. 12 (2) Dans les actes de
Prêt, gi s-gi 4-dè/dam équivaut à su-su-dé/dam "restitu-
er, rembourser" (la forme gi s-gi s -dam dans D. Owen,
NATN n° 32o et gi 4-gi 4 -da au n° 267). Le verbe gi s est
egalement glosé apâlu en accadien.
f) gar est un verbe polysémique; son sens premier
étant "placer," il s'adapte a différents contextes, ce qui
n'endable, cependant pas de confusion. (I) Ici, avec
comme complément inim, rev. 12, l'expression s'inter-
prête: "introduire une plainte" (accadien ragamu, b/pagà-
nu-un-gs-gà-
nr)' 3 ; c£ D. Owen, NATN n° 893: inim
igi-ne-ne in-si-gar-
a. (2) Plus haut, nous avons relevé
re-es", mot à mot "elles ont placé leurs yeux ven lui,"
c'est-à-dire "elles se sont présentées devant lui " La for-
Io. A. Falkenstein, op. tit.. p. 169, sv. tu -r 3.
propos des donatio ns en droit sumérien ancien, J.J.
i . Voir à
Glasser, "Aspects du don ... ", f rumor riiDc+9*r 273 (19 8 5), p. i i à S9.
sa. Voir P. Sceinke9er Srlr Denementr, p. 46 et sv. A Ia p. 48,
, comme k veut Sæuakeler, quxau n ° 36 b. gare soit
il nxest pas certain
Ume va1ante phonétique pour kir.
« rit, p. 6o.
t3. A. Falkenutein, op, eit.. p. 124: P. S an nkeii , op.
1 44
mule est d'usage à propos de gens qui soumettent une
requête. (3) Dans les prêts, à Nippur, une façon
d'indiquer le taux de l'intérêt est le recours à la formule:
mis gi-gi-dè; cf. D. Owen, NATN n° 6: 3 gin kù-bab-
bar ers s'è mai 5 gin I gin-ta gi-ga-dè "5 sicles d'argent
en prêt, devant porter intérêt de t sicle pour 5 ' Au n°
16, on trouve simplement mis gi-gi-dé; il faut supposer
que le taux propose est celui qui est fixé par la coutume,
soit 20% pour 1 argent. Dans la plupart des cas, on men-
tionne le taux sans la formule. A Umma, une série de
documents de même type, relatif à des boisseaux d'orge
portent la mention: mis .. (bi) si-gi 4 -dè/dam (M. Sigrist,
AUCT 1 n° 77, 166, 200, 207, 422, 423, 805 947); ce
verbe introduit la notion de restitution complète (si-g,
sens premier: "remplir"). On le repère dans NRVN n°
177 a et b, accompagné de ki ..ba "à son endroit (pri-
mitif)." 14 (4) Enfin, nous devons traiter de la formule ab-
si -gar (D. Owen, NATN n° 121, 128, 16 5, 3 12 , 349,
554, 602), ib-s"i-gar (no 642), ab-s'i-gi-gi-a (n° 72),
gi ar (n° 17, gar sur l'enveloppe). Le passage du n° 72 est
éclairant; il s agit d'un emprunt de 20 sila de graisse de
mouton, le texte ajoute une sanction: tukum-bi nu-i-gi4
t sila3 i-udu-sè 0.0.2 s"e-ta-àm ab-ii-gi-gà-a "s'il ne s'ac-
quitte pas de sa dette, c'est 20 sila d'orge qu'il donnera
comme équivalent de t sila de graisse de mouton."
L'idée sous-jacente est celle d'équivalence entre argent
et orge, ou plus exactement, du possible remplacement
de l'un par I autre (ou lard, huile) d'ou le début des do-
cuments cites: I gin ku-babbar se-bi 1.2.3 ab-si-gar (n°
121) ou o.0.3 i-gis , o 0.3 t-sab , I gin kù-babbar s'e-bi
8.1.4 ab-ii-gar (n° 128). Mot à mot. pour tel poids d'ar-
gent (ou telle quantité de ceci ou de cela), tant d'orge
'sera placé.
g) Nous avons vu plus haut un des emplois du ver-
be tuku, en voici deux autres: (i) Alors que normale-
ment les prêts produisent des intérêts, certains sont
qualifies de mis nu-tuku "ne produisant pas d'intérêt."
Ces prets, dits parfois "de courtoisie," sont accordés pour
aider un ami en difficulté passagère. (2) Par tuku on dé-
signe aussi le fait, pour un homme d'épouser une femme;
ce sens est bien connu et on en a déjà beaucoup dis-
cuté. t s Probablement ne faut-il voir, pour expliquer
solution du sens, que le souvenir d'une démarche ar-
chaïque: le jeune homme "prend" la jeune fille d'une
autre famille; b prendre signifie qu'il l'emmene pour
qu'elle réside dans la famille de son beau-père. t6 Pour
é viter toute confusion, tuk est parfois accompagné de
(nam)-dam-sè "pour (qu'elle acquière) le statut
d'épouse." Toutefois, tuk peut, dans certains cas, sig-
nifier "prendre une femme," c'est-à-dire avoir des re-
14 C est aussi la
que connote k verbe nt ris
"k pus d'achat coin v. P. Steinkeller, op. cit., p.;
voir aussi
expression kir-bi #ira si d. p. 3o.
15. Voir notre note 2, ci-dessus.
6. Dans certaines sociétés c'est k contraire qui se passe:
homme qui va vivre dans b famille de son épouse.
HENRI LIMET
litions sexuelles avec elle (comme abiâzum dans le
'code" de Hammourapi, § 142). Un passage du 'code"
de Lipit-Istar, loi 30 17 est clair: il y est question d'un
homme marié qui "prend" une prostituée (in-tuk•àm),
les juges lui interdisent de la revoir et de se marier avec
elle (nu-un-tuk-tuk), même s'il répudie son épouse. On
ne peut pas défendre à quelqu'un d'épouser une prosti-
tuée s'il l'a dejà fait!
h) A propos de la terbatum, en sumérien ni-mi-izs-
si, notons qu'on n'en a guère d'exemples, même si
ceux-ci deviennent plus nombreux à mesure que se pub-
lient des documents privés (D. Owen, NATN n° 887 et
MVN 3 n° 232; P. Steinkeller, RA 74 (198o) p. 2; G.
Buccellati, Amorites, pl. 6 n° 15). On remarquera que,
dans plusieurs cas, nous avons affaire à des étrangers La
terbatum est portée, ce qui est caractéristique, "à la mai-
son" du père de la manee: elle est destinée, non à une
personne mais à la famille; c'est le verbe ak qui est utilisé
dans ce cas: u 4 rù-irai-ùs-si é-NP-sè in-na-ak-a (Buccel-
lati, tabl. citée) "le jour où la terbatum a éte portée à la
maison de NP " 18 Dans D. Owen, op. oit., n° 893, on a
une autre formule. le beau-père du marié a sur son
gendre un crédit représentant la terbatum: NPI NP2 iu-
mi-sa-na [kù9-dam-a ba-an-tuk.
4
- -
Comme nous l'avons observé, les noms de parenté,
de fonctions, d'animaux, des termes comme a-sa , kiri6,
se n'ont évidemment pas, en droit, un emploi différent
de leur sens habituel. C'est aussi le cas de zàb dans l'ex-
emple suivant: geme ... mu kur-Mar-TU-se a-ri 3 ba-
zàh-a "la servante ... parce qu'elle s'est enfuie pour la 3 °
fois vers le pays d'Amurru." Cet autre encore, avec Min/
tùm. 1 ma-na ku-babbar iti k-gur 70-ku s u4 15 ba-zal-la
tùmu-da .. tukum-bi nu-mu-rnm 2 ma-na ku-babbar
li-e-da "(il a juré) d'apporter i mine d'argent le 15
écoulé au mois de S., .. (il a juré) que, s'il ne l'avait pas
apporté, il payerait 2 mines d'argent " 19 Relevant du vo-
cabulaire technique de l'irrigation sont les verbes qui fig-
urent dans MVN to n° 152 a-sà a dé-a-ni a ba-da-ID.UD-
la sukkal-mab-da nu-me-a a ba-ra-ab-gâ-gi ' quand il a ir-
rigue le champ, il a épuisé(?) l'eau, en dehors de la
présence du grand chancelier, il ne doit pas répandre
l'eau."
Le procédé, très commun, auquel ont eu recours les
juristes sumériens, est la réduction de l'aire sémantique
du mot. celui-ci voit son emploi restreint à une notion
précise. Nous en avons analysé maints exemples plus
haut: su, sum/ba, gur, kur, tuk, gi g , peut-être iim. 2° Ci-
tons encore le cas de gub: NP mu-3-àm in-gub, nu-da-
kar-re-a mu lugal-bi in-pi `NP sera présent (comme ga-
s7. A compléter par le fra gment publié par M. Civil, AS t6 p. 3.
t8. Voir aussi L. Leggin, TAU no 29S
19. Il s'agit des documents D. Owen, NATN no 354 et 4 0 3.
20. Voir à ce sujet, P. Steinkeller, op. tit.. p. 1S3 et W.
Le Vocabulaire Technique du Droit en Sumérien
rantie) pendant 3 ans; il a prêté serment qu'il ne s'éloi-
gnerait pas. ' Autre situation: 15 gurus-ta 2 iti gub-bu-
dè; tukum-bi nu-un-gub ..."15 ouvriers (loués), à être
présents (pour travailler) s'ils ne sont pas présents (pour
travailler) ... s 21 Le verbe gub dont le sens premier est
"se tenir debout" prend une valeur supplémentaire selon
le contexte
Autre procédé fréquent pour l'extension du vocabu-
laire est la métaphore. Ainsi mis 'intérêt" est d'abord le
chevreau, qui marque l'accroissement du troupeau; i
"salaire," c'est le bras de l'ouvrier qui travaille; IL, à lire
dusu, "corvée," est une allusion à la corbeille dans laquelle
on transporte les terres; ku 4 ku4 et è ` entrer" et
"sortir," prennent le sens, k premier de "entrer dans une
fonction ou un statut," d'où "être considéré comme," et
le second, celui de "apparaître, se présenter comme té-
moin."
Il est très facile de repérer des expressions imagées,
nous en avons rencontré plusieurs; ajoutons: ama-ar-gi 4
retourner chez sa mère,' d'où: "affranchissement"; su-
ri "tendre la main," d'où `recevoir, emprunter"; gù-gar
"placer sur la nuque " d où "mettre à charge"; dig-ùr
"lacérer le vêtement," d'où "se tenir quitte de"; su(-a) si-
g "remplir la main," d'où "payer entièrement." Remar-
quons que sag "tête,' au sens d'esclave, est une synec-
doque.
Au 3° millénaire, une formation assez productive con-
sistait dans la composition; celle-ci semble avoir été
abandonnée après l'époque de la y dynastie d'Ur (sauf,
par ex., mi-ils-si "celui que la femme a suit, ' d'où "le
gendre"). Il s'agissait de syntagmes à base de lu: lù-sa 1O
ak, lu-si lo-kir, lü-gi-na, soit, respectivement, l'acheteur,
le vendeur, le débiteur solvable.
5 tant de l'epoque cassite (médio-babylonienne), voir
- -
Un autre aspect du vocabulaire juridique est son ca-
ractère traditionnel Les praticiens du droit ont tendance
à se servir de termes et d'expressions qu'ils ont apprises
au cours de leurs études, à reproduire les façons de pen-
ser, les distinctions et les analogies auxquelles ils sont
habitués; aussi le langage jundique évolue-t-il lente-
meni n
En Mésopotamie, dès l'époque d'Ur III certaine-
ment, sans doute même auparavant, la langue accadienne
21. Documents D. Owen, NATN n° 307 et 882.
22. En français, on trouve dans la langue jundique des latinis-
mes (hériter ab intestat = d'une personne qui n'a pas fait de testament;
le de ajus = le testateur) et des mots de l'ancienne langue (if appert =
il est évident il est constant = il est averé).
1 45
était de plus en plus employée par un nombre croissant
de gens; c'est ainsi que le sumérien fut relégué dans les
milieux de lettrés et réservé aux domaines de la religion
et du droit. Aussi, à la fin du IIIe millénaire, on lit déjà
des documents qui mêlent le babylonien et le sumérien
de façon fort étrange. Exemples pris dans MVN 8 n° 171:
a-na na-da-ni-im mu lugal-bi in-pà "il prêta serment de
rendre"; n° 164: ni-if lugal "serment par le mi"; n° 165:
sag iti . . tu-ru-um mu lugal-bi in-pi "il prêta serment de
rendre le capital au mois de .." Dans D Owen, NATN
n° 539, au milieu d'un contexte sumérien, on lit: a-na ITI
gigAPiN na-da-nam ni-ii far-ri-im 4-ma "il a prêté serment
par le roi de rendre au mois 'de la charrue'."
A la différence de ce qui se passait au temps des rois
d'Ur quand le sumérien était la langue normale d'un
acte juridique avec seulement quelques termes qui rele-
vaient du vocabulaire technique, c'est, à l'époque paléo-
babylonienne, le lexique sumérien dans son ensemble
qui devient langue technique. A Nippur, les actes pub-
liés par A. Poebel dans BE 6/2 ont été rédigés entière-
ment en sumérien. A Ur voir UET 5, la plupart des
actes sont en sumérien egalement on en trouve en acca-
dien, tel le fameux n° 256 de UET 5, qui a donné lieu à
toute une littérature; le seul contrat de mariage dans ce
recueil (ibid., n° 87) est partiellement en sumerien, mais
la clause finale est en accadien, sans doute parce que la
formule de répudiation était inconnue aux époques
précédentes: abissa ibiassi, ezib-fa izib-si "s'il épouse l'une,
il épouse l'autre; s'il répudie l'une, il répudie l'autre."
Ailleurs, l'accadien gagne du terrain.
Dans le courant du second millénaire, seuls les logo-
grammes se maintiennent dans les actes juridiques: c'est
alors une question d'écriture et non plus de tradition ju-
ndique La lecture des documents juridiques d'Ur, da-
UET 7 n° I à 72, montre que les logogrammes représen-
tent des personnes: soit des noms de parenté (dumu,
dam, ses", ...), soit des noms de professions (dub-sas, nin-
dingir, sips, ...), des animaux (gus , ib, udu, . ), des mé-
taux (urudu, kù-gi, ...), des plantes, des denrées diverses
(sig, 26-lum, i-gis", ...) des objets mais on ne repère pas
de termes proprement juridiques (sauf sa,,, ou iam-til-la-
bi-sè). La même constatation s'impose pour les textes
édités par Petschow, Mittelbabylonische Redus- und Wirt-
schafts Urkunden 1974, n° I à 14.
Le paradoxe est que le babylonien, truc de logo-
grammes sumériens, deviendra lui-même la langue jurid-
ique, quand l'araméen se répandra dans tout k Proche
Orient.

HEAVENLY WISDOM
Peter Machinist an d Hayim Tadmor
Harvard University
I.
Among the criticisms leveled at Nabonidus in the so-
called Persian Vene Account is one concerning his p re -
tensions to divine knowledge. It is formulated, like sev-
eral other criticisms in the text, as a personal statement
of Nabonidus, wherein the king is made to condemn
himself by his blasphemous boasting:
V 8' izzazu(GUB-zu) ina pubri(UKKIN) G-far-ra-bar ra-
[ma-ni- lu]
9' en-qe-ek mu-da-a-ka a-ta-mar ka [tim-ta]
-
to' mi-bi-is gan(GI) (up-pu ul i-di a-ta-mar nt- [sir-tiJ
11' û-dab-ra-an do-te-n kul-lat ii-tagad-du-n1]
12' u4 .sakat(SAR) dA-num dEn.Lil.la fa ik-fu-ru A-da-
p[a]
eli-fu(UGU-fu) fu-to-qa-ak kal ne-me-qu-[u!'']
8' He would stand in the assembly (and) exalt
him[self] (as follows):
9' "I am wise. I am knowledgeable. I have seen
hid[den things]
to' I do not know a tablet (made by) a cut-reed
stylus (i.e., cuneiform writing), (but) I have
seen se[cret things].
Uteri has given me revelations; he has [made
known to me] everything.
As for (the series) u,.sakar dA-num 'En . lil.la,
which Adapa compiled.
I surpass it in all wisdom]
" 1
Our problem is the series in line u': its identification
and what Nabonidus is supposed to be claiming in regard
to it. Sidney Smith, in the initial publication of the Vene
Account, translated it as "the crescent of Anu and Enlil,"
and understood not a literary text, but the crescent-
shaped boat used by Adapa, in the myth about him, for
fishing. 2 Landsberger an d Bauer, in their review of
Smith's work, read it instead as a reference to a literary
series, which they gave, without further comment, as
tiO,SonAmum.ENULCA. 3 In this, they were followed by
a number of other scholars, among them, P. Jensen, 4
A.L. Oppenheim, 5 and W.G. Lambert, who, on the ba-
146
The Hebrew University
sis of this line, restored the name of the same series in "A
Catalogue of Texts and Authors," where it then ap-
peared as one of the texts likewise attributed to Adapa. 6
The connection with our Verse Account w as , as Lain-
bert notes, suggested to him by our honoree, W.W.
Hallo, who proposed that the series may not be some-
thing otherwise unknown, as Lambe rt and others after
him believed, 7 but none other than the great astronom-
ical collec ti on Enûma Anu Enlil (= u4 An dEn.lil.lâ). Ac-
cordingly, thought Hallo the sc ribe of the Vene
Account may well have made a mistake in writing
u4 .SAR for the intended u 4 = enuma of the s ta ndard se-
ries. 8 F.R. Kraus 9 (followed by S.A. Picchioniio) took
up Hallo's proposal that it was Enûma Anu Enlil which
1. Abbreviations are those of R. Borger, Handbuch der KeilsihTljljit-
natur I-III (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1 9 6
7- 1 975).
To Bill Hallo, teacher and colleague, in long-standing friendship
and adnuration. Part I of this paper originates with Machinist. The
treatment of the Nabonidus insc ri ption m Part II and the Appendix
comes from Tadmor, whose involvement with tin composition goes
back to the early 196o's (see H. Tadmor, in Festschrift Landsberger [AS
16, 1965], p. 351: n. 2). Both authors have read and revised the oth-
er's work, and are responsihle for the present text.
L S. Smith, BHT, pp. 8 5-86, 9 0 + pis. VIII—IX. The end of
line 9 appears to be missing no more than one sign. The suggested
restoration, a locative-terminative, is very tentative, for while a fea-
ture of Standard Babylonian, its other known occurrences do not
seem precisely to parallel the present restoration. See W von Soden,
GAG § 66f and, more fully, B R M Groneberg, Syntax Morphologic
und Stil do jungbabylonisdten 7iymnisdien" Literatur (Freiburger Alt o-
riennliwche Studien 14; Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1987) 1:
104-105; II: 53-55•
2. Smith, BHT pp. 72-76.
3. B. Landsherger and T. Bauer, ZA NF 3/37 ( 1 927) p. 9 2.
4. P. Jensen , RIA I (1928), 33h.
5. A.L. Oppenheim, in his translation of the Verse Account
in ANET p. 314
6. W.G. Lambert, JCS 16 (1962), p. 64: i 5, 70.
7. E.g., P.-A Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus. King of Baby-
Ion 55 6 -539 ac, (YNER 10; New Haven: Yak Universi ty Press,
1989), p. 215: n 47.
8. W.W Hallo, JAOS 83 (1983), p. 176. Earlier, in IEJ 12
(1962), p. 16 and n 15, Hallo thought the reference in the Verse Ac-
count might be to an otherwise unknown writs.
9. F.R. Kraus, RA 68 ( 1 974), PE. 9 2- 93.
Io. S.A. Pwchioni, D Peenrno di Adapa, (Assyriokogia
Budapest, 1981). p. 85.
Heavenly Wisdom
the Vene Account had in mind, but argued that one
should not discover it by emendation. Rather, he sup-
posed that the title given in the Account, dA-num dEn
111.lâ, which he read as da-nim den.liljâ, was an abbrevia-
tion of the full name of the series, Enuma Anu Enlil, and
that u4 .sakar(SAR), which strictly speaking is us/zkaru,
the "moon crescent," was here used as a playful orthog-
raphy for éLgàr = i kara "(literary) series. ' For Kraus, in
sum, the title in the Vene Account should be read: ß ar
d a-nim den.lil.lâ "the series, (Enuma) Anu Enlil."
What to make of this discussion? Two points a re im-
mediately clear. First, Smith's ini ti al interpretation of
u4 .sakar(SAR) da.num den.lil.lâ as a boat must be wrong,
at the least because it would be hard to see the point of
Nabonidus' claim to being wiser than a boat, even one
belonging to Anu and Enlil! The phrase, rather, should
refer to a written text as suggested by its connection to
the verb kasâru, which does occur elsewhere, though
rarely, to describe the composi ti on, or be tt er, compil-
ing/editing of texts." Further, if it is a text, then Na-
bonidus' claim to surpass it in wisdom would parallel an d
elaborate his preceding boast (V to-i1) that despite his
illiteracy in cuneiform he was still vouchsafed sec re t
communications from the divine world.
The problem that remains is what text is involved.
Lambe rt 's interpretation, that it is a composition distinct
from Enuma Anu Enlil, is unlikely for several reasons.
First, the wording of our title seems too close to that of
Enuma Anu Enlil to be coincidental. Second, the text
Lambe rt proposes is otherwise unknown, despite the
considerable corpus of astronomical and cultic texts now
extant to us; the supposed reference in the ' Catalogue of
Texts and Authors ' does not help, because the line there
is almost entirely restored from our line. This lack of
other a tt es tati on is particularly difficult, because Nabon-
idus' boast, if it is to have point, should be based on a
text of reasonably wide currency among the religious li-
terati of the period, with which, therefore, Nabonidus
and the group responsible for the Verse Account could
be expected to have been acquainted. Enuma Anu Enlil
would clearly fit that requirement, all the more, as Kraus
recognizes, because in one of his own inscriptions, to
which we will return below, Nabonidus makes it clear
that he knew this series. 12
Our line, then, should refer to Enuma Anu Enlil, as
compiled, thus, by Adapa; and if this seems to contradict
Lambe rt 's "Catalogue of Texts and Authors," where the
II See AHw, 4566, 2d; 15 672, correct from 3d to ad. S.V.
kapâru(&; CAD K, 2S9a, id, s.v. kafim+, with reference to the under-
lying Sumenan KA.kelda and discussion in A. Sjöberg, CSTH (TCS
3). p. 15o.
12. W.G. Lamhert, MO 2.2 (1968/69). PP. 4, 6 : w 2-3. Indeed,
Lamhent recognized the relationship of this text to our hne as well
and while not explicit he stain thus to have revised his isrlcntr6caiïon
of our text from that given in his earlier article, on "A Catalogue of
Texts and Authors" QCS 16 (1962], p. 7o), and to be suggesting that
u u indeed Enan sa Ana Bald.
1 47
work is credited to Ea, the contradiction should not be
weighed seriously. We may have here simply another
tradition of authorship, as Hallo an d others have conjec-
tured; indeed, the connection with Adapa may perhaps
be intimated as Hallo supposes,' 3 in the catalogue text
Rm. 618, which lists Adapa an d Enûma Anu Enlil in two
successive lines.^ 4 Alternatively an d more likely, we can
reconcile the two traditions by understanding that ulti-
mate authorship of Enûma Anu Enlil was given to Ea,
an d that his "mediator," signified by the verb kasâni, was
Adapa, who w as , after a ll , Ea's se rv ant an d protégé
Compare a similar relationship described at the end of
the Erra poem (V 42-44), where the poem is said to
come from the divine Erra, who revealed it to the hu-
man Kabti-ilani-Marduk, "its compiler' (V 42• knsir kam
-mifu). 15
If our line, in sum, names Enûma Anu Enlil, we have
still to face the difficulty that the first word is u { .sakar
(SAR) instead of the expected u 4 = enuma. Hallo's solu-
tion, that the SAR is a mistaken addition, is possible. but
needs to be balanced against the fact that u 4 .SAR h men-
tioned two other times in the Verse Account, both just
a few lines later (V 18, 22) These clearly describe the di-
vine symbol of the moon-crescent (hence the reading of
u4 .SAR as u 4 .sakar = us/zkanr); an d one cannot help but
ask whether they an d the occurrence in our line 12 are
meant to echo one another. If the echo is intended, then
Hallo's solu ti on would not take account of it, unless one
might say that the SAR was added in our line out of sim-
ple "contamination" with the u4 SAR of lines 18 an d 22.
Such contamina ti on is in fact proposed by Kraus in de-
fending his solution to our line, namely that the scribe
added the SAR of 18 an d 22 to obtain the pun of u 4 .SAR
infant 16
= u 4 .sakar = us/karu on éss.gàr =
But a careful comparison of u4 .salcar(SAR) in all three
occur re nces in Verse Account V suggests that more than
13. W.W. Halio, JAGS 83 (1963), p. 176.
14. For this text, see A Sayce, ZK t (1884), pp. 190-19r, with
copy in Bezold Cat. IV, 1627. The entry with Adapa comes only in
the third line, the 6rn apparently a ade or incipit of a literary text (In-
-dam kt-4s-[&1 "send down [my] meteor(?)": if correctly restored hy
Sayre and Bezold, does this refer somehow to the incident of Enki-
du's creation, who in the canonical Grlgamesh epic is called kisir la
[citations in CAD K, 44ob 6e; 44 1 b,
Anim or, once, kisir 1 Ninurta
rib]?), and the second apparendy erased by the scribe. In the third
line moreover, Adapa does not stand alone, but as A-da-pa a-no of
rob Picchiomi (above n. to): p 87 has wondered
whether this may not be part of the otherwise largely hroken first line
of the Map myth. Alternatively, it could be some kind of tide for
the myth. Either interpretation would have the advantage 0flnngirag
this line into conformity with the rest of the text and its t}+: f; of ti-
des/6rst lines of hterary works.
15 L Cagni, Epopea, pp. 126-127.
16. Presumably, this would be a deliberate
u4 .SAR of lines 18 and 22, not accidental as for Hallo,
68 (1974) p. 93, seers to be vague about this. "Eine solche Ver-
urechslung (sic) der ihnhch lautenden Wôrter konnte vielleicht da-
durch vercns cht order begünstigt warden sent, dass UD (-iulMtra) am
Anfange der unserer T.ede enspoe hcnrlcn Zeile der Vorlage snit UD.
SAR .. kontaminiert swordtail in. "
 148 PETER MACHINIST and HAYIM TADMOR
simple contamination or a light-hearted, though admit-
tedly graphically subtle pun is at work. We are in the
midst, rather, of a polemic, centering on the charge that
Nabonidus regularly mocked the established cult and put
It into disarray. Two of our occurrences, V 18, 22 at-
tempt to illustrate the charge by recounting that when
Nabonidus saw the "crescent symbol" on the Esagila
temple, he declared that this showed that the temple
must belong to the moon-god Sin, whose symbol it was
an d who must have placed it there, and not to Bel (Mar-
duk), for whom a 'spade" (manu) would have ap-
peared 17 Now how much of this story is fact, how
much the hyperbole or invention of polemic cannot be
decided°' 8 What is clear from the story, however, is that
the core of the charge against Nabonidus is the u 4 .sakar
= us/zkaru, the "moon crescent " which epitomized the
religious trouble the king had brought into the commu-
nity by having sought, at least as the Verse Account
views it, to promote the worship of Sin at the expense
of other long-established cults particularly that of Bel/
Marduk. Is it possible, now, that we have a similar po-
lemic in the way Enuma Anu Enlil is represented in lines
12-13? To ask the question is to see that the substitution
of u 4 .sakar for simple u 4 in line 12 puts the "moon cres-
cent," i e., Sin, now in first position, before Anu and En-
lil, analogous to lines i8 an d 22 where he takes the place
of Marduk. The title of the composition, thus, could be
understood as "Moon Crescent Anu, ( an d) Enlil. ' It
could also be understood as a genitive, "Moon Crescent
17. After seeing the crescent symbol on Esagila, the Verse Ac-
count (v 1S) says that Nabonidus i-lai-lass gati(SU 11 )-iu (Smith, BHT,
86 + pl. EX). The clause remains difficult, since the obvious meaning,
"he plunders/grabs with his hands" — which is accepted by Lands-
beiges and Bauer ZA NF 3/37 ( 1 92 7). p, 93, and CAD S/ 1 200a (cf
Smith, BHT, P.9o) — appears ill-suited to the context. We would
expect, other, that Nabonidus would be said to respect the crescent
symbol and be happy with its appearance on the Esagila, as a sign of
Sin's possession of the temple; robbing it from the temple would be
exactly die opposite of what the wnter of the Vene Account would
want to charge Nabonidus with. it is presumably for this reason, or
something like it — though they arc not explicit — that Oppenheim
(ANET, p. 314) and Beaulieu (above n. 7, p. 216 and n 48) have
trouble with the clause, but neither is able to offer a satisfactory alter-
native translation. On the other hand, perhaps we should accept the
obvious translation, "he plunders with his hands," and understand a
lampooning of Nabonidus; that the king is so overcome with desire
upon seeing the crescent symbol that he loses control and ro bs it from
EsesgïIes, thereby exhibiting once again his dangerous and ludicrous ir-
responsibility Cf. our discussion ahead of the accusation about
Enuma Anu Enid.
18. There is one important piece of evidence. however, point-
cd out by Beaulieu (above n. 7 p, 219), which does corroborate at
least Nabonidus sentiments in the story This n the king's last major
irucnption: Zylinder II, 2 in the standard numbering of P.-R Berger,
List neubabyloni chen Kömgsinschnjien i (AOAT 4/1 Neukirchen-
Vluyrr Neukirchener Verlag, 1973), pp. 355-359, with the basic edi-
tion by S. Langdon, NBK, pp. 250-2S3: no. 5. Th e inscnption, as
Beaulieu notes, focuses intensely on Sin. mentioning no other god,
and assigns to his authority not only the Egiinugal — properly his
temple in Ur — but also the Esagila and the Erich — properly the
temples of Marduk and Nate — all of which a re called "the houses
of your great divinity" (ii 9-11).
of Anu (and) Enlil," which, in addition to recalling
Enuma Anu Enlil, would echo a st an dard epithet for Sin
as the crescent, namely, "crescent of Anu' (u 4.sakar
dAnim).' 9 On either understanding, then — or perhaps,
both are intended simultaneously — line 12 turns on a
pun. But it is not the light-hearted one of Kraus, rather
one making the deadly charge of blasphemy: of creating
a new text, as it were, to replace the established Enuma
Arm Enlil an d so of ousting Anu and Enlil from their
rightful positions in the pantheon. The author of the
Verse Account, however, does not stop here. He goes
on to charge Nabonidus with boasting that he has more
wisdom than contained in this (new) text and, implicitly,
Z°
more than its comp iler the first of the apkallu's, Adapa
The charge must be read as a reductio ad absurdum for it
makes Nabonidus boast of being wiser than a text which
does not in fact exist an d which, if it did, would be — at
least for the Verse Account author — theologically all
wrong Nabonidus comes out, therefore, sounding not
only blasphemous, but utterly idiotic.
Confirming this interpretation an d tying the polemic
to its surrounding context in the Verse Account is the
fact that the same mixture of blasphemy and idiocy also
conforms to the picture of Nabonidus in the preceding
an d succeeding lines. Thus in the succeeding (V 14,
Nabonidus is decried as the one who "mixes up the ri tes,
(an d) confuses the omens" (V 14 1 : i-bal-lai par-si i-dal-la-
aft te-re-e-ti). 2' And in the preceding lines (V 9'-I I'), he
is made to boast that he is wise, yet to admit that he c an-
not read or write cuneiform — surely an oxymoron of
the first order for the Babylonian scribal elites who were
19. For occurrences of this epithet, see AHw, 1438a, s.v. ask/
garu(m), 1b, and W. Röllig, ZA NF 22/56 (1964), 231 ad ii 15.
Among these occurrences may be one from Nabonidus himself, in
his Harran Stela H l A-B: ù 15, if we emend there, with von Soden
and Röllig followed by others, the KU to u 4 .sakar (Rtilltg, loc. dt.).
On the other hand, n may be simpler to retain KU in this line, as does
its initial editor, C.J. Gadd (AnSt 8 [ 1 958], pp. 6o-61 68 ii 15), and
assume that KU has the value TUKUL = kakku. Adnuttedly, this
would be without the expected determinative gis , but in a few other
occurrences the determinative is also absent (noted by CAD K soh,
s.v. kakku and by Gadd, la. tit'., ,^Q 68, who reads, however mif(u,
not kakku for KU here). if it is ^t7UKUL = kakku, then, the word
probably does not mean in this line a "weapon," viz., of Sin, hut has
other the more general sense of the god's "symbol,' as it can have
elsewhere (see on this point W.G. Lambert, OLZ 74 [ 1 9741, p. 128).
zo. Cf. earher in the Verse Account (Smith, BHT, 84, 88: ii 2-
3), where Nabomdus is also accused of contravening the wisdom of
Adapa, and of Ea-Mumrnu, here in constructing the image of Nanna
(Sin).
21. Smith, BHT, p. 86 + pl. IX. The language here is pa rt of
a standard literary phraseology connected with omens: see bola. lu, balm
ha, and dalafru, dal(lu in AHw, 98a, 5; 1003, 3; 152b-1532, 5 1542, 2h;
CAD B 41 b-42a, i f 63b, b; CAD D 44b-45 2 , 2c; 49b, d. Normally,
however, the verbs appear in the passive, indicating that the confu-
sion of omens is caused by the deity, who communicates in this way
a negative message. Cf , e.g , dal-ba te-re-to-ii-a "my omens are con-
fused" (Ludlul bil nimegi i 51, in W G. Lambert, BWL, pp.
3 2 -33). in
this Verse Account line, however, the verbs are active, and a human,
Nabomdus, is made out to be the cause of the confusion, portrayed,
thus, both as usurping the place of the gods and as acting foolishly in
doing so .
Heavenly I4rsdom
the author and primary audience of the Vene Account.
It is also an oxymoron made blasphemous to these elites,
votanes as they were of the Marduk cult in Babylon,
when Nabonidus is given to dismiss his illiteracy by his
claim of secret revelations from the god Ilteri, a god
which the Vene Account appears elsewhere to condemn
as foreign an d unnatural to the Babylonian scene. 22
II.
We must ask now what could have prompted such a
polemic about Enuma Anu Enlil and "Adapan" wisdom?
Adapa, of course, was by the period of Nabonidus well
established as the sage par excellence, and association with
him, sometimes in the company of his divine patron, Ea,
could only have enhanced one's own abilities and given
success to one's activities. 23 It is the Neo-Assyrian kings,
especially, for whom such associations are attested, and a
letter addressed to one of them, Assurbanipal, has lan-
guage rather close to our account:
samas bel srarrant(LUGAL EN LUGAL mer) lib-bi-lib-lot sea
apkalli(NUN ME) d A-da-pa Itu-4]
to-sea-ter ne-me-qe apsî(ZU.AB) û qi-me-er um-ma-nu-WI
The king, the lord of kings, is the offspring of a sage
an d Adapa.
You surpassed the wisdom of Apsu and of the whole
(tradition of) learning. 24
Clearly, thus, our polemic plays on the Adapan tradi-
tion, perhaps as mediated through Neo-Assynan ch an-
nels. But is there something more specific to Nabonidus
which is involved here* something in Nabonidus's own
activities an d beliefs to which this polemic is reacting?
The answer may be found in a passage from an inscrip-
tion belonging to Nabonidus referred to earlier.^ 5 To
mention it here should occasion no surp ri se, since vari-
ous scholars, beginning with W.G. Lambert who pub-
lished it,26 have recognized its relevance to the Verse
Account. 27 The question is however, what that rele-
vance is. The passage at issue reads as follows in Lam-
bert's edition:
obv. 111
2 [...] x [x] x (tippe ar(es.gàr) ud an den.lil.lâ
22. To be sure, the condemnation in i 21, ii 2-3 does not men-
tion Ilteri; rather in i 23, Sin is named (Smith, BHT, pp. 83-84 + pls.
V-VI). Nonetheless as the Aramaic form of the moon-god, and one
not otherwise at home in Babylonia, Ilteri as a (related) form of Sin
makes sense u the object of this condemnation: cf., e.g., Beaulieu
(above R. 7), pp. 218-219.
23. See the texts collected in Picchioni (above n. 1o), pp. 82-
104.
24. ABL 923: ohv. 8-9. See the edition of S. Parpola, LASEA
E. pp. 82-83; iI, pp. roo-roi: no 117. In these lines, note the shift
from third to second person, hoth, however, referring to Aïsurban-
ipal.
25. See W.G. Lamhert, MO 22 (1968-69), pp. 1-8. See Tafel-
Fragment Vi, 2 in Berger (above n. 18), 388.
z6. Ibid., 8 ad iii-iv 2-5.
27. E.g., Kraus, RA 68 (1974). PP. 92-93, 2'
149
3 Opi-sa-an ul-tu babili(tin.tir)i° a-na nap-lu-su
4 E11ûtupJarru 4-bd-lu-nu ma-bar-sou la le-mu
5 [TJa i-di lib-bu-use ma-la qa-bé-e-lu
2 [...J. H. tablets of the series, "When Anu, Enlil,"
3 The sc ri bes brought the basket (of tablets) from
Babylon
4 to look at, but they were not read ( li t. heard)
his presence
5 So that he did not understand what it meant.
On this reading, we have here an incident in which
Nabonidus' scribes brought him (some of) the tablets of
Enuma Anu Enlil from Babylon for his perusal, but he
was unable to comprehend them when they were read
aloud to him. So understood, the incident is puzzling, as
Lambe rt already sensed, i8 because it seems to picture
Nabonidus negatively when the rest of the, admittedly
not fully preserved, text describes him and his activities
positively. There is an additional problem: the ma of ma-
la "as much as/whatever' in line 5 does not conform to
other ma's in the text, but is rather ba, yielding thus ba-
la "without" (thus, it is . , not IET ). 29 Given these
two difficulties, a new translation of the passage is war-
ranted.
the tablets of the series Enuma Anu Enlil
2
3 -4 the scnbes brought before him in a box from
Babylon for (him) to peruse.
4-5 (But) they were not read; no one understood
them without (ba-la) his (=Nabonidus)
telling (them). 3°
This translation, we submit, is preferable to Lam-
bert's. It puts Nabonidus in a fa vorable light, thus con-
forming to the rest of the text an d highlights his
knowledge of cuneiform, about which he speaks in an -
other of his inscriptions. 3 ' Most important, the transla-
tion provides now an exact counterpoint to the polemic
we have been discussing in the Verse Account For in
this inscription, Nabomdus emerges as the preeminent
scribal expe rt , who alone is able to explain the difficult
which the other sc ri bes bring to
text Enuma Anu Enlil,
him when they realize they cannot understand it. By
contrast, in the Vene Account polemic, Nabonidus is at-
tacked precisely as one who rs illiterate in cuneiform.
And the proof that it is not Enuma Anu EnVI that he
28. Lambe rt , Af0 22 (1968-69).
29. Cf. the ba in line 5 and in rev. iv 58 as against ma m obv.
iii 4, all as copied in ibid., z: obv. iii 4-5; 3: rev. iv 58 = CT 46, no.
48: obv. iï 4-5, rev. in-iv 14. These readings are confirmed by our
collation of the original tab le t.
cal in ii-bid- lai -nu see von
30. On the doubling of the third radi
Soden, GAG § to3f°; on ma as a Conn of the vendue
§ soh, 83d. lib -bu -uf perhaps should be taken as an adverbial accusa-
tive, viz., "no one understood in lus mind."
31. This u Zylinder Ii, 5 in Berger (above n. 18), p, 362. The
Dhorme, RA i t (1914, pp. tog, 1 to I t4 = CT
text is found in E.
states. that Nabu gave Nabonidus command of the
36, pl, 2t: i i0, and
•'sc ri bal art" ( using the high hteraty term lukimir).
 150 PETER MACHINIST and HAYiM TADMOR
knows, but some nonsensical concoction he calls
'Uskaru(U 4 .SAKAR) Mum Enlil," his pretensions to
which only underscore his ignorance and blasphemy an d
give the li e to the secret revelations he claims to have re-
ceived from the alien deity, Ilteri.
The force an d subtlety of the argument here suggest
a real-life tension between the Verse Account author
an d his group, and Nabonidus an d his circle. The extent
of the tension becomes clearer when we recall that this
argument constitutes just one of a variety of links be-
tween the Verse Account an d texts from Nabonidus
which bear on the king's military an d especially religious
activities, an d his claims to wisdom. 32 To discuss fully
the issues at stake would take us too far afield. We may
only emphasize, from the case we have examined, that
the tension is not simply one of deeds — so, Nabonidus'
exaltation of Sin in the form of Ilteri and the opposition
by the suppo rt e rs or Marduk — but of words an d texts
through which the deeds are played out and which be-
come, thus, pa rt of the deeds. This is, in other words, a
characteristically scribal conflict, between two groups
which know each other and share in much of the same
culture And here as elsewhere in his own insc ri p ti ons
an d those of his opposition like the Verse Account, one
cannot fail to recognize that Nabonidus steps forward as
a scribal intellectual in his own right. 33 Of course, there
are other dimensions to the opposition to Nabonidus
and to his eventual defeat by Cyrus of Persia. But the so-
phistication and sharpness of the intellectual-religious
conflict, and its visibility in the surviving textual record
these st an d out in a way that affords few real prece-
dents in Mesopotamian history. They require, thus, that
we not ignore that conflict in writing the history of Na-
bonidus' reign."
32. A recent accounting of these links may be found in Beau-
heu (above n. 7), pp. 38, t5o, 1 7 1 -174, 206 -zo8 , 214-219. However,
Beaulieu's understanding of the Enuma A m . Enlil episode and the in-
ferences he dews from i
tag) cannot, in the light of our
work here. be accepted.
33 See the remarks of H. Tadmor, "Monarchy and the Elite
Assyria and Babylonia," in S N Eisenstadt, ed., The Origins and Di-
cf Axial Age Civilizations (Albany: State Universi ty of New
York Press, 1986), pp. 211-212, 210-221
34- This last remark would not seem necessary, given the gen -
en) scholarly agreement with it were it not for a "revisionist" argu-
ment recently put forward by A. Kuhn, "Nabonidus and the
Babylonian Priesthood," in M. Beard and J North, eds., Pagan priests
(London: Duckworth t99o), pp. 119-155. especially
pp. 1 35-1 46 .
Her thesis is that the Vene Account does not reflect any real opposi-
tion to Nabonidus during his reign that would have come from
priestly supporters of Marduk; it was rather a text composed after Na-
bonidta defeat by Cyrus, and its condemnation of Nabonidus' ac-
• ing s in own doing, sunpty a logical consequence of its aim
defeat, following a well-established theological and
One may agree with Kuhn about the post-defeat
Account, and agree as well that it is part of a long
-
gis for changes of ridership, But to go on from
odemnarkm in the text as a mechanical reflex
thus to dismiss it as a witness to pre-de-
ly ignores the specificity and sharpness
text that we have been examining.
APPENDIX
Further Observations on the Nabonidus Insc ription
Published by W.G. Lambe rt
I). Lambe rt labelled this text "a kind of chronicle," 35
but saw that it did not fully conform to the other chron-
icles of the period, with their laconic formulaic s ty le,
having, instead, import an t similarities to royal building
insc ri ptions. Lambert's brief characterization can be
elaborated an d pushed beyond what he proposed. The
text is indeed not a chronicle in the sense defined by the
stan dard corpus which Grayson has assembled an d stud-
ied. 36 For while it offers a desc ri p ti on of events in Na-
bonidus' reign and dates these in chronistic fashion in
terms of days, months, an d probably regnal years, the
narration is often poetic, with a s tyle, vocabulary, an d el-
evated hyperbole more typical of royal insc ri p ti ons and
epic texts Compa re , for example, the fragmentary sec-
tion (rev. iv 5o-65, v 1-24) relating Nabonidus' cam-
paigns to the faraway l an ds of Syria an d Arabia, which
reminds us of similar narra ti ves in Assyrian royal litera-
ture. Altogether it would seem that the author of this
text had access to royal insc ri p ti ons and excerpted mate-
rial from them, reworking it in a higher literary s ty le.
The result looks very much like the poetic narratives
collected by Grayson 37 which relate, in the third person
as here, events from the reigns of Babylonian kings, or
the Assyrian poetic narratives about Assurbanipal which
Livingstone has recently edited. 38 Such parallels suggest that
an appropriate label for our text would be "The Nabonidus
Epic' or, less definitively, "An Epic of Nabonidus. '
2). The episode in this epic text about Enuma Anu
Enlil, which we have discussed above, is not isolated, but
must be seen as pa rt of a connected account in the text
having to do with Nabonidus' consecration of his
daughter as entu-priestess of the moon-god. The account
begins in the fragmentary obv. ii I-12 an d con ti nues
through obv. iii 1-16. Our episode is the second of four
units m obv. iii 1-16. Of the first, only one broken line
remains, obv. iii i, which reports something or some-
body brought "in fr ont of/before him (=presumably
Nabonidus)" (x-ri-qa pa-nu-ul-lu, where x-ri-qa still de-
fies adequate translation). 39 The third unit, obv. iii 5-1o,
which comes after our episode, describes the discovery
35. Lambert, Af0 22 (1968-69), p. t.
36. A.K. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles (Tcfi 5;
Locust Valley: J.J. Augustin, 1975).
37. A.K. Grayson, Babylonian Historical Literary Texts (To ro nto:
University of Toronto Press x975).
38. A Livingstone, Court Poetry and Literary Miscellanea (State
Archives of Assyria iiI: Helsinki Helsinki Unive rsi ty Press, 1989),
pp. 48, 5 0- 5 1 : nos. 19•11. Cf. also pp 47-48, 5 1 -53: nos. 18, 12-14.
Of these, no 10 seems to be in the third person only, though this is
not certain since the text ss broken; the other texts show a mixture of
first, second, and thirdpexsors.
Lambert, AR) 12 (i968-69). pp. 1, 4•.
Heavenly Wi sdom
of a stela of Nebuchadnezzar I. Although it too is bro-
ken, we may suggest the following translation:
5A stela of 6Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, son of
Ninurta-nadtn-suxni, Ton which the image of the
priestess (was depicted and) its (=the entu stela in 5)
ri tes, rituals, Band ceremonies were written, together
with the tablets, 9 ... to Babylon, unknowingly, 7o...
they place in his (=Naborudus') hands.¢ O
The fourth an d final unit may begin with the missing
line obv iii i I and concludes with 16. Here Nabonidus
scrutinizes something, probably the stela and tablets just
mentioned in the preceding third unit (restore in line n:
[x x (x) tit-to-al-tat-ma ip-p[a-lis] "he looked carefully at
[...1),"41 and then makes his daughter entu-priestess
Let us now put these specific observations together
and try to reconstruct the logic of the whole account. In
so doing, we need to keep in mind the fuller narra tive of
Nabomdus' consecration of his daughter as entu, well
known from another of his inscriptions, YOS I 45.42
Thus, in obv. ii I-12, our epic seems to describe in detail
the lunar eclipse on the 13th of Ululu, interpreted as the
moon-god's demand for a priestess, as well as the ensu-
ing inquiries to clarify the meaning of this eclipse, which
Nabonidus put by extispicy to Samas and Adad. The text
of these inquiries is badly broken in the epic, but the
general meaning of the questions and answers can be de-
tennmed from YOS I 45: i 14-25. Column obv. iii of the
epic begins already with the king looking at the tablets
of Enuma Anu Enlil. Apparently this was the last stage of
his inquiry. The point here is that having obtained pos-
itive answers from the extispicy, the king desired further
confirmation by means of the relevant tablets of the as-
tronomical series. The confirmation came after the king's
scribes brought him the tablets, and only he successfully in-
terpreted them. YOS I 45 does not relate this episode about
Enuma Anu Enlil. It moves instead, from the extispicy to a
40. Ibid. The last clause, in line to, reads m Akkadian: i-ra-am-
mu qa-tul-lu. The verb is difficult here. Denvmg it from r2inu "to
love," u Lambert tentatively conjectu res (ibid., p. 6), does not appear
to fit the context. Rather, it may be construed as a G-present of ram4.
This basically means "to throw " hut can be used for 'setting up
fi xing" culnc installations or monumen ts (AHw 952b-953a, s.v.
ramil(m) iI t, 4c) Our present case is perhaps to be associated
with this la tt er sense.
41. Lambert, Alt? u (1968-69), pp. 2, 4. The restoration is
confirmed by the parallel text YOS 1 45 (see further ahead), which
uses the same two verbs, though not as a hendiadys for the very same
episode, if we follow the reading given by F.M.T. Böhl, Festschrift
Kosthaker ( 1 939), PP. 164: i 29 34; 164: "n 23 174 ad Z. 34:
29) op-pa-Us-is-ma m4nan3(NA PILA) la-bi-n la Na-bi-um-ku-
dur -n-u -parr
lup-pa-nu .1 k'ân« LE. Ul .UM labirtlti(LIBi&RA at-
34)
ra-ar' -caal-ma
29) I examined an old stela of Nebuchadnezzar's.
34) The old tablets and documents I looked at.
42. See the treatments by Bühl, Ftstrdaïft Kosdcaker (1939), pp.
151-178 and E. Reiner, Your Downs in Pleats, Your Mooring Rope Got
(Michigan Studies in the Humanities 5; Ann Arbor. The University
of Michigan, 1985), pp. 1-16. The test is Zylinder II 7, ni Berger
(above n. 18) 364.
151
description (i 26-27) — which, in turn, is not in the epic
of Nabonidus pondering how to car ry out the moon-god's
request for an entu, since the practice was obsolete and long-
forgotten. After this, both YOS I 45 and the epic turn to the
entu stela of Nebuchadnezzar, along with the tablets. In the
words of YOS I 45 (i 27-29): "The appointed time having
arrived, the doors were opened for me, (and) I examined an
old stela of Nebuchadnezzar." 43 As Reiner has observed,
"this tells of a miraculous event, the discovery of the stele
with the depiction of the high priestess. Without this infor-
mation, the proper in stallation of Nabonidus' daughter
could not have taken place "44 In the epic, the discovery of
the stela with the tablets was given an important twist. For
whoever brought them to the king — perhaps it was the
same scribes as brought the Enuma Anu Enlil tablets — the
epic appears to suggest that they had been unaware of their
significance All Nabonidus had to do, on the other hand
and this point is now also in YOS I 45 — was to "look
carefully" at them and he immediately understood their im-
portan ce. He then proceeded to follow their instructions,
fashioning anew the stela of the entu which he deposited in
the Egipar, under construction at the same time, and dedi-
cating his daughter as entu 45
It should be clear by now that a major motif of this
narrative about the entu-priestess is Nabonidus' special
knowledge an d ability Not just in the episode about
En u ma Anu Enlil, but throughout the process, the
king displays a virtuosity in all the needed scribal skills
and erudition — extispicy, astrology, priestly instruc-
tions — and an ability to use one to check the others.
It is, moreover, a virtuosity, as our epic text empha-
sizes, which is unmatched by the scribes around the
king, who are unaware of the issues at hand and/or
unable to read the texts relevant to them. This whole
entu account, therefore, confirms our discussion euli-
er, of the Enuma Anu Enlil part of it. Nabonidus is
here the scribal hero, the only earthly possessor of
heavenly wisdom.
43. Cf. in Böhl, Festschrift Kosdukri, pp. 164-165: i 27-29.
44. Reiner (above n 41), pp. m-i 1. Whether the stela was ac-
tually found, as a nutter of pu re chance, just at this moment, or
whether it was purposely planted to be "discovered," is not dear.
One may he a bu suspicious that a pure accident was involved, as
M.A. Powell has observed, ZA 81 (1991). pp. 20-30. especially P . 3 0.
Powell appropriately compares the "Sun-temple" inscription of
Nabu-apla-îddirsa (LW. King, BBS, no. 36) and the "events" it nar-
rates (Powe il , loc. cit„ refemng to his earl er ankle in ZA 72 0984
pp. t tiff) A classic case of suspicious "discovery" from the Biblical
field u, of count, that of the law scrap from the Jerusalem temp le in
the reign of the Judaean king, Josiah (2 Kings 32: SIE; 2 Chronicles
34: 14ff.); for a recent discussion, we M. Cogan and H. Tadmor, R
Kings (Anchor B ble; New York. Doubleday, 1988) pp. 194-295.
45. In delineating how Nabonidus carried out the irsrrtrttonn,
the epic and YOS i 45 diverge the former focused on the dedication
of the daughter (obv to 13-16), the latter on the refashioning of the
stela and the old tablets (ï 35-38). This divergence need not be a con-
ttadtcton, since the two texts could be understood to emphasize 1fif-
ferent and complementary facets of Nabomdus' activity or the focus
in the epic on the dedication could be taken to include the refashion-
ing of stela and cadets.
 The Torch and the Censer 1 53

sen not to present these three tablets in "score" fashion, (*abzu Id sikil-ta è-a)
and they are edited separately below, designated as A, B, 4. Or âs gar /am n ar gu du *o-ga gi-zi-la ti-el-la
and C. The provenance of A is unknown, B was exca- 5. an-ka ha-am-kù-ga Id-ga be- me-ab-ki-sikii-la
vated in Nippur, an d C was found in northern Babylo- (*an-gin 7 hé-em-kù-ga Id-gin 7 b é-em-sikh-la)
nia, possibly at Sippar All four tablets are Old Baby- 6. sa an-na-ke be-me-da-ga-an-né
lonian in date. (*gà an-na-gin 7 hé -em-dadag-ga)
i-me bu - un-gâl bar-ta be-em-da-gub
THE TORCH AND THE CENSER TORCH INCANTATION (*eme hul-gâl bar-ta he-em-ta-gub)

Piotr Michalowski
University of Michigan
The study of the formal characteristics of textual types
an d the analysis of genre has had a long tradition in Near
Fastern studies. Within the narrower purview of Assyri-
ology no other scholar has addressed this issue with more
perseverance than Wi lliam W. Hallo Generic criticism
has been more at home in Biblical Studies than in "cu-
neiform" research, but Bi ll 's deeply felt need to find a
common ground for the two disciplines that have been
equally importan t to him has led him to seek out new
ways of looking at the literatures of Mesopotamia and
ancient Israel. His comparative method is characterized
by a strong dedication to generic an d formal parallels
an d much of his work has been dedicated to tracing of
the complex history of individual genres The present
study is less ambitious, but it has some bearing on this
problem area It is therefore offered here with the expec-
tation that he might find it of some interest in his future
elaborations of this theme.
The discussion of genre theory and the problems
A = YBC 8649 (YOS II S3; collated on o ri ginal, D = Kusu "Hymn" = YBC 986o:
photograph below):
1. am `hug' gal du 7-du7 g[i-izi-lâ]
1. [am bus ga]1 due du7 g[i-izi -lâ 2. am gal den-ki-ke 4 ù-n[a gub-bu]
2. [am] gal den-ki-ke 4 `ù' -[na gub-bu] 3. abzu Id sikh-ta `é\-[a]
3. [ab]zu x (DÉ) ki sikh-ta `è'-[a] 4. dgibil6 é-gal TE.U[NU ... ]
classify as belonging to two distinct categories: incanta-
4. dgibil6 iri12-gal iri 2,-gal an-n[a?... ] 5 ni gal gùr-ru-na mùs x[...]
dons and divine hymns. The unusual characteristics of
5. ni gal gùr-ru -na mu-us pa dar-dar -[rai 6. dnun-bar-an-na su -gar bug [eridub-ga ti-I]a
these particular compositions make one pause to rethink
6. nun-bar- an -na su-gar-bus `eridu'I°-ga `ti-la' 7• gi-izi-lâ gal abzu-ta `è'-a
such matten as the synchronic stability of textual types,
7. gi-izi-li gal `abzu x (DÉ)-tai è 8. me nun-na sag-il
as well as the issue of the fu ll range of texts used in "mag-
8. me nun -na sag il giserin gûza- ba -lum gistaskarin
ical" or "religious" rituals. 9•
9. giseren gissu-ur-min gisza-ba-lum 10. sig babbar sig gi 6 gûkin babbar giskin gi6! (text
The interpretive problems posed by these texts are
Io. gistaskarin sig gi b sig babbar babbar)
well illustrated by the process of discovery that led to
11, $'skin gi b 'skin babbar 1 I. g9ps1jur ge-er-gu8 gspes se -er-<gu8> gid-da 1â-a
three museums on two continents. The search began
12. 1 [Weren't-41a bar -bi us-sa-a 12. a dira mâs bur -sag-gâ
more than a decade ago, when Bill Hallo showed me a
13. (In-nu-6g û sikil-la mi-ri-kù-ge-es 13. i tur amas kù-ta `dé'-a
text from the Yale Babylonian Collection that seemed to
14. dasar-a-nun -na kas-gin 7 a-gùb-ba 14. [im-s"ui-`rin'-na-ta x-a
be associated with an incantation that was about to be
15 [dug]bur-2i UD.SAR ki sikil sà -bi 15. [x? gi-i]zi-lâ-ta na-ri-ga
published in J v an Dijk's volume of incanta ti ons from
16. mu-un-sikil mu-un-dadag 16. [x-t]a gi im-ma-ra-kés"
Yale. I became interested in the text, copied it, an d sat
17. [em]e bul-gâl bar-46 hé-em - to-gub 17. [x x-t]a izi im-ma-ra-lâ
on it for some time. When working through unidenti-
18. ka - inim - ma gi-izi-lâ -[kam] 18. [x x x] im-ta-DU.DU
fied tablet fragments in the University Museum in Phil-
adelphia, I came across pa rt of a duplicate to the Yale 19. [x x x]x im-ta-du 7 -du7
B = N 4237 (copy an d photograph below): 2o. [...]x-ba dkù-su i3
incanta ti on although a thorough search of the museum's
holdings failed to reveal the rest of the tablet. Some time I. én-é-[nu-ru] 21. [gir4 ' mu-un]-kù gir 4 mu un-sikil
-

manifest in the definition of individual textual types are later I was looking at unidentified tablets from the "Sip- 2. [a]m bus [...] 22. [X im]-mi-in-si na-ri si-ga
becoming more and more impo rt ant in the analysis of par Collec ti on" in the British Museum. I was reading a 3. `gi'-izi-I[a .. J 23. [gud W.r udu gar -da dkù-su ?3
24. [g]ir4 `gal e' be-em-ma-da-an-ku 4 -ku4
Mesopotamian literature. One of the pioneering works syllabically written text that made absolutely no sense to 4. den-ki-k[e4 ... ]
in this respect was Adam Falkenstein's doctoral thesis on 5. abzu ki siki[l...] 25. [g]ud sâr ninda gar-da dkù-su i3
me. After some time, much to my embarrassment, I re-
Sumerian incantations in which the young scholar was 6. dg113116 11/112-gal ... 26. gir4 gal-e hé-em-ma-da-ku4 ku 4
alized that I was reading a highly abbreviated version of
able to define certain formal types of incantations. Al- 7 ni gal gur-r[u ..] 27. nam-<tar> nam-<bé> gis nam-tar gis na
the same inc an ta ti on. I now present editions of these
though Falkenstein was not concerned with genre theo- 8. nun-bar-an -na su-g[ar ] 28. gi nam-tar gi narn-bé
texts, with a brief commentary an d some concluding re-
ry as such, nor with the larger issue of defining the fu ll 9. gi-izi-lâ gal ab[zu-ta è] me nun-n 29. tar ka ba -ra-ab-du 7
marks on the larger issues referred to above. I wish to
range of Sumerian literary texts, he achieved great suc- 1o. gtserin gista[skarin ... ] 3o. fig sib,* sigr ga-ta sig mâs sig 7 -ga-ta
thank Bill Hallo for his kind permission to publish the
cess with his scheme for incantations. These sho rt , often Yale tablet, and to extend my gra ti tude to the Trustees II. gü`kin'[s..] 31. dgibil6 sag â zi-da
formulaic texts seemed perfect for the task. The scheme of the B ri tish Museum for permission to present BM 12. gispe[s ... J 32. sag an - sé `il-la'-a-ta
that he offered has held up to this day and his German 13. em[e ? ...] 33. ubur kù an-na-ta a im - ta-dab s
29383 here, as well as to Ake W. Sjöberg for permission
labels, such as Kultmittelbeschwörung are used in all Lan- to publish the Philadelphia text.' 34. a-bi an im-kù ki im-sikh
guages of scholarship. On the surface, we seem to have C = BM 29383 (copy an d photograph below): 35. gud tùr - bi - a rni-n[î-i]n-sikil
The first three texts are different versions of an incan-
arrived at a consensus on these matters. We now have 36. udu amas-`bi-a' mi-n[i-i]n-sikil
tation that is designed to consecrate the cultic torch t. am bu -us gal du-du gi-zi-la
many new early magical texts at our disposal, and it is be- 37. dutu an-6r-`ra'
Sumerian gi-izi-Li, loaned into Akkadian as gizilla, an (*am bus" gal du 7 -du 7 gi-izi-lâ)
coming increasingly obvious that this scheme will have 38. dnanna an-pa-a mi-`ni-in'-sikil
implement ubiquitous in purificatory ceremonies that 2. am gal den-ki-ke gu-ud -da -a sa6?-ga é-a hé-em-ta?-[dada]g hé-em-<ta -kù-ga>
to be modified to accommodate much of the new data. 39.
were the prelude to most, if not a ll , sacred rites. 2 For (*am gal den-ki-ke 4 ù -na gub -bu)
This is not the place for such a study. Without question- 40 nun abzu `kù 1 -ga è sila kit-ga
technical reasons that will become obvious, I have cho- 3. ab -zu ki ki é-a
ing the basic utility of this classification, I would like to 41. eridu'ki'-ta en dkù-su i 3 zâ-mi
present here a small group of Sumerian texts that were
used in religious rituals, texts that we would no Steven Timmy, who offered important 2. Other torch incantations are: OECT 5 21, OECT 5
comments on a diaft version and collated the Philadelphia text for me. to, OECT 5 22:x1-16 OECT 5 22:17-24, VAS 17 19, YOS i 1 59.
and CBS 1384 (Khabaza) reverse (obverse contains an incantation for
15 2 the nig-na), which will be published by I rv ing Finkel.
 1 54 PIOTR MICHALOWSKI
Texts A and B, as far as they are preserved, are close
duplicates, although it is possible that B contained a
shorter version of the inc an tation. Text C is written in
an abbreviated syllabic orthography that is so elliptical
that without the aid of the other texts we would not be
able to make any sense of it. How else would one know
that ab-zu ki Id é corresponds to abzu Id sikil-ta è-a? Ab-
breviations are not unusual in the 'uoncanonical" incan-
tations, but I know of no other text that is as laconic as
this one. 3 The incanta ti on that was thus rendered was
close to, but not identical with, A and B. The beginning
of the fourth line remains unintelligible to me. Text A
of the inc an ta ti on an d the "hymn ' (D) are written in a
similar ductus, although A contains syllabic spellings not
present in D; one hesitates to say that they come from
the same hand, but that is a distinct possibility. Other in-
cantation texts in YOS I t come from the same source,
inscribed on small, brittle tablets, written in a similar
ductus.
Commentary
A 3. This sc ri be uses abzu x (DÉ) for zU AB On this us-
age see A. Cavigneaux, ASJ 9 (1987) pp. 46-47.
A 4. dgibil6 iri sa -gal iri 12 -gal an-n[a? ... ]
B 6. dgibil6
D 4. dgibil 6 a- gal TE.U[NU...]
The end of the line cannot be restored with certainty in
any of the manuscripts. It is not even clear which va ri ant
should be chosen as primary. The Irigal, a name of the
underworld, was Gibil's dwelling place (see below),
hence v an Dijk (YOS i t 39) translated the line as "fire
god from the great abode [nsing to] heaven." It is not
certain which reading is primary, that of text A or of the
"Hymn" (D). 4 In D one may perhaps see e-gal i[ri, -gal
1 dumu abzu-ke 4 with va rian t dasar-16-`hi' (W.W. Hallo,
... ] an d compare it to é-gal ganzir, the "palace at the en-
trance to the netherworld' in "Inanna's Descent' (lines
73 and passim), as well as to É ir-kal-li , the dwelling pal-
ace of Ishtar in the Middle Assyrian Akkadian version of
"Ishtar's Descent" (LKA 62 rev. 14).
A . gal gùr-ru -na mu -ui pa dar-dar-[
I forms, but bur-zi UD.SAR is known to me only from one
B . gal giir-ru [...
D 5. gal gù -na mùs x [.,.]
Once again. the restoration is uncertain. The phrase mùs'
dar-Bar is difficult. Perhaps relevant is the equally diffi-
cult line in Temple Hymns 342: k (x)] x DI bur-sag na+ e-
si na4 -a na mùs ba-Bar-dar-e Is it possible that the end
of the line means, simply, "whose crown is split on top"?
Dijk,
164.
A 6. nun-bar- an-na gu-gar hug' eriduki-ga ti-la
B 8. nun-bar-an-na gu-g[ar ...]
It is not certain if the first two words are epithets or
names. Van Dijk (YOS 1z 39) has suggested that since
dnun-bar-m-na an d dnun-bar-hug-a are both names of
Gibil in An = Anum II, gu-gar-hug may stand for the lat-
ter names This is an interesting proposal and one might
see in it an abbreviated writing. The fact that two texts
have this writing makes one cautious, but the suggestion
is accepted here. In first millennium B C lexical texts an d
commentaries NUN.BAR.UUS is often explained as ziqtu
"torch," an d homonyms In OB texts from Uruk one
encounters a species of fish that is named NUN.
BAR.HUSku6. 6
D 4. gir âs" gàr/am ar ar g'u du, o-ga gi-zi-la ti-el-la
This is the most difficult line in this abbreviated text.
The only thing that is certain is the final ti - el-la, which
corresponds to ti-la at the end of A 6 = B 8. The preced-
ing gi-zi-la may indicate that in this version some lines
were reversed or mixed, an d that this reflects gi-izi-lâ at
the beginning of A 7 = B 9 Working back, du io-ga
would then correspond to eriduki-ga and g'u would
stand for in-gar hail (A 6 = B 8). More tentatively, one
could suggest that ar = nun-bar-an-na. The rest is un-
clear to me. If the first sign is indeed gir, it would point
to dGira for Gibil (A 4 = B 6). The repeated ar could also
indicate the repetition if iri 12-gal, but there are numer-
ous other possibilities as well.
A 14. The writing Briar-a-nun-na must stand for dasar-
alim-nun-na, as noted by v an Dijk, YOS ii, p. 39 Asa-
ralimnuna was originally an independent deity who by
Old Babylonian times, at the latest, had been syncretized
with Asarluhi. Note Enki Letter 43: dasar-alim-nun-na
JAOS 88 [1968] 84 collated). The same line occurs in
Temple Hymns 144, where this name clearly refers to
Asaluhi. 7 One should not exclude a reading dasar a nun-
na for the beginning of the li ne.
A 15. The bur-zi vessel is well attested in a variety of
other a tt esta ti on (YOS r t 46: 6-9):
dasar dumu nun-na d uga-gùb-ba
[b]ur-zi UD.SAR ki sikil
3. Lines 337 and 340, pp. 1 27 and 128 in Richard L. Litke, A
Reconstruction of the Assyro-Babylonian Cod Lists, AN: d A NU UM and
AN: ANU SA AMELI. Unpublished Yale University docto
- -
ral disserta-
tion. 1958 (hereafter cited as Litke).
6. Shirin Samts-Mü ll er, "Tate aus Sinkisïd Palast. Zweiter
Teil. Fischtexte und Bhrgschaéisu11unden," BaM zo (1989) pp. 236-
2 37 with citations from kxical texts and commentaries on p.
237.
7. Even here there was some confusion; one sc ri be seems to
have wntten dhi-asar-nun-e f x Basar -Iii-hr, as if both names were in
his mind, or ear.
The Torch and the Censer
mu un-sildi mu-un-dadag
eme hu1-gâl bar-sè he-em-ta-gub
ka-inim-ma a-glib-ba bur-zi g'n-sn-ba
Perhaps related is the garbled passage found in a first mil-
lennium balag to Enlil (M E Cohen, Canonical Lamenta-
tions 508, line a+127)
bur-zi-sar-ra dgibil iri 12 -gal-la g'a-<mu-un-u 5 >
ina nap-ta-nu la-qu-û a-na lu-ub-mu-ta dGiBIL IRI 12. LA
In the latt er c as e, the Sumerian, however one may
choose to render it, was clearly misunderstood by the
Akkadian translator. It is unclear if this implement is re-
lated to the bur-zi-gal-sar vessel which was used for liq-
uids in cultic ri tes.
D ro. The giskin = kilkana was a tree connected with
Enki and the cults of Eridu; see M. Ge ller, Iraq 42 (1980)
pp. 25-26.
D r is se-er-gu has been discussed by I.J. Gelb, Zikir
gumim pp. 67ff., where he argued that it was a loan from
Semitic and that it designated "a st ri ng of fruit." Accord-
ing to M. Civil, OrNS 56 (1987) pp. 234-235, it was
functionally equivalent to Early Dynastic nig-dù-a The
word occurs fairly frequently m administrative texts but
is not common in literary materials. The apparently re-
lated ss"e-er(-)gid-da is unique. With due caution, I can
only suggest the following interpretations: either g'ergu is
not really a Semitic word but must be understood as se-
er gu or, as is more probable, the end of the line must be
reinterpreted as gispès se-er-<gu8> gid-da Li-a, an d
should be rendered as "bound to (o r stretched out over)
a long string of (dried) figs."
D n. The desc ri p ti on of Gibil, or the torch, as an 'ibex
horn of a mountain goat" finds echo in a late ritual p as -
sage. CT 16 37 37-38, an d duplicates (Utukki lemnuh):
gi-izi-1I â-dàra islàs hur-sag-ga-ke 4 umbin am-gul sa, 1 -a
"a torch
_ E...] u-ri-is KUR- . la su-pur 6-me bu-un-nu-4,
(in the form) of a mountain goat with fancy wild ox
hoof."
D 15. The verb na- ri = elélu has been studied by Jacob
Klein "Some Rare Sumerian Words Gleaned from the
Royal Hymns of Sulgi," Studies in Hebrew and Semitic
Languages (Ramat-Gan, 1980) XVIII-XX See also v an
Dijk, Symbolae Bohl p. 107.
D 16. Compare the p as sage from an unpublished OB in-
cantation for the ùri-gal, LIET 6/3 *183 7'-9' [x]-x-ta
gi im-ma-k[ésl [dkù]-su i 3 sanga nub den-Ill-IS- 1 ke4'
`ùri'-[ga]1 e su ba-an-ti.
-
D 23 an d 25. These lines, [gud i]âr udu sâr-da dkù-su, 3 ,
and [g]ud sar ninda gar-da dkù-su 13 have to be associated
gud udu ninda èi
with UET 6 67:40 ABXA-sà bar-ba gî14
bar-ba gu-lub kù-bi (see already Charpin, Clergé p. 372).
See also Enlil-bani A 106: gudsâr-da udu lr-da• For a
15 5
completely different example of the writing sâr-da to ex-
press the nature of the final consonant of Radt/, see
Gudea Cyl. A xxv:18 kur 'gir-da an d Shulgi B 225: ad gi4-
gi4- da inim sâr-sâr da-àm.
-
D 27-30. There are abbreviations here an d I am not sure
how to flesh out the text. Clearly, one must assume that
nam-<tar> an d nam-<hé> qualify something in line 27.
There is no verb governing these lines an d it is difficult
to understand the function of these elements in the text.
A clue may be provided by a later ntual, KAR 26 rev.
2I-22:
ina SA 2 GLIZLLA gi EREN ISSUR.MIN GI DU, o GA
tû-sa na-al [SIG] BABBAR SIG SA S tu-da-ab IZI ina
-
KI.A. d(D LAL-ma ma ab-ri SUB-di
You then insert cedar, cypress and aromatic reeds into
two torches, wrap white an d red wool around them, set
fire to them by means of sulfur an d throw them into the
pyre.
D 3 I. One is tempted to translate the expression sag â zi-
da as "the right head' and to conclude that on some in-
terpretive level Gibil was a two-headed deity. While this
may indeed be the case, it is more probable that a zi is
related to the second element in nig-â-zl, ' justice," from
an adjec ti ve â-zi. Hence the somewhat awkward rendi-
tion judicious."
D 38-39. I have not translated these lines as I suspect that
they are abbreviated or corrupt. It is possible that the fi-
nal kù-ga in line 4o is actually the end of line 39 and the
first sign in the la tt er line is uncertain.
D 41. Although the text is primarily addressed to Gibil,
the final praise is directed at Kusu. This is not unusual;
for similar examples see, most recently, Charpin, Clergé
p. 351 Repeated collation has convinced me that the
first sign is probably not NUN, but I have no better sug-
gestion.
Translations
With much hesitation I offer the following transla
fions of the incantation and the "hymn":
Texts A and B
O mighty, angry goring ox, O torch!
O mighty ox of Enki, rampant victoriously,
Rising from the Deep, the pu re place!
O Gibil, [rising fr om] the Irigal [...]!
As he radiates awe, his crown ...
Nunbarana Shugarhusha, who dwells in E ri du!
O
O mighty torch, rising from the Deep
Supreme in the noble ri tes!
Cedar, cypress, zabahun,
And boxwood, white wool, black
Black kin-wood, white kin-wood,
 1 56 PIOTR MICHALOWSKI
(As well as) cedar oil have been heaped aside it
These (ingredients) have cleansed the innush plant, the
pure plant,
Asar-a(lim)nuna (has taken) the holy water as if it were
beer
(and) the crescent-shaped pot, whose midst is pure,
he has purified an d sanctified.
May the evil tongue st an d aside!
Incantation formula for the torch.
Text D
O mighty, angry goring ox, O torch!
O mighty ox of Enki, rampant victoriously!
Rising from the Deep, the pure place,
O Gibil, [rising from] the higal!
As he radiates awe, (his) crown ..
O Nunbarana Shugahusha, who dwells in E ri du!
O mighty torch, rising from the Deep,
(Your) head is raised high because of the noble ri tes!
Cedar, cypress, zabalum, and boxwood,
White wool, black wool, black (text: white) kin-tree,
white kin-wood,
A string of (dried) apples ( an d dried) figs tied to a long
string,
Ibex horn,
(And) ghee, flowing from the holy fold, [have been
placed] in the clay oven.
(They) have been purified by means of the torch.
[...] reed has been tied up,
[.. ] and li t.
The oven has been purified, the oven has made holy,
•
Kusu then put abundant oxen and sheep into the
mighty oven,
Kusu then put abundant oxen, (and) abundant breads
into the mighty oven.
Destiny, plenty - wood of destiny, wood of plenty
Reed of destiny, reed of fate!
Because of the fleece of a yellow lamb (and) the fleece
of a yellow goat
Gibil raised his judicious head towards the heavens.
He takes hold of water from the holy teats of the heavens;
That water purifies the heavens, it cleanses the earth!
It cleanses the ox in its sta ll ,
It cleanses the sheep in its pen
It cleanses Utu at the base of the heavens,
It cleanses Nanna at heaven's zenith!
From E ri du, praise be to the lord Kusu'
The following brief remarks are only meant to pro-
vide general information about the two deities who a re
mentioned most prominently in these texts. The arnount
of information available, as well as the complex interpre-
tive problems associated with texts that span two millen-
nia, are such that only a full-length monographic study
of the Mesopotamian pu ri fica ti on gods would do justice
to the issue.
THE GOD GIBIL
Gibil is the god of fire and fire Itself 8 The main at-
tributes of this deity are centered around the purifying
an d destructive nature of fire In mythological terms,
these seemingly contradictory aspects are dialectally
complementary. In view of the present context, I shall
concentrate here primarily on the former as pect: the pu-
rificatory function of Gibil.
The first references to this deity are found in the Fara
tablets. In a number of offering lists Gibil appears togeth-
er with the main deities of the pantheon, which might
suggest that in Shuruppak, at least, the fire god may have
more than just a minor deity. 9 There are no known Ear-
ly Dynastic literary texts in which he figures as the main
actor His mythological o rigin, as well as his place in the
pantheon, are well demonstrated by the fact that he is al-
ready associated with E ri du in one of the Abu Salabikh
zami-hymns. 1O This tradi ti on con ti nues well into much
later times, when he was sometimes descnbed as "the
son of the Abzu." 1 Other texts from various periods
testify to the connection between Gibil and the E ri du
pantheon Most often, however, he was associated with
the sun god Utu/gamag.
Gibil was the "friend" or "associate" of the sun god. I2
This description is first found in an Ur III literary frag-
ment from Nippur 13 The two gods were usually kept
apa rt , but the complex metonymic relationship between
these deities was realived in a variety of ways. There are
theological equations, such as the one found in an Old
Babylonian list of esoteric explanations of priestly names
that equates en gibil 6 with en dutu, the high pnestess of
the sun god, although it is not clear if a direct association
between the two gods is to be inferred from this.'¢ In
most texts these two gods were kept apart The indepen-
8. The Sumerian name Gibil is equivalent to Akkadian Gin.
Note that an OB god list from Nippur (Proto-Din) provides the
equation d 8iblI 6 = gi-ri , followed by ° GIS-BAR = d gebn6
(3 NT 408
2-3). For information on this deity see Georges Dossin, "Le dieu
Gibil et les incendies de végétation," Revue de l'histoirt da religions
1 934, pp. 28-62, reprinted in Recueil Georges Dossin: Mélanges d'Assyr-
mologie ( 1 934 -1 959) (Leuven, 1983) pp. 1-35, cited from the reprinted
version.
9. See Dossin, p. t n. 2.
to. Line 152: gibil 6 eridub (OIP 99 5o).
n . E.g. ASKT 9, rev. 5: ur-sag dumu abzu-a kur-ra il-la = qar-
ra-du mar ap-si-i `saw ina ma-a ti f6-qu-u
12. Usually rendered by means of Akkadian
tappa; for refer-
ences see AHw 1322a An important bilingual text that includes in-
cantations to Gibil and Utu has recently been published among the
Middle Babylonian texts from Susa (D.O. Edzard, MDAI 57,
pp. 35-5 1 )•
1 3 [d glibil6 ku-[1]i d utu-ka na-h r7-la-ni , Ni. 4177+4182
(lSET 13 3) iii
14. VET 6 39 0 3 .
The Torch and the Censer
dent character of Gibil is well demonstrated by the often
cited passage from Astrolabe B which designates the
month of Abu as the period when "Gibil raises in order
to ri val with Shamash." 15 This distinction between the
two gods is impo rtan t for the understanding of the func-
tion of the fire deity in some magical rituals. As T.
Abusch has noted, in the opening tablets of the incanta-
tion series Magid Gibil and Nuska take the place of
I6
Samas. Abusch convincingly demonstrates that these
sec ti ons contain incanta ti ons from a nocturnal ri te,
which took place during the absence of the Sun but in
the presence of the fire god, who apparently appears at
night. There are also close connections between the ri tes
of this ceremony an d the "netherworld"; hence a close
as sociation with the fire god One should also add that if
Abusch is correct in his hypothesis that Magla was per-
formed in the month of Abu, then one may suggest an
as socia ti on between the entry in Astrolabe B, mentioned
above, an d the anti-witchcraft ri te, for this was the
month in which Gibil "rose" to " ri val" the sun god.
There are clear as tral connections here and it is therefore
not surprising to find Gibil as one of the deities addressed
in the "Prayer to the Gods of the Night."
The second as socia ti on of Gibil is with the cultic
torch, the gi-izi-lâ = gizillû. This is well documented in
late commentaries* references are available in the dictio-
naries under gizillû. In the great god list An = Anum di-
vinized forms of the torch and the censer are listed as the
17
two counselors of Gibil. Offerings were made to such
torches, as documented by an Ur III account from Nip-
pur. 18
The dwelling of Gibil was the iri 12 -gal, a name of the
netherwor1d 19 It is more than probable that this is the
source of the Akkadian name of the underworld, Irkalla,
known only from Middle Assyrian an d Standard Baby-
lonian literary sources. This mythological toponym has
sometimes been transliterated as ès-gal, and presumably
interpreted as "Great Shrine."' Two examples of this
15. See, most recently, G. Çagirgan, "Three Mo re Duplicates
to Astrolabe B," Bentsen 48 ( 1 98 5) PP , 4 04-4 05.
16. Tzvi Abusch, "Mesopotamia Anti-Witchcraft Literature:
Texts and Studies Part I: The Nature of Maqla: Its Character, Divi-
sions, and Calendncal Setting," JNES 33 (1974) PP , 258-259- The
close relationship between Gibil and Nuska in the first millennium
ntes requires closer scrutiny. For instances in which the two deities
appear to be identified, see Edzard, MDAI 57, p. 48, and T. Abusch,
"An Early Form of the Witchcraft Ritual Melilla and the Origin of
Babylonian Magical Ceremony," Studies Moran pp. 3 2 -33.
d ^_izi-^ _
17. Tablet z, lines 343-345: dnig-Ia ° ni'ig'^°-ku,
gl-Xt IN N, z gud-dûb dgibil 6 -ke4 (Litke Iz8).
mss
- -
18. R. Biggs. OIP 97 no. -18:1-2. I gi-izi-li-sè, fol-
p. 84
lowed by animals for Ninsun and the ki- d utu.
19. The word was also written as iri„-
gal and as ABxGAL,
the readings tngal and urugal. There a re also other spellings, and the
whole matter deserves mo re extensive treatment.
zo There n some confusion on this matter. There is an Akka-
dian loanword efgallu, but in most contexts ui ià gal is probably the
preferred readuig; for that reading of the name of a teiùpk m Kullaba
see J. Klein, Three Suagi Hymns (Ramat Gan, 1981) p. 152.
-
157
spelling may be cited in texts that are attested in copies
that are almost a thousand years apa rt . The first is an Old
2I
Babylonian manna text, CT 42 4.8-9:
8. ki na gi-rin-na n-gin si-ga-àm
9. dgibil6 iri12-gal-la mu-ra-an-kù-kù-ga
... where Gibil has purified for you the fruitful bed,
lapis-bedecked in the Irigal."
The second is in the first millennium balag to Enlil
cited above in the commentary to line A is.
The spouse of Gibil was Nin•irigala. She is attested in
two Old Babylonian incanta ti ons, where she is associat-
ed with Kullaba, the dist ri ct of Uruk that was sacred to
Anu. In YOS 11 47:19 we find drain-fri ll -gal ama kul-
ab-baki-ke 4 , "Nin-irigala, the mother of Kullaba." The
associa ti on with Kullaba is further documented in the
difficult last line to an Old Babylonian torch incantation,
VS 17 19:23 en-ki-sè kul-aba 41" sag-gâ-ni-"sè ku 4 ra.
One of the more intriguing texts about this god is a
unique Old Babylonian composi ti on, written in Akka-
dian, that appears to be but a fragment of a larger coin-
position. 22 In this composi ti on Gira/Gibil is the son of
Enlil and he is described as follows:
28. a-`d, <at-ta> ta-ak-ka-lu-nirn a-ia i-ku-lu
29. i-lu ab-flu-ka
3o. a-di at-ta `ta'-s`a-at-to-nim
31. a-ia i!_tu-û i-lu ab-biu-ka
32. a-di nu-ra-am `tu'-ka-`a!'-la-mu-!'u-n
a-ia ut-te-er ba-`at' DINClR.DIDLl
33.
ba-a'-ma
34. it-ti asal-IN-hi ma!-ma! DINGIR.DIDLI
35. i-na É DINGIR à LC) li-ib-st s`um-ka
'Until you eat
May your brother gods not eat.
Until you drink
May your brother gods not d ri nk .
Until you show them light
May the vigil of your brother gods not be illuminated.
Walk with Asaluhi, the exorcist of the gods
And let your name be present in the house of god an d
man . ,,
Here Gibil provides light for the nighttime meal but
The purificatory as-
he is also the pu ri fier par excellence.
pect of this god is central to the text under discussion
here an d is abundantly documented. This was his main
role in the cultic sphere. it provided him with a place in
the E ri du pantheon among the divinities associated with
magic and religious ritual Thus a number of incanta-
tions include references to this god, including those that
deal with the destruction of witches by fire.
with
31. Sec S.N. Kramer, P 96 3) V. 50i. .
Christopher Walker, h of Gin and Ebtiielwm. ',
22.
AnSe 33 (19 8 3) PP. 145-153 This
is but seventh of a series
([mal
158 PIOTR MICHALOWSKI
THE GOD KUSU
Of the two deities mentioned in the texts edited
above, Kusu is the more elusive and more difficult to de-
fine. Discussion of Kusu has been stymied by the fact
that it is unclear whether there were one or two deities
by that name: a grain deity, and a goddess who made her
appearance primarily in magical an d religious texts. 23
The opinion taken here is that there was only one Kusu,
a purification goddess, and that there was a confusion in
some texts between an epithet of Nisaba an d the name
of this deity This matter will be dealt with in the last part
of this section.
In early texts the name of Kusu is written as dkù-su 3
/13t (dhùPA.SIKIL, or dkù-su x (SIM). 24 The meaning of the
name, either in its o ri ginal etymology, or as a result of a
reinterpretation an d a folk etymology, was "provided
with/provider of kù," similar in construction to the
standard phrases me-Lim su J3 an d bé-gâl su /3 . The noun
kù must mean "purity" or "plenty" in this context.
Late commentaries provide the clearest explanation
of this goddess. Just as Gibil is identified with the gizilla
(gi-izi - lâ), the cultic torch, so Kusu is associated with the
ntgnakku (nig-na), the cultic censer, although there are
passages in which the role h reversed, or the la tt er is in
charge of both implements. In order to understand the
nature of this divinity, we must begin with other first
millennium evidence. In numerous inc an ta ti ons specif-
ically in the ones that Falkenstein named as Kultmitelbe-
schwôrungen, Kusu is the primary purifier. Her title is
usually sarrga mab den-lil-la, in one case even dsinga nub
dingir-e-ne, that is "Punfica1îon priest of Enlil," or "Pu-
rification priest of the gods. " ^5 Although this title is rare
in earlier texts, there is enough evidence to demonstrate
that this an ancient tradition. An OB incantation from
Ur has already been cited above an d other texts from this
period can be mentioned. The earliest attestation known
to me is from an unpublished Ur III inc an ta ti on from
Nippur.a 6 Indagra, the spouse of Kusu. This is a complicated theo-
The husband of Kusu was In
He first appears
in Ur III texts, when the name is written syllabically as
28
den-da-gâra. Beginning with the Old Babylonian pe-
For references and discu ss ion see J. Krechor, Sumrrivc6e
K^ (Wiesbaden, 1966) pp. 132-134.
For the most recent discussion see J. Bauer, "Die Göttin
g)," AhsrinWsistishé Notizen 08-2.o) (1982) PP. 4-7 and
M = n ►x, " ZA 79 ( 1 989) pp., 8-9. Note now the entry in an
n which the term bl PA.SIKlL is explained as sa-ba-
nun, interpret tfi as .naboilum, "spiga," by P. Fronzaroh "EI culto des re
defunfi," Qwderni di SnWÏ11vtica t5 (1988) p. 2o; see further Pietro
Mander, Administrative Texts of the Archive 1.2769 [Rome, t99o1 p.
168.
25. On the sign sings see, most recently, W. Farber, Bes-
chussmiglribwk an Urar und Dumuas1 (Wiesbaden, 1977) p. 92, and J S
Cooper, BlOr 36 (1979) p. 329.
26. 5 NT S7:$'-6' dkù-[sm l y singa-mabl en-1111-li-ke 4 l.
d 35- UET 6 lot: 25, see Charpin, Clergé p. 345.
27. For the latest discussion, sec Hom Stable, Ein Lied an den
Cat Hips molt &#e fr 4n König RIsS4i sun Lass (Freiburg. 1967) pp.
aS. See, for example. TCL 5 6053 ii a .
riod, this deity is attested under the writing dNINDA
xGUD. All evidence points to a reading Indagra.
1. PBS 10/2 13.3 in-da-ag-ra = VAS 2 I I ii 2
dN1NDAXGUD 29
2. Proto-Din Nippur (3 N-T 270+ v 3 t)
[d)NINDAXASXGUD = in-da-ga-r[a] (collated).j O
3. Ea VII/i 4o [in-da-ga-ra] = NINDAxGUD = fa
dNINDAxGUD S[U-ma] 3
1 This is to be analyzed as sùkusu, d sùkusu, dèzina, or
Note the equation found in the Emesal Vocabulary:
dumun-NfNDAxGUD = drain-NINDAxGUD = dI[M]. 32
This identification of Indagra with one of the stone gods
is also known from An = Anum. 33 It is clear that, theol-
ogy aside, Indagra's name has now been reinterpreted as
Nin-dagra, or the like. The earliest a tt estation of this
writing may be found in the Emar version of the OB god
list where one should read, in lines 1o2'-1o3t: dkù-
[su 1 3 ], dnin-[NINDAxGUD],34 Indagra shares punficatory
powers with Kusu. Thus in the OB Hasa Hymn in line
25 35
dkù-su 13 dindagra e-ne-da-nu-me-a an nu-sikil-la Ui
nu-dadag-ge
Without Kusu and Indagra the heavens could not be
purified, the earth could not be cleansed.
The very same Haja Hymn complicates ma tt en. A
few lines earlier we read: 36
dba ja lü iu-lub sikil-la engur-ra-ke 4 thgmas dig lâ-lâ
dindagra sânga utab-bé kur-ta lea-dug -ù dingir-ee-e-
ne-ke4
Hasa, the one (who performs) the holy lustrations of
the Deep, who is dressed in the ma-garment,
Indagra, the pu ri fier, who (performs the) mouth open-
ing ri tes of the gods in the heavens and in the
netherworld ...
Haja, the husband of Nisaba, is here identified with
logical problem an d it leads us to the next issue: Were
there two Kusu's or just one?
The argument for two such deities named Kusu be-
gins with the native tradi ti on, for in the great god list An
= Anum there are two entries. The first entry for Kusu is
si mply one of the names of the goddess Nisaba. 37 Later
she is listed separately as sarrga nab den-hl-la-ke 4 38 The
first reference has been related to literary an d lexical texts
29. See Bergmann, ZA NF 21 (1964) PP. 17-18.
3o. Preceded by E dlkù-su 13 = kas- us-sù.
31. MSL 14 460, restored on the bu is of the previous entry
32. MSL 4 p. 5:23.
33. Tahlet 1, line 326 (Lites 79).
34. D Arnaud, EMAR VI.4 35. reads dkù-[hun dnin-[ I.
36. bises 18-19; see Civil , OrNS p (1983) p. 238 and
Charism, Clergé PP. 349 - 350.
37. Tablet 1, line 298 (bike 75) •
38. Tahlet r, Gee 324 (Irrite 79)•
The Torch and the Censer
in which Kusu appears to be listed alongside the grain
goddesses Ezina (Milan) and Nisaba. The earliest such
example is in an Early Dynastic god list known in copies
from Fara and Abu Salabikh: 39
sùpA.SIKIL
ANSÙPA SIKIL
dèzina (AS: (d)ézina)
perhaps as sùkusu., dingir sùkusu., dézina, that is, the ep-
ithet, followed by the name of the grain goddess. This
can hardly be dissociated from the line kù dézina zà-mi
in the Abu Salabikh zami-hymns.Q O Each brief section of
this composition ends with the name ofa deity, followed
by zà-mi, conventionally translated as "praise," and only
a few of them have epithets such as lugal, "lord," or ama,
"mother. ' Ezina's epithet kù must already have been her
standard desc ri ption. A more explicit writing of the same
epithet is found in Gudea Cyl. Bi 1: 19-20 gù-edin-na-
ka dézina KÙ.SU^ 3 .PA.SIKIL-e (i e. kù- su , 3kusux e). The
association of the epithet kù-su^ 3 with Minn became so
close, that sometimes the epithet was preceded by the di-
vine determinative, an d sometimes it was not. A good
example of a poetic expansion of this traditional phrase
is found in the hymn Nisaba A in which an additional el-
ement was added, resulting in the phrase dkù-su 13 `oebarrn
ru l3 dezins bun-e-rie 4
I have not discussed the more complex issues of the
other roles of these deities. For example, we still need to
know more about the astral role of Gibil, an d how his
nocturnal aspect was in the mythology of his "friend,"
the sun god Kusu is found in a vanety of contexts in
chapels an d temples, an d may have fulfilled multiple
functions within the cultic sphere. 42 In the first millen-
nium she became one of the seven children of Encoesha-
ra,43 an d we are still a long way from understanding the
consequences of such syncretistic reinterpretations. A
longer investiga ti on, in a broader context, would un-
doubtedly reveal aspects of these deities that are far re -
moved from the narrow focus of this study. This should
not deter us from asserting that Kusu and Gibil, as the
censer and the torch, were two of the primary purifica-
tion deities in ancient Mesopotamia from very early
dines. Together with Ningirima, who was most often
associated with the a-gob-ba (egubb4), the "holy water
(basin)," they constituted the triad of primary purifica-
tion deities." They are not listed among the "great
39. SF 23 ui 1 7-19 = IAS iv 4-6 21; see P. Mander, II pantheon
di Abu-,Sàlabikh (Naples, 1986) p 58.
40. IAS p 491 103.
41. W.W Hallo, "The Cultic Setting of Poetry,
"
XVII CRRAI 124 hne a4 There are new duplicates to text, but
none of them provide new evidence for this line.
42. See, for example, the Assyrian ritual published by G. van
Driel, The Cult of Agin p. 87, line to', where Hap and Kusu are
among fifteen gods that "stand on the left of Assur."
43 See F. Thureau-Dangin, "Une acte de donation de. Mar-
4uk-zilir-iumr," RA 16 (19i9) pp. 1 44-1 5 6.
1 59
gods" in the native tradition, and they have not been
considered of great import an ce by modem interpreters.
Nevertheless, because they were invoked at almost all
cultic ceremonies, they must be considered ubiquitous
in ancient rituals. These gods an d goddesses were ad-
dressed countless times every day in the chapels an d tem-
ples of Mesopotamia for approximately three millennia.
An early indication of the theological importance of the
overseers of all ri tes may perhaps be illustrated from a re -
cently published Ur HI text, which is undoubtedly pa rt
of an incantation: 45
`en'-ne'g 6 an mu-za[Iag]
ki mu-gis kur-se igi nu'-x[x]
biru a nu-bal nig nu-gar lei dagal [a]bsin nu-ak
is16 mad den-lil-lâ nu-ù-.gàl [s]u -lash kù-ge su nu-ù-
`ma'-du 7?,
The lord li t up the heavens,
Darkened the earth, (but) did not . ..,
Did not draw water from the deep, established nothing
(as yet), did not make furrows in the fecund earth,
the high priest of Enlil did not (yet) exist and
the holy lustration ri tes were not perfected.
Admittedly Kusu was the sânga 'nab not the rub nub,
but the passage, while perhaps not pertaining directly to
this goddess, demonstrates the central function of purifi-
cation deities in the cosmic imagina ti on of early Meso-
47
Po
The study of Mesopotamian reli gion has traditionally
been based on a few grand myths and on the major dei-
ties and their cults. In view of the way in which writing
functioned in these ancient societies, one cannot assert
that the myths that survived in the written tradition were
the central cultural texts of the civilization. To put it in
other terms: there must have circulated very different
texts that were depositories, commentaries on, and po-
lemics against, various ideal no ti ons of cosmology, ethics,
or other aspects the cultures that made up this "tradition."
This "tradition," or "traditions," is seen through the medi-
um of writing, and one must confront the fact that even
if we accept, for the sake of discussion, this modern cul-
tural construct, its textual m anifesta ti ons would have cir-
culated within highly restricted sections of society.
However one may choose to view this matter, and it is
not without interest that these discussions always return
to the problem of the function of writing in society, we
44. On this goddess
Farn and Ebla (I-Iildesheim. 1984) 1
45 J van Dijk• " -t-d un 'Poème dc la Creation' Suunt-
rien?," AOAT 25, pp. 128-129, copy on pl. VIII.
46. The editor read an en-né, but I would suggest that the en
over an erased an. That is a remote possibility that this is
ion of a syllabic spelt of én -é-nu-ru, "incarit aion for-
the beginning has to be rendered ar. "The earth was
47. deme-dub ihb mah éndar é-ka-ke4 in Cadets Cyi B R* 4.
.
16o PIOTR MICHALOWSKI
have evidence indicating that there were, at least prior to
the first millennium, whole sections of religious cult that
left little or no imprint in the written record that is pres-
ently available to us.
To put it in stronger terms: The texts presented here
constituted pa rt of a religious component that must have
been common in the cult but that has not been well doc-
umented until now. The inc an tation is fairly st an dard;
the other text referred to above as the "hymn," is not.
Had the la tt er text been broken after the opening lines,
one would have assumed that it was but another dupli-
cate of the incantation. I know of no other similar ex-
ample of an inc an tation and a text of another type
sharing so many consecutive lines. 48 I have used the
term ' hymn" in quotation marks, as the label is conven-
tional, and is used by modern scholars to denote a loose
set of texts, most of which end with the expression dDN
zà-mi, "Praise be (god) DN!" While this is no means the
sole distinguishing mark of texts of this type, nor is it
limited exclusively to royal or divine "hymns," it is of
interest to us here because with a few possible excep-
tions, it was never used in Mesopotamian incantations.
The earliest example that seemingly contradicts the rule
is the well-known Ur-Nanshe inscription from Girsu
that includes a purificatory incantation concerning reeds,
in which the "incantation" pa rt ends drain-gir-su zà-mi,
"Praise be to Ningirsu." 49 A second such exception, or
rather set of exceptions, is from a B ri tish Museum col-
48. For the suggestion that the Shamash hymn KAR 82 and
duplicates originated as an incantation, see T. Abusch, "The Demon-
ic Image of the Witch in Standard Babylonian Literature The Re-
working of Popular Conceptions by Learned Exorcists,' in J.
Neusner, et al, eds., Religion, Science and Magic in Concert and in Conflict
(Oxford, 1989) p. 35.
49 Lines iii 8-9. The latest edition is found in Thorkild Jacob-
sen. "Ur-Nanshe's Diorite Plaque,' OrNS 54 09 8 5) PP. 65-72.
The Torch and the Censer 161
lection of incantations and ritual texts of unknown ori-
gin.5o Some of the compositions inscribed on this tablet
are Sumerian, some Akkadian, and at least one pa rt is in
a third language, perhaps in Elanute. 51 The whole text
requires careful study; for our purposes it will suffice to
point out that in three instances incantations end with
praise of the god Enki, expressed as den-ki-ke 4 zà-mi 52
All of this is rather inconclusive. The remnants of this
early cultic literature are so fragmentary that one can
only note the possible existence of texts that accompa-
nied incantations, were similar to them, but differed in
formal construction. The most important text of this
type is, undoubtedly, an unusual "hymn" to the Moon
God discovered at Ur, and referred to a number of times
above.S 3 Dominique Charpin has already discussed this
composition in the context of his analysis of the role of
priests of Enki at Ur, but the symbolic aspects of the
Nanna text — in which Kusu is prominently mentioned
and the "hymn" edited here, remain to be studied in
detail. My own contribution to this debate will have to
be published elsewhere, as space considerations mandate
that I limit this preliminary presentation of the Gibil and
Kusu texts to basic philological matters.
reverse
obverse
so. BM 15820 CT 42 no. 6. I have collated this tablet and it YBC 986o
appears to be Old Babylonian in date.
5i. Column ti 2 5-37, although lines 23-24 are in Sumerian and
lines 35 and 37 are clearly Akkadian; the exact definition of this pas-
sage remains to be investigated.
52. Collated: 1 32, ii 22 (probably followed by a double line),
and iv 31.
53. UET 6 67, edited by Charpin, Clergé, pp. 366-379.
YBC 8649
162 Pl0TR MICHALOWSKI

A MIRROR BELONGING TO THE LADY-OF-URUK

Karen Rhea Nemet-Nejat
Yale University

NCBT 72 is a memo on one golden socketed handle SURVEY OF MIRRORS

of a minor belonging to the Lady-of-Uruk, which is in The Ancient Near East
the workshop of the goldsmiths. Garments and para-
phernalia belonging to the gods were often sent for Though not many extant mirrors exist, evidence for
cleaning and repair. Administrative texts from temple ar- mirrors is widely distributed through time and place in
chives document this activity. The text can be attribut- the ancient Near East.' The largest collection of mirrors
ed to the Eanna archive based on internal evidence and is from Egypt. 3 Nevertheless, the evolution and use of
measures 31 x 46 x 18 mm. I am grateful to Professor minors in Egypt do not parallel developments in the an-
W.W. Hallo, Curator of the Yale Babylonian Collec- dent Near Fact Egyptian mirrors will be considered lat-
tion, for permission to publish this tablet, which will also er in this paper.
N 42 37 appear in Yale Oriental Series, vol. 16: The earliest known minors are circular objects of
highly polished obsidian from female burials in the
NCBT 72 Neolithic settlement of Çatal Hüyük in Anatolia (c. 6000
I) I KA mu-fa-lu-4 KÙ.SIG^ 7 B C.). 4 However, the tradition for the manufacture of
2 ) .fa dGASAN sra UNUG.K<I> metallic mirrors begins in the Uruk period (late fourth
3) ina É.LÙ.KÙ.DIM.MES millennium B.C.) in the ancient Near East. Micron were
4) ITLAPIN U 4.9.KAM first copper and later bronze disks, ro und or oval in
5) MU.3.KAM dUGUR LUGAL.URÙ shape, some with handles. Most are found in female
6) <LUGAL> TIN.TIR.KI burials. 5
Iconographic representations of Kubaba and related
Translation: deities holding a mirror appear in Anatolia in the second
1) I golden 'opening" of a mirror millennium B.C. 6 The motif of a seated or standing fe-
male (identified as a goddess, wife or daughter) holding
2) of the Lady-of-Uruk
3) in the workshop of the goldsmiths. a mirror in one hand an d either a spindle or pomegranate
in the other appears on numerous Neo-Hittite orthostatc
4) The month of Arajjsamnu the ninth day,
5) the third year of Nergal-s"arra-usur, an d stehe in the first millennium. 7 Hittite ritual texts and
myths use the same sexual symbols as the iconography
6) the king of Babylon.

This paper will focus on identifying the pa rt of the

mirror described by the term KA in the phrase I KA P. s.
mulälu KÙ.SIG 17 . This analysis will first entail a brief sur- bends for generously shanng her thoughts
with me. Any errors are, of course mine.
vey of mirrors as artifacts, in iconography and in textual
3. For example, Bénédite 1911, Husson 19 •
references, in the ancient Near East an d Egypt. The 1 979.
meaning of KA = bâbu opening, entrance, door, gate' 4. LilY9uist 1 979 , p. 49-
will be examined through descriptions of articles crafted 5. Alhenda 1985, pp. 2-3.
6. Bossen 1942, pl. 516.
by t°kutimmu "goldsmith" or "fashioner of precious 7. Albenda 1985 pp. 3-4; AN
metals." Finally, the role of the mirror as a divine symbol 254-55 no. 28 Hakim 1981, r69, hg^s. a-3; tiott r 1 9 60
or vo ti ve offering will be examined. Woolley 1952.9; 62a and B64b; p.
pL Bw Orthmann 197 5, PP• 430-31, no
13M 2 93 8 3 (98 4-16) Zsnjirh depicts a war-like god with
357, a bawl stone relief from
lance and shield and a goddess carrying a minor. The ache of mortal
women have been identified a 6urerary monuments; we Akurgal
Oppenheim 1949 k 1 1 966, ph 26- 27, 28 [- ANEP 6g. 632I;. Dessert 1942 pb. ho, 869
164 KAREN RHEA NEMET-NEJAT
a spindle an d mirror for women ( an d bows and arrows
for men). 8
The first millennium B.C. produced an innovation in
the manufacture of mirrors. The socketed mirror was
created in order to produce a stronger but less clumsy
handle from a variety of materials because a separate h an -
dle was needed to hold a larger an d heavier bronze disk.
Mirrors recovered from female burials of this period are
of two types. handled or tanged (like earlier ones) an d
socketed. An intermediate type of mirror between
tanged an d socketed may be represented by a (decorated)
clasp used to conceal the joint where the handle was fas-
tened to the disk. The metal disk of the tanged minor is
always plain, but the handle may be adorned. The sock-
eted mirror may be decorated on the disk clamp and
handle. Ivory socketed handles have also been found
separated from the mirrors to which they once be-
longed .9
Mirrors in the graves of women, in iconography an d
in ritual texts, demonstrate that ancient mirrors are asso-
ciated with high-ranking females. goddesses, royal ty an d
upper clmcs women. 1O
In Sumerian the term for minor refers to the material
of manufacture, that is, I°"INIG.SU.zABAR, literally, "a
bronze instrument of the h an d" (sometimes preceded by
the determinative for copper). (unssONIG.SU.ZABAR h
equated with mulu "mirror" in the synonym lists
(CAD s v mui 1u). An Ur IH texts notes a ratio of 1:10
or 1:8 of tin to copper in manufacturing a bronze minor,
here called gazABAR. 1 Since b ro nze (zABAR) an d cop-
per (uRUDU) are difficult to differentiate by eye because
of their reddish-brown color confusion may have oc-
curred in textual references.'
In Akkadian the names for mirrors are based on nom-
inal forms, which refer to (1) instruments by which a
person can see himself, for example, nitmaru, from the
root, amirru to see,"" or (2) instruments by which a
person's form appears similar, for example, mule, from
the root maflu ' to be like, to equal." 14
Old Akkadian an d Ur HI texts describe mirrors as
made of copper, bronze, silver an d gold. ' 5 Bronze mir-
(ma-is-lum) are listed as weighing 38 or 4o shek-
The weights of several silver and gold mirrors are
8. Hoffher 1966, pp. 33o-3 1 .
against Impotence,"
ANET 3 . p. 349; "The Soldier's Oath," A
3 . P. 354-
9. Albenda 1985• PP. 5-7-
to, Albenda 1985, p. 7,
I L Lunn Mahal, p. 71,
tz. Moorey 1985, p zo Cf. Limet Mi
P. 1 9 suggesnng
the idea of "rrtetafic."
Hebrew tues substantive forms of • "w see . " Note mar',
"He made the basin and its stand of bronze out of
of the women who were on duty at the entrance
Meeting," and re i in Job 37: 18 "Can you beat out
, as He does, hard as a mirror of cast metal."
14. Soloncn 1965, p. t t I.
1 5• Saloom r965, pp. I t r-t 14; Limet Mimi, pp, 2 19, 221, 223;
Gelb MAD 3, pp. 1HS-8b , ao2; CAD s v . minim and mmriorn.
described as h or 2/ minas.'? Mirrors are large (GAL) or
small (TUR) t8 or even decorated with stones, that is, I
ma-sa-lum SAGxDU absza-za ^4 za-gin "one head mirror
(decorated with) a knob of lapis lazuli (in the shape of)
an apsasd' (UET 3 415: I-2) In correspondence from
El-Amama, Tusrattas, the king of Mitanni, offers a vivid
desc ri ption of silver mirron with elaborate handles
which he is sending to the Pharaoh (probably to
Amenophis IV): I na-ma-m era KÙ BABBAR 40 GIN i-na
KI.LÀ -eras era- kar-eras ALAM.SAL-tam la KA [x] i GIN 3 td-mu-
un-sal-li KÙ.SIG,7 i-na À-bi-fu ub-btu-[zu] i na-ma-m la
KÙ.BABBAR 40 GIN i-na Ki.LA-eras era-kar-eras ALAM.SAL-
tum la FA 'ESP I GIN 3 tsi-mu-un-sal-li KÙ.SIG^ 7 i-na SA-bi-
lu ub-bu-[zu] "i silver mirror, 4o shekels in its weight,
whose handle' 9 is a female statue of .. on which is/.
shekels of gold is mounted; i silver minor, 4o shekels in
its weight, whose handle is a female statue of ebony on
which i% shekels of gold is mounted" (EA 25 col. ii 56-
59). The first of only two extant literary references to
micron in Sumero-Akkadian literature is found in an el-
Amarna version of Adapa: tâmta ina mé-ere-li inlilma "the
sea was like a minor" (EA 356: 5i). A bronze mirror is
listed among property to be divided in an Old Babylo-
nian document." O Mirrors appear in all Old Babylonian
dowry lists,' and a copper mirror (diglu) is recorded in
a Neo-Assyrian dowry list. 22 A Neo-Assyrian bronze
plaque of unknown origin pictures a king an d queen
holding a mirror; the accompanying insc ription is bro-
ken an d may be restored to identify these figures as Na-
qia-Zakûtu, queen mother, an d Esarhaddon, king of
Assyria. 23 In Neo-Babylonian texts minors are listed
among precious objects, belonging to divine statues re-
ceived by goldsmiths.
Egypt
The first minors a re found only in the Memphite re -
gion an d date to the Archaic Period (32oo-27oo B.C.).
Ptah, the patron deity of Memphis, is credited with
making the first mirror. These metal disks are often
cordiform, a shape not found in the Lev an t or Mesopot-
amia. 24
In the Old Kingdom (c. 27oo-2200 B.C.), the disks are
round or elliptical. When present, the handles are papy-
riform and made of wood. The names an d titles of the
owners appear sometimes engraved on the disks. 25
16. Limet Métal, p. 219.
17. Limet Métal, p. 21 9; Gelb MAD 3, pp. 185-86.
18. O1P 14 toi: 7-to.
19. From context la-kar-lu refers to a mirror handle; a statue
was common in Egyptian mirrors, see Benedict 1907, pp,
iv and Sco tt 1986, p. toe, no. S3.
20. YOS 8 98: 2 5. 54.
21. For example, CT 45 at: 6.
22. Parker 1 954, PP 36 and 55: ND 2307: 31.
23.
Purot and Nougayrol 1956.
24. Lilyquist 1 979, pp. 5. 8o-83.
A Mirror Belonging to the Indy-of-Uruk
In the Middle Kingdom (c. 2000-1600 B.C.), the disk
remains mostly copper or bronze, though silver disks and
handles are found among the treasures of Dahshur. 26
Gold and electrum^ 7 are used later for votive mirrors de-
posited in the temple. 28 The handles are made of wood,
anhyd ri te, horn, green-glazed clay an d ivory ^9
Mirrors from the Middle Kingdom are usually associ-
ated with funerary equipment. For example, in Saqqara
a complete mirror is found wrapped within the b an dages
of a mummy, a mirror is depicted on a coffin, an d two
model mirrors are included in model boats with the de-
ceased. 3° In the sarcophagi insc riptions the phrase is now
"a mirror in order to see the face," sometimes shortened
to "to see the face" and "that which sees the face." 3 '
The religious and symbolic names of mirrors, "the di-
vine," 'the Heliopolitan," "that which is in eternity,"
"the exact" or ' the truth," allude to the role of the mir-
• ror which is placed with the deceased. 32 Mirrors are re-
ferred to by the material of manufacture and display
colors corresponding to these metals 33
Middle Kingdom mirrors were probably also used in
life since some have been repaired in antiquity. At this
time the tang tended to be smaller narrower an d more
tapered, perhaps, a reason for the proportionately large
number of broken and repaired tangs Also, if a hole was
made through an o ri ginal tang to fasten the handle and
disk together by a pin, the hole further weakened thin or
tapered tangs. Repair was made riveting on a new
tang 34
Mirrors used in life are sometimes placed with worn
jewelry and cosmetic supplies in bunals. The titles of
priests and priestesses inscribed on some mirrors might
indicate that micron were also used in shrines and tern-
ples. 3 s
25. Lilyquist 1979, pp. 52 (Old Kingdom) and S4 (Middle
Kingdom).
26. Lilyquist 1919, pp. 30-31. Moorcy 1985, p. 16 notes that a
high arsenic copper has a silver color and tarnishes less quickly than
silver. This property was urilind in the manufacture of mirrors in
Egypt and statuary in Anatolia in the third millennium B C.
27. Moorey 1985, pp 1-S notes the main metals used in Me-
sopotamia in antiquity were copper, iron, Lead, gold and sliver, tin
was usually alloyed. Other alloys include bronze (copper and tin) and
brass (copper and zinc). Copper was the most widely used and cheap-
est metal in Mesopotamia, until the Neo-Babylonian period when
Iron became cheaper.
Electrum, from the Greek word for amber, describes a m ixtu re of
gold and silver, pale yellow in color. Electrum is used to describe na-
tive argentiferous gold with 2o% to so% silver content; the term is
arbitrarily applied to artificial electrum. Often an analysis of Meso-
potamian "gold" reveals that it is electrum. Electrum, both natural
and artificial, was used more commonly than previously believed. An
alloy of gold and silver is harder than pure gold and will last longer.
28. Benedict t9o7, p. i
29. Lilyquist 1979, p. 47; Bénédite x9 07. pp. si , xxv; and Hus-
son 1 977, p. 2 4.
3o. Lilyquist 1979, pp. 16-29 and Husson 1 977, P. 21.
31. Bianchi 1985, pp. 11-12.
32. Husson 1 977, p 35.
33. Hasson 1917, pp. s8 , 35.
34• Lilyquist 1 979 pp- 47, 54-57. 61.
1 65
New Kingdom (c. 1450-1050 B.C.) mirrors exhibit su-
penor craftsmanship and beauty. The disks continue to
be the same shapes, that is, (1) round, (2) elliptical and
(3) cordifonm. 36 The minors may be concave, enlarging
the image, or convex, reducing the size of the image;
some mirrors have a double face: one concave an d one
convex. 37 The handles and clasps display a variety of
moti638 and are joined together by a peg either wedged
or cemented inside them. 39 The tang is hidden in the
handle an d fixed by solder if of the same metal or by
force if of two different metals. For a wooden handle, as-
sembly is effected by heating the metal red-hot. 4°
In the Late Penod (post 720 B.C.) a ritual developed
for the mirror as a votive offering by a priestess to the
goddess.'' In this ceremony the goddess sees her beauty
in the mirror and rejoices; the mirror also becomes a
symbol for the sun and moon, celestial bodies that
illuminate the earth an d overcome darkness.'" In later
presentation scenes (c. New Empire), the king offers a
single mirror or one in each hand to the goddess
(Hathor); the accompanying hieroglyphic text includes
the title of the scene and a ritual formula stating the of-
fering an d the awaited result, which is universal domin-
ion by the king and love from his subjects. 43 The mirror
as a votive offenng is intimately related to Egyptian my-
thology and funerary rites."
Though mirrors are predominantly associated with
women, they have been found in both male an d female
burials of all classes an d ages. 45 The place of the mirror
in a tomb va ri es; it is usually found near the face or under
the head, in the hands, near the arms, under the shoul-
der, on the chest an d sometimes rolled into the mummy
wrappings. 46 Drawings on the sarcophagus place the
minor at the head or, when in a box, at the feet with
sandals an d arms, ready for a trip. 47 In illustrations on
tombs an d stehe mirrors, with or without their case, are
usually placed under the chair of the deceased, some-
times on a chest of cosmetic paints or next to a monkey
or small dog; or, mirrors a re carried to the deceased by
48
his serv an ts with jars of ointments or cosmetics.
35. Lilyqurst 1979, p. 97.
36. Bénédite 1907, p. iii and Hasson 1977, p. 23.
37. Bénédite 007, p. vii and Musson 1977 p 24.
38. Bénédite 19o7, pp. xxii, xvii-xxir. Bianchi 1985 PP. 1 3
t4 and Husson 1977, pp. 27-28.
39. Lilyquist 1979, p. 61.
40. Hasson 1917. p. 24.
41. Musson 1977, pp. 23, z69-74 argues for a Memphi
for this rite, which she dates to the Arclasic Period
ventory of divine names royal names and their
of toponyme.
42. Bianchi x985, pp. 14-15 and Husson 1977
43. Hinson 1977. PP 54-57. 2 55- 5 8 .
44. Hinson 1977, pp al. 39-4 1 and Kozloff 1984, 374-75*
45. Wygui 1979, pp. 83-93•
46. Lilyquist t 979 pp. 70-73.
47. Hessen 1977. p. 41.
48. Hasson 1977, p. 28.
166 KAREN RHEA NEMET-NEJAT
MIRROR COVERS
Minor coven are used to prevent dulling and scratch-
ing of the polished surfaces of the mirrors In the ancient
Near Fast the earliest example is a mirror from Sialk (c.
3000 B.C., Iran), which has traces of fabric adhering to it
to protect its polished sunface. 49 El-Arnama cone-
spondence lists mirrors with coven among gifts sent by
Tusrattas, the king of Mitanni, to the Pharaoh (probably
Amenophis IV): 25 Su mu-t6-lu qadu nakt[amilunu] ` 25
pai rs of minors together with their coven" (EA 25 iii 8
et passim). A Middle-Babylonian text indicates du1A
leather is used to cover the mirror in order to protect its
polished surface: I KI.MiN KUS.DU8.5LA na-ma-M "one
ditto of d. leather for a mirror" (Gurney 1953 no. 25 iii
9, iv 19, V 8, 13 an d no. 24 iv 3'). dufa leather is dyed
an d tanned yellow or o ra nge, the color of d.-stone. Fi-
nally, a plain bronze tanged mirror, dated to the fifth
century B.C., with a few fra gments of a coarse cloth case
still adhering to the disk was found in a tomb at Gezer. 59
In Egypt impressions of cloth or the remains of cloth
wrapping of reed fiber are found on the surface of disks
of every period. s' Examples are also found of mirror cas-
es of wood 52 an d papyrus wickerwork. 53 In Old and
Middle Kingdom tombs an d burial chambers two-di-
mensional representations of mirrors in (carrying-)cases
with or without straps are depicted with a patterned cen-
tral section to indicate hide, basketry or wickerwork 54;
the texts refer to such i ll ustrations as "mirror [and] house
[=case]" or "minor in its house [=case]." 55 A chest is
used to house a mirror and cosmetics together. 56 Wood-
en trays to house the mirrors are found with these chests
as well as separate from them.S 7 At Beni Hasan a box
with a mirror and two sacks of eye paint inside is illus-
trated but more often mirrors arc drawn above chests. 58
CAD s v mulu suggests that mulâlu has a second
meaning, "pale tt e for cosmetics ', Salonen (1965, p. 129)
suggests mi&lu-chest as a t ra nslation in some examples;
however, Al-Iw s.v. mu aalu lists only the translation
`minor." Confusion or coalescence of terminology may
have arisen because a mirror an d cosmetics are often
found together, sometimes in one ehest. 39 That is, mir-
ron are associated with a common set of toilet articles,
including kohl tubes an d sticks an d cosmetic pale tt es,
throughout Egypt, Palestine an d Syria. 60 In addition, the
meaning "palette" expresses the similarity of shape be -
49. Albenda tçSS, p. 2.
50. Albenda î98S p. 5.
,
5r. Lilyquist 1979, pp. 6 3, 6 5.
52. Benedite îq07, pl. 23,
53. Benédite t9o7, pL 24 and Lilyquist 1479, fig. 23
54. Lilgqué t 1 979. pp. 64-65
55. Bfiarieht :985, p. 12 and Husson i977, p. 35.
56, Li 1979, p. 64 and fig'. 61 and 62.
57. Liiy9arrrw 1979. P. 42 and 6 82. 63 and 66.
58. Lilyquist 1979, p 64.
59. Lilyq'ua'979, figs. 61 and 62.
6o. Mooney 198o, p. 94.
tween the disk of the mirror an d the cosmetic palette;
the meaning "palette" also emphasizes the nature of the
disk, mufâlu (or niimaru), as an entity separate from the
handle. An el-Amarna text avoids confusion by using the
desc rip ti ve term nâmar pani "looking glass" m the list of
gifts from Ainenophis IV to Burnaburia: 20 na-m[a-ar
pa]-ni fa siparri 12 na-m[a-ar pa]-nt rabloatu Ka siparri napba-
ru 32 na-ma-ar [pa]-ni "20 bronze looking glasses, twelve
large bronze looking glasses, in all 32 looking glasses"
(RA 14 ii 75-77).
KA
KA = babu "opening, entrance, door, gate," has more
specific meaning when referring to mirrors. The exam-
ples of minor coven, which are usually of cloth, leather
or wickerwork, have nothing to do with the work of the
goldsmith so any idea of"entering" or `opening" a mir-
ror via its cover should be abandoned. In extant artifacts,
the mirror is comprised of two basic parts• the disk and
the handle; the disk is often of bronze and the handle or
hollow part is made of a variety of materials. In fact the
handles frequently become separated from the disk If
the clasp (when present) breaks, it usually adheres to the
disk. Therefore, bâbu may refer to "the opening" where
the two parts of the minor attach, that is, the opening or
socket where the tang fits into the handle. bâbu is the
socket, by extension, the socketed mirror handle. In fact,
a socket is a hollow tube. The goldsmith in NCBT 72
works with the handle (here gold), not the disk.
KA is also used in desc ri ptions of a rticles crafted by
kkutimmu, "the goldsmith ' or "fashioner of precious
metals," for example sprinkling pots, zursru cups, brace-
lets an d breastplates As in the case of minors, both
sprinkling pots an d bracelets, clearly involve openings;
KA refers to the socket an d the part containing it or the
hollow tube; by extension, KA refers to hollow tu be s.
For sprinkling pots, note the following examples: [x]
maslabu kaspum [ ..] ba-bu-tu burasam [. ..] "x silver sprin-
kling pots, their golden openings" (ARM 7 245 ii 6'-7'),
and KA maslabte tepette "you unplug the opening of the
sprinkling pot" ( CAR 47: 4). For zurfu, a cup of a par-
ticular but unknown shape: I zurfu KÙ.BABBAR ba-bu-
[Ku ...] `I silver z.- cup, its opening ..."(ARM 7 102 5).
Spouted vessels with sieves inside at the base of the
spout, in b ro nze or te rra cotta, are manufactured to filter
debris from beer. 6 ' Similarly, a silver rhyton drinking
62
cup is also equipped with a silver filter for this purpose.
KA is also used with bracelets which are described as
having or not having an "opening." 1 (IAR.SU AN. BAR
KA-14 is-[nu] "one iron bracelet without opening" (PBS
6t. A Phrygian tall sieve-spouted 3"g of pa le buff clay is deco-
rated with elahorate geometric designs and goats birds and a bon; it
has a spout which is bridged at its inner end, see Young 1956, p. 263
and pl 94, fig. so. T his reference was kindly pointed out to me by
Dr Oscar W. Muscarella.
62. Masearclla 1974: no. 44.
A Mirror Belonging to the Lady-of -Uruk
2/2 12o: 26 [MB]); r uAR.SU KÙ.SiG^ 7 KA na4ZA.GIN 6
GIN Ki.LA Ka PN 1 uAR.SU KÙ.S1G ?7 era(-)ap-si (for asps?)
6 GIN KLLA Ka PN2 ' one gold bracelet with a lapis lazuli
opening, weighing six shekels (belonging) to PN one
... gold bracelet, weighing six shekels, (belonging) to
PN2" (PBS 2/2 85:3 and 5 [MB]); an d i KA BAR
KÙ.SiG, 7 Ka mesukkiti "one gold opening of a bracelet
with falcon-headed finials" (PBS 2/2 120: 14). Bracelets
are found in the following shapes: penannular, complete
(like bangles) or with sliding or twisted ends. In addi ti on,
they may be animal-headed, duck-headed, serpent-
headed, beaded, bronze, granulated hinged, inlaid,
linked laminated plates, mul tiple, plaited wire, plain,
ridged knobbed decoration, tubular one tube within
another, twisted bar, with rosette(s). 63 The meaning of
KA may be elucidated by the references to the bracelet
with the lapis lazuli opening and the one with falcon-
headed finials. Similar to the bracelet with the lapis lazuli
opening may be an example from Marlik; the three re-
maining disks are decorated with inlaid stones set in
eight oval-shaped cloisons surrounding a central oval-
shaped stone. The second fragment of the bracelet has
hinges and two hollow gold tubes through which a pin
can pass in order to join the disks together 64 Fimals are
attached to penannular bracelets which are hollow tubes.
The place of attachment is an opening or socket in the
hollow tube of the bracelet. 65
Finally note the inconclusive use of KA in ti-rat KA la
GABA KÙ.SIG n Kâ dNa-na-a "... opening of the golden
66
breastplate of Nana" (GCCI 2: 141 2-3).
' I RIBUTES OR VOTIVE OFFERING
DiVINE Al
The activities of the divine statue often reflected the
life of the king. 67 A Neo-Assyrian proverb considers the
affinity between them: [1]a qa-bu-u-ni am-me-ti // [m]a
GIS.GE 6 ili a-me-lu // [u] GiS.GE 6 "a-me-le-e
Kano: lu-N // [q0]-e fb ili "As people say: 'Man
is the shadow of a god, an d a slave is the shadow of a
man'; but the king is the mirror of a god" (Lam be rt
BWL 281-82).
Each sanctuary was distinguished by different activi-
ties. Sumerian an d Akkadian texts demonstrate the im-
portant role of the goldsmiths in providing temples an d
palaces with numerous gold furnishings, containers an d
decorative objects as well as wooden furniture inlaid or
overlaid with metal. Temple foundation document re-
veal that both the temples and cult equipment were
63. See Maxwell-Hyslop î97i and Muscarella 1988• nos. 17-
21, 23-27.
64 Maxwell-Hyslop 1971, p. 25o The Malik bracelet may be
compared to b ra celets with rosette(s), which are illustrated on Assyr-
ian reliefs, see ibid. pp. 246-25o.
passim.
65. Maxwell-Hyslop 1971, pp
66. This reference was kindly pointed out to me hy Dr. Paul-
Main Beaulieu.
67. Oppenheim 1964, pp. 1 92-193 •
167
adorned with gold. Gold was used in decorating the
chari ots for deities, 68 the ornaments of their gannents 69
an d even divine standards. In the Neo-Babylonian peri-
od in Sippar, the hones of the sun god were attached to
his chari ot by a gold-studded harness; they drank water
from buckets of precious metal an d enjoyed grass cut by
golden sickles. 7O
The gods were often associated with specific symbols.
kudurrws, boundary markers from the Middle an d Neo-
Babylonian period, display divine symbols of major dei-
ties, for example, the cha ri ot of the sun, the crescent of
Sin, the dog of Gula, the spade of Marduk, the stylus of
Nabu, an d the sun disk. These emblems were referred to
as "gods," "standards,' "weapoR4,' 'drawings," and even
"seats," because the symbols were often placed on stands
used for enthroned deities. 7 ' In temples, statues of major
deities would have had identifying standards; unfortu-
nately, few have been recognized in excavations. The
most certain is a lightning fork of Adad (Neo-Assyrian
period), from his temple at Assur, nude of gold ham-
mered over a wooden core. It weighed 290 grains, 250
of which represent gold. 72
Mesopotamian texts including NCBT 72, may indi-
cate mirrors as either divine attributes or votive offer-
ings. 73 In a Neo-Assyrian letter addressed to Sargon II c.
721-705 B.C., the quality of two newly made mirrors is
reported, dnam-ra-ni en kilalli mazzassufunu damqat alan-
nit "as to the pair of copper mirron, their stand 74 is very
beautiful" (ABL 91: 5-7) In this example, the mirrors
are deified, lending suppo rt to the mirror as a divine at-
tribute. Also, 1 mu-Ia-lu burâfi "one gold minor" be-
longing to the Aramean Utar, Afilam;tu, is listed among
precious objects, belonging to divine statues received by
goldsmiths (TCL 12 39 . 2) Finally, a Neo-Babylonian
letter indicates items given for the use of Nfingal, the
wife of Nanna an d the mother of Innn/iitar. ponuru
68. Moore' 1985, p 80 .
69. Oppenheim 1949.
7o. Oppenheim 1964. p. 1 93.
71. Oppenheim 1964. pp. 286-287.
72. Mooney 1985, p. 80.
73. According to Oppenheim's The Matey ri C
Neo-Babylonian period, aEI of these texts indicate minors as votive o
ferings. i am indebted to Professor Ere Leichty for sharing dûs infor
-
mation with me.
The precise meaning of manzâzu in this text is not certain.
74.
The stand mirror is not found in the ancient Near East. Stand muron
are found in Egypt; sec Korloff 1984 for two Dynasty 18 examples.
Dr. C. Lilyqunt suggested in pnvate communication that representa-
tions of minors with stands occur in presentation scenes from the
Third intermediate Period to Dynasty 15 in Bénat' a 1907, of which
no. 44078 is a good example. Dr. Lilyquist kindly apprised me of the
Egyptian references.
Congdon 1 98 5, pp. 2o-22 indicates that the stand mirror ap-
peared in limited quantities in mainland Greece from seventh century
D.C. until c. 43o E.C. These Mic ro n included a desk, a handle and a
broad base (or occasion*Fiy a socketed base) Stmraerfimae rings were
attached to the back of the disk for hinging or ea't'ing. Most of the
stand mirrors had an upright human figure or carya id between the
disk and bas e.
 KAREN RHEA NEMET-NEJAT A Mirror Belonging to the Lady-of -Uruk 169
168

Parrot, A., and Nougayrol, J. Sco tt , G.

remu burgsi u na-ma-m buràsi luffâmma ana'Ningal luddin Gurney, O.R.
1956 "Asarhaddon et Naqi'a sur un bronze du Lou- 1986 Ancient Egyptian Art at Yale, Yale Universi ty
take the table, the golden figurine of a wild bull, 1953 "Further Texts from Dur Kurigalzu," Sumer
vre (AO 20.185) ' Syria 33, pp 1 47-1 7o, pl. 6. Art Ga ll e ry , New Haven.
and the golden mirror and give them to Ningal' (ABL 9, Pp. 21-34 + pls.
1246 r. 3-4 and 8-9). Hawkins, J D Pritchard, J.B. Woolley, L.
The minor could be a divine attribute or standard of 'Kubaba at Karkemig and Elsewhere," Anato- 1969a Editor, The Ancient Near East in Pictures Relat- 1952 Carchemish, III, The Excavations in the Inner
1981
the Lady-of-Uruk or Istar, who exhibits a complex array lian Studies 31, pp. 1 47-1 75. ing to the Old Testament, P ri nceton Universi ty Town, London, pp. 174, 24o, pl. B64b; p. 2 45,
of qualities, among them embodiment of sexual power. Press, P ri nceton. pl. B62a.
Hoff'her, H. The Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the
Or, the mirror could be a votive offering to Istar who, 1969b Young, R S.
1966 "Symbols for Masculinity and Femininity:
like her Egyptian counterpart, sees her beauty and is ap- Old Testament, P ri nceton Universi ty Press, 1956 'The Campaign of 1955 at Gordion: Prelim-
Their Use in Ancient Near Eastern Sympa-
peased; as the battle-loving warrior goddess, she grants P ri nceton. inary Repo rt , ' AJA 6o, pp. 249-66.
thetic Magic Rituals," JBL 8 5, pp. 3z 6-34
victory to the king she loves Also, because of her iden- Sack, R.H.
tification with the planet Venus (as morning and evening Husson, C.
1 977 "Some Remarks on Jewelry Invento ries from
star)," the votive offering might reinforce a duality, sim- 1977 L'off ande du miroir dans les temples égyptiens de
Sixth Century B.C. Erech " ZA 66, pp. 41-46.
ilar to the Egyptian ritual in which the mirror also be- l'époque gréco-romaine, Lyons
Salonen, A.
comes a symbol for the sun and moon, celestial bodies Kozloff, A.P. 1965 Die Hausgeräte der Alten Mesopotamrer nach sum-
that illuminate the earth and overcome darkness. Until 1984 "Mirror, Mirror." The Bulletin of the Cleveland erischakkadischen Quellen Part I, Annales Aca-
now Mesopotamia has differed from her neighbors in Museum of Art 71: 271-276 demiae Scientiarum Fennicae, Series B, No.
butt and Egypt in the cubic use of mirrors in association Lilyquist, C. 139, Helsinki.
with divinities. Therefore, the use of the minor may in- 1979 Ancient Egyptian Mirrors from the Earliest Times
dicate a change in the religious practices. through the Middle Kingdom, Münchner Ägyp-
tologische Studien 27, Munich.
Limet, H.
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Akurgal, E. la Ille dynastie d'Ur, Sociéte d'Édition "Les
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NCBT 72
i$ OPPenhà 1964, P. 197. uments " Iraq 16, pp. 29-58.

SYSTEMIC INTEGRATION AND THEOLOGY
THE CONCEPT OF ZEKHUT IN FORMATIVE JUDAISM
Jacob Neusner
University of South Florida
While the esteemed Wil li am Hallo has made his most
formidable scholarly contributions m the areas of Sume-
rian, Akkadian, an d other ancient Near Eastern studies,
his lifelong interest in the history of Judaism, as well as
in its contemporary manifestations, justifies offering in
his honor a paper pertaining to a later age than the one
on which he has concentrated. What makes Hallo a
memorable and important figure in our scholarly age in-
deed, is this breadth of sympathy an d vision that makes
certain his appreciation for problems far beyond the lim-
its of his own expe rt knowledge. Yet since so much of
Hallo's work has addressed philological issues, I make
the effort to remain within the disciplinary limits of his
oeuvre by dealing with the meaning and systemic signifi-
cance of a single word, zekhut, to be defined inductive-
ly
The word zekhut bears a variety of meanings, as Jas-
trow summarizes the data,' and the pertinence of each
possible meaning is to be determined in context [i] ac-
quittal plea in favor of the defendant; [2] doing good,
blessing [3] protecting influence of good conduct, mer-
it; [4] advantage, privilege, benefit The first meaning
pertains solely in juridical (or metaphorically juridical)
contexts; the second represents a very general and im-
precise use of the word, since a variety of other words
bears the same meaning. Only the third an d the fourth
meanings pertain, since they are particular to this word,
on the one side, and also religious, on the other. That is
to say, only through using the word zekhut do authors of
compositions an d authorships of composites express the
sense given at No. 3. Moreover, it will rapidly become
clear, in context that No. 4 is not to be distinguished
from No. 3, since "protecting influence of good con-
duct" when the word zekhut appears always yields "ad-
vantage, privilege, benefit." It follows that, for the
marines the main thesis of my Traofonnallon
to Religion (University of Illinois Press, Ur-
, A Dictionary of the Talgumim, The Talmud
Bob and Yerwhalm% and the Midr ashir Literature (repr. Panics Publish-
mg House, Inc.. N.Y.. 1950). p. 398.
170
Systemic Integration and Theology
fined in context: what can you do if you have zekhut that
you cannot do if you do not have zekhut an d to whom
can you do it. The answer to that question tells you the
empowerment of zekhut.
The word zekhut has been given the confusing trans-
lation of "merit ' and when ' merit" promiscuously re-
fers to pretty much anything that one gets not by one's
own merit or just desserts at all but despite what one has
done. Scripture for example knows that God loves Israel
because He loved the patriarchs (Deut. 4:37); the mem-
ory or deeds of the righteous patriarchs and matriarchs
appear in a broad range of contexts e.g., "Remember
your se rv ants, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob" (Ex. 32:13),
for Moses, an d ' Remember the good deeds of David,
purposes of systemic analysis, passages in which the word
your se rvan t" (II Chr. 6:42), for David. At stake
zekhut bean the sense, in Jastrow s words, of "the pro-
throughout is giving people what they do not merit, to
tecting influence of good conduct" which yields 'ad-
be sure. But in these contexts, "remembering" what X
vantage, privilege, or benefit" will tell us how the word
did as an argument in behalf of favor for Y does not in-
zekhut functions.
voke the word zekhut, an d the context does not require
My simple definition emphasizes "heritage," because
use of that word either. 3 Accordingly, our problem of
the advantages or privileges conferred by zekhut may be
definition requires limitation to precise usages of a given
inherited and also passed on; it stresses "entitlements"
word. Were we to propose to work our way back from
because advantages or privileges always, invariably result
situations that seem to exhibit conceptual affinities to the
from receiving zekhut from ancestors or acquiring it on
concept represented by the word under consideration,
one's own; an d I use the word "virtue" to refer to those
cases, for instance, in which someone appeals to what is
supererogatory acts that demand a reward because they
form matten of choice, the gift of the individual and his owing the fathers in behalf of the children, we shall not
accomplish the goal at hand, which is one of definition
or her act of free wi ll , an act that is at the same time [1]
ofa word that bears a very particular meaning, an d, more
uncompelled, e.g., by the obligations imposed by the
to the point, carries out a highly critical systemic role.
Torah, but [2] also valued by the Torah. Zekhut bears the
Zekhut stands for the empowerment, ofa supernatural
capacity to unite the generations in a heritage of en-
titlements; zekhut is fundamentally a historical category character, that derives from the virtue of one's ancestry
or from one's own virtuous deeds ofa very particular or-
an d concept, in that, like all historical systems of
der. No single word in English bears the same meaning
thought, it explains the present in terms of the past, an d
nor can I identify a synonym for zekhut in the canonical
the future in terms of the present.
Because zekhut is something one may receive as an writings in the o ri ginal either The difficulty of translat-
inheritance, out of the distant past, zekhut imposes upon ing a word of systemic consequence with a single word
in some other language (or in the language of the sys-
the definition of the social entity, "Israel," a genealogical
tem's documents themselves) tells us we deal with what
meaning. It furthermore imparts a distinctive character
to the definitions of way of life. So the task of the polit- is unique, beyond comparison and therefore contrast an d
comprehension. A mark that we have found our way to
ical component of a theory of the social order, which is
the systemic center is that we cannot easily translate with
to define the social entity by appeal to empowerment,
a single English equivalent the word that identifies what
and of the economic component, which is to identify
we conceive to define the system's critical tension an d
scarce resources by specification of the rationality of
generative concept. What is most particular to distinc-
right management, is accomplished in a single word,
which stan ds for a conception a symbol, and a myth All tive of the systemic structu re an d its functioning re-
quires definition through circumlocution, such as, "the
three components of this religious theory of the social
heritage of virtue an d its consequent entitlements." 4 The
order turn out to present specific applications, in con-
word zekhut for the successor-system forms the systemic
text, for the general conception of zekhut. For the first
source of zekhut derives from the definition of Israel as counterpart to the mythologoumenon of the resurrec-
family; the entitlements of supernatural power deriving
from virtue then care inherited from Abraham, Isaac,
and Jacob. The second source is personal: the power one 3. God's "remembering" is the principal point in the scriptur-
can gain for one's own hein, moreover by virtuous al situations adduced as evidence for the ancient origins of the con-
deeds. Zekhut deriving from either source is to be de- cept of zekhut. Then the other part of the same concept, that there
are deeds I may do that gain zekhut for rnyseg is excluded, and hence
zekhut n it is revealed in the systemic so urc es is not represented in
the scriptural Dries.
171
tion of Jesus Christ, unique son of God, for import an t
Christianities.
A further mark of the systemic importance accorded
to zekhut is that even though a m an was degraded, one
action sufficed to win for him that heavenly glory to
which rabbis in lives of Torah-study aspired The mark
of the system's integration around zekhut li es in its insis-
tence that all Israelites, not only sages, could gain zekhut
for themselves ( an d their descend an ts). A single remark-
able deed, exemplary for its deep humanity, sufficed to
win for an ordinary person the zekhut that elicits super-
natural favor enjoyed by some rabbis on account of their
Torah-study. The centrality of zekhut in the systemic
structure, the critical impo rtan ce of the heritage of virtue
together with its supernatural entitlements therefore
emerge in a striking claim. Even though a m an was de-
graded, one action sufficed to win for him that heavenly
glory to which rabbis in general aspired.
The rabbinical storyteller to whom we shall listen
identifies with this lesson. In all three instances that fol-
low, defining what the individual must do to gain
zekhut, the point is that the deeds of the heroes of the
story make them worthy of having their prayers an-
swered, which is a mark of the working of zekhut. It is
deeds beyond the strict requirements of the Torah, an d
even the limits of the law altogether, that transform the
hero into a holy man , whose holiness served just like that
of a sage marked as such by knowledge of the Torah.
The following stories should not be understood as ex-
pressions of the mere sentimentality of the Jerks con-
cerning the lower orders, for they deny in favor of a
single action of surpassing power sages' lifelong devotion
to what the sages held to be the highest value, knowl-
edge of the Torah.
Y. Taanit t :4.1
F. A certain man came before one of the relatives of R.
Yaruai. He said to him, "Rabbi, attain zekhut
through me by giving me charity]."
G. He said to him, "And didn't your father leave you
money? "
He said to him, "No."
H.
I, He said to him, "Go and
in deposit with others."
j. He said to him, "I have heard concerning property
my father deposited with other that it was
gained by violence [so I don't want it]."
4-
but "merit" bears the sense
e.g., by doing such and such, he merited so
trnt, commonly refers to act of supccetO6atory
fore while such acts are meritorious in the sema of
not acts that one own but that
definition), they arc
the rewards that accamubte in response to such actions are always
miraculous or supernatural: or sips actinsm grace,
long life, the power to prevent a &b9id red building from collapsing.
 172 JACOB NEUSNER
K. He said to him, "You a re worthy of praying an d hav-
ing your prayers answered."
The point of IC, of course, is self-evidently a reference
to the possession of entitlement to supernatural favor,
an d it is gained, we see, through deeds that the law of the
Torah cannot require but must favor. what one does on
one's own volition, beyond the measure of the law
Here I see the opposite of sin A sin is what one has done
by one's own volition beyond all limits of the law. So an
act that generates zekhut for the individual is the coun-
terpart an d opposite: what one does by one's own voli-
tion that also is beyond all requirements of the law
L. A certain ass driver appeared before the rabbis [the
context requires: in a dream] and prayed, an d
rain came. The rabbis sent an d brought him an d
said to him, "What is your trade?"
M. He said to them, "I am an ass driver."
N. They said to him, "And how do you conduct your
business? '
O. He said to them, "One time I rented my ass to a cer-
tain woman, an d she was weeping on the way,
and I said to her, 'What's with you?' an d she said
to me, 'The husband of that woman [me] is in
prison [for debt], an d I wanted to see what I can
do to free him.' So I sold my ass and i gave her
the proceeds, and I said to her, 'Here is your
money, free your husband, but do not sin [by
becoming a prostitute to raise the necessary
funds].'"
P. They said to him, "You a re worthy of praying and
having your prayers answered "
The ass-driver clearly has a powerful lien on Heaven,
so that his prayers are answered, even while those ofoth-
ers ar e not. What did he do to get that entitlement? He
did what no law could demand: impoverished himself to
save the woman from a "fate worse than death."
Q- In a dream of R. Abbahu, Mr. Pentakaka ["Five
sins"] appeared, who prayed that rain would
come, and it rained R Abbahu sent and sum-
moned him. He said to him, "What is your
trade?'
said to him "Five sins does that man [I] do every
,
day, [for I am a pimp:] hiring whores cleaning
up the theater, bringing home their garments
for washing, dancing, an d performing before
them."
S. He said to him, "And what sort of decent thing have
you ever done?'
T. He said to him, "One day that man [I] was cleaning
the theater, and a woman came and stood be-
hind a pillar and cried. I said to her, 'What's
with you? And she said to me, 'That woman's
[my] husband is in prison, and I wanted to see
what I can do to free him,' so I sold my bed an d
cover, and I gave the proceeds to her. I said to
her, 'Here is your money, free your husband,
but do not sin."'
U. He said to him, "You are worthy of praying and hav-
ing your prayers answered."
Q moves us still further, since the named man has
done everything sinful that one can do, and, more to the
point, he does it every day So the singularity of the act
of zekhut, which suffices if done only one time, encom-
passes its power to outweigh a life of sin — again, an act
of zekhut as the mirror-image and opposite of sin. Here
again the single act of saving a woman from a "fate
worse than death" has sufficed.
V. A pious man from Kefar Imi appeared [in a dream]
to the rabbis. He prayed for rain and it rained
The rabbis went up to him His householders
told them that he was sitting on a hill They
went out to him, saying to him, "Greetings,"
but he did not answer them.
W. He was sitting and eating, an d he did not say to them,
"You break bread too."
X.
When he went back home, he made a bundle of fag-
gots and put his cloak on top of the bundle [in-
stead of on his shoulder].
Y. When he came home, he said to his household
[wife], "These rabbis are here [because] they
want me to pray for rain. If I pray and it rains, it
is a disgrace for them, and if not, it is a profana-
tion of the Name of Heaven. But come, you
and I will go up [to the roof] an d pray If it rains,
we shall tell them, 'We are not worthy to pray
an d have our prayers answered."'
Z.
They went up and prayed and it rained.
AA. They came down to them [and asked], "Why have
the rabbis troubled themselves to come here to-
day?"
- zekhut, to be attained equally an d without differentiation
BB. They said to him, "We wanted you to pray so that it
would rain."
CC. He said to them, "Now do you really need my
prayers? Heaven already has done its miracle."
DD. They said to him, "Why, when you were on the hill,
did we say hello to you and you did not reply? '
EE. He said to them, ' I was then doing my job. Should
I then interrupt my concentration [on my
work]?"
FF. They said to him, "And why, when you sat down to
eat, did you not say to us 'You break bread
too'?'
GG. He said to them, 'Because I had only my small ration
of bread. Why would I have invited you to cat
by way of mere flattery [when I knew I could
not give you anything at all]?"
HH. They said to hun, "And why when you came to go
down, did you put your cloak on top of the
bundle?'
Systemic Integration and Theology
II. He said to them, "Because the cloak was not mine.
It was borrowed for use at prayer. i did not want
to tear it."
JJ- They said to him, "And why, when you were on the
hill, did your wife wear dirty clothes, but when
you came down from the mountain, did she put
on clean clothes?"
KK. He said to them, ' When I was on the hill, she put on
dirty clothes, so that no one would gaze at her.
But when I came home from the hill she put on
clean clothes, so that I would not gaze on any
other woman."
LL. They said to him, "It is well that you pray and have
your prayers answered "
The pious man of V, finally, enjoys the recognition
of the sages by reason of his lien upon Heaven, able as
he is to pray an d bring rain. What has so endowed him
with zekhut? Acts of punctiliousness of a moral order:
concentrating on his work, avoiding an act of dissimula-
tion, integrity in the disposition of a borrowed object,
his wife's concern not to attract other men and her equal
concern to make herself attractive to her husband. None
of these stories refers explicitly to zekhut; all of them tell
us about what it means to enjoy not an entitlement by
inheritance but a lien accomplished by one's own super-
erogatory acts of restraint.
In its integrating power, zekhut integrates what has
been differentiated Zekhut here se rv es to hold together
learning virtue, an d supernatural standing, by explaining
how Torah-study transforms the learning man. The
Mishnah's focus upon hierarchical classification, with its
demonstration of the upward-reaching unity of all be-
ing, gives way to a different, an d mo re compelling prop-
osition: the unity of all being within the heritage of
in all the principal pa rts of the social order. The defini-
tion of zekhut therefore carries us to the heart of the in-
tegrating an d integrated religious system ofJudaism.
What we shall now see is that zekhut, an entirely
available idea, had been systemically tangential to the
philosophical Judaism, an d only now — in the Talmud
of the L an d of Israel and related writings — proved itself
systemically critical That fact will accomplish the twin-
tasks facing anyone who claims to describe the connec-
tions between two historically related systems, repre-
sented by a single c an on. Specifically, showing that
zekhut was both available an d systemically inert will both
prove the connectedness of the two systems, and also
show how the successor-system transformed the first.
That is to say, the system-builders represented by the
Talmud of the Land of Israel, Genesis Rabbah, Leviticus
Rabbah, an d Pesiqta deRab Kahana made their own
choices within their inheritance Their system conse-
quently defined its own categories and accomplished
through its own medium the integration of its systemic
components, the counterpart-categories- 5
173
At M. S an . 4: 1 , 5:4, 5:5, an d 6:1 we find zekhut in the
sense of "acquittal," as against conviction; at M Ket 13:6
the sense is, "right," as in "right of ownership;" at M Git
8:8 the sense is not "right of ownership ' in a narrow
sense, but "advantage," in a broader one of prerogative:
"It is not within the power of the first husband to render
void the right of the second.' These usages of course
bear no point in common with the sense of the word lat-
er on. But the evidence of the Mishnah seems to me to
demonstrate that the sense of zekhut paramount in the
successor-documents is not o riginal to them. The fol-
lowing usage at M. Qid. 4:14 seems to me to invite
something very like the sense that I have proposed here.
So states M. Qid. 4:14E-I:
R. Meir says, "A man should always teach his son a
clean an d easy trade. And let him pray to him to
whom belong riches and possessions. For there is no
trade which does not involve poverty or wealth. For
poverty does not come from one's trade, nor does
wealth come from one's trade. But all is in accord
with a m an 's zekhut."
Quite how to translate our key-word in this passage
is not self-evident. The context permits a variety of pos-
sibilities The same usage seems to me to be located at
M. Sot. 3:4, 3:5, an d here there is clear indication of the
presence of a conception of an entitlement deriving from
some source other than one's own deed of the moment:
Mishnah-tractate Sotah 3:4-5
3:4
There is the possibility that zekhut suspends the curse
E.
for one year, and there is the possibility that
zekhut suspends the curse for two years, and
there is the possibility that zekhut suspends the
curse for three years.
F. On this basis Ben Azzai says, "A man is required to
teach Torah to his daughter.
G. "For if she should drink the water, she should know
that [if nothing happens to her], zekhut u what
suspends [the curse from taking effect].
"
3:5
A. R. Simeon says, "Zekhut does not suspend the effects
of the bitter water.
"And if you say, 'Zekhut does suspend the effects of
the bitter water,' you will weaken the effect of
the water for all the women who have to drink
it.
5 In my Ju daism: The E vi
have asked and answered in terms
the medium of classification the question
gether, and in the counterpart study of the p
Judaism attested by the Mishnah, The ,~6shsdr as y, I have
identified the integrating and generative pro
'_
. hierar-
ont
chical classification. These two answen rem to me
f tfl
another even though the one appeals to psychological,
philosophical considerations.
1 74 JACOB NEUSNER
C. "And you give a bad name to all the women who
drink it who turned out to be pure.
D. "For people will say, `They are unclean, but zekhut
suspended the effects of the water for them."
E. Rabbi says, "Zekhut does suspend the effects of the
bitt er water But she will not bear children or
continue to be pretty. And she will waste away,
an d in the end she will have the same [unpleas-
ant] death."
Now if we insert for zekhut at each point, "the heri-
tage of virtue an d its consequent entitlements," (thus:
"For people will say, `They are unclean but zekhut sus-
pended the effects of the water for them, then "For peo-
ple will say, 'They are unclean, but the heritage of virtue
an d its consequent entitlements suspended the effects of
the water for them"), we have good sense. That is to say
the woman may not suffer the penal ty to which she is
presumably condemnable not because her act or condi-
don (e.g., her innocence) has secured her acquittal or
nullified the effects of the ordeal, but because she enjoys
some advantage extrinsic to her own act or condition.
She may be guilty, but she may also possess a benefice
deriving by inheritance, hence, heritage of virtue, an d so
be entitled to a protection not because of her own, but
because of someone else's action or condition.
That meaning may be sustained by the passage at
hand, even though it is not required by it; sti ll , it seems
to me plausible that the word zekhut in the Mishnah
bears not only a juridical but a religious sense. But, if, as
I think, it does, that usage is not systemically critical, or
even very import an t. If we search the pages of the Mish-
nah for places in which, absent the word zekhut, the
conception in hand is present, we find none — not one.
For example, there simply is no reference to gaining
zekhut through doing one's duty, e.g., in reciting the
Shema or studying the Torah, and references to studying
the Torah, e.g., at M. Peah I:2 do not encompass the
,
conception that, in doing so, one gains an advantage or
entitlement for either one's own descendants or for all
Israel. On that basis we are on firm ground in holding
the twin positions [2] that the word bore among its
meanings, the one important later on, an d also [2] that
the word played no systemic role, in the philosophical
system adumbrated by the Mishnah, commensurate with
the importance accorded to the word an d its sense in the
religious system that took 6shape an d came to expression
in the successor-writings.
The evidence of tractate Avot is consistent with that
of the Mishnah. The juridical sense of zekhut occurs at
t:6, "Judge everybody as though to be acquitted," more
comprehensibly translated, "And give everybody the
benefit of the doubt, ' forming a reasonably coherent
link with the usages important in Mishnah-tractate San-
hedrin. In Mot, however, we have clear evidence for
the sense of the word that seems to me demanded later
on. At M. Avot 2:2 we find the following:
Tractate Avot 2:2
C. "And all who work with the community — let them
work with them for the sake of Heaven.
D. "For the [z] zekhut of their fathers strengthens them,
and their [fathers] [2] righteousness stands for-
ever.
E. "And as for you, I credit you with a great reward, as
if you had done [all of the work required by the
community on your own merit alone]."
Here there is no meaning possible other than that I
have given above* "the heritage of virtue and its conse-
quent entitlements." The reference to an advantage that
one gains by reason of inheritance out of one's fathers'
righteousness is demanded by the parallel between
zekhut of clause [r] and righteousness of clause [2]. What-
ever the conceivable ambiguity of the Mishnah none is
sustained by the context at hand, which is explicit in lan-
guage an d pellucid in message. That the sense is exactly
the same as the one I have proposed is shown at the fol-
lowing p as sages, which seem to me to exhibit none of
the possible ambiguity that characterized the usage of
zekhut in the Mishnah:
Tractate Avot 5:18
A. He who causes zekhut to the community never caus-
es sin.
B. And he who causes the community to sin — they
never give him a sufficient chance to attain pen-
itence.
Here the contrast is between causing zekhut and caus-
ing sin, so zekhut is the opposite of sin. The continuation
is equally clear that a person attained zekhut an d en-
dowed the community with zekhut, or sinned and nude
the community sin:
C. Moses attained zekhut an d bestowed zekhut on the
conununity.
D. So the zekhut of the community is assigned to his
[credit],
E. as it 's said, 'He executed the justice of the Lord and
his judgments with Israel (Deut. 33:22).
'
6. A rapid review of the Tosefta's usages of the word zekhut
suffices, since there are no surprises. Juridical usages are at these pas-
sages: T. Git. 1:5 (zekhut in the sense of an advantage or a benefit);
Sanhedrin r:8, 3:3 9:i, 2 , 3, 4, to:11; T. Qrd. r•r3 An indeterminate
sense of zekhut in the sense of"advantage" or "entitlement," without
a clear definition of what one m us t do or why one gains a benefit
therefrom, is at T. Pe. 1.2, T. Yoma 5:12 = T. Ta. 4:9 ( zekhut in con-
tau to disadvantage or liability, conceivably a juridical ;Inge). The
sense, "by reason of the claim . . ." or "the entitlement of ... ' seems
to me justified in context at T. M.S. 5:27, 29, T. Sot. it: to, and T.
B.B> 7:9. Overall, I do not find here anything as decisive as what we
see in tractate Avot, though the case may be made that some of die
Tosefta's passages use the word in the same sense as is revealed in that
tractate. In the balance, nonetheless, I judge that a bull-scale review
of the Tosefta's usages would not greatly change the results just now
given for the Mishnah.
Systemic Integration
F. Jeroboam sinned an d caused the community to sin.
G. So the sin of the community is assigned to his [debit],
H. as it is said, `For the sins ofJeroboam which he corn-
nutted and wherewith he made israel to sin" (I
Kings 1S:3o).
The appropriateness of interpreting the passage in the
way I have proposed will now be shown to be self-evi-
dent All that is required is to substitute for zekhut the
proposed tr an slation:
C. Moses attained the heritage of virtue and bestowed
its consequent entitlements on the community.
D. So the heritage of virtue and its entitlements enjoyed
by the community are assigned to his [credit],
The sense then is simple. Moses through actions of his
own (of an unspecified so rt) acquired zekhut, which is
the credit for such actions that accrued to him an d be-
stowed upon him certain supernatural entitlements, and
he for his pa rt passed on as an inheritance that credit, a
li en on Heaven for the perform an ce of these same super-
natural entitlements* zekhut, pu re and simple.
If we may now define zekhut as the ini ti al system ex-
plicated in tractate Avot has used the word, we must pay
close atten ti on to the antonymic structure before us. The
juridical opposites are guilty as against innocent, the re-
ligious ones, as we have now seen, sin as against the op-
posite of sin. That seems to me to require our
interpreting zekhut as [t] an ac ti on, as distinct from a
(mere) attitude; that [2] is precisely the opposite of a sin-
ful one; it is, moreover, an action that [3] may be done
by an individual or by the community at large, an d one
that [4] a leader may provoke the community to do (or
not do). The contrast of sin to zekhut requires further at-
tention. Since, in general, two classes that a re compared
to begin with, if different, must constitute opposites, the
ultimate definition of zekhut requires us to ask how
zekhut is precisely the opposite of sin. For one thing, as
we recall, Scripture is explicit that the burden of sins
cannot be passively inherited, willy-nilly, but to form a
heritage of guilt, must be actively accepted and renewed;
the children cannot be made to suffer for the sins of the
parents, unless they repeat them. Then zekhut, being a
minor-image, can be passively inherited, not by one's
own merie but by one's good fortune alone. But what
constitute these act ions that form mirror-images of sins?
Answers to that critical question must emerge from the
systemic documents before us, since they do not occur
in those of the initial system.
That simple fact, too, attests to the systemic centrality
of zekhut• it defines a p rincipal point of exegesis. For the
ques ti on left open by the Mishnah's merely episodic, and
somewhat opaque, reference to the matter an d the in-
complete evidence provided by its principal apologetic's
representation as well, alas, is the critical issue. Precisely
what actions generate zekhut, and which ones do not?
To find answer to those questions, we have to turn w
and Theology 175
the successor-documents, since not a single passage in
the Mishnah or in tractate Avot provides me with infor-
mation on the matter of what I must do to secure for
myself or my descendents a li en upon Heaven, that is, an
entitlement to supernatural favor an d even action of a
miraculous order.
We turn first to the conception of the zekhut that has
been accumulated by the patriarchs and been passed on
to Israel, their children The reason is that the single dis-
tinctive trait of zekhut, as we have seen it to this point, is
its transitive quality: one need not earn or merit the su-
pernatural power and resource represented by the things
you can do if you have zekhut but cannot do if you do
not have it. One can inherit that entitlement from oth-
ers, dead or li ving. Moses not only attains zekhut but he
also imparts zekhut to the community of which he is
leader, an d the same is so for any Israelite. That concep-
tion is broadened in the successor-documents into the
deeply historical notion of zekhut avot, empowerment of
a supernatural character to which Israel is entitled by rea-
son of what the patriarchs an d matriarchs in particular
did long ago. That conception forms the foundation for
the paramount sense of zekhut in the successor-system:
the Israel possesses a lien upon Heaven by reason of
God's love for the patriarchs an d matriarchs, his appreci-
ation for certain things they did, and his response to
those actions not only in favoring them but also in end-
ding their descendants to do or benefit from otherwise
unattainable miracles. Zekhut, as we noted earlier, ex-
plains the present — particularly what is odd and unpre-
dictable in the present — by appeal to the past, hence
forms a distinctively historical conception.
Within the historically-grounded metaphor of Israel
zekhut avot, I s-
as a family expressed by the concep ti on of
rael was a family, the children of Abraham, Isaac, and Ja-
cob, or children of Israel, in a concrete an d genealogical
sense. Israel hence fell into the genus, family, as the par-
ticnlac species of faintly generated by Abraham and Sa-
rah. The distinguishing trait of that species was that it
possessed the inheritance, or heritage, of the patriarchs
an d matriarchs, an d that inheritance, consisting of
zekhut, served the descendants and heirs as protection
Indeed, the conception of'merit" is to alien to the con-
7.
cept of zekhut, which one enjoys whether or riot one personally has
done something to merit it, that I am puzzled on how "merit" ever
seemed to anyone to serve as a translation of the word zslctrtrt. If I can
inhent the entitlements accrued by my ancestor, then these entitle-
menu not only cannot be classed as merited by me), they m us t be
classed as a heritage bestowed by other and not merited by me at at
And, along these same lines, the zekhurthat I gain for myself may en-
tide me to certain benefits, but it may also accrue to the advantage of
the community in which I live (as is made exp&cit by Mot for
Moses's zckiarQ and also of my descendants. The transitive character
of zekhut, the power we have of receiving u from otters and handin
on to others, serves as the tinctive tram of this particular entitle-
it must follow front that definitive characteristic, telling it
and,
._ opposite of merit, • as I said, and in character is obscured by the
colrfrslori created tlazlgrn that Ioog-siaodog and conventional, bur
wrong translation of the word.
176 JACOB NEUSNER
and support. It follows that the systemic position of the
conception of zekhut to begin with lies in its power to
define the social entity, and hence zekhut (in the terms
of the initial category-formation, the philosophical one)
forms a fundamentally political conception s and only
secondarily an economic and philosophical
But zekhut se rv es, in particular, that counterpart cat-
egory that speaks of not legitimate but illegitimate vio-
lence, not power but weakness. Zekhut is the power of
the weak. People who through their own merit an d ca-
pacity can accomplish nothing, but through what others
do for them in leaving a heritage of zekhut, or have done
for them, can accomplish miracles. And, not to miss the
stunning message of the t ri plet of stones cited above,
zekhut also is what the weak an d excluded an d despised
can do that outweighs in power what the great masters
of the Torah have accomplished. In the context of a sys-
tem that represents Torah as supernatural, that claim of
priority for zekhut represents a considerable transvalua-
tion of power as much as of value. And, by the way,
zekhut also forms the inheritance of the disinherited:
what you receive as a heritage when you have nothing
in the present and have gotten nothing in the past, that
scarce resource that is free and unearned but much val-
ued. So let us dwell upon the definitive character of the
transferability of zekhut in its formulation, zekhut avot,
the zekhut handed on by the ancestors, the transi ti ve
character of the concept and its standing as a heritage of
entitlements.
It is in the successor-documents that the concept of
zekhut is joined with avot, referring to the patriarchs
(rarely, also the matriarchs), that is, the zekhut that has
been left as Israel's family inheritance by the patriarchs or
ancestors yielding the very specific notion, defining the
systemic politics, its theory of the social entity, of Israel
not as a (mere) community (e g. as in tractate Avot's ref-
erence to Moses' bestowing zekhut upon the communi-
ty) but as a family, with a history that takes the form of
a genealogy, precisely as Genesis has represented that
history. 9 Now zekhut was joined to the metaphor of the
genealogy of patriarchs an d matriarchs and served to
form the missing link, explaining how the inheritance
And that political definition of the systemic role and func-
zekkur is strengthened by the polemical power of the concept
the Christian critique of Israel after the flesh. The doct ri ne of
of the ancestors served as a component of the powerful po-
k ink concerning Israel. Specifically, that concrete, historical 1srael,
meaning for Ch ri stian theologians ' Israel after the flesh, ' in the li t-
erature before us manifestly and explicitly claimed fleshly origin in
Abraham and Sarah. The extended family indeed constituted precise-
ly what the Christen theologians said: an Israel after the flesh a fam-
ily finked by genealogy. The heritage then became an inheritance,
and what was inherited from the ancestors was a heavenly store, a
treasure of zekluw, which protected the descendants when their own
niche: proved insufficient. The conflict is a political one, involving
the legitimacy of the power of the now-Christian empire, denied by
this "Israel," affirmed by the other one.
and heritage were transmitted from them to their heirs.
Consequently, the family, called "Israel, ' could draw
upon the family estate, consisting of the inherited zekhut
of matriarchs and patriarchs in such a way as to benefit
today from the heritage of yesterday This notion in-
volved very concrete problems. If "Israel, the family"
sinned, it could call upon the "zekhut" accumulated by
Abraham an d Isaac at the binding of Isaac (Genesis 22) to
win forgiveness for that sin. True, "fathers will not die
on account of the sin of the sons," but the children may
benefit from the zekhut of the forebears. That concrete
expression of the larger metaphor imparted to the meta-
phor a practical consequence, moral and theological,
that was not at all neglected.
A survey of Genesis Rabbah proves indica tive of the
character an d use of the doct rine of zekhut, because that
systematic reading of the book of Genesis dealt with the
founders of the family an d made explicit the definition
of Israel as family. What we shall see is that zekhut draws
in its wake the no ti on of the inheritance of an on-going
(historical) family, that of Abraham and Sarah, and
zekhut worked itself out in the moments of crisis of that
family in its larger affairs. So the Israelites later on enjoy
enormous zekhut through the deeds of the patriarchs and
matriarchs. That concep ti on comes to expression in
what follows:
Genesis Rabbah LXXVL:V.2
A. ".. .for with only my staff I crossed this Jordan, and
now I have become two companies*"
B. R. Judah bar Simon in the name of R. Yohanan• "In
the Torah, in the Prophets, and in the Writings
we find proof that the Israelites were able to
cross the Jordan only on account of the zekhut
achieved by Jacob:
C. In the Torah: `...for with only my staff I crossed this
Jordan and now I have become two compa-
nies '
D. "In the prophets: `Then you shall let your children
know, saying, ' Israel came over this Jord an on
dry land"' (Josh. 4:22), meaning our father, Is-
rael.
E. "In the Writings: `What ails you, O you sea, that you
flee? You Jordan, that you turn backward? At
the presence of the God ofJacob' (Ps. 114:5ff.)."
9. And it is by no means an accident, therefore, that Genesis
was one of the two pentateuchal books selected by the system-huild-
en for their Midrash-exegesis. The systemic cencnbty of zekhut ac-
counts for their selection. In my Judaism and Scripture, pp. 94-125, I
have accounted for the selection of the book of Leviticus, an expla-
nation that accords in a striking way with the one pertaining to Gen-
esis. That means that any system-analysis must explain why one
scnptural hook, and not some other, has been chosen for the Mi-
drssh-compilation(s) that that system sets forth alongside its Mishnah-
amplification.
Systemic Integration and Theology
Here is a perfect i llustration of my definition of zekhut
as an entitlement I enjoy by reason of what someone ehe
an ancestor — has done; and that entitlement in-
volves supernatural power. Jacob did not only leave
zekhut as an estate to his heirs. The process is reciprocal
and on-going. Zekhut deriving from the ancestors had
helped Jacob himself
Genesis Rabbah LXXVIL:III.3
A. "When the man saw that he did not prevail against
Jacob [he touched the hollow of his thigh, and
Jacob s thigh was put out ofjoint as he wrestled
with him)" (Gen. 32:25):
B. Said R. Hinena bar Isaac, "[God said to the angel,]
'He is coming against you with five `amulets'
hung on his neck, that is, his own zekhut the
zekhut of his father and of his mother an d of his
grandfather and of his grandmother.
C. "Check yourself out, can you stand up against even
his own zekhut [let alone the zekhut of his par-
ents and grandparents]."
D. "The matter may be compared to a king who had a
savage dog and a tame lion. The king would
take his son and sick him against the lion, and if
the dog came to have a fight with the son, he
would say to the dog, `The lion cannot have a
fight with him a re you going to make out in a
fight with him?'
E. "So if the nations come to have a fight with Israel,
the Holy One, blessed be he, says to them,
`Your angelic prince could not stand up to Isra-
el, an d as to you, how much the more so!"'
The collectivity of zekhut, not only its transferabili
is illustrated here as well: what an individual does confers
zekhut on the social entity It is, moreover, a matter of
the legitimate exercise of supernatural power. And the
reciprocity of the process extended in all directions. Ac-
cordingly, what we have in hand is first and foremost a
matter of the exercise of legitimate violence, hence a po-
litical power. The concep ti on of the zekhut of the patri-
archs is explicit, not general. It specifies what later
benefit to the heir, Israel the family, derived from which
particular ac ti on of a patriarch or matriarch
Genesis Rabbah XLIII: Viii .2
A. "And Abram gave him a tenth of everything" (Gen.
14:20):
B. R. Judah in the name of R. Nehoraï: "On the
strength of that blessing the three great pegs on
which the world depends, Abraham. Isaac, and
Jacob, derived sustenance.
C. "Abraham: And the Lord blessed Abraham in all
things' (Gen. 24:1) on account of the zekhut that
he gave him a tenth of all things' (Gen. 14:20).
1 77
D. "Isaac: 'And I have eaten of all (Gen 27:33), on ac-
count of the zekhut that 'he gave him a tenth of
all things' (Gen 14:20).
E. `Jacob: Because God has dealt graciously with me
and because I have a ll ' (Gen. 33:11) on account
of the zekhut that 'he gave him a tenth of all
things' (Gen. 14:20)
Genesis Rabbah XLIII: Vi t i 3
A. Whence did Israel gain the zekhut of receiving the
blessing of the priests?
R. Judah said, "It was from Abraham: `So shall your
B.
seed be' (Gen. 1S:5), while it is written in con-
nection with the priestly blessing: `So shall you
bless the children of Israel (Num. 6:23). "
R. Nehemiah said, "It was from Isaac: 'And I and the
C.
lad will go so far' (Gen. 22.5), therefore said the
Holy One blessed be he, `So shall you bless the
children of Israel' (Num. 6:23)."
D. And rabbis say, "it was from Jacob 'So shall you say
to the house of Jacob' (Ex. 19:3) On line with
the statement, 'So shall you bless the children of
Israel' (Num. 6:23) "
No 2 links the blessing at hand with the history of Is-
rael. Now the reference is to the word "a ll ,' which joins
the tithe of Abram to the blessing of his descendants.
Since the blessing of the priest is at hand, No 3 treats the
origins of the blessing. The picture is clear. "Israel" con-
stitutes a family as a genealogical and juridical fact. It in-
herits the estate of the ancestors. It hands on that estate.
It lives by the example of the matriarchs an d patriarchs,
and its history exemplifies events in their lives. And
zekhut forms that entitlement that one generation may
transmit to the next, in a way in which the heritage of
sin is not to be transmitted except by reason of the deeds
of the successor-generation. The good that one does
lives onward, the evil is interred with the bones.
To conclude this brief survey of how the systemic
writings express the concept of zekhut as the medium of
historical existence, that is, the zekhut deriving from the
patriarchs or zekhut avot, let me present a statement of
the legitimate power — sufficient to achieve salvation,
which, in this context, always bean a political dimen-
sion, of being imparted by the zekhut of the ancestors.
That zekhut will enable them to accomplish the political
goals of Israel: its attaining self-rule an d avoiding gov-
ernment by gentiles. This statement appeals to the bind-
ing of Isaac as the source of the zekhut, denying from the
patriarchs and matriarchs, which will in the end lead to
the salvation of Israel. What is important here is that the
zekhut that is inherited joins together with the zekhut of
one's own deeds; one inherits the zekhut of the past, and,
moreover, if one does what the progenitors did, one not
only receives an entitlement out of the past, one secures
an entitlement on one's own account. So the difference
178 JACOB NEUSNER
between zekhut an d sin li es in the sole issue of transmis-
sibility:
Genesis Rabbah LVI:IL5
A. Said R. Isaac, " And all was on account of the zekhut
attained by the act of prostration.
B. "Abraham returned in peace from Mount Moriah
only on account of the zekhut owing to the act
of prostration: `...and we will worship [through
an act of prostration] and come [then on that
account] again to you' (Gen 22:5).
C. "The Israelites were redeemed only on account of
the zekhut owing to the act of prostration: And
the people believed ... then they bowed their
heads and prostrated themselves' (Ex. 4:3 i).
D. "The To ra h was given only on account of the zekhut
owing to the act of prostration: 'And worship
you [prostrate themselves] afar off' (Ex. 24:1).
'Hannah was remembered only on account of the
zekhut owing to the act of prostration: And
they worshipped before the Lord' (I Sam. 1:19)
F. "The exiles will be brought back only on account of
the zekhut owing to the act of prostration: 'And
it shall come to pass in that day that a great horn
shall be blown and they shall come that were
lost ... and that were dispersed ... and they
shall worship the Lord in the holy mountain at
Jerusalem (is. 27:13).
G. "The Temple was built only on account of the
zekhut owing to the act of prostration. 'Exalt
you the Lord our God and worship at his holy
hill' (Ps. 99:9).
dead will live only on account of the zekhut
owing to the act of prostration: 'Come let us
worship and bend the knee, let us kneel before
the Lord our maker' (Ps. 95:6)."
The entire history of Israel flows from its acts of wor-
ship ("prostration") beginning with that performed by
Abraham at the binding of Isaac. Every sort of advantage
Israel has ever gained came about through that act of
worship done by Abraham an d imitated thereafter. Israel
constitutes a family an d inherits the zekhut laid up as a
treasure for the descendants by the ancestors. It draws
upon that zekhut avot, by doing the deeds they did; it also
enhances its heritage of zekhut an d leaves to the descen-
dants greater entitlement than they would enjoy by rea-
son of their own actions. But their own actions — here,
prostration in worship — generate zekhut as well.
Accordingly, as I claimed at the outset, zekhut may be
personal or inherited. The zekhut deriving from the prior
generations is collective an d affects all Israel. But one's
own deeds can generate zekhut for oneself, with the sim-
ple result that zekhut is as much personal as it is collec-
tive , Jacob reflects on the power that Esau's
own zekhut had gained for Esau. He had gained that
zekhut by living in the land of Israel and also by paying
honor and respect to Isaac Jacob then feared that, be-
cause of the zekhut gained by Esau, he, Jacob, would not
be able to overcome him. So zekhut worked on its own;
it was a credit gained by proper action, which went to
the credit of the person who had done that action What
made the action worthy of evoking Heaven's response
with an act of supernatural favor is that it was an action
not to be required but if done to be rewarded, an act of
will that cannot be coerced but must be honored.
For if we now ask, what are the sorts of deeds that
generate zekhut, we realize that those deeds produce a
common result of gaining for their doer, as much as for
the heirs of the actor, an entitlement for Heavenly favor
an d support when needed. And that fact concerning
gaining and benefiting from zekhut brings us to the sys-
temic message to the living generation, its account of
what now is to be done And that message proves acutely
contemporary, for its stress is on the power of a single ac-
don to create sufficient zekhut to outweigh a life of sin.
Then the contrast between sin and zekhut gains greater
depth sti ll . One sin of sufficient weight condemns, one
act of zekhut of sufficient weight saves; the entire issue of
entitlements out of the past gives way, then, when we
realize what is actually at stake.
We recall that Torah-study is one — but only one
means for an individual to gain access to that heritage, to
get zekhut. There are other equally suitable means and,
not only so, but the merit gained by Torah-study is no
different from the merit gamed by acts of a supereroga-
tory character. If one gets zekhut for studying the Torah,
then we must suppose there is no holy deed that does not
generate its share of zekhut. But when it comes to
specifying the things one does to get zekhut, the docu-
ments before us speak of what the Torah does not re-
quire but does recommend: not what we are
commanded to do in detail, but what the right attitude,
formed within the Torah, leads us to do on our own vo-
lition.
Y. Taanit3:t I. IV
C.
There was a house that was about to collapse over
there [in Babylonia], and Rab set one of his dis-
ciples in the house until they had cleared out
everything from the house. When the disciple
left the house, the house collapsed.
D. And there are those who say that it was R. Adda bar
Ahwah.
E. Sages sent and said to him, "What so rt of good deeds
are to your credit [that you have that much
merit]?"
F. He said to them, "In my whole life no man ever got
to the synagogue in the morning before I did. I
never left anybody there when I went out. I .
never walked four cubits without peaking
words of Torah. Nor did I ever mention teach-
Systemic Integration and Theology
ings of Torah m an inappropriate setting. I never
laid out a bed and slept for a regular period of
time. I never took great strides among the asso-
ciates. I never called my fellow by a nickname.
I never rejoiced in the embarrassment of my fel-
low. I never cursed my fellow when I was lying
by myself in bed I never walked over in the
marketplace to someone who owed me money.
G. "in my entire life I never lost my temper in my
household."
H. This was meant to car ry out that which is stated as
follows: "I will give heed to the way that is
blameless. Oh when wilt thou come to me? I
will walk with integrity of heart within my
house" (Ps. io1:2).
What I find striking in this story is that mastery of the
Torah is only one means of attaining the merit that en-
abled the sage to keep the house from collapsing. The
question at E provides the key, together with its answer
at F.
For what the sage did to gain such remarkable merit
is not to master such- an d-so many tractates of the Mish-
nah. Nor does the story-teller refer to carrying out the
commandments of the Torah as specified. It was rather
acts that expressed courtesy, consideration, restraint.
These acts, which no specification can encompass in de-
tail produced the right at ti tude, one of gentility, that led
to gaining ment. Acts rewarded with an entitlement to
supernatural power are those self-abnegation or the
avoidance of power over others — not taking great
strides among the associates, not using a nickname not
rejoicing in the embarrassment of one's fellow, not sin-
gling out one's debtor — and the submission to the will
an d the requirement of self-esteem of others.
Here, in a moral setting, we find the politics replicat-
ed: the form of power that the system promises derives
from the rejection of power that the world recognizes
legitimate violence replaced by legitimation of the ab-
sence of the power to commit violence or of the failure
to commit violence. Not exercising power over others,
that is, the counterpart politics, moreover, produced that
scarcest of all resources, supernatural favor, by which the
holy man could hold up a tottering building. Here then
we find politics an d economics united in the counter-
part-category formed of zekhut. the absence of power
yielding supernatural power, the valuation of the intan-
gible, Torah, yielding supernatural power. It was, then,
that entitlement to supernatural favor that formed the
systemic center.
The system through zekhut speaks to everybody, Jew
an d gentile, past an d present an d future; zekhut therefore
defines the structure of the cosmic social order and ex-
plains how it is supposed to function. It is the
encompassing quality of zekhut, its pertinence to past and
future, high and low, rich an d poor, gifted an d ordinary,
that marks as the systemic statement the message of
1 79
zekhut, now fully revealed as the conception of recipro-
cal response between Heaven an d Israel on earth, to acts
of devotion beyond the requirements of the Torah but
defined all the same by the Torah. As Scripture had said,
God responds to the faith of the ancient generations by
supernatural acts to which, on their own account, the
moderns are not entitled, hence a heritage of entitle-
ment. But those acts, now fully defined for us can and
ought to be done, also, by the li ving generation, and, as
a matter of fact, there is none today, at the time of the
system-builders, exempt from the systemic message an d
its demands' even steadfastness in accomplishing the
humble work of the everyday an d the here an d now.
The systemic statement made by the usages of zekhut
speaks of relationship, function, the interplay of human-
ity and God. One's store of zekhut derives from a rela-
tionship, that is, from one's forebears. That is one
dimension of the relationships in which one stands.
Zekhut also forms a measure of one's own relationship
with Heaven, as the power of one person, but not an -
other, to pray an d so bring rain attests. What sort of re-
lationship does zekhut as the opposite of sin, then posit?
It is not one of coercion, for Heaven cannot force us to
do those types of deeds that yield zekhut, an d that, story
after story suggests, is the definition of a deed that gen-
erates zekhut: doing what we ought to do but do not
have to do. But then, we cannot coerce Heaven to do
what we want done either, for example, by carrying out
the commandments. These are obligatory, but do not
obligate Heaven.
Whence then our lien on Heaven? It is through deeds
of a supererogatory character — to which Heaven re -
sponds by deeds of a supererogatory character supernat-
ural favor to this one, who through deeds of ingratiation
of the other or self-abnegation or restraint exhibits the
attitude that in Heaven precipitates a counterpart atti-
tude, hence generating zekhut, rather than to that one,
who does not The simple fact that rabbis cannot pray
an d bring rain, but a simple ass-driver can, tells the
whole story. The relationship measured by zekhut
Heaven's response by an act of uncoerced favor to a per-
son's uncoerced gift, e.g., act of gentility, restraint, or
self-abnegation — contains an element of unpredictabil-
ity for which appeal to the zekhut inherited from ances-
tors accounts. So while I cannot coerce heaven, I can
through zekhut gain acts of favor from Heaven, and that
is by doing what Heaven cannot require of me. Heaven
then responds to my attitude in carrying out my duties
and more than my duties. That act of pure disinterest
giving the woman my means of livelihood the
one that gains for me Heaven's deepest interest.
So zekhut forms the political economy of the religious
system of the social order put forward by the Talmud of
the Land of Israel, Genesis. Rabbah, Leviticus Rabbah,
and related writings. Here we find the power that
brought about the transvaluation of value, the reversal of
-
180 JACOB NEUSNER

the meaning of power and its legitimacy. Zekhut express-
es and accounts for the economic valuation of the scarce
resource of what we should call moral authority. Zekhut
stands for the political valorization of weakness, that
which endows the weak with a power that is not only
their own but their ancestors'. It enables the weak to ac-
complish goals through not their own power, but their
very incapacity to accomplish acts of violence — a trans-
valuation as radical as that effected in economics. And
zekhut holds together both the economics and the poli-
tics of this Judaism: it makes the same statement twice.
Zekhut as the power of the powerless, the ri ches of
the disinherited, the valuation an d valorization of the
will of those who have no right to will. In the context
of Christian P al estine, Jews found themselves on the de-
fensive, their ancestry called into question, their super-
natural standing thrown into doubt, their future denied.
They called themselves "Israel,' and the land, "the L an d
of Israel. ' But what power did they possess, legitimately
if need be through violence, to assert their claim to form
"Israel '? And, with the holy land passing into the hands
of others, what scarce resource did they own and man-
age, to take the place of that measure of value that now
no longer was subjected to their rationality? Asserting a
politics in which all violence was illegitimate, an eco-
nomics in which nothing tangible, even real property in
the Holy Land, 1O had value, the system through its
counterpart-categories made a single, simple, and suffi-
SOME NEW EVIDENCE ON YAHMADIU = AHLAMU
cient statement.
It suffices in closing to recall the conception that a David I. Owen
person can confer zekhut upon others — a notion singu- Cornell University
larly appropriate to Wil li am W. Hallo's standing an d For Wi ll iam ("Bi ll ") W. Hallo
presence in our generation. in admiration and friendship
O'1bD1 riND ID
10. A test of this interpretation is whether or not in the prov- Bi ll Hallo s publications have ranged over the entire span of Mesopotamian civili-
enance of Babylonian stones are told about the equivalence of own- zation — literature, history, religion culture and a rt His interests in the Ur UI pe-
ing land an d studying the Torah. That is to say, if studying the Torah riod and in Aramean history are widely reflected in his writings. The publication
is represented as outweighing owning real estate in Babylonia as of the text below with its small addition to both Ur iii and Aramean topics is of-
much as in the Land of Israel, then something is awry with my results
here But if a survey, e.g., of the Talmud of Babylonia, shows that, in fered to Bi ll as a small token of thanks for the many texts he has made available to
the context of Babylonia and not the Land of Israel, stories of the su- Assyriologists over the decades and for his frequent insightful interpretations of
periority of Torah-study over land ownership do not occur then that those texts and the cultures that produced them.
would form a fair confirmation of my point of insistence here. This
test of falsification will be carried on in the context of the next phase
of my oeuvre which will bnng me deep into the Babylonian pa rt of
the c an on of the dual Torah. G. Buccellati, writing in his 1966 study on the new data that has emerged over the past quarter of a cen-
Amorites of the Ur III period, stated the following tury.
"The form Ià-ma-ti-urn is a gentilic formation with Unfortunately, the location of Yahmadiu still cannot
ending -iyum which occurs elsewhere in Old Amorite. be determined with more precision. Buccellati had pro-
This implies that the name from which the gentilic pat- posed that, in view of the equation Yahmadiu
tern is derived is a t ribal or geographical name ..."' He Ablamû the t ri bal area would have been located up-
now turns out to have been quite correct. He continued, stream along the Euphrates in the direction of Mari)
however, to obse rv e that, The absence of a determina- The order of place names in our text, if one can rely on
the geographical order Ebla -• Mari Yahmadiu, 4
tive . favors the interpretation of the name as a t ri bal
name, rather than as a geographical name." The latter would suppo rt such a general location, However,
statement must now be modified in light of the text pre- NCBT 1 593 (Goetze, JCS 7 [1953] 105) suggests a dif-
sented here where ia-a-ma-ti-um followed by the ki de- ferent position to the north: Ma ri -+ Ebb -+ Yahmadiu.
terminative (line i I), is found. Through a comparison Goetze (JCS 7 [ 1953] 103) noted that Yahmadiu stood in
with a parallel text published by A. Goetze (see below), the usual place of Urius when compared with similar
a likely equation between Martu and Yahmadiu will be texts in which Ma ri an d Ebla occurred if, in fact, Yah-
proposed. Yahmadiu had been equated already in a later madiu is simply a tribal designation as Buccellati suggests ,

the tribe could have ranged over the entire Syrian steppe
text with Ablamû. 2 Thus, we can suggest now that Mar-
tu = Yahmadiu = Ablamû, something that Buccellati
had already considered As a result, the evidence collect-
ed by Buccellati may now be reviewed in light of the
The Aroma of the Ur m nrtiad. p. 243. R. 7adok toc. tir.,
, points out that ar" ab-1[a'-me (Pinches, JTVI 29 [1487]),
I. G. Buccellati, The Amontes of the (Jr III Period (Pubblicazi-
ocated in the repon (KUR) of Rabbatum (nib-baa-liar) (Crone-
oni del Seminano dl Scmitiscica, Recerche I) Naples: Istituto Orien- .

berg RGTC 3 192, s.v. Rabbatum) which, according to Old Baby-

tale di Napoli 1966, pp. 242- 2 43.
2. So according to rnalku=fans in the edition of A.D. Kilmer,
"The First Tablet of malku-fanu together with its Explicit Version,"
JAOS 83 (1963) 428, text line 233 where ia-ma-dvi-G = ab(var. e)-la-
mu. Sec J A. Brinkman, A Political History of Post-Kassitr Babylonia
1158-722 B.C. (AnOr 43) Rome: Pontifical Institute Press, 1968, pp.
277-278 and note 1799 for additional comments and references; also
R. Zadok, ' Elements of Aramean Pre-History," In M. Cogan and I.
Eph'al (eds.), Ah, Assyria...Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient
Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Haying Tadmor (Scripta Hiero-
solymitana 33), Jerusalem: The Magnes Press, 1991, PP. 105-106 and
lonian texts from both Man and Tall ar-Rimah, was probably k sated
In the territory of Karani (Finn. ARMT 1 s 132, note t). According
to) A. Brinkman (A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia 1158-7zz
B .C., pp. 277-278 note 1799), "In the time of Tiglath-Pileser E, the
ph rase [Ahlarni Arniaja) is used for semi-nomads on the middle and
upper Euphrates and in Syria .." which n identical to the area inch-
cated in the Ur ili texts for (the) Yahmadiu.
4, In Newell 1978:8 (collated), Yakirnad(i)u occurs as a per-
name (gentilic) among a list of Amorites (mn - tu -me).
sonal
5. Although the location of Uriu has yet to be determined, it
to the north of Ebla. See Edzard and Farber
appels t ( b e somewhere ,

K. Vanderbeighe an d G. Voet, Sippar-Amniuwm, the Ur-Utu Archive

I (Louvain, 1991), p. 130, text 87 rote to IL 16, 19.
RGTC 2 (1974) 225 s.v.
182 DAVID I OWEN
and from the view of the Sumerian sc ri be its location
would not be specific. 6 A.29365 (Buccellati, Amorites,
►
plate x, no. 21) has the following order: Ebla -- ► Mari -
Yahmadiu Simaski. 7 A.2790 (Buccellati, Amorites,
plates xi-xii, no. 22) lists Simas7ci -0 Sariibi 8 -0 Hurd - ►
Marbas"i -0 Susina -0 Ma ri -► Ebla Yahmadiu Ya-
brat -0 Ala. There does not appear to be a systematic
geographical order to this text. One might divide the
listing into two sections - the first being a north -*
southeast listing of cities beginning with SimaSki an d
ending with Susina; the second a south -* northwest di-
rection up the Euphrates valley into Syria beginning
with Man and ending with Ala (wherever it may be lo-
cated), in sum a Lund of great circle routing. But Yabrat
and the otherwise unknown Ala do not fit into this
scheme according to what is known 9 The parallel text,
Kenrick 72 (Goetze, JCS 7 [ 1 953] 106), has a slightly dif-
ferent order, [gimaski] --0 Saritbi - ► Hurd - ► Marbas"i -►
Urbilum -0 Sus"ina -' [Ala?) -+ Ma ri Ebla - ► Yahma-
diu -• Urbilum -+ [...] - ► Yabrat.
Recently, C. W il cke has proposed a convincing res-
toration to lines vi 18-21 of Su-Sin Collection B. He
reads ; 6mar-tu l[ù x x] x 39 tî-id-nu-[um (x) K]I 40 1a-a-
ma-d[I-um-d]a' 41 im-ma-da-U[D.DU-es]. I would, on
the basis of the text below, now read 36 mar-tu l[ime]s
39 ti-id-nu-[umk]i 4 °1a-a-ma-d[I-umk]i? 4 rim-ma-da-
u[D DU-es] "The Amorites, those from the city-states of
Tdn[um] ( an d) Yahmad[ium] are together driven out."
Although Tidnum is otherwise unknown with the lei
detemunative this was also true ofYahmadium until the
discovery of the text published here One should also
note that Martu is regularly written with the lei determi-
native in the pre-Sargonic Ebla texts. This may suggest
that the Sumerian (and later Babylonian) sc ri bes some-
times attributed city-state designations to what actually
were t ri bal areas. Until such time as evidence is forth-
coming that actual cities or towns by these names existed
in Syria, the point must remain moot. However, it is also
possible that the context of these references simply indi-
cates that Dulqânum was a Manu from the temtory of
6. J.A. Brinkman, A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia
1158-722 a C. , pp. 277-278, notes that, "Beginning in the fourth year
of his reign, Tiglath-Pikser I conducted a series of police actions
against the Ablaml Armaja principally on the upper and middle Eu-
phrates, but eventually reaching into Syria as well." This description
of the area in which the AWlamii were found matches the posited area
for the location of the city-state of Yahmadiu and the tribal area as-
socuted with it. Bnnknun's remarks on the Ablamti in ibid., note
x 799, are particularly important.
7• The GN is variously wntten as LO.SU, LO.SU.A, LOESU.A.-
KI or SU, SU.A. SU.A.KI. The reading follows P. Steinkeller's sugges-
ti on in JAOS to8 (1988) 147-242 dut LÙ SU(S) is to be read fimalki.
8. Collated; read fa-641-bra and change reading in Edzani
Farber, RGTC 2 (1974), p. 177 Li), gant-DU, as already noted in
Owen, JCS 33 0980 262 s.v
9. Yabrat (habn d), according to Edzard and Farber, RGTC
2 ( 1 990) 25-26, no. 33.
(1 974). p. 82 with previous hterature, IS to be located somewhere east
of the lower Tigris area. Ala , ibid„ p. 7, h known only from this text.
tO tIJarweWes Assyio1ojiqr.rs BOWS Ufi1isob15 4 099o) 25, no. 13.
Some New Evidence on Yabmadiu = Abiama
the city-state of Yabmad(i)u and distinct from the citi- rev.
zens of that city-state In any c as e, the later equation of Io. r udu-niga puzur4-ma/-ma Ks- ma- rib
these t ribal groups need not be necessarily accurate. r r I I. r I l mas-gal-niga du-ul-qâ-/
And finally, the possibility that Yabmad(i)um represents nu-um 16- ia -a-ma-di-umki
a metathesised form of the later Old Babylonian Syrian I2. irad-mu mavkim
city name, Yamhadum, cannot be resolved on the basis I3. iti u 4 21 -ba -zal
of the existing evidence. r2 I 4. ki-dsul-gi-a-a-mu-ta
The text published below was copied from photo- 15. ba-zi
graphs made available to me.' 3 16. I i ezem-dsul-gi
17. mu damar-dsuen lugal -e/
obv. ur-bu-lumki ba-bul (AS 2/vii/21)
TRANSLATION
5 fine, fattened sheep, r fattened sheep, for the Festival
of the Boat of Heaven; 2 fattened sheep for Manna of
Unug; supervised by Lugal-imab, the cupbearer; (the)
Zabar-dab was the maslcim-official. r fattened sheep as
the regular offering for the palace; Erra -nada was the
maukim-official. I fattened sheep for Ili- Dagan, the
Eblaite; I fattened sheep for Puzur-Mama the Mariote;
I fattened mature goat for Dulqanum, the Yabmadian;
Arad-mu was the maskim-official. On the 21st day of the
month, Festival of Sulgi, Sulgi-ayamu expended (the an -
imals), the year Amar-Suena, the king, raided Urbilum.
rev.
COMMENTS
1. 3. On the ezem-ma-an -na, see now M.E. Cohen,
The Cunt( Calendars of the Ancient Near FAst, Bethesda:
CDL Press, forthcoming
1.9. Ili- Dagan, the Eblaite, is documented from Sulgi
44 - Amar-Suena 6. A new text, Sig ri st, To ronto 287:11-
12 [ROM 925.62.275] now provides the earliest refer-
ence. For complete documentation for Mariotes, see
Owen an d Veenker, in L. Cagni (ed.), Ebla 1975- 1 985.
276-279 an d, with extensive revisions, Owen, "Syrians
in Sumerian Archival Sources from the Ur III Penod,"
in M. Chavalas an d J. Hayes (eds.), New Horizons in the
Study of Ancient Sy ria, Malibu. Undena, 1992.
1. Io. Puzur-Mama, the Mariote, was active only in
obv.
the years Amar-Suena 2-4. See the above-mentioned ar-
t. 5 udu-niga-sig 5 ticles for a comprehensive collection of references an d
2. 1 udu-niga
sources.
ezem-mi-an-na
1. Ir. Dulgânum, also known as a Martu/Amorite
3.
2 udu-niga dinanna -unugki -se
4.
5. giri lugal -i-mab sagi (Goetze, JCS 7 [ 1 953] 1o5:8 NCBT 1593), was discussed
6. zabar-dab s maim by Buccellati, Amorites, p. 144.
7. t udu-niga sIskur-s"à-é-gal
8. èr-ra-na-da mas'kim
9. I udu-niga i -li dda-/gan 16-eb-laki
1 I. Similar caution is expressed by Brinkman, A Political Histo
-
ry of Post-Kassite Babylonia 1158-722 B C., pp. 277-278, note 1799.
Ii. So too Wikke, Nouvelles Assydologiques Breves Utilitaires 4
13. I would like to thank Dr. Renée Gallery Kovacs for b ri ng-
ing this text to my attention and for providing me with photographs.
Its present whereabouts are unknown.
183
SOURCES' 4
Buccellati, Amorites, plate x, no. 21 [= A.29365] (SS 6/
viii/ 14)
(I) ['"'eslgar-nuga 3-kam-6s (2) I udu-niga 4-kam- üs (3)
1 mesgar-niga 4-kam-Us (4) siskur- dinanna -sà-é-gal (5)
dnanna-palil sagi mavkim (6) a-ge6 -ba -a (7) 5 udu-niga-
gu4-e-üs -sa (8) 5 mas-gal-niga-gu 4-e-us -sa (9) 1-zi-in-
dda-gan (w) 3 udu-niga-gu 4-e-ûs -sa (ii) kur bi-la-ak -
(12)16-eb-lak'-me-sè (13) 5 udu-niga-gu 4-e-üs-sa ( 1 4) 5
mis-gal-niga-gu 4-e-fis-sa 05) a-bu-DU 10 16-ma-rlki (16)
5 udu-niga-gu 4 -e-us-sa (17) r-pr-iq-re-e-ü mar-tu
ma-di-um 08) (18) uru-ne-ne-s"è gin-né (19) mi-a ba-ne-
gub (2o) 3 udu-niga-gu 4-e-iis -sa (21) 2 mïs-gal-niga-
gu4 -e-6s -sa (22) ia -ù-sa dumu me- sa -[nu-n]u 1u-sirrraïkl
(SU) (23) gin ur-sukkal sukkal (24) irad-mu malkim (as)
2 udu-mga-sig5 -fis (26) 8 udu-niga 3-kam-as (27) a-bi-
si-im-ti (28) tu-ra-am-dda-gan maslcim (29) i- ba -te-na
(30) 134-4-kam (31) ki [a]- ba -den-117-gin 7 -ta (32) [ba] -zi
(33) [a] nibruk' (34) girl 16-dnin- "subur dub-sat (35) itu
ezem-dsu-dsuen (36) mu dsu-dsuen lugal -uri sk'-ma-ke 4
(37) na-r6-a-mab (38) den- 111 (39) dnin-lil (4o) [mu]-ne-
dù (41) 46
Buccellati, Amorites, plates xi-xii, no. 22 [= A.297o, col-
lated]' 5
(L) (I) [I gar gdnla]-nu/ [... sia] kas" -sig 5 4 sila/ zi-gu-ta
(2) 10 gums 2 sils kas 2 sils zi -ta (3) lü Su.KI-me-3è (4) I
gurus 6 sib kai-sig 5 4 sila zi-gu (5) 164a - ri-it-bid (6) 2
gurus" 2 sib kas' 2 sua ri-ta (7) 16- bu -ur-tik'-me-ii (8) 10
sa gi (9) kaki -me-re sà en-nu-gi (w) girl be-li-sar (11) b
na-wi -Ir-ilum (I 2) O. I.O. kaS-sig 5 (I 3) 0.2.0. kai-gin (I 4)
O.I.O. zi-gu-sig5 (15) [0.0.]5. s1la zi-se sa (16) 20 1 52 gi (17)
I gir Orna -nu (18) pi -na-na lu -mu-ba-file' (19) I gurus
0.0. 1. ka5-sig 5 0.0 1. zi-/gu (2o) 2 gurvS o o 1 kass-sig 5 5
sils zi-/gu -ta (2I) [sukkal]-erne -bal Ici iu mar ba-s'ik' -
gub-ba-me-sè (22) 0.0.2. kas -sig5 o.o.i. zi-gu-sig 5 ( 2 3)
Io sa gi (24) a-ri-du-bu-uk (25) dumu -ni 5 sib kas -sig5 /
5 sila zi-gu -ta/ I gurus" 2 sib kas' 2 sib rim-ta (26) [x] gurus`
2 sils zi (27) [...] t sill kas" (28) [...] zi (29) [...] (II.) (1)1[6-
gurus [4 sila zi -ta] (3) 16-MÙ$.E[RiN.KI-gi]
bu-...] (2) 2
(4) 0.0.2. kas -sig5 [o o 1 zi-gu-srg 5 ] (5) 3 sa [gi] ( 6 ) bu-
un-zi-[ib-tum] (7) 0.0.1. kas' o o 1 zi 2 [sils zi-gu] (8) su -
ab-ba mar -[tu] (9) 5 sils kas 5 sib [zi -gui (to) ia -pu -nüm
SAG [x] (I I) 0.0.2. ka -sig 5 o oI zi-gu-[sig s1 (I2) 5 sa
gi (13) gurus" ad-da (14) 5 l6-6s- sa-ni -me (15) 62 sila kas
2 $ill zi -ta 06) 0.0.2 kas-sig 5 0.0.2. lai-gin (17) o.o.t.
gu-sig 5 (18) 10 sa gi (19) a-bu-DU 10 ln -ma-rile' (20) 2 ab-
this article are
from a
Sons
72) and & Keenatn
reconstruction of numerous
To my
 184 DAVID I OWEN
ba O.o.I. ka, 5 sila zi I [...] (2I) 15 lû-ûs -sa -ni 2 sila-[ta]
(22) 0 0 2 kas-sig5 o.o.z. kas-g[in] (23) 0.o.I. zi-gu-sig5
(24) Io sa -gi (25) i-zi-in-dda-[gan] (26) o o I kas-sig5 5
sa -gi (27) kur -bi-la-ak (28) 15 gurus 2 sila kas 2 sila zi-
[ta] (29) 1û-eb-lab-me-sè (3o) 0.0.2. kac-sig5 5 sa gi (3 t)
-pi-iq re-e-u mar-tu / ia -a-ma-d1-[um1 (32) 4 sila zi
-
lû-ûs- sa -ni-[me-sè] (33) 4 sib zi ki- ba - a-[tal]
bi-[1umki-sè] (34) 4 sila zI si-mu 1û-[...] (35) o.o.i. kas-
sig5 5 sib zi-[gu1 (36) 10 sa [gi] (III.) (t) é-gi 4-a [...] (2)
4 gurus 2 1 [ri?-ta] (3) Io géme i sila kas" i sib [z1?-ta] (4)
16-ûs- sa -ni-me-[sè] (5) 0.0.2. kas-sig5 0.0.2 kas"-gin (6)
o o I zi-gu-sig 5 (7) io sa gi (8) ni-1m-si Id- ia-ab-ra-atkl
(9) 716-4s -sa -ni 2 sua kas-ta (Io) su-a-gi-na (II) 0.0.3. zi
1 -za lû-[i]b-ni-dsu-dsuen (12) 6 lû-ûs -sa -ni 0.0.2. zi-ta
(13) 0.0.3 zi bu-na-t[al] 0 4) 6 ln-ûs -sa -ni 0.0.2. zi-ta
(15) 0.0.2 I,iAR-ti lû-sl-ik-n- [i]s(kil (16) 6 Id - ds - sa - ni
0.0 2. zi-ta (t7) 0 0 3 zi ga' -ba ?-a 0 8) 0.o.2. gar - ri-a (i9)
0.0 3. tl- NE-nu-u rn (2o) 0.0.3. sa -hm-be -li (21) o.0.2
pu-û-la (22) 20 gurus 0.o.2. zi-ta (23) 16-a-laki-me-sè
(24) o o 2 Zi i-na-LUM (25) 0.0.2. D010 bi-CUM (26) 12
-
gurus' 0.0.1.5 sib zi-ta (27) 1u-gu-m-us-ki-in (28) 0.0.2.
zi lû- dam -a-hu-a (29) 8 ki-ûs -sa -[ni o 0.2.' z]1-ta (3o)
0.0 3. zi a-ri-ip'[-...] (3 t) 19 gurus 0 0 2 zi
- [ta] (3 2) lû-
ur-bi-[lumki-me-s'è] (33) [•••] (IV.) (i) [ •] (2) [ ••] ( o)
BLANK SPACE (3)su+nigin 0.4.4.3 sila kas"-sig 5 (4)
gu+nigin '.'.[31.1 sila kas'-gin <gur> (5) s"u+nigin
0.1.1.5 sila zi-gu-sig 5 (6) s"u+nigin o.o.5.8 sib zi-gu-gin
(7) su+nigin to'.3.o.9 sila zi -se <gur> (8) s'u+nigin
0.0.5. zi-k sa (9) se -bi 13.4.3.3 ;4 sila gur (to) su+nigin
104 sa gi (I I) su+nigi n i gû B'lma-nu (12) U 4 -20-kam
(13) gin lû den-lil-lâ (14) mu dsu-dsuen lugal -e / na-rii-
a-mab-den-[lil-/dn]in-IjI-ra mu-[na-dù]
Goetze, JCS 7 (1953) io5 NCBT 1 593 [ collated] (AS 2/
viii/-)
(I) 2 dûsu-nita (2) puzur 4 -ma-ma (3) Iii-ma-rib (4) 2
dusu-nita (5) i - lidda-gan (6) lû-eb-lab (7) i dûsu-nita
(8) dû-ul-qâ-nûm / mar-tu (9) ia -a -mi-di (m) ârad-mu
maskim (II) in su-ei -sa (12) mu damar-dsuen / lugal -e
ur-bi-lumkl / mu-bul
Goetze, JCS 7 (1953) io6 Kenrick 72 = Jean, SA
LXXI:85 ([SS 6/?/? date restored from Buccel-
lati, Atuontes, plate xi -xii, no 22])t 6
gû glinla] -nu / [... sib kas -sig5 4 sila / zi-gu -ta]
o gurus 2 sila kac 2 sila zi -ta] (3) [lû-Su.KI-me-sè]
4) [t gurus' 6 sila kas' -sig 5 4 sila / z]i-gu (5) [lu - sa -ri-it]-
hlki<-s'è> (6) [2 gurus 2 sila kas 2 sila zi -ta (7) lù- bu -u[r-
16. To my knowledge, this text has never been transliterated in
published form. Et includes restorations based on comparative material.
ki-me<-n> (8) To sa gi (9) kas4 me-<-sè> sà en-nu-
gà (To) gin be -li-gar (I I) U na-wi -ir-ilum (I2) o. .o. kas-
sig5 o 2.0. kas-gin (13) o.1.o. zi-gu-sig5 (14) 0 0.5. sila zi-
se sa (15) 20 sa gi i gû l ma-nu (16) pa-na-na
07) 1 gurus" o o 1 kas-sig 5 o.o.i. zi-/gu (18) 2 gu-
ha-ilk' (17)
rus o.o I. kas-sig5 5 sila zi-/gu-ta (19) sukkal-eme-bal
<ki> lû - /mar- ba-siki gub-ba -m[e-<n>1 (20) 0.0.2. kas-
figs 0.0.I. zi-g11-sig5 (2I) [io] sa gi (II.) (i) [...] (2) [.. ]
(3) [19 gurus o o 2 zi-ta] (4) lu-u[r-bi-lumki] (5) 7 gurus
(6) 2 [. •1 (7) lû-hu-E ..] (8) 2 gurus 4 [sila zi-ta] (9) 16-
mOS.ERiN.[Ki] (Io) o 0.2 kas-sig 5 o.o I. [zi-gu-sig5] (I I)
3 s[a g1] (12) hu-un-z[i-ib-tum] (13) O.O.I. kas o.O.I. zÎ 2
[sila zi-gu] (14) su-ab-ba m[ar-tu] (i5) 5 sila kas 5 1 sila
gu1 (16) sâ -pu-n[ûm SAG.X] (17) 20 gurus [0.0.2. 1 zi-ta]
(18) 1û4a-laki-me-sè] (19) gurus a[d-da] (20) 5 lii ûs sa-
ni-me / [62 sila kas 2 sib zi-ta] (2I) 0.0.2. kas-sig5
o.o.2.kas-[gin] (III.) (I) o.o.I. z[1]-gu-sig 5 To sa g[i] (2) a-
bu-DU lo lû-ma-r[iki] (3) 2 ab -ba 5 (Bucc. o.o.i. kas) sib
kas 5 sib 41 i sa gi] (4) i5 lû-ds -sa -ni 2 sila-[1a) (5) o 0.2.
lt:as-sig5 0.o.2. kas-gin (6) o o I zi-gu-sig 5 io sa gi (7) i-
zi-in-dda-[gan] (8) o.o.i. kas-sig 5 (9) 5 sa -gi (To) kur-bi-
la-ak (I i) 15 gurus 2 sila kas 2 [sila zi-ta] (I2) lû-eb-laki-
[me- I] (13) 0.0.2. kas-sig5 [5] sa g[i] (14) i-pi-iq-re-e-û
(15) m[ar]-tu ia-a-ma-d[1-um1 (16) 4 sila zi Iu-ûs-s[a-ni-
me-sè] (17) 4 sila zi ki-ba- a-[tal] lû-/ur-bi-lumk[i-sè]
(18) 4 sila zi si-mu lû-[.. ] (19) o o.i. kas-sig5 5 sib [zi-
gu1 (2o) Io s[a gi] (2I) e-gi 4-a [...] (22) 4 gurug 2 frill zi?-
ta] (23) Io géme i sib kas i sila [zl?-ta] (24) [lû-ds- sa-ni-
me-sè] (25) [0.0.2. kas-sig 5 0.0.2. kas-gin] (26) [o.o.i. zi-
gu-sig5 ] (27) [Io sa gi] (IV.) (I) [ni]-im-si lû-ia-[a]b-ra-
atki (2) [7 l]û-ûs -sa-ni 2 I sila kas-ta (3) [su-a]-gl-na (o)
BLANK SPACE (4) su+nigln 0.2.0. zi 2 sib kas-sig5 (5)
su+nigin 1.1.3.1 sila kas-gin gur (6) su+nigin o. I . i . 5 sib
zi-gu-sig 5 (7) su+nigin o 0 1 .5 1 .8 sila zi-gu-gin (8) [su+ni-
g1]n [ 10 1.3.3.9 sila zi-se <gur?> (9) [su+nigin] o o.5. zi-
se sa (Io) Ei]e-bi 4.0.3 3 'A sila I gur (ii) [su+nigin I]o2
sa g (F 2) Ru+nigin i g]û &sma-nu (13) [u4-x-kam] (14)
[gin lit-den-111-1i] (15) [mu dsu-dsuen lugal-e / na-rû-a-
mab- den-lil-/dnin-til-ra mu-na-dù]
Gomi, Orient 16 (1980) 42, no. To Liverpool Me rseyside
Coun ty Museums 51 - 63-122 (S46/viii/3)
(I) 2 udu - niga (z) 2 màs-gal-niga (3) mu 1û-kin-gi 4 -a /
lû- ia-mal?(rAB')-di-um (4) ù lû-kin-gi-a / lû -nia- riki - sè
(5)sà nibruki (6) 2 gu 4 (7) i ab (8) 22 udu (9) 18 u8 (Io)
I udu-ge 6 (II) I ug-ge 6 (12) 4 mas-gal (13) 23 ùz (14) su-
gid é-muhaldim-gù ( t 5) mu aga-ûs-e-ne-sè ârad-mu
maskim (17) id u 4 -3 ba-zal (18) zi-ga Id Iû- dingir-ra (19)
s"u-es" 5 -[sa] (20) mu ki-maski ù bu-ur 5 -/ tib ba -bul
STATEMENTS OF PURPOSE*
WHY THE SCRIBES WROTE
Laurie E. Pearce
University of Connecticut
The definition, categorization and desc ri ption of tex-
tual genres has been a focus of Professor Hallo's work on
cuneiform literary texts. On the occasion of his sixty-
fifth birthday, I offer this study which examines the
functions literary and scientific texts sewed according to
the purpose statements contained in their colophons.'
While many of the components found in colophons bear
directly on our understanding of the history and tr an s-
mission of a particular text, it is the purpose statement
which provides a means of studying aspects of the scribal
process and mo tiva ti on.
It is easy to categorize the contents of purpose state-
ments according to the substan ti ve immediately follow-
ing the preposition which inaugurates each one These
texts were written for one or more of these reasons: for
performance, for study, or as a vo ti ve.
A. TEXTS WRI'1 l'EN TO BE PERFORMED
The first group of purpose statements includes texts
written for performance specifically singing, ana zamâ-
ri.' This phrase appears primarily in purpose statements
appended to lamentation texts from Babylon. The
wording of the purpose statements appended to the bal-
ags coincides with their raison d'être, performance in a ri t-
ual context. Although the phrase ana zamâri offers little
or no specific information about the activities associated
with the production or composition of the texts, the
prosopographic data contained in those texts provides
An earlier version of this study was read at the 1990 meeting of
the American O ri ental Society in Atlanta, GA I have benefitted from
suggestions made to me by Professor TM Ahusch, Dr. Paul -Alain
Beaulieu, and Professor Walter Farber.
1. The colophons catalogued in H. Hunger, Babylonische und
a cyrische Kolophonv (Hereafter BAK) AOAT z. (Neukirchen Vluyn
Verlag Button dc Bercker Kevelaer, 1968) form the core of matenal
analyzed in this paper. For a description of purpose statements, the
reader is referred to BAK, pp. 11, 15 and to E. Lvichty, ' The Colo-
phon," Studies Presented to A Leo Oppenheim, (Chicago: The Oriental
Institute, 1964), pp. 147. 153.
z. Table 1 presents the inventory of tabkts bearing Glus desig-
nation.
valuable evidence for the interconnections of scribal and
pnestly activities in late first millennium Babylon
The sc ribes and owners of tablets written ana zamâri
belonged primarily to the Nanna-utu family. 3 In Nanna-
utu family texts the sc ribe of the tablet is frequently the
son of the tablet owner. 4 Members of the Nanna-utu
family were only minimally involved in the production,
copying or storage in archives of other kinds of docu-
ments. 5 Thus, we conclude that members of the Nanna-
um family specialized in the copying and collection of
balag texts.
Colophons to texts copied outside of Babylon con-
tain the purpose phrase ana zamâri. The scnbes of two
texts from Der record that the texts were written for
their singing. 6 Like the texts from Babylon, these belong
to the functional category of performance. The purpose
statement in CT 42 34 deserves particular a tt ention. It
employs S-stem preterite forms of statùtu and zamàror,
raising the possibility that the sc ri be was commissioned
to copy an d sing these composi ti ons by and for a pat ro n.
The prepositional component of this purpose phrase is
ana Mitt napratt, which technically places it in the rubric
of purpose statements phrased in vo ti ve language, for
which see p. 190 below
TU 56, the one Uruk erlemma text containing a pur-
pose statement in its colophon, specifies that the text is
for the singing of the sc ribe, ana zimirlu. This lone ex-
ample of a purpose statement in a genre well-attested in
3. The Nanna-um family tree is discussed in M
Canonical Lamentations of Ancient Mesopotamia (Potomac. M
Decisions Ltd., 1988), p. 24, n. 55. The texts from the bdag corpus
from Babylon in which no member of the Nanna-utu family played
a role either as scribe or owner are: SBH t, 14, 17. 18, 24. 26. 37. 54.
56,B j and Vii.
4. BAK p. 18; Cohen, Canomind Lauentationx, p. 24, n 5 6.
Members of the Nanna-utu family copied SBH 3 and SBH 74, the
colophons of which do not include purpose statements.
5. The colophon to ACT Zq contains a ra re attestation of a
Nanna-utu family member involved in non-religious texts. The cd-
ophon to this text does not contain a purpose statement.
6. CT 42 23; CT 42 34
186 LAURiE E PEARCE
the corpus of Seleucid texts from Uruk? points to a dif-
ference in scribal practices between Uruk and Babylon.
Sc ribes from Uruk did not, as a matter of course, include
purpose statements in the colophons to ritual texts. Per-
haps, to them, such a comment seemed superfluous in
light of the nature of the texts themselves.
B. TEXTS WRITTEN FOR DIDACTIC PURPOSES8
The second group of purpose statements include
statements dealing with the pedagogic processes: reading
(ana tàmarti, ana fitassi), instruction (ana tastimtt), dicta-
tion (ana qabi) or studying (ana aoazu).
I. ana anima
One Babylon text contains this term. 9 The colophon
indicates that the scribe, Nabû-kagir, a descendant of Ea-
copied excerpts from other tablets to a wax-
covered writing board, from which BM 96273 was pre-
pared. The culling into one tablet of lines bearing no
particular relationship to each other supports the state-
ment by the sc ribe that the tablet was prepared for study,
either by himself or by a patron. io
2. ana Babe
Two attestations of this phrase provide evidence of
the didactic purposes for which tablets were produced.
An excerpt from utukku lemn û ti, CT 16 18, was written
ana (jabP hgiHni zmnar fubalkut, "from dictation, quickly
transferred." i i The phrase liginna gabs refers to recitation
from a tablet containing texts or excerpts."
The second example of ana gab' appears in LICA 4
which contains excerpts from the second tablet of Enûrca
Elie. This tablet was copied by an apprentice sc ri be in
Assur.
Instructive not only for what they reveal about why
scribes wrote, ana gabt and ana anima purpose statements
7. For text citations, see Cohen , caHDrcital lamenta tions, pp.
25-26.
8. Tab le 2 presents those texts whose colophons contain pur-
pose statements oha didactic nature.
9. BM 96273, published by A R Millard, ' Another Babylo-
nian Chronicle Text," Iraq 26 (1964), PP. 1 4-35, p la tes 6, 7.
to. Millard, idem p 32, suggests that the epigraphy of BM
96273 is consistent with the mid-sixth century date of one Nabû-
ka4ir, son of Ea-ilitta-ibm, scribe of 6 legal texts (Kriickmann NRV
t. 84, 157, 227; TCL 12 8 5, 97). He further concludes (p. 35), that it
n possib le that BM 96273 was commissioned at the command of Na-
bonidus, whose antiquarian interests, although mainly religious in-
stead of historical, arc well known Alternatively, the text may have
been commissioned for private historical research, either on the pa rt
of the scribe or a patron.
CAD L 184; BAK 416.
A. Sjoberg discusses the role of dictation in the Old Baby-
lonian curriculum in "The Old Babylonian Eduba," AS ao, p. i7of.
G. Meier , "Kommentare an dem Archiv der Tempckchule aus As-
sur," Afb 12 ( 1 937- 1 939) p. 238, n. 15, suggests that liginna gaol re -
ferredin cerwn contexts (e g ABL 447. 604) to preparatory exercises
undertaken by a student. The student would copy texts for reading
to the teacher later on. Clearly this phrase belongs in the context of
the school.
also offer a rare glimpse at how sc ribes prepared texts.
Notations accompanying these tablets confirm modem
scholars' conclusions that excerpt tablets were created as
pa rt of the pedagogic process.
3. ana titmarti
Approximately 25 colophons include the phrase ana
tamarts(fu), either alone or in conjunction with ana fi-
tassi(fu). The purpose statements which contain only the
phrase ana fitassi(fu) are considered below All of the
texts containing the phrase ana titmarti fit into one of four
categories: (i) the text was copied for instructional pur-
poses by or for a student; (2) the text was excerpted from
a longer work for study by a scribe; (3) the copy was pro-
duced from an o riginal stored in a place other than the
scribe's city; (4) the text proclaims the scholar's accom-
plishments, as, especially, in the case of Assurbanipal. i3
Among the texts copied for instructional purposes are
five from the Sultantepe corpus. i4 Three of these in-
volve the same teacher/scribe and student/reader.
The colophons to STT 161 an d STT 172 state simply
that they were written by Nabû-aba-iddin for reading by
Qurdi-Nergal. i5 The informa tion contained in the col-
ophon to the third text, SIT 38, elucidates aspects of the
organization of the scribal school at Sultantepe. The per-
tinent sec tion reads:
kima labiri:u Mtrma bail Written according to its original
and collated.
no Naha-ribta-u;ttr The scnbe, PN i ,
Kamallf sebru mar mummu the young apprentice, the student
!a Naba- aba-idfiin l réli of PN2, the master.
ana ta Marti Qurdi-Nergal For PN 3 's reading.
Three individuals are mentioned here. Nabû-ribtu-
ugur (PN 1 ) is the sc ri be of the tablet. His title identifies
him as an apprentice and student of Nabû-aba-iddin
(PN 2), the teacher Nabû-ribtu-ugur copied the text for
Qurdi-Nergal's (PN 3 ) reading. It would be difficult to
determine Qurdi-Nergal's relationship to the scribal
school were it not for the purpose statement contained
in STT 192. STT 192 was written some two months af-
ter STT 38, so we may conclude that Qurdi-Nergal, at
the time of the writing of STT 38, did not bear the des-
ignation "apprentice."
The appearance of Qurdi-Nergal's name in two ad-
ditional Sultantepe colophons completes the documen-
tation of the p ro gression of this scholar-scribe's career.
STT 64 and 199 were written by Musallim-Baba, an ap-
prentice, son of Qurdi-Nergal. At the time of the corn-
position of these undated texts, Qurdi-Nergal bore the
tide fangû, indicating that he had mastered the training
and had been elevated to the level of "master" in his ca-
reer.
. colophon typa b, c, d i.3
• Sueck Asb. 4. 254, 356.
38, 136, 16t, 172, 301.
15. r Nabi -fife-idfiin as timpani Qwrdi-Nergal.
Statements of Purpose: Why the Scribes Wrote
The texts also indicate some of the content of the
scribal curri culum at specific stages of training. Qurdi-
Nergal's education appears to have focused on genres re-
t6
lated to his professional duties: a namburbi ritual an d
various bilingual incantations. i7 STT 38, "The Poor
Man of Nippur, ' bearing no relationship to the cult, is
the exception to this generalization. There is further ev-
idence of the familial nature of the scribal profession, as
the apprentice who wrote these texts was Qurdi-Ner-
gal's own son
Additional evidence for a hierarchical structure
among personnel in the scribal school is found in the
colophon to KAR 305, a hymn to Ninurta. The colo-
phon reads:
ana Bmarti Tukulti-Marduk kf pt fuppi tèl!u al4ur u'litt
Nadin -fumi -flu ;math'
For the readmg of PN, according to the words of a
tablet, I wrote it Tablet of PN 2, the apprentice.
This reiterates the pattern demonstrated above; an ap-
prentice wrote the tablet for someone else to read. As the
colophon to KAR 305 contains the only a tt esta ti ons of
the names of this scnbe an d reader we cannot determine
with certainty the rank the reader might have attained in
the scribal or scholarly community.
Evidence that texts were produced for study by ap-
prentices comes from DT 116, of which only the colo-
phon is preserved, and AAT 24a, a copy of a tablet from
the series Enuma Anu Enlil. Both include the phrase ana
Omani lamallê for the reading of the apprentices.'
The phrase ana tamam sometimes appears with pro-
nominal suffixes. The first person singular suffix -ia is
added to those Assurb an ipal colophons where he pro-
t9 However, usually
claims his mastery of the scribal arts.
the third person masculine singular suffix -lu indicates
that the sc ribe wrote the tablet for his own use.
Marduk-ban-apli wrote STT 136, a tablet of incanta-
tions against paralysis, ana tamartifu, "for his own read-
ing." In this colophon, the scribe is designated a young
apprentice, famalla lebru. The text was not commis-
sioned by mother mdividual.
The colophon to MO 12 xiii, a commentary to an in-
cantation, also records that a junior member of the scrib-
al profession wrote and collated a text for his own
reading, ana tamartiIu. d
16. STT 64.
17. STT 161, 172, 192, 199. For description of the content of
these texts, see STT H, pp. 4-8.
târnarti a re
18. Additional texts which include the phrase ana
CT 41 21; CT ao 23; K. 3786, all Babylonian texts of unknown ori-
gin. AAT 34a and AAT 14a, Assyrian texts of unknown o ri gin, are
broken beyond the ana timsarn phrase, so it n impossible to determine
for whom they may have been written.
t9. Mb. Types b c d, and q. for which see it 58 below. An-
other intriguing colophon relating to the instruction of a king
found m Km. 441, when referetsce in made to (possibly the teacher
of) Tigiath-Pi eser.
187
Another example of a text written for private study is
AO 17602 (NBGT I). Zl Enlil-aba-iddin copied and col-
lated the text for his own reading. This Nippur sc ri be
used an o ri ginal from Ur. He included in his patronymic
the information that his father, Ninurta-mutir-gimil,
was a !'umerA, Sumerian. Since this is a text from the 17th
year of the reign of Da ri us, one must imagine that this
gentilic was intended to convey the status of antiquity
an d great literacy upon its bearer rather than define eth-
nicity. 22
The final piece of evidence for the use of the phrase
ana thmartifn comes from the colophon of TU 47, the
kahl theology text from Uruk. Enlil-kagir, son of En1il-
kium-ibni, the scribe an d owner of the text an d himself a
kahl, states that he wrote the text ana tâmarfi.:u. It does
not come as a surprise that a kaki wrote this text and TU
45, the kahl ritual, as both are related to the professional
dudes of the kahl priest. 23 As this is the only a tt estation
of Enlil-kagir, son of Enlil-s"um-ibni as sc ri be or owner,
it is impossible to make any further observations about
the development of his career.
The purpose phrase ana tàmarlI appears in a small
group of texts copied by Nabû-zuqup-kcna, the famous
scholar-scribe of Ka1ah. 24 It expands our knowledge of
Nabû-zuqup-kana's intellectual and creative activities
Three of the nine texts containing this phrase were cop-
ied from tablets originating in cities other than ICalah. 25
Even in antiquity, scholarship required travel to distant
tablet collections
20. Ana aimed'' ' Kijir 4Nahh
H,ahmaf bit dAÛu ►.
21. F. Thuresu-Dangin, "Formes grammaticales
89-114.
d'après une tab le tte médite du Louvre." RA 3 2 (1935), PP.
See also NBGT I in R. Hallock and B. Landsberger. "Net-Babyki-
man Grammatical Texts." MSL IV (Rome. Pontifical Biblical lum-
tute, 195 6) p. 191.
22. In RA 41 35, Zer-kitti-Cost, another Achaemenid
from Nippur, claims that his father is a Sumerian.
23 This texts was written and owned by Anu- béibrnu, son of
Nidintu-Anu, descendant of S"m-kqe-unnini This scribe was also re-
sponsible for the apkafta li st, Wuto3o/7 (UVB 18 a7). In 3 paper en-
mled 'Seleucid Uruk's Scribes," the author reported on this scribe's
activities and the development of his career to the 1986 meeting of
the American Oriental Society in New Haven.
Although individuals who bore the cite kahl copied texts reined
to their professional duties, this was not their only area of scribal en-
davor. Texts not related to the ritual functions of a kaki but which
contain a purpose statement are: UET 1 172; CT 16 18.
The following texts, written by sores of tiara-pnests, do not con-
tain purpose statements and are not related to the ritual functions of
the kohl: ACT colophons. D, F, H, J, L. M. Q, U. V. W Z. Zd, Ze
BL plate soa; BRM 4:11 and ao; CT 46 52; JCS 19 122, TU 7. It.
45. 46, 48 54; TDP Tablet 31; UVB 18 n.
19, 27, 33. 3 8. 44.
limited to ritual activity, the triple
Just as the kohl was not
Enna Ants Enid did not pursue only asttorscsottcil kn wedge.
F ra ncesca Rochbcrg-Halton presented the evidence for this in a pa-
meeting of the
per entitled "T ripla Perinea Ana h kl" at the 1990
American Oriental Society in Adana, GA.
24. For the career of Nabû-aatgtrp^késsa, see
Neat* von Nabû-auqup- effara." ZA 6a (Ip7 j pp.
"
autre cited there. The colophons to Nabû-stsgop- '
'
collected in BAK nos. x93-313.
188 LAURIE E PEARCE
Ana amari, a vari ant form of ana tämarti, appears in the
purpose statements of the colophons to CT 33 I I an d
VAT 13846. The latter, a mukallimtu text, originated in
the temple-school at Sargonid Assur. î6 The sc ri be, Kisir-
Nabû, is designated an apprentice or junior malmallu,
son of $amai-ibni, himself a malmallu. The fact that this
colophon was appended to an explanatory text strength-
ens the assignment of ana amàn to a category of pedagog-
ic activity.
4. ana litassi
Colophons referring to pedagogic processes may con-
tain a second phrase indicating the reason for which the
text was copied. Ana litassi(Iu), "for (his) reading, ' ap-
pears four times by itself 27 ; it also appears in conjunction
with ana tämarti(lu).2$ With the exception of one badly
broken Assur text,^ 9 s ix examples of this phrase come
from texts written by one Borsippa sc ri be, Nabû-kusur-
su, son of Bel-eriba, son of I3uäbi. 36
Ana litassrfu may appear after the phrase ana balat
napTtilu. Two tablets published in CT 12 indicate that
texts need not have been written solely for one pur-
pose. 31 Many copies of literary texts, commissioned in
order to provide their patrons with long life an d happi-
ness,32 contain statements of purpose which show that
the process of writing served an additional and some-
times independent, function: to produce texts for the pa-
tron or scribe's personal study.
It is noteworthy that one sc ri be copied sec ti ons of
four scholarly texts. in this admittedly small sample, the
statements of purpose are equally divided between those
written simply for the reading of the sc ri be an d those
which were copied to additionally bestow some future
benefit upon the scholar-sc ri be Since some of these
texts are tedious scholarly exercises, the inclusion of the
phrase ana balat noplthtilu in the colophon suggests that
the mere act of text production may have been seen as a
means to encourage one s futu re reward, or at least as an
indication of one's piety. 33
25. The originals from which MT 3 and K. 8173 were copied
came from Babylon The o ri ginal from which K. 75+ was copied was
produced by a scribe designated as a Babylonian; presumably the
original was from Babylon itself.
26. G. Meier, "Kommentare aus dem Archiv der Temples-
chule in Assur," ARC 12 ( 1 937 -1 939) p. 2 39.
27. CT 12 3, 9; TDP 3, 56.
28. MT 3; Asb. colophons type c. d, q; K. 953
sq, KAV 91, of which only a portion of the colophon is pre-
served
3o. Cr 12 3. 9, 7. 17. TDP 3 56. This would lead us to include
Nabti-kusur-3u among the first millennium scholar scribes.
CT 127; 17.
Sec S C: Texts Written as Votives, below.
Cohen, Canonical Lamemwawions, p. 25, asserts that in the
Seleucid and Last Babylonian periods: "it was a pious act to convnis-
copying of a tablet and to place it in or donate it to the tem-
was not the content of the tahlet which nude the
the act itself."
5. ana afiûzi
The meaning of adâzu which denotes the acquisi ti on
of technical knowledge is seen in colophons in general
and in purpose statements in particular 34 When Assur-
banipal describes his mastery of the scribal craft, he does
so with the verb ajiâzu. 35
The purpose statement in ACT 192, [PM ana abnzilu
uYturna, `[PN] wrote the tablet for his own instruction,"
is the only attesta ti on in the astronomical texts of the
scribe writing for his own edification. The beginning of
the colophon is broken; only the scribe's clan affiliation,
Sin-leqe-unnini is preserved The text is dated 13
Simânu i i 8 SE, an d therefore could fall within the attest-
ed periods of activity of several scnbes. 36 Previous study
of scribal activity in Seleucid Uruk enables us to establish
the identity of this sc ribe with some certainty as Anu-ab-
utir. 37 The types of tablets with which he occupied him-
self further demonstrates a close relationship between the
content of the purpose statement in the colophon an d
the nature of scribal activity
The s ix tablets in the collec ti on of Anu-ab-utir attest
dates from 123-135 SE. He served as a sc ri be of seven as -
tronomical texts from 117-12o SE and bean, in some col-
ophons, the title tuplar Enama Anu Enlll. 38 His name
does not appear as sc ri be or owner of any other kinds of
text. If we reconsider the date of ACT 192, we note that
it was written at the time when Anu-ab-utir was still ac-
tive as a sc ri be, a period in his professional life during
which a proclamation of the con ti nua ti on of one's stud-
ies would be an expected statement.
34* CAD A/1 p. 177b.
35. BBR 26; TCL 16 pl. 171 no. 96; JRAS 1 93 2 39; Streck
Ask 4. 2 54. 356.
36. Nidintu-Anu, son of Anu-bèls"unu (110-137 SE); Anu-ab-
utir, son of Anu-beliunu (117-135 SE); Anu-iqis"anm, son of Nidin-
tu-Anu (1 I-131SE), Anu-bels`unu son of Nidintu-Anu (80-149
SE) and Anu-ahbe-iddin, son of Nidintu-Mu (97-17o SE)
37. The author depends on conclusions drawn in papers she
presented to the 1988 and 1989 meetings of the AOS which estab-
lished that the scribes of Scicucid Uruk had definite periods of activ-
ity, and that the development of a scribe's career from tablet waster
to tablet collector could be documented in many cases.
Anu-ah-utir is attested as a scribe m. the following texts: ACT
1 35, 163, 165, 171, goo 600, 6ot, 64o, Sot and perhaps 192, in which
the personal name is broken. He is attested as a tablet owner in
W2oo3o/1; ACT 1 94, 501, 702 TU 27.
38. For the activities of the ;splint Enid' ma Anu Enlil, see n. 33
above.
Statements of Purpose: Why the Scribes Wrote
C TEXTS WRITTEN AS VOTIVES 39
Purpose statements which begin either with the
phrase ana balût napiftisru or ana ajiûzifu contain a number
of phrases typically found in vo ti ve insc ri p ti ons. In this
sec ti on we catalog the components of purpose state-
ments which indicate their vo ti ve nature and consider
the context out of which such purpose statements devel-
oped The components of the ex-voto purpose statements
include:
(1) ana tab: Forms of this phrase appear in texts from
Babylon, Der and Nippur. 4° The occurrences of this
phrase in balags were all excerpted by one Beliunu, not,
as expected, for singing, but simply for the good of the
sc ribe, ana tab.
(2)la hala mursilu: This phrase appears in MO 14, vi;
TU 15+, 25 37; SBH 56; K. 4273; CT 42 37. The pur-
pose statement in SBH 56 contains the most complete
repertory of votive phrases in the purpose statements. 4l
It is one balag text to which the performance nota ti on
was not appended.
(3) arak umelu • The verb arâku with expressions of
ti me, such as amu and lattu means "to last a long time
to endure," 42 an d is found in Old Babylonian omen
apodoses, in letters, and royal inscriptions of the Neo-
Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian periods. 43 It is in the con-
text of the letters and royal insc ri p ti ons that we see that
some activity is undertaken for the purpose of achieving
or ensuring long hfe. Among the activities are prayer 44
45
an d the offering of a votive.
(4) sterna suppa: The religious content and context of
this phras e is clear. 46 Insofar as we argue that phrases em-
ployed in the purpose statements of colophons derive
from and are used in specific contexts, it is significant
that the examples of this phrase in purpose statements
39. For the inclusion of"dedicatory texts ' under the broad ru-
b ri c of "votive texts" see .' A Brinkman, MSKH I, p. 56 n 179.
In the texts considered in this section, the hlessings appear as an
integral part of the purpose statements. This represents a develop-
ment over the unusual situation in the colophon to the insc ri ption on
the talue of ldrimi, in which blessings are appended to the colophon.
Cf. Jack M. Sasson, "On Idrimi and Sarruwa, the Scribe," in Studies
on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hunians, M.A. Morrison
and D.I. Owen, eds. (Winona Lake, iN: Eisenbnuns, 1982) p. 3iof.
40. Babylon CT 17 133, SBH 24, z6, i; Der. BRM 4 18, Nip-
pur. SLTNI 71 Excerpts written by the scribe ana tiibilu also appear
in KAR 104 The phrase does not appear in any Uruk colophon pur-
pose statement.
41. See Cohen, Canonical Lamrntadons, p. 25.
42. CAD Ah, p. 223b, sub arâku 1b.
Examples of the use of this phrase in letters include: CT
43.
23; Borger, Esarh. 7:39 ADD 644:6; TDP 33o:12.6; and ABL 412:5.
For royal inscriptions containing this phrase, see CAD A/z, pp.
223b, 224.
44. E.g. CT 22 6:3.
45. E.g. AKA 160.3.
46. W. Mayer included this phrase under the rubric of 'Bi tt e
Gehoer um das Interesse des Gottheit" (Unter-
um Zuwendung und
suchungen zur Formenspvx he der 6obytQHohan "C,dxtsbesdiu+önstegen
Studio Pohl: Series Maier 5. [Rome: Biblical institute Press, 1976) P.
z16f.).
1 89
appear in colophons which state that the texts were de-
posited in temples. 47
Another example of the votary intention of the texts
comes from the purpose statement of LIH 59, a Borsippa
text. The purpose statement of this fast millennium copy
of a Hammurabi insc ri ption reads: ana halal napsätilu tab
libbilu u ümi suppélu, "for his long life, well being and the
hearing of his prayers." The final phr ase sets this purpose
statement clearly in the realm of the vo ti ve corpus. 48
Purpose statements beginning with ana ba1ût naplati
find their fullest expression in Seleucid Uruk. Two
phrases which emphasize the familial natu re of this pro-
fession may be added to the ana balûf mplati statements.
(5) kunnu ildélu "for the preservation of his social po-
sition," appears twice on Uruk texts owned by the fa-
then of the sc ri bes of the tablets, 49 and once on a text
owned by the uncle of the stribe, 5° both members of the
longest and most productive branch of the illustrious
Sin-leqe-unnini family.$ 1
(6) lalarn zèrilu, "for the well-being of his offspring,"
appears in two Seleucid Uruk texts. 52
The hope for the continua ti on of the familial line is
also expressed in two Borsippa texts. The purpose state-
ment in CT 13 15 refers either to the well-being of the
scribe's immediate household or to the duration of his
household. 53 PSBA 33 contains a lengthy statement
which also asks for the preservation of the family line.
(7) palm} 6élutilu: This phrase occurs in colophons to
two texts from the Seleucid Uruk corpus, both extracts
from Enuma Anu Enlil. 54
While both terms refer to an individual's awesome
power or magnificent reign, respectively, palà(Iu is only
infrequently paired with bélatu. Most of the occurrences
are in royal insc ri ptions from Nebuchadnezzar and kings
of the Neo-Assyrian period.S 5 By adopting phraseology
associated with royal insc ri ptions, the Seleucid scribes
continued the age-old practice of adopting and adapting
previous literary forms in order to create a text type
characteristic of the period. This phrase increased the
repertory of phrases designed to ensure the scribes' en-
during fame and to increase their greatness in the eyes of
their own and successive generations.
47. Ash. colophon type o; LiN 59; CT 42 37
48. See CAD S, p. 393 for other examples of this Conn
use of this phrase in the colophons is discussed below.
49 BRM 4 7. owned by Anu- ah -uiab•i, son of Kidin-Anu.
descendant of Ekur-zakir, written by his son Anu-balissu-igbi; MO
22
14 vt, owned by Anu-balissu-igbi, son of Anu- ah -ittannu, descen-
dant of Ab utu, written by his son Tanittu-Anu.
5o TU 25. Wntten by Anu-baliscu-igbi. son of Nidintu-Mu,
-unnmi; owned by Anu- ab -utir, son of Anu-
descendant of Sin- lege
beliunu, son of Nsdintu-Anu, descendant of Sin-kgc-unnini,
51. Sec BAK p, 17.
52. TU 25; TU 37•
53. BAK no 136.
AK) 14 vi; TU i 5+.
54.
55. CAD B. bilsllY, pp. soi -soy
 LAURiE E PEARCE
1 90
Ana ajjâzilu appears in purpose statements dealing ex-
clusively with scribal activities as well as those which ex-
press wishes for the scribe's long life and well-being The
colophon to BRM 4 7 illustrates this connection. BRM
4 7, a ritual for the recitation of incantations an d prayers
belonged to Anu-ab-uiabsi, son of Kidin-Anu of the
Ekur-zakir clan. The tablet was written by his son, Anu-
balhssu-igbi. 56 The purpose statement in the colophon
to this text reads as follows: ana a(lâzilu arak ûmèlu bola(
napilti kunnu tldelu, ' for his learning, his long-lasting
days, well-being and the preservation of his posi ti on."
This purpose statement contains three phrases which
express hopes that the sc ri be, his family, an d his descen-
dants might be blessed with long life, freedom from i ll -
ness an d maintenance of social position. As might be
expected from the content of these phrases, these expres-
sions appear in colophons to texts which were written
and owned by two closely related individuals: son an d
father, nephew and uncle In Seleucid Uruk, as in Baby-
lon, the scribal profession was dominated by members of
a few prominent families.
Deposition statements emphasize the votary intent of
colophons phrased in votive language All Seleucid
Uruk an d Babylon and Achaemenid Bonippa purpose
statements containing the phrase ana balls( napilti also
contain a statement about the deposition of the tablet,
most frequently in temple libraries.S 7 The convene is
also true; all texts which contain deposition statements
express wishes for the long-life of the individual(s)
named in the colophon.
Deposition statements preserved in the Assurbanipal
colophons belong to one of two groups: those which
record depositions in the palace 58 an d those which
record deposition in one of several temples. 59 Purpose
statements in texts deposited in the palace relate exclu-
56. These same individuals appear as owner and scrihe to the
bilingual text, UVB 15 33 (W 18828), which contains a ritual to the
sun-god and a passage of mimes itpir tria bit mumrnufu. The colophon
unfortunately does not contain a purpose statement.
Statements of Purpose: Why the Scrib es Wrote 191
sively to the learning and scholarly achievement of the
king.6o None contains phrases with votary intentions of
the sc ribe (in this case, the king) or his descendants.
However, in the colophons to Assurbanipal texts depos-
ited in the library of the temple of Nabû in Nineveh, ana
61
bald( napilti appears.
The study of the content of the purpose statements
expands our understanding of the processes and motivat-
ing factors behind the composi ti on of some cuneiform
TABLE I: TEXTS WRITTEN FOR PERFORMANCE
texts. Through the colophons' desc rip ti on of kinds of
academic activity, we gain greater understanding of the
techniques used in scribal education and practice. There
Text ana zamâri nasib ana zamâri ana ztmtrlu
is a strong correlation between the nature of the text and
the purposes for which the text was composed. The
scribe's stated reason for having written or copied the SBH
text is generally consistent with the way the text would SBH w
have been employed. SBH 14
SBH 15
SBH 19
SBH 2oa
SBH 25
57. CT 12 7 and 17 hoth contain the phrase ana balât As
the texts are broken where the deposition statements would appear, SBH 27
it is impossible to ascertain what information they contained. ACT SBH 28
192 simply states that the tablet was deposited, without mentioning a SBH 45
specific location. However, this tablet differs from the others since
the entire purpose statement only says: ana abazilu.
SBH 46
TU 15+ says only that the tablet was deposited in Uruk. The SBH 49
colophon to MO 14 vi says that it was deposited in the bit r& Two SBH51
additional texts contain deposition phrases: CT 42 37, a Babylonian
text of unknown ongin, was deposited in a temple and contains
SBH 54
wishes for the sc ri he s well-being, Rm. 441 was deposited for eternity SBH55
and contains no such expression. SBH 6o
58. Ash. types b, c, d, e, i 3 k, l, q, r, s; K. 3433 (identical to SBH 17
, ,
✓
type k); K. 6053.
59• Asb. types n, o; K. 4273 (and duplicate RA 17 139); BM TU 56 ✓
121038.
6o. SuJgi's assertion (Sulgi B 13-20) to have mastered the scrib-
al curriculum offers a precedent for the claims of Assurbanipal.
61. K 4273 and its duplicate RA 17, 139; BM izio38. See al-
ready S.J. Lieherman, 'Canonical and Official Cuneiform Texts: T o-
wards an Understanding of Assurbanipal's Personal Tahlet
Collection," in Lingering Over Words, T. Ahusch, J. Huehnergard, P.
Steinkefer, eds. (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 199o), pp. 317-318. He
notes that the Assurbanipal tablets placed in the Ezida "constitute .
only a few of the colophons."
19 2 LAURIE E PEARCE Statements of Purpose: Why the Scribes Wrote 193

TABLE 2: TEXTS WRITTEN FOR DIDACTIC PURPOSES TABLE 3• TEXTS WRITTEN AS VOTIVES

Text tâmarti fitassi tas'limti gab"' abinzi amâri I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Io II 12 13

8 1-2-4,3 06 ✓
AAT 3 ✓ ✓ AfO 14 vi ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓

AAT 242 ✓ Asb. n

ACT 19z Asb. o ✓ ✓ if ✓
✓

MO 12 BRM 4 07 ✓
✓*
✓ ✓

AID 14 vi BRM 4 18
Asb b ✓
CT 12 07
Asb. c ✓ ✓

CT 12 17
Asb. d ✓ ✓

CT 13 15
Asb. i ✓ (+tabsistl)
CT 17 13a
Asb. j ✓ (+tabsisti)
CT 4 2 34
Asb k (+tabsistl)
Asb. q ✓ ✓
CT4237 ✓ ✓
✓ ✓ ✓

BBR 26 CT 44 36
BRIM 4 7 JRAS 1925 pi. 4 ✓
CT 12 3 K. 10600
CT 12 7 K. 4273 ✓ ✓ ✓
CT 12 9 I AR 104 ✓
CT 12 17 LBAT 212 ✓

CT 16 18 LIH 59 ✓
✓

CT3311 MVAG 8 r90

CT 41 21
OECT 6 12
DT 110
PSBA 33 3v ✓
✓

Iraq 26, 15
JRAS 1 93 2 39 RA 17 1 39
SBH 24
✓

K. 75+
SBH 56 ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓

✓
✓

K. 953
K. 2670 SBH I
SLTNi 71
✓

K 2678+
K. 2683+ STC 2 84
K. 2692+ Sn 1 99
K. 3433 ✓ (+tabsisa) STT 56 ✓
K. 6348 ✓

TDP 47
K. 8173
TDP 57
✓

KAR 305 ✓

'IUP 62
KAV 91
TUI5+ ✓
✓
✓

LKA 4 sof
TU 25 ✓
MSL 4 p. 191
Streck Lb. 4
✓

TU 37 ✓
✓
✓

Streck Asb. 254 ✓

V R 46
Streck Asb. 356 ✓

SIT 38
STT 136
SIT 16 ✓

STT 172 7= patab brlûtu

✓

I = arak trmélu
STT 30I 8= pita uxni
2 = bald! napiltu
✓

TCL 16 pl. 17i no, 96 9= Adam zhru

3=kunnuildu
TDP3 To = Irba littütu
1 DP 56 4 = la akal gaggadilu
TI = Irma suppa
TU 15+ s = la hala mums
1* 12 l ( i)
TU 47 6 ma^rân ta;Gtu
VAT 13846 = tûb M
✓

*See Table 3. sub ana balàtu.


CONQUEST OR KUDURRU'S?
A NO "1'E ON PEACEFUL STRATEGIES OF ASSYRIAN GOVERNMENT
Barbara Nevling Po rter
Chebeague Island, Maine
One of the mo re curious objects to come down to us
from the reign of Esarhaddon of Assyria (681-669 B.C.) is
a roughly rectangular black stone, 21.5 cm. high, carved
on its top with two rows of stylized images arranged in
a recessed square frame, an d inscribed on its sides with a
text commemorating Fsarhaddon's attendons to the city
of Babylon. This object, known as the Black Stone of
Lord Aberdeen, after the donor who presented it to the
British Museum, is an anomaly among Assyrian royal in-
scriptions, as we will see, both in its text an d even more
strikingly in the form of the object on which the text is
inscribed. Its shape, decoration an d matenal are remi-
niscent not of Assyrian bu il ding inscnptions but of Baby-
Ionian kudurru's, documents used in Babylonia as formal
records of grants of l an d or other privileges. The ques-
non I shall address here is whether the Black Stone is in-
deed in some sense a kudurru, an d, if so, why Esarhad-
don, an Assyrian king ruling a recently conquered Baby-
lonia, chose this unusual form for his insc ri p ti on evok-
ing a traditional Babylonian genre, albeit in modified
form. The answer to this ques ti on reveals some interest-
ing things about Esarhaddon's Babylonian policy an d about
Assyrian strategies for governing conquered peoples.
The clues to understanding the Black Stone an d its
function in Esarhaddon's Babylonian policy lie both in
the text and the object on which it is inscribed. Since
Wi ll iam W. Hallo in his essay on the typology of Ur III
texts demonstrated the impo rtance of considering text
an d object together as related elements, both essential to
understanding the function of a given document or
genre,' it seems appropriate to dedicate this brief stu
to him, in partial thanks for the encouragement and gen-
erous help he has given to me an d to many other Assyr-
iologists over the years.
The first clues to understanding the intended func-
tion of the Black Stone lie in the text inscribed on it.
This text is one of a group of inscriptions commemorat-
ing Fcirhaddon's extensive reconstruction work on the
of Ur. A Ty-
43
-
194
city of Babylon, which had been heavily damaged in 689
B.C. (shortly before Esarhaddon's reign) during his father
Sennachenb's reconquest of Babylonia. The insc ri p ti ons
commemorating Esarhaddon's work on Babylon seem at
first glance so similar in form and content that they were
published by Riekele Borger in his edition of Esarhad-
don s royal insc ripti ons as a single, composite text with
vari ants, a text Borger refers to as Babylon A-G. 2 These
Babylon insc rip ti ons of Esarhaddon, however, show on
closer analysis some significant differences, and the text
inscribed on the Black Stone (the Babylon D text in
Borger's system) proves to be in fact unique, not only
different from Fsarhaddon's other inscriptions describing
work at Babylon, but an anomaly among Assyrian royal
inscnptions in general.
All of the texts, Babylon D included, begin by lis ti ng
various misdeeds of the Babylonians which the texts as-
se rt , had brought on the city's destruc ti on. The texts
then turn to a desc ription of the steps leading to the city's
rebuilding, omens from the gods encouraging recon-
struction of the city, the calling up of workers for the
project, the ceremonial laying of new foundations for
the damaged temple Esagila, and the making of bricks in
preparation for its rebuilding. When their accounts reach
the actual rebuilding, however, differences between
Babylon D and the other texts begin to emerge. The
other texts, following the pa ttern of conventional Assyr-
2. Riekele Borger, Die lndhnfttn Asarhaddon Königs von As-
syrian, MO, Beiheft 9 (Gm: private publication by the author, 1956).
For revisions and supplements to the Babylon inscnpnons puhlished
by Borger, see also Riekele Borger 'Zu den Asarhaddon -Texten aus
Babel," BiOr, 21 (1964)• PP. 1 43- 1 48; Riekele Borger, "Die Neue
Asarhaddon -Text AID 18, S. 314ff.," Af0 19 (
1 959-6o), p. 148;
Mordechai Cogan, "New Additions to the Corpus of Esarhaddon
Historical Inscriptions," Af0 31 ( 1 98 4), p 75; A.R. Millard, "Some
Esarhaddon Fragments relating to the Restoration of Babylon," AID
2 4 ( 1 973). pp 117-119 and pl XIII-IV; Jean Nougayrol, "Nouveau
ent de prisme d'Asarhaddon relatant la restaura tion de Baby-
ne Af0 18 ( 1 958), pp. 3 1 4-318; T j. Pinches, CT 44 (London:
,
B ri tish Museum, 1963). nos. 3-9; and Akio Tsukanoto, "A New Es-
arhaddon Prism Fragment concerning the Restoration of Babylon,"
Annual Review of the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Project 8 (199 0).
PP • 63 -69.
Conquest or Kudurru's?
ian bu il ding insc ri ptions, now describe the actual recon-
struction of the Esagila temple at some length, even
listing the kind of wood used for its doors and the vessels
with which it was equipped, and follow this with a brief
summary of other bu il ding projects and favors for the
city. The texts end with a detailed desc ri ption of the de-
posit in Esagila of the documents commemorating its re-
construc ti on, concluding with blessings and curses
designed to encourage the proper future care of those
documents. We have no excavated provenance for these
texts, but since almost all of them are inscribed on clay
prisms, a form typical of Assyrian bu il ding deposit texts,
and since the conclusion of the texts focuses on the de-
posit of such documents, it seems likely that most of
these texts are themselves the foundation documents
they describe. The Babylon D text, in contrast, summa-
rizes the actual reconstruc ti on and re-equipping of Es-
agila and the reconstruc ti on of the city's walls in twelve
sho rt lines It makes no reference to the deposit of doc-
uments, an d instead concludes with the repo rt that Esar-
haddon had returned to Babylon those citizens who had
been deported into slavery ending with the announce-
ment in its final lines that Esarhaddon would now restore
to Babylon the privileges an d freedoms conferred by kid-
innûtu-status — a status whose nature is not entirely
clear, but which seems to include both protection from
physical violence an d freedom from certain taxes and
duties. 3 This concluding emphasis on privileges rather
than bu il ding is uncharacteristic of Assyrian bu il ding in-
scriptions but recalls Babylonian kudurru texts, which the
Black Stone also resembles physically, as we shall see.
Kudurru's are stone (or, more rarely, clay) objects in-
scribed with texts recording the grant of land or associ-
ated tax exemptions, usually from the king; they make
their first appearance in fourteenth century Babylonia,
are common there in the Kassite period an d shortly
thereafter, particularly between ca. 1307-1047, an d con-
tinue to appear in Babylonia, in diminishing numbers,
until the middle of the seventh century. 4 Their most
common physical form is an irregular cone or pyramid,
usually of black stone, engraved with divine symbols, a
format which continued in use over the entire time
range. J.A. Brinkman notes that kudunu's are not legal
documents, since they lack witnesses and sealings; he
suggests they were made by the person receiving the
grant an d that their purpose was to strengthen the grant
by putting it under the special p ro tec ti on of the gods,
who were invoked by the symbols carved on the stone,
3. This grant of privileges is reported in Babylon A, C,
as well; the various accounts are published by Borger as Episode 37.
pp. 25-26. Kidirarwtu status is a protected stave, apparently gram
within certain physical bounduies, such as within a given city,
associated with divine protection.
4. I follow here J.A. Brinkman, " Kudumi," RIA, Bd. 6,
D.O. Edzard, n d., ed. (Berlin and New York Wakes de Gruyter,
'984. pp. s 67-274
1 95
by the curses that end the text, and by the deposit of the
kudurru in a temple. 5
Although the Babylon D text inscribed on the Black
Stone does not resemble kudurru texts in literary form, it
does resemble them in function, as a formal re cord of a
royal grant of privileges 6 Even more striking than the
resemblance in function, however, is the Black Stone's
physical resemblance to kudurru documents. To begin
with, it is made of black limestone, the material most fre-
quently used for kudurru's but one not attested for Assyr-
ian royal inscriptions. 7 While this choice of material in
itself recalls kudurru's, it is the carving of symbols, or s tyl-
ized images, on the top of the Black Stone that makes its
creator's intention to evoke Babylonian kudurru's unmis-
takable. The images carved on the stone include a
homed crown resting on an altar an d approached by a
worshipper, an Assyrian stylized tree a striding bull; a
hill; a date-palm tree; a seed plow; an d a square with cir-
cles at its four corners. They a re arranged in two rows
an d bear a striking similarity to the carved symbols of
gods that are the signature mark of kudurru's. 8
It seems clear, both from its physical appearance and
from its focus on granting privileges rather than on
bu ilding activities, that the Black Stone was not an As-
syrian bu il ding insc ri p ti on at a ll , but was rather a delib-
erate anomaly, a document meant to recall a traditional
Babylonian text type, the kudurru. In this regard, the
Black Stone appears as one element of an elaborate pub-
lic relations program which Esarhaddon developed in his
early years of reign to win support for his rule in Baby-
lonia by systematically presenting to the Babylonians the
image of himself as a genuinely Babylonian king, a ruler
who would preserve the forms of Babylonian kingship in
his own person, albeit without in any way diminishing
his simultaneous (and paramount) role as king of Assyria
an d ruler of her empi re . In order to present to Babylo-
nians the persona of a Babylonian king, Esarhaddon
adopted Babylonian ro yal ritual and titulary, assumed the
building responsibilities which were traditionally of cen-
tral importance in Babylonian kingship, invoked Baby-
Brinkman, RIA 6, p. 27o.
The Black Stone was found in Nineveh (IR 49),
most of the other Babylon iosaiptions, which wen found or bought
in the vicinity of Babylon itself. This provenance lends support to the
hypothesis that the Bhck Stone was not a bnilâng inscription meant
for deposit in Babylon. I am tempted to think that the text may have
been taken to Nineveh for deposit in a temple, deliberately echoing
the Bahylonian procedure for dealing with kuâsniis; with no precise
provenance in Nineveh recorded for the Black Stone, however, this
remains entirely conjectural.
7. For the trateriak from which kwbw ► r's were made. set Ur-
Smirk hilesora is iter
sub sea, Die Bdry+ n- '4n Krdurrr-re
Orbit Biblicus et Orientals. 87 ( 8. Sch wweiz:
Cottheiten,
Urnv.-Verl.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, i9119), pp. 68-
69. I un indebted to J.E. Reads of the British Museum kt the infer-
nation that the Black Stone is probably made of black limestone
rather dun of black bash, as had previously been
8. For a photnraph. see Joan Oases,
Thanes and Hudson, 1979). 66 6 t , p. it
196 BARBARA NEVLING PORTER
Ionian gods as his patrons in documents written for
presentation in Babylonia, and commissioned royal in-
scriptions especially designed to appeal to Babylonian
audiences. The Babylon D text appears to be just such a
document, written to commemorate the king's restora-
non of privileges to the city of Babylon. By evoking the
traditional Babylonian genre of the kudunu in the very
form of the object on which the text was inscribed, Es-
arhaddon was underlining in a t an gible way the basic
message of the text itself, that under his benevolent rule
Babylonian traditions and Babylonian national identity
would be to some extent preserved.
But this was only half of the message which the Black
Stone was meant to convey Although the Black Stone
recalls the kudunu form an d is, like a kudurru, a record of
the grant of special privileges by the king, it nevertheless
differs in several import an t ways from a traditional Baby-
lonian kudurru. These differences, I would argue, are
crucial to understanding the document because they im-
pose an unmistakably Assyrian stamp on the traditional
Babylonian form adding an important qua li fica ti on to
the message the Black Stone was intended to convey to
the Babylonians. The text on the Black Stone, for exam-
pie, rather than being a typical kudurru text devoted to
specifying the dem . it of a grant an d protecting it by curs-
es, is instead hardly distinguishable from an Assyrian
building inscription; it differs only in the brevity of its
bu il ding account and in its unusual conclusion reporting
the grant of privileges rather than the completion of a
building project. Physically, the differences are even
clearer. The rectangular shape of the Black Stone, for
example, is uncharacteristic of kudurru's, which were ei-
ther irregular pyramid- or cone-shaped or later, occa-
sionally tablet-shaped. 9 Even the s ty le of carving of the
images on the top of the stone is quite different from the
broad, rather curvilinear forms typical of kudurru carving;
the shmmer, sharper images of the Black Stone are more
reminiscent of the carving style seen in Neo-Assyrian
palace or monument reliefs. The images are arranged,
moreover, in two neat rows within a recessed square
field carved into the top of the stone, in contrast to the
freer arrangement typical of kudurru's, where figures of-
ten seem to float above the baseline of the field. 1O
Even mo re important than these stylistic differences
however, is the fact that the images on the Black Stone
except in two cases, are not taken from the traditional
repertory of kudurru images at all , but are images of quite
.
a different ty pe. While the image of a homed crown on
an altar is used as an emblem of the gods Anu or Enlil in
the iconography of kudumfs, and the striding bull func-
tions there as an emblem of the god Mad," the other
no. 8e (Abb 14), which u inscribed
on its top but shows these images
d back of a snake or floating in a circle in
images carved on the top of the Black Stone do not ap-
pear in the kudunu repertory. 12 For that matter, these re-
maining images — the standing worshipper, the hill, the
stylized Assyrian tree, the more realistic date-palm, the
seed plow, an d the square with circled corners — are not
attested in either Assyrian or Babylonian iconography as
emblems of gods. i 3
If the signs on Esarhaddon's Black Stone are different
from the images carved on Babylonian kudurru's an d are
not even emblems of gods, what do these signs repre-
sent? Daniel David Luckenbill has pointed out that a
nearly identical pattern of signs, this time arranged in a
circle, was stamped into the flattened ends of two clay
prisms inscribed with Babylon building insc rip ti ons of
Esarhaddon.^ 4 Luckenbill suggests that the images
stamped on these cylinders should be associated with a
somewhat enigmatic passage which appears in the text
inscribed on one of those prisms, in which Esarhaddon
reports that he has caused documents to be made of var-
ious materials (including clay) and that he has caused to
be incised (or perhaps, "stamped' ) upon these docu-
ments "constella ti ons, (which are) the image of the writ-
ing of my name."'s This phrase about the writing of
Esarhaddon's name in the stars, Luckenbill suggests, re-
fers to the signs stamped on at least one of the clay prisms
inscribed with this text. Since the Black Stone has almost
identical signs (it substitutes the bull where the two
stamped clay prisms show a lion), Luckenbill plausibly
suggests that the signs on the Black Stone, as we ll , were
a so rt of rebus-wnting of Esarhaddon's name, and that
the carved signs themselves represented constellations
which were in turn thought to resemble particular cune-
I I. Seidl pp. 116-417 and 146.
12. For the repertory of images used on kudurru's see Seidl, pp-
97-212. The squa re with circled corners may be related to the square
mounted on an altar or pedestal which appears on two kuduWo's in
Seidl's li sting, nos. 43 and 63, and which has been argued to be an
emblem of the goddess Ninhursaga (Seidl, p. zo6). The square on the
Black Stone however, is not mounted on a pedestal, and its circled
corners, perhaps representing the stars in a particular constellation
suggest that it may have a different significance from the squares on
the two kudumi s.
13. The date-palm tree is associated with the goddess Ishtar,
and also with her consort Tammuz. But it is not, to my knowledge,
used as an emblem representing either god
14. Dani el David Luckenbill, "The Black Stone of Esarhad-
don," AJSL, 41 (1925), PP. X 6 5- 1 73. For a drawing of these signs, see
CT 44, pl IV.
15. Borger, Bahylon A-G, Episode 40, pp. 27ff. The passage
does not appear in Bahylon D, the text inscribed on the Black Stone,
or in Babylon F, a fragmentary prism which is one of the two
stamped with the circle of images. It is included in the text of the oth-
er stamped clay prism, Babylon A, as well as in the texts of Bahylon
C AC, and E, none of whose exemplars is stamped. The word trans-
lated here as "constellations" is puaa a word (here plural) which can
refer to one of several star whose hrinr al setting or rising falls at or
near solstices or equinoxes, can be mo re simply a poetic word for stars
in general, or can refer to zodiacal constellations. (See CAD L 245 side
harnifi. AHw 563a proposes a definition limited to the latter mean-
ing.) The precise meaning intended in this passage is, needless to say.
obscure.
Conquest or Kudurru's?
iform signs. Luckenbill's argument becomes less con-
vincing when he t ri es to connect particular comtel-
lations to various cuneiform signs with which Esarhad-
don's name can be written. But, in pnnciple, his expla-
na ti on seems plausible enough. ° If his interpretation is
correct, however, the signs on Esarhaddon's Black
Stone, however reminiscent of the divine symbols on
kudurru s, sewed a very different function, representing
not gods, but Esarhaddon's own name. Late kudurru's
sometimes included, in addi ti on to the divine emblems,
an image of the ruler who had made the dona ti on.
Brinkman suggests this image of the king, which often
overshadowed the religious symbols, was intended to
add the strength of the king's royal presence to the guar-
antee extended by the gods, at a time when kudurru texts
were beginning to take on many aspects of more strictly
secular legal documents.^ 7 The writing of Esarhaddon's
name in images on the Black Stone may have been in-
tended as a bow to this Babylonian practice. But the
Stone departs from the Babylonian practice in a most
significant way by omitting the symbols of gods entirely.
Although the text inscribed on the Black Stone still in-
vokes divine protec ti on for the grant, the Black Stone's
visual imagery focuses instead on the role of the king
(moreover, the Assyrian king) as the guarantor of Baby-
lonian privileges an d freedoms.
The Black Stone, although it recalls both Assyrian
building inscription documents and Babylonian kudur-
ru's is neither. It is instead a compromise, a hybrid of
traditional Assyrian and Babylonian forms — or more
precisely, a traditional Babylonian form with certain un-
mistakably Assyrian elements imposed on it. 18 Both ver-
bally and physically it encapsulates Esarhaddon's Baby-
lonian policy in all its complexity, reflecting both that
16. See Borger's comment on Luckenbill's theory, in his notes
CO Ep. 40, p. 28.
17. Brinkman, RIA 6, p. 270.
18. It is not, however, an Assyrian kudurns, properly speaking.
We know of at least three more conventional kudurru s recording
gents by Assyrian kings: Seidl's nos. 108 and tog, recording privileg-
es granted by S ar gon II in his eleventh and ninth years, respecave ly;
and a fragment of what appears to be a kuelurro, complete with f rag-
ment of a serpent-like symbol, dating horn the reign of Adad-niriri
III, found at Nineveh, and published by J E. Reade and C.B.F.
Walker, ' Some Neo-Assyrian Royal Inscriptions," MO z8 (1981-
8z), pp. 117-118 There are also a few kwdsml's of Assyrian princes
who became kings of Babylonia: one of taus-nidin- 'samt, published
by J.A. Brinkman and Stephanie Dailey. "A Royal Kudurru from the
Re gn of Aisur-rndin-'sums*," ZA, 78/I (1988), pp. 76-96, and one
of Sama3-s'asn a-ulcin, Seidl's no. I to. Whether these latter kings
should be considered as Assyrian or Babylonian in this caw is a moot
point All of these kudurru's, however, in contrast to the Black Stone,
are essentially indistinguishable from traditional Bahylonian kueluini s.
1 97
policy's benevolence and the price demanded for it. The
text describes Esarhaddon's gracious concession to the
citizens of Babylon in restoring their special privileges as
citizens of that venerable city, but it also implies that
there is a price to pay for this privilege; although the
point is tactfully not emphasized, the grantor of the priv-
ileges is not a native Babylonian king but an Assyrian
overlord, an d they are granted with an unspoken under-
st an ding on both sides that such Babylonian freedoms
will be conditional on Babylonia's cooperation with her
Assyrian ruler. The restoration of privileges is the gra-
cious concession of a conqueror, as both sides a re well
aware, an d Babylonians will enjoy the privileges only as
subjects of the Assyrian empire an d its king, not as free
and independent Babylonian citizens. The grant of kid-
inntütu-status commemorated in the text was thus an ex-
pression of dominance as well as of benevolence.
This also was the message conveyed by the object it-
self. The Black Stone is in many ways almost a kudurru,
but one with a distinctively Assyrian imprint imposed
upon it. Its most striking physical characteristic is the
name of the Assyrian king incised in signs on its top, re-
placing the traditional symbols of Babylonian gods
Esarhaddon is here offering the Babylonians, in short,
a choice of conquest or kudurru's, violent repression or
benevolent rule, but the object itself makes it clear that
if the Babylonians choose kudurru's and benevolent rule,
the benefits they receive will be granted on Assyrian
terms and with the clear understanding that the Babylo-
nians are to be henceforth loyal an d unrebellious subjects
of Assyria. The Black Stone was in fact a tangible, phys-
ical emblem of the Babylonian policy of Esarhaddon's
early years, a document whose text and physical form
functioned together to make it an effective tool of Assyr-
ian public policy.
.
 Nammu and Enki 1 99

with Enki. 6 The myth ends with the feast of Nammu
an d Enki. The interlacing lines easily add the following
passages which describe a banquet.?
For all these reasons I accept a literary unit of 1.2, ll.
4- 46 . The study of this text will prove this further.
I offer the restored text with its translation. The trans-
literation from the tablets will be provided separately All
differences will be discussed in sec ti on 3. t I
1.1-12: Exposition of the primeval situation.

NAMMU AND ENKI II. THE TEXT IS IN ITS POETICAL FORM

u dnammu denki ba-tud-aba
ba-tuk-aba
diltum nam-ntrba-4
Sumerian literary texts are poetic. Poetic harmony diltum an-ki-a ba-balbal-aba
Herbert Sauren and regularity is always helpful for a better understand- diltum•ma ba-pes u-tud-aba
Louvain-la-Neuve ing. In our case it is easy to separate strophic units. The 5. an-kurum-mabi bab-keid-aba
alternation of direct speech and narration is decisive. dingir sars"ar al-sug-es
The temporal introduc tion u4 ba "on this day" indicates dingir turtur ter$-im-ilil-ene
The myth, named here "Nammu and Enki," re - another section. 8 dingir-bi id im-dundun-une
tion of different parts and of different literary genres. But
counts the creation of the first man an d the first woman there is more. The s ix poetic sec ti ons of our poem are quite regular sabar-bi und im-dubdub-une
according to the theology of Eridu. The text is known in length. We are able to restore the o riginal verses. The Io. dingir-bi kinga im-urur-ene
Nammu, the main goddess in the myth, is not men-
as lines 4-46 of "Enki and Ninmab."' I shall show (i) syntactical unit of a sentence is nearly always equal to a zi-bi mim im-gagar-ene
tioned by name any more. Ninmab named in i 2, ll. 33
that this passage is a literary unit; (2) that it is composed and 37, is an auxiliary deity, which contrasts with her verse.9 As the number of syllables finds a regular alterna- <dnarnmu-ra ira im-papad-ene>
of six strophes of twelve vents each; an d (3) that the tion within the strophic umts, we may conclude meter
name: 'the highest lady'. No iden ti fica ti on is possible be-
Nippur scribes transformed the text in Old Babylonian an d feet IO
tween Nammu and Ninmab. Ninmab is the main god- As Nammu, Enki, came to life,
times. I hope to provide a better understanding of the dess of Nippur in the passages 1.4, II. 52-?9, and 1.5, II. as the goddess was taken in entrance-marriage,
text and a convincing translation, which I offer to my 6. 1st 1 47: an-e den-pal-bi, "An and EnliL" The citation of
8o-134. Nammu is the mother ofEnki, whereas Ninmab the highest gods of Nippur occurs only here The grammatical form
as the goddess was devised in heaven and earth,
colleague in our common attachment to the stories and rs Enki's sister, line tog, 137. is doubtful as a third god follows. The verb does not show a pl. form. as this goddess became pregnant and gave birth,
re li gion of the ancient past. Different settings a re used for the different passages. and: I. 47: en-dnu-dam-mud-e, "the Lord, the shaper and cre- as heaven and food supply were formally arranged,
ator." It is an appellation of Enki and not a name like the preceding all the myriads of gods stood by,
The myth plays in the Engur, the first dispute in the names of An and Enlil. The word is only found here.
I. THE LITERARY UNIT Apsu of Eri du, and the second dispute in the Ekur of even the minor gods held the tankard.
3rd: I. 48: ds"Sr-fir-ra-ke 4 ne, "the myriads of the myriads,' cf.
The text of Enki an d Ninmab may be divided into Nippur. A study of the interlacing lines 1.3, il. 47-5 1 176: ù-tu-dlir-âir-n-ke 4 ne; 9: dingir s'ar-bar, 12: mud-Air-fir-01- The gods were digging canals,
the following very heterogeneous units. The word of the E ri du myth is cited where Nippur texts often they piled up the ground on the reed,
shows that the myth was compiled with the other pas-
use des-nun-na-ke 4 ne, "the Anunna-gods," cf. 1.4.
I. t ll. I-3, introduction of the composite text.' sages by the mere an d accidental fact that all of them deal 4th: 1. 48: ka-tar si-il, "to praise." The word occurs a second
the gods were grumbling at their work,
1 .2 ll. 4-46, Nammu an d Enki. time in the final summary 1. 136 they had words about their life,
3. I cannot see any context of a creation myth while all mis- 5t 9: en, "lord," 1.50: en-gal, "great lord." See for these at- < an d they poured their tears before Nammu:>
1 .3 II. 47- 51 interlacing lines.
shapen creatures serve in the palace. By this mea organization tributes of Enki 1 65 and the summary 1.140.
1 .4 ll. 5 2- 79 satiric dispute between Enki and Nin- of the palace is exposed to mockery and not religion. We have no 6th: I. 49: géltu-dagal, "of large intelligence." Cf. : géstu-da I. I-12
mab) reason to make the Sumerian religion appear ridiculous, for Sumerian gal, 26 géltu, 28: géitu-ri The expression provides a second link
1 5 • II 8o-134, satiric dispute of Ninmab. 4 man believed in his gods. I note in detail the creations and their func- with the myth 1 : I A 4: (da-nu]n-na-ke 4-ne ba-tu-ud-di -ba
tions• 7th: l..1. 51: a-a-tu-da, "the father who begets." See the epithet a-
1.6 : ll. zoo- 1, interlacing lines displaced) a, "father" in the doxology 1. l.. 141.
11 59-61: The man with his unbending arm becomes a cant officer, to. The length of the verses differ from one strophic
1.7 : 11. 135-141, summary and final doxology. 11. 62-65: the blind man becomes a king's singer. 8th• 151: me "divine power," is only found here.
9th: I. 51: nam-tar, "destiny," is here a function of E D. the other. Inside the st ro phes are only two different verse lengths:
H. 66-68: the dwarf hec
becomes
ome a goldsmith;
hecome 5/6;3.1- 1 a = 6 /8; 4.1-u= 7/8;5 1-12=
There are good reasons to separate the pnmeval myth 37, 46, where destiny is determined by Nammu. 1.1-12 =9/10;2.1-12 =
IL 69-71: the impotent becomes the embalmer, 9/10; 6.1-12 = 9/10. Neidren Latin nor any other poetic rule is nor-
1.2, Il. 4-46 from the two satirical disputes, 1.4, 7. Following the suggestion of S.N. Kramer, Sumerian My-
11. 52-79, D. 72-74: the b arren woman becomes
hecomes a harem lady;
hecome mative for Sumerian poetry, but cf. Greek poetry where the akana-
and 1.5, ll 8o-gg, 112-134. The text shows a composi- II. 75-78: the eunuch stands before
heforee the king. thology 70-71 C. Benno, Lc. 13, thinks that the description of the dve length of verses is quite usual The continuous transliteration
There is evidently no link to 1.2 D. 4-46. banquet, D. 44-52, forms a literary unit, which the frilly restored text attempts to give a readable Sumerian text which makes the poetic
would have prevented. The classical text of the Sumerian convivium
,

4 The text tells of the engendering and birth of a child, and form evident. The transliteration in standard fonn will avoid all coo-
I. C. Benito "•Enka and Ninmah' and 'Enki and the Wo rld even if the god Enki is the father, this is hardly a creation myth. demon, "least of the gods," is found in Gudea Cyl. B 19, 17-21, 20,
,
trovcrial misunderstanding.
Order'," Phil . Dise Pen ruyhnrtu tg6g {Unie Microfilms, Mn Ar- newborn child is named: u which is in my opinion the cryp- I. The sequence of gods is hierarchical and cannot be changed An 20. t:. The Old-Babylonian
t I. The texn, cf C. Benito, I c
bor, Mich , 7o-16, 124); "Enka and Ninmah" tographic Ming of the Akkadian word: au ilu, amilu, "nun," AHw, Enlil, Ninbunag = Ninniab, Nanna = Suers, Enki (cf Codex Ham- + 2168 + N 1819, a two column
Ninmab" pp. 9-76. G. Pettiruto, version - IA: CBS 11.386 + t 137
Das ahhoritntahshtht Mensdknbild und die sumaud.en und CAD, s.v., and especially BAW 1 78, 7-28 (Lu) where the synonym
,
murahii R 26,45-27,43 with slight variations). We find here in IL 44-
murabi tablet containing the whole tut. CBS 13.386; E. Chiera, SEM t t6,
akkodischrn 46 Nammu and Enki, which means all the gods of Endu. If the text UMBS 1/ I, 4; St. Langton.
Sdiopfinpsmythen (= Abbtfl. der Heidelberger Mad. der Wiss. Ph mu-lu is noted The All lexical text lû = la has a very old t ra dition, 4, 1.4-2o; CBS t 137: D Myhrman,
il .- MSL 12, 0969) pl. I-IL The interpretation of the Umul as a newborn adds An and Enid, 147, the sequence is not canonical. It is the Sum- 14. 34-5.II, 1.2o-37. CBS 3168: S N. Kremer, Sumer-
hist. K
K1.
l. 1971, t. Abad1)
Abadl) 1971, 69-73. x/4.
has been given by A. Draftkom-Kanner, AOAT 25 (1976) 265-270: erian pantheon of Nippur. Nanna /Surn is missing and is replaced by (1972), pl. 17-18, see pp. 70/71 , photo only N t8 119:
2. J. van Dijk, AcOr 28, 1964, 24-31, translated the first 37 Ian Mythology, .

B. Alster, OF to (1978) 26 But the aim of the story is not to tell the the myriads of gods Such a compound text scratched together S not
Imes; he shows also that 1.1, U. 1-3, is the beginning of many er the result of good Sumerian theology but the work of post- and non- C. Benito, Lc. so unpublished. iB: AO 7036. a two column tablet of
hterary works, I.c. 17, 22 31-39. 1 may add the "Instructions of
E.c..
starting point of the ordinary process of childh
childbirth. The text gives the
childhirth. the whole text. H. deGen usi>lec, TCL 16 TRS a, 71 t.5 - 4.2
aabsurd
hsurdd parodic and mirthful situation that the mother goddess of Sumerian scribes compiling different texts = 8 ' tC: BM 1 . 2.845, one column
Suruppak." VET 6/2. 169 I-3, and par,. where die introduction is D. I.9'-2.4'; 5.10 -6.I2 IL 1.39 1-4
not found in the Abu-SiiaMkh version of the 3rd nulknnium 9.c , Nippur does not know how to handle and feed the newborn child
s
8. The strophic secnoro are: 1.1-12 = D 4-11; 2.1-12 = D. 12-
1-12 tablet, 3rd tablet of a series of 5, H.H. Figuila, CT 42, a.
Conse le god of Eridu is mightier in the dispute. Even 18; 3.1-12 = D 19-23; 4.1-12 = 11 24-z8; 5.1-12 The Neo-Assyrians venaon - aD: K i71 + 2168 + 4896 +
OIP 99, 256. We may conclude that the introduction could precede a:
any traditional text from old rames in If one might see an apologetic satiric story defending Eridu, that S = 11 . 39-46. joint weft nude by W.G. Lambert and R. HrxgeH. Cf C .

Old Babylonian copies. It is 9. Besides the sentences, poetic forms determine the ve 4932. The
therefore most unlikely that nt IL 1-3 was part of the following unit no connection with 1.2 D. 4-46. 1.c. 20. s. photo of the Trustees of the British. Museum. I wish
Benito
o rhyme and repetition: (3.1):u mush-na'u-tun; (3 2): u mursss-
.

I.2 D. 4-46 in its original version. It seems to be added to the com- 5. The question ofD too-tot is followed by the repetition U. for th
the information and the Pte -
to express my
piled tea. 102-111, giving a sumnuty of 1.4, U. 52-79. This part has been added kuku-nail. Alhterihron sometimes with metathesis: (3 12): strips-hi / tablet of a series of ram, the two column eabkt
canon petmit
to combine the different units. baba-tul-une.
haba-tul-une.. Series of vents with slight vocalic alternations: (I.1-3): the midst of tcrlutrui 4 carnesyvoö so line 7o of the Old
ends In
ba-V-aba, the V (verbs) art: tad, auk. balbaI (1.7-12)• ba-V-ene, the e variants we numerousand the hatssleferi .

Babylonian version.
reduplicated verbs arc i1, dun , dub, ur 5 , gi, and <pà>. See section 3
tion is given separately
for fill information.
200 HERBERT SAUREN Nammu and Enki 20I

t A5: dAMA• dINANNA nam-NIR.PA-s"è ba- 9d: Ma e-pi-ri-ti [...] 7: I A 14b: ù - ku nu-um-zi-zi In your great wisdom
tuk-a-ba 1•7 (?) Ioa: dim-me-er I B 13e': let work your sacredness!
I A 6: dAMA dINANNA an-ki-a ba- bal- ]}al -la- tob: kix I A 15a: dingir-I -ra im-pà-pà-ne The family of the gods,
a-ba (some lines missing) I B 14a: [•• •] my son, create them,
1 A 7: dAMA dINANNA-m[a] ba -a- pes -ù-tu- I.IO(?) I'a- I A 15b: a-mr-gal i-ak im-me-ne so that they shall hold the tankard
da-a-ba I'b: E...]-un-ra I B 14b': [a-]nir-gàl ak [...]
I A8: an-kurum6-ma -bi -a TE.IRI.RI -bi -s"è I 'c: 8: I A 16a: lû-ku-ra i-na-a-ra
ba- ab -kes"da-a-ba 'd: [...] u4 -um za-zi I B 15a': 3.1-12
I B 9': [..]-ba I.II 2'a: [...] x-es-àm 9: I A 16b: ki-na-bi nu-um-zi-zi
I: I A Iga: [ù] m[u-u]n-Ci>-nir-ù-nam
1 A 9a: dingir-sar-sâr kin-ga al-su8-ge-es [... m]i- ni -in-gi I B
B 18a: [•
2'b:

I ]

I B I oa: [... de -es 2'c: [...] na pis- ta-fü-nu Io: I A 17a: dnammu - ke4 ama-palil
A I9b: m[u]-u[n-si-ku-ku-nam]
7. I A 9b: dingir-tur-tur TER.1UUM im - il-il-e-ne [.» û pa-a]q-qir I B 16a': [• •]
I B ISb: [ù mu - un-]si- k u-ku- na-nam
2'd:

I B ro: [... im -il-i]1-e-ne I A 17b: ù-tu- dsar-s ar-ra-ke4ne

3: I A 2oa: [... ki-n6] - 1 ù1 -zu
8: I A t oa: dingir-<bi> id <im->dun-dun-u-ne I B [...] dar- sâr-ra-ke 4-ne
I B 18c: [..1
I B < >
Nammu goes to Enld II: I A 18a: ir-ra- dingir-re-e-ne
2.I-I2: A 2ob: n[u-mu-un-si-
I A rob: sahar -bi UA.RA.LI im-dub-dub-bu-ne I B 17a': [ ••]
u-ba dagal I B 18d: [... nu-mu-un
I B < > I2: I A 18b: dumu -ni -ir ba -si -in-tùm
mud- Cr 5: I A na: [di]m- mi -ir su- dim - dim -ma-z[u]
ro : 1 A 112: dingir-<bi kin-gâ> im-urs•urs-re-ne galgal I B 17b': [dumu] -ni-sè ba -si-in-tu
denki-k engur bura I B 19a: [..]
I B tram
A 21b: ]
[...]

ki dingir na-me 6: I
A IIb: zi -bi inim inn-ma-gar-re-ne
[..

K 171I +
5 sa-bi u num-me 1 B 19b. [kI]n-gii-bi-im U Jß.IJOB-ne
I B IIb: [.. à]m-ma-gar-re-ne
A <cf 2.8 > kina-ni i-na
2.1-2 3 1 a: E. • -k]e4 mud- dim-me-er 7: I A 22a: du s -mu-mu ki-nù-<u->zu
uku num-zizi 3'b:

[• I B 20a: [..]
K 17u + 2168 + 4 896 + 4932 lu -ka-ra i-na-n 3'c: E. ..] uz-ni ha-nu-4 DINGIRmd GALmd 8: 1 A 22b: zi -bi-[...]
kina-bi num-zizi
2.3-4 4'a: E. ..]-ra ki dingir na-me I B 2ob: I-bi]- ma-al-la-zu u -

ta: u4 - ri-a-ta u4 an-ki-bi-ta ba -an[-è-a -ba] E. • n]u-un-zu-am 9: I A 22c: na-am-kù-zu m[u-e-kin-kin]

to. dnammu-k ama palil
4'b:

tb: i-na u4-mi ul-lu -h [u4 m1] E. ..] (x) ru-q4-4-ti I B 2oc: [... -z]u û - mu-e-kin-k[in]
ira dingir- ene
4'c:

Ic: fa AN u KI-tu 4 u[p-pa-a ..] E. n IJa i du-t's Io: I A 23a: qin [n]a dim -mi-ir-e - ne-ke 4
dumu -nir basin-tum
-
-

22. gi6-ri-a-ta gi6 an-ki-bi-ta ba -è-a -ba 2.9-12 5ra. E. ..] ab-zi-zi(?) I B 2Ia' [
2b: i-na mu-hi ul -lu -ti Imu-.fi] [• ..] x-tu II: I A 23b: <...> ù -m[u-e- dim-dim]
On this day, the wise one, 5'b:

zc: !a AN u KI-tu 4 up-p[a-a ...] 5'c: E. ]• -da I B z1b: [<...> ù- me-e-dtm -]dim
the creator of all myriads in existence,
3a: mu-ri-a-u mu nam b[a-tar-ra -ba] E. -q]é 12: I A 23c: ter-bum-bi ba - ba -tu- lu[ -ne]
Enki, (lay) inside the deep well, 5'd:

3b: [an-ki-bi-ta nam] ba -a[n-tar-ra -ba] 6'a: E ..] x t B zic-d : ter-bum[-bi ba - ba -m-lJu-ne
at the place where no god is, .

3c: [i-]na fa-na-a-ti ul-lu -ti

3d: fa fi-mat AN u where no worship takes place,
he lay in his bed, and
4a: dim -me-er-sar-sar an-ki-a ba -tu- ud -d[a-d- ïon plan
he did not anse from his sleep. 3.1-12: The lamentation and supplication 4 I-I2: The hepatoscopy and
a-ba]
4b: DINGERmeg GAL md ina AN-e u KI-ti 'i-al-d[u] To the sleeping one, to the lying one, u munsi- nu'u-nam denkik inim — ama-na
1.3 5 a: dim me-er-sâr-sâr an-ki-a ba - ba -la-d-a-b [a]
-
to the one who did not arise from his bed, u munsi- kuku-narn dnammuk klna-na bata-zi
5b: DINGIR'" GALmd ANu KI 4-za- i-i-z[u] Nammu, the primeval mother, dumu-mu kinu'u-z dmas-ku-s sa-kus'u — dana
1.2 6a: dim -me-er-AMA. d INANNA-ke4 -e-ne nam- (brought) the tears of the gods, u numunsi- zizi sila imini — sisil
dam-sè she brought (them) to her boy. 5. dirnir su dimdinia-z S• en-tan
lmm
kin-gu-bim tutu-ne dingir u- mud-medim
6b: ba -tuku-d-a -ba
dumu -mu kinu'u-z ziga ninama (assur imtul-e
6c: DENGIRmd u E[SDARme]I ana af fu-ti i-bu-zu
7a: dim -me-er-AMA d INANNA[-ke 4-e-ne] gis ibi-mal- la-zu-ta denkik a-ni basin-gub
2.I-I2
na'amku-z umu'e-klnkin Mnigin-- rÜglW-e
bi-in-du rr I A 12: u4 -ba gés"tu-dagal t3esm <d>e
7b: dim -me-er b[a-a-pes-ù]-tu- ud -da-es-a -ba Io. qinna dimer-enek Io. dingir i-ke mud-rnedim
I B 12a' • [.. .]
sa-bi-ta
7c: DINGIR m u E[SDARm ]I ir-b u-4 dumu -mu umu'e-dimdim nite- ana
I A 12b: mud -dsar-sar- gal -gal burnunl — ng-e
7d: DINGIR m [u ESDAR mJ `u^-al-Ii-du r B 12b': [ ... ] dsar-sar-gâl-gal terbu-bi baba-tulu-ne
1,5 8a: dim -me-er [... kurum 6 -b]i `ba -ab-keida' -ba I A 13a: den-ki-ke 4 engur-bùr a sur-ra
Sb:sud[un ... -bJa I B 13a': [...] Woe! Your are lying there. Enki, (obedient) to the word ofhis mother,
8c: DINGIR I A 13b Id dingir na-me Woe! you are sleeping there. to Nammu, arase from
8d: SUDUN [ I B 13b': [... na]-me My son, from your bed, he cut the holy lamb
I.6 ga: dIm -me-er- A 13e: sà-bi u6 nu-urn-me (the lamb) of appeasement,
I woe! you don't arise!
9b: Pbar-bi I B 13c'• La-bi [... nu-]um•m[e] The gods, your creatures, the intel ligent, the thoughtful, the researcher,
gc: DINGIR A 142: b-na-ni i-na the god, the omniscient of sacredness, the .creator
I are destroying their work.
I B 13d': [.»] My son, arise from you bed!
•
202 HERBERT SAUREN Nammu and Enki 203

the universal, brought forth from the womb, 5.I-I2 namtara gi-sag ninda im-ku-e III. THE MYTHOLOGY
Enki put his hand therein, I. I A 29: ama-ni dnammu-ra gù mu-un-na-dé-e A creation myth should start with the primeval con-
he moved and moved his thoughts. 2: I A 3oa: ama-ni mud- gar-ra-zu i-gâl-la-àm Nammu gave birth to mankind, dition before creation. Mesopotamian myths generally
The god, Enki, the creator, A 3ob: srubx-srigx- dingir-re-e-ne kés-da-i the being, out of the waten the head came out: name the first gods.' s The first gods in our myth are
3:
from his own, from his thinking srd im-mub apsu-ka ù-mu e-ni-in-sâr 'he has our limbs, will be his omen. ' Nammu and Enki.' 3 The compiled text, however,
4: I A 31: -

from his intel li gence, really stamps it.
4.1-12
I A24a: den-ki-ke 4 inim-ama-na
I B222:[••]
I A24b:dnammu-ke 4 ki-ni-na b[a-ta-zi]
I B22b:[... ba -t]a-zi
10: I
I Azsa•dmas-kù-sè fi-kiff -a-da-na
4. I A25b-sib im-mi-ni-s[i-si-il]
I A 32a: SIG7.EN.SIG7 .DU1O im mu-e-kir-kir- Nammu held her flesh to the sperm, names (I. I) the Anunna, the gods who a re from the seed
re-ne a second time, a woman, was the being. of Enki.' 4 This version presents some difficulties. It
5: I A 32b: za-e me• dim ù mu-e-ni-gâl
-
She (Nammu) stamped her for the carrying basket seems illogical to name the children before the father ex-
6: I A 33• dnin-mab-e an-ta-zu bé-ak-e of birth, for the sperm. ists. Moreover, the Anunna are gods of the Nippur pan-
7: I A 34a: dnin-imma a dsu-zi-an-na dnin -ma-la "She is a woman, birth shall be her counsel." theon - the myriads of gods, the iSr-far, are the
5
8: I A 34b-35a: dnin-bâra dnin-bâra dnin-muga Enki stopped all the works going on, corresponding gods of the E ri du mythology.' I propose
he looked at it, his heart was joyful, therefore to read: Nammu and Enki. There is no differ-
9: I A 35b-36a: dsar-sar-dug dnin-gùn-na tu - tu -a- ka
I A 36b: ba-ra-gub-bu-ne he prepared a feast for Nammu, ence in age between the two gods. Nammu and Enka are
A 37a: anla-gu m za-e nam-bi ù - mu-e-tar he ate at the side of the womb together with the in existence from the very beginning. The E ri du my-
new born p ri nces, thology does not delve further into the past. The starting
I B 40a: [... ù]-mu-e-ni i[n-tar]
-

5: I A26a•géstu gizzal in-tar
6: I Mobs dingir nam-kù-zu mud-me-dim
7: I A26c:ni-nam-ma Sla7 .EN.SIG7 Du 10 im- ta-an-
è
8: I A27a• den-Id-ke 4 a-ni ba-si - in-gub
9: I A27b' géstu i-nigin-nigin-e
to: I A28a: dingir < d'en-ki-ke 4 mud-me-di
I I: I A28b• ni-te-a-na ii-bi-<ta>
A 37b: dnin-Irtab srub x-Irgx bé-ke[s"da] the bread and (he drank) from the main reed- point of life is the male and female principle. The cre-
II: I
tube. ation is a birth process. If Nammu is afterwards named
I B 4ob: [ •]
I2: I
mother, she is not the mother who bore Enki, but the
B 40c• [... - b]é-dù-dù nam-lû-flu x]
6.1-12 mother with whom Enki begot his children. Therefore
the text speaks only about one goddess named di/admits
K 1711 + 2nd column, 2.I at the level of I.2 1 I: I B4oc: [dnammu-k]e 4 nam-ln-1u, àm[-tu-tu]
5. 2- 4 I'a: am[a- ...] I B 41: Enam-Ifi-lu x] bra-mue-e sag am-re
I l b: ki-[• ] 3: I B 42: [e-ne me-d]am-zu te'n-re-sti ga-a-am Is. u4 "day" has been restored at the beginning. s.
I'c: um-mi [... ] I B43 a: [dnammu-ke 4] nnmun-e sirs mi ni-in-il
-

The verbal forms of 1-5, ending with: -a-ba =

12: I A28c: géstu-ta ù-mu-ni-ri-ge 'd• it-ti [ 5: I B43b: <...> nam- lü-1uX àm complement u 4 for the conjunction: "at this time, at dus day " s. A.'

Falkenstein, Das Sunrnische, 4o, § 11, 3. M.L. Thomsen, Mesop o tamia

I'e: fi-me-ni-[(Sumerian line forgo tt en after 6: I B443: [srupx]-srigx-gang niunun-e mi ni-in-ri
-

to 246 § 489. Previous authors cept that the complement is to be

'b)] 7: I Bub: <..> fi-tu na-bi mu-dal found in 1. 1-3. As the strophic form proves that 1.l. 1-3 was added at
8: I B46a: [dlen-ki-ke 4 kin- ngin -d the moment of the compihbon v. above r, the racoration of u 4 is
5.1-12: The order of Enki 5. 0- 5 2'a: sà - tù r im-ma [... ]
evident in the original text
2 1b• za-e ù-[... ] I B46b: C...> fa-bi mu-bûl
ama-ni dnammu-ra gu muna-de t3. J. van Dg'k, 1.c. 25: dingir-an-na-ke4 ne, "die gods of
MiN
2'c: MIN ] [...]
fr-tt-ta w: I B 47: ama-ni dnammu dnin- -sè subun-na heaven"; C. Benno I.c. 31, 34: da-nun-na-kee ne. "the Anunna-
mud gara -zu i-gal-am
5.6 3'a: dnin-mab-e [...] am-ma-ni-in-gar gods"; restored: u 4 dnamunu den-ki. nit original Eridu version was
.srup dingir-ene keida-i
Ja em- mub-apsu-k umu'enin-gar
3'b: MIN [...] II: G
ggnn-SIG7.EN.SiG7.DUio
-SI 7..EN.SIG7 .DUio nun-gibil-ke 4
I B48a: gn-SIG7 changed by the Nippur priest.
14. A. Falkenstein, AS 16, 1966, 127-140; B. Kienast, AS
5.7-8 41a: dnin-i mma1 d[...] I2: I B48b: nam-tar gi-sag ninda i-im-kn-e 16,(1966). 141-158; H. Sauren. in "Humour," Travail et Scien r en
5 za-e medim umu'eni-gal
41b: in- IL .. Orient, (1980, 241-249. Th e ancient Sumerian pantheon knows only
dninmab-e anta -ni be-ak-e seven, later nine, Anunna-gods. In post-Sumerian tunes the number
dninimma diuzi'ana S.9-o f a: d KU-zi-[ K 1711 + 2nd column, cont. increases to 300,600. In this context of evolution the Eridu myriads
dninmada
dninbara dninbara 5'b: E• • •I 6.4 (?) 8'a: du 10-nir-ra of gods 060e) are a late tradition.
dninmuga cf note 6. The previous authors trans-
5.10-II 6'a• ama-g[u 10 ...] 8'b: fa-ta [...] 6, 2.1, 1.17. 1.41,
dsarsardu dninguna tutu-a-ni literate dingir-iinr-fir. I accept 1.6: dingir-4ir-3r but in a9 other cas-
10. ama-gu nain -bi 0h: x [..] 81c: ina rri-(3u'-ut z[e- ...] This graphic detail is another
umu'e-tar es the determinative, cf note
dnamnab-e Jupfik-bi 6'c: u[m-mi ...] 81d: x [x] x sir-[it "myriads" be-
indication of a relatively late text compi aatton fir-[
be-kesda
5.I2 71a: a[ma- ...] comes a nine for the children of Nammu and F"tii. We have to
ene kinga be-dudu namlulu
7'b: compare the verb in 54, lit midst "rmscply"' of also kit = 3600• J.
x[..1 K 171r + 4th column cf. C. Benito, l.c. 27 II. 64-70. van Dijk. Lc 16-27, trcomt11: "the great gods" C.Bevito, Lc. 47. -
7'c: r GI DUSU' [...] lows him, citing very late synonym-fists which sat to: ik = aS,
He answered his mother Nammu:
"My mother, the creature you propose will exist, a5:âingir-AMA- dINANNA 'the
1.2-4. J. van Dijk, Lc. as:
" S.
. .

put on the carrying basket of the gods, goddesses"; C. Benito, Lc. sr: darn-mint the
AHw s. v. Own; RA is (19r5) 77, 8. '1st a ui.w
aim-khans. 1bctoktt. dil-
multiply what is in the waten of your belly, 6.I-I2• The birth of men, the feast
ras. CE rote 15 for the unusual use of the determinative, the enema-
and you will give form to the limbs, dnarrunu-ke namlulu am-tutu don seems respected, v. rote 17.
Ninmab will act at your head, namlulu Nmmu-e sag am-e
Ninimma, Suziana, Ninmada, ene medim-zu teressu ga-am
Ninbara, (the other) Ninbara, Ninmuga, dnanunu-ke numun-e sir minis -il
Sarsardu, and Ninguna are your birth-goddesses. 5. <mina-kam minus> namlulu-am
My mother, you will determine the destiny, Irupsrig-gana numun-c minn -ri
Nmmab will tie up this basket (the difficulties of <ene munus> utu na-bi mu-dal
birth), denkik kin-nigin-ada minn -la
they all will do the work: (creating) mankind. <igi ubin-du> sa-bi mu-bul
10. dnammu-12 fubuna minim-gar
gu- rassur-a nun-gibila-ke
204 HERBERT SAUREN
one of the numerous Akkadian words in the text.'?
Nammu is taken in marriage by Enki, for otherwise
neither birth nor creation would be possible. But there
is more. The verb tuku "to have, to take (in marriage)"
is regularly joined with nam-dam ina alts, [noun = ab-
straction =] status/juridical condition of a spouse. The
husband, in our case Enki, is regularly the subject of this
grammatical clause, the verb thereby having an active as-
pect. The young text 2 E contains this construction. The
verb of the Old Babylonian version i A retains the pas-
sive aspect, as do all sentences in I.3-5. A specific form
of marriage is named —the juridical form of the entrance
marriage 18
In this form of marriage the man enters into the fam-
ily of his wife. His children take the name of the worn-
an's family an d perpetuate only this one family name.
The house of the wife is the property and life base of this
17. Other Akkadian words are: (1.2): nee-ba, s. note 18, AHw,
s.v. nrbu, to enter, (1.4): -ma, AHw s.' . -ma, J. van Dijk, I.c. 25: x y
z -ma a- x; C. Benno, Lc. 21: x-x im?-ma-a-pes, restored following
SEM n6, 5: -ma [...1-ba'- -a-pes. There might be room for two signs
in the lacuna, but there are often free spaces on the tablet; (1.7,3.12):
ter-bum, AHw s.v. terbum "tankard," a vessel for cult use, s. dug-nam-
tar "pitcher for the (determination of) destiny"; J van Dijk, l.c. 26:
zenbtl; C. Benito, l.c. 36, 48, "vat, basket." There is no lexical con-
nection with the signification: "basket"; (3.10): qin-na, AHw s.v. qin-
nu, "nest. family." J. van Dijk, Lc. 25,27, note 69, kin-si,
"substitutes," (guessed); C. Benito I.c 23, 36, 52, referring to J. van
Dijk, 'substitutes." (4.7, 1.32, 6.11)• !assur-, AHw s.v. !assur, Sum.:
rà -tar "womb"; (J. van Dijk, Lc. 26-28): si en-si t= sur(- sâr?), note
, =
74: "womb: C. Benito, Lc. 23, 2 4, 55. sig7-en-sig rdu 10 . i accept a
cryptographic writing. sig 7 = say , EN = wrong di ss imilation (or read-
ing -ar x , cf G Pettinato, OrNS 47 (1978) 59, for reading -ru, t . sa
'-
EN-9 Ysur, cf. note 16; (5.3, 5.11): fup x fikx , AHw s.v. !/tuplikleu
"bas-
ket." J. van Dijk, Lc. 26-29, zub-sig-ga "forced works"; C Benito,
I.c. 25, 37 sub x sig-bi, "the work of carrying baskets. ' Cf. also AHw
lipfugte "the painful bearing woman," the play on words is evident
as only Nammu ties up the painful basket; (5.4): sS = fa, AHw sa' la,
determinative pronoun. The writing la is often attested in Ur iII eco-
nomic texts, AOS 32 (1948) 92 16; WMAH 357 s.v. 'CI; (5.4): nn-mub,
AHw s v. emmu, CAD s v, emmu, ' hot water"; cf. 6.2 ba-mub; (5.4):
apsu. AHw s.v. apse, bammu, AGH 14, 16; AHw: "basin of water";
cil 6.2. S.N. Kramer, SM 70 "the heart of the clay that is over the
abyss"; J. van Dijk, I.c. 26: 3à im-ugu-abzu-lees "in the fertile clay of
the a b zu"; C. Benito, 1.c. 24, 37, 57: ii-im-ugu-abzu-lea "the heart
of the clay that is over the apsu." The mixture of clay and blood in
the Enuma Eli! is certain, but there is no certainty that this idea was
a Sumerian one — all references are of a very late tradi ti on. There is
less certainty that this idea was an E ri du idea, and 6.2, s immediately,
proves the contrary; (6 2): ba-mub, AHw s.v. bammu, ' water"; CAD
'swamp"; cf. 5.4 emnrulj; C. Benito, l.c. 25: BA ? sag-e,
cf the aB writing °4-` 'AUMUN 3 = ant i -mu-um,
for the hybrid Sum./Akk, phonetic writing; (6.3): te""-re-sti,
AHw s.v. krrtu, "omen." Cf. 1.5 TEJRI RE-bi-lè. where the form
without the ending -t is to be considered as a gloss. J. van Dijk, Lc.
y z dusu'-bi-lè; C. Benito, I.c. 21: A x x un&-bi-ii; C.
ito. I.c. 25; unu 6 -R1-zu your basin?", (6.4)- fir 5
(=GIS.NU, t ),
fine "flesh." C. Benno, l.c. 25, gil-mu tt "light."
The numerous cryptographic writings, the omission of the dec-
bnation (but cf. 3.10 the old form ending with -a). are indications of
a Ptui-Sumerian compilation. Further Akkadian references are in the
names of the birth-goddesses, s. note 35-36.
family. The man ab an dons his own family This form of
marriage is known in Sumerian times. 19
A more rational approach to the mythological terms
is excluded. There is no opposition between the mar-
riage form on the one hand an d the division mentioned
in 1.3 on the other h an d.
Nammu is divided into An = heaven and Ki = earth.
Heaven an d earth are not children of Enki, who dwells
inside the house of the earth He sometimes goes to
heaven where he takes his place in the assembly with the
other gods).
At this point of the narrative myth we have a triad of
gods Nammu = An, Nammu = Ki, and Enki, the hus-
band of Ki as his name indicates. It is only with Nammu
= Ki that Enki begets children, their offspring being the
myriads of gods, the srarsrara.
The mythology of Nippur is quite different. Three
gods are preexistent: An = heaven, Enlil = the god who
embraces a ll , and Ninbursag = the mistress of the first
mount and temple. No division is necessary. The cult
preexists with the gods.
Enki, the god of the sweet waters, and Sin, the
moon-god are born of Ninbursag. Enki in turn fathers
all other gods in later Sumerian mythology?' He creates
the Anunna the gods who through later multiplication
become the myriads of gods.
It seems that the mythology of Eridu is older than
that of Nippur, but we are unable to indicate the date.
We do not know if there was a pre-Sumerian name for
Enki21 or if Nammu is of Sumerian o rigin. We may ac-
cept the indications of the high age of the cult of the
18. J. van Dij lc, 1.c. 25: nam-nir-du„'-ii "in marriage"; C. Be-
nito, l.c.: nun-nit-PA-k "in marriage( 1 )." The authors follow text
F: nam-dam-i''è, "in ma rn age." nee-b4 is an Akkadian word, with the
Sumerian abstract element nam- preceeding, and with the Sumerian
postposition. We derive the word from the root eribu "to enter," cf
nèrrbu "entrance." A poetic shortening seems possible.
19. The entrance marnage is known from the text of Gudea,
Stat. B 7.44-46. The Lipit-Fuhr law-code knows this form of mar-
riage; E. Szlechter RA 51 ( 1 957) 76, art 34: tukumbi musses-tut é-
us'bar-n-na-ka i-in-ku 4 , "if the young son-in-law entered into the
house of the father-in-law, . . ." Th e father-in-law is called in Sum-
erian mussy-gal "the great father-in-law." In Akk we find: ê mum
rab4m and èmum sebrum. "the great/young father-in-law." The term
of the younger disappears later on. Th e entering man replaces the E-
ther of the bride Th e corresponding law paragraph of the Hammu-
rabi code, 7.4 (5 130), does not speak any more of the entrance of the
future husband, but only of the girl living in the house of her father
as long as the contracted marnage (of children) is not yet Coflssrmuc -
ed. We may accept the compilation of the present form of the myth
at the latest in the 19th century, hefore this form of marriage suns
abandoned.
zo. Enki is named in Gudea Stat. B 8.47: du„-ga-zi-da-ke 4
"the one of the princely word.' The myth of manna and. Enki at-
tributes to Enki all knowledge of human crafts. Enki is the wise god
of Sumerian mythology, but there are no specific creation tasks in
most of the texts coming mainly from the Nippur tradition.We find
afterwards Apsu (=Enki') in the Enuma Bit as the father of the great
gods. In the myth of Atnmhasis, Enki is the lord of the Apsis. op-
posed to haven. He is in possession of the earth and its creatures.
Nammu and Enki
mother-goddesses and the matriarchal structures of social
life
We learn finally that the laws of the primeval period
were also divided in heaven and earth. The earthly laws
are equal to the laws of mankind. The myriads of gods
need provisions to eat and to drink, 22 an d receive pay for
their labor, for which they work hard.
The subject of the second half of the strophical unit is
the work of the gods. They are worshiping^ 3 and the
young gods hold the tankard. 24 They are digging canals,
piling the soil up on the reed.^ 5 As the work seems too
hard, the gods complain to Nammu. 26
The second strophic unit has only two sentences, 2.1-
7; 8-12. 27 Enki and Nammu are the subject of these sen-
tences. There is no place for r. is, which is an interrup-
tion of the narration. 28 The text is in very well preserved
except for the gloss passed into ve rs e 2.3.29 We learn
some epithets of Enki cf. strophe 4. t-7. The text tells us
that Enki lives inside the house of Nammu, referring to
The UD.GAL.NUN texts attested at Abu-$ä1a- bikh give an-
21.
other orthography for Enki: UD.GAL.IRi. cf. note 17, 6.3, and Gudea
cyl. A 23 3o for eridu = URUxA, instead of NUN. This may be a pre-
Sumerian language The men who built E ri du for the first time in the
6th millennium were certainly not Sumerians. We do not know if the
Sumenan name d en-lei "lord of the earth” is a Sumerian transla tion
or interpretation of older names.
22 V. note 17 to 6.3 for the omission of TE.iRI.RI - bi-s'è. The
kurum6-provisions for the gods a re in fact the lambs offered to make
the hepatopsy.
23. The text reads: kin-gi al-su e -ge-8, J van Dijk, I.c. "surveil-
laient le travail"; C. Benito l.c. 35 "they stood at their tasks." As the
verb su g -g means "to stand' and describes the attitude of praying be-
fore the gods, the verb does not have any object kin-gis "at the
work' is a later addition. The description of the hard work of the
gods starts at 1.8.
24. S. note 17, 1.7, 3.12 for ter-bum. As the context of a cult
ceremony is assured by the word, we have to imagine the scenes on
the reliefs of Umanle or other representations of this ti me, where the
youngest and the smallest hold a jug.
25. The text reads: lJA RA LI, cf J van Dijk, 1.c. 27 note 67a,
"netherworld"; C. Benito, Lc. 35, 48, 'dust." I refer to AHw s.v.
urullu Ii "a kind of reed," which would be the normal description of
digging canals. It seems possible that a later copyist changed to yA.
RA.LI/arallu by a mythologizing of the story.
26. Some omissions are to be noted in 1.8-12. C. Benito, I.c.
22, 1.1o. Th e harmonization of the verbal forms im-V-ene necessi-
tates changing am-ma-gar-re-ne to im-gi-gar-re-ne in the re stitution
of the original form. The forms starting with àm- a re post-Sumerian.
S. AHw and CAD s v. bagânr for the Sumerian equivalent. inim gis-
s , s. C. Benito, I c 48, ha:Mu, ban-U N "to
gi. The words for ur 5 -ur
crush to grind" are transitive. We add kin-gi "the work" which was
erroneously placed in 1.6.
1.8, 1. io speak of the same gods as 1.6-7. The pronoun of the
collective -bi seems necessary. 1.12 is a subjective restitution based on
2.11 and on the fact that Nammu in 2.8-12 brings the tears of the
gods to Enki. The complaint of the gods in direct speech is missing.
but not indispensable. S. also 1. 15 and note 28.
27. Cf note 9. Even if the two parts of the strophic units are
not marked by sentenc es , but by ideas of one logical unit the sections
are found in all strophes alternately 5-7. 7-5 except 3.1-6 6-12.
im-
28. Cf.) van Dijk, E c. 25: Im pà-p5 dè, C. Benito, I.c. 22:
pl-pl-ne One should read sm-pa-pa-di <ne>. in the second half of
the line duplicate texts 1A and tEl differ. The citation of the speech
within the vene should be isolated. i accept 2 corrupt text, S. note 26
above to 1.12.
205
the entrance marriage. His sleep is paralleled to the sleep
of Enlil in the deluge stories. Enki is the reposing bus-
band of Nammu after all work seems to be done He is
named lu "man " an d by way of affection dumu "boy"
or "son ' of Nammu. 36
The third strophe includes the supp li cation of Nam-
mu The text is in the eme-sal dialect, which determines
the unit. The section inside the strophic unit is excep-
tional after the sixth ve rs e. The text is poorly preserved
and textual restorations are necessary. Repetitions will
help to restore the text. 31
Nammu is of higher rank than Enki, both in the en-
trance marriage an d in their mother/son relationship. it
is evident that Nammu's petition is, in reality. an order
to Enki, and he executes the words of Nammu immedi-
ately. Since the Sumerian cult cannot imagine an action
without the preceding omen research, the lamb of the
hepatopsy is slaughtered. 32 Enki is the ban?-priest the
mas-iu-gïd-gid, the haruspex. There is a great concen-
tration of epithets of Enki. A correspondence with the
nine birth-goddesses seems likely 33
The creation of men from clay is well attested in later
Babylonian myths, e.g. in the Enuma Elif. The later ver-
sion of our myth, 2 F an d I A 32a, evidently speaks of
this mythological event. But as 5 4 an d 6 2 tell the quite
natural story of birth from the womb of Nammu, I p re -
fer to see the birth as o ri ginal and the formation of clay
34
as a later Nippur tradition
29. a-sur-n "where water flows" corresponds to a-b ùnt = l6-
giv-
mu-i ru-qu-4-tum "the fa r heaven," cf AHw 3.v. rûqu. The gloss
ing an interpretation to engur-bùn "the far, deep well' is either an
aid to transla ti on or a parallel to heaven and earth divided in primeval
times.
3o. Th e appellative seems to be in contradiction to the above-
mentioned marriage. Nammu only becomes the primeval mother,
re not
Enki as her son is the second generation. Certainly myths a
consequent but change from one aspect to the other. There might
also be the influence of the Nippur religion where Enki is a god of
the second generation and equal to Sin.
3t. E propose to read du-mu-mu, 3.3 and 3.n. following 3.7.
Three times the vocative seems symbolic. I restore zi-ga "arist " 3.7
following 3.3-4. The signs in rA z2b: zi-bi, may be zi-ga', or lei-nù-
<u>-z(u) (z)i-bi, as in B 1 lob: [i-bi) rites-al-la = igi-gSi-b indicates.
ù restored following 3.3.
n? -bi and note 66. C. Beni-
3.6: J. van Dijk, l.c. 25
Readi r this might be an unusual
W. E.c. 23: x-gù-bi
work is in fact di ._ the
writing for kin-ga-bi "their
canals and making their banks. gù "bank" may be a later interpretation-
J. van Dijk, E.c. bar-kù nigin, but C. Benito, Lc. 23, 54:
32,
nisi!-kù nfgin. He reads in the second half of the line: TAR. E propose:
mil-kù-le. I read sila and refer to AHw, CAD s v- saiàtu II 'to cut"
for the verb.
33. The name of Enki and his function as bard-priest is
lowed by seven other epithets. I propose dingir after in-tan.
other names of Enki are found in 4.10-I t, rf one read: clingir sepa-
rc found in the myth: Enki 1 grins -
rately, Five names of Nammu a
dagal - li - bi-ra! lti dingir / dumu-ni-te-na / mud-far-tar mud-me-
di. Narnrtt: / arras-pyhl / ilium / ymes / hipfirdingir-c-ne It might
be that this symbolic number cvirespottdy tea the pentad of the Nip-
pur Sumerian pantheon
34• S. rote t7 to 5 4-
206 HERBERT SAUREN
Special attention should be given to the birth-god-
desses. Their number is nine so we have two Ninbara's,
which may be an a ll usion to the nine months of preg-
nancy. But there is more involved. Many of these god-
desses' names include Akkadian words. 35 Some refer to
the evolution of the child in the womb, 36 others are
known from temple rites. 37 A magical ceremony around
the child-bed of a highly important woman may be the
model of our text. 38 Magical an d medical behavior are
close to one another.
35• Nin -ma-da, s. minim "land"; Nin-imma 3 , cf emmu "hot"
and w rqu "fresh '; run-han = telitu, cf. pamkku "dais" and bard "to
make the hepatopsy"; Nin -muga = dgasan-mug = dam -di- gum-ke4.
S. C. Benito l.c. 58. As Nrnmab is not identical with any of the great
goddesses of Nippur an association with m4ba "ecstatic prophet"
seems possible.
36. Nin -gùn -na, s. On "color," Nin -imma, s. note 35, sar-sar-
dus , cf. sororat "red paste."
37. S. G. Petturato, Ôlueaiusagung 47, The position of the priest
and the instruments of the rites are in an easterly position. As môtum
land" stands for the west, bin bora, (s. note 35) and other names may
indicate directions and the rite of omens.
38. The number 8 with Ntnmab at the head permits the sug-
ge stion of a magical square around the bearing woman.
Nammu and Enki
The last strophe tells of the birth of man (6.1-3) and
woman (6.4-7). Parallelism aids us in restoring the text. 39
After the birth, Nammu determines the destiny 6.3 and
6 7 are the words of Nammu. 4° The man is like Enki,
the male god, who engenders life. The destiny of the
woman is birth. Men are like the gods, as the creation is
like the earthly birth of children.
The myth concludes with a feast — after the work is
done, after the children are born, their names having
been assigned and their destinies determined. A feast was
usual after the offering ceremonies in the temple, and
certainly too on the day of birth of a newborn child.
We are celebrating a remarkable anniversary in this
old tradi ti on. My warm congratulations go to my col-
league, Bill Hallo, for his new period of life. May he be
joyful like Enki over the work he has accomplished.
39. a F 39 remains doubtful as there is no correspondence to
the Old Babylonian version.
40. The text z B shortens the text. The additions made for the
purpose of the poetical reconstruction do not change the sense.
•
K 171 and K 4932
208
HERBERT SAUREN

FROM THE BOOKSHELF

OF A PROFESSIONAL WAILER
Aaron Shaffer
Hebrew University

BM 85563 1 is an Old Babylonian tag catalogue which TRANSLITERATION

was once attached to a basket of tablets According to the I. 2 DUB ar-ba -ni la is-bu-4 li -a-ni
colophon, the collection consisted of seven composi- 2. 4 IM.GID DA a ù -li -la li-la bi-el-le bi-ku4
dons in thirty-nine tablets, collectively designated as 3. 4 IM.GID DA 4-u8 bt -is-sà
ama-ér-ra-ku-tim la DINGIR.MAI3 i.e. titles which served 4. [7 I]M.GID DA a-bu-la-ap-ta in-na-id
professional mourners and wailers, in this case the cult of 5. 7 IM.GID DA ar-ba-ni . a r--bu-ti li -a-ni
Bêlet-ili. It is the first documentation for the repertoire 6. 8 IM.GID DA du-ul -li bi-tim
of this ritual behavior, often mentioned in Mesopotami- 7. 6 IM.GID DA dial a-lam
an sources. 2 8. I IM.GID DA ù-u8 im-me ù-u 8 im-me
9. 2 DUB
IO. 37 IM.GID DA
I I. ama-ér-ra-ku-tim
I2. la DINGIICMAIJ

TRANSLATION
I. 2 tablets: "Like a cow which roared like a bull."
2. 4 one-column tablets: "Alas! Song of Woe! It
has become a devastated haunted place."
3. 4 one-column tablets: "Woe! Her temple!"
4. [7 one]-column tablets: "Her mercy is praised!"
5. 7 one-column tablets: "Like a cow which
roared like a bu ll ."
6. 8 one-column tablets: "The duties of the
house."
7. 6 one-column tablets: "I consulted the city."
8. I one-column tablets: "Woe!, she says. Woe! ,

she says "

9. 2 tablets
to. 37 one-column tablets of
I I. The Art of Wailing"
K 171t and K 4932 BM 8 556 3 12. (in the cult) of Belet-ili.

I . Published here with the permission of the Trusteesn^ of the

British Museum.
2. See the dictionaries under key words such as bak4, sapâdu,
sanihu with their derivative, as well as lallant etc.; Some Sumerian pas-
sages are given by CAD s v ama mi. The correct form of the latter
o ama'irakku (or aman ukku) as shown by the writing in the code be-
low; cf also Silly p. 173.
2I0
AARON SHAFER
COMMENTARY
Line is This difficult title, repeated in line 5 below,
seems best understood by resorting to 'Farber's Mor-
pheme , whereby in Old Babylonian -âni can function as
-ânisr with the meaning ' like." 3
3. Demonstrated by Walter Farber in Zikir S'umim ed. G. van
Driel, et al. (Leiden, 1982), pp. 37-47.
Line 2: ù 3 -li-la• cf. ii-li-li = lallamtu 'c ri es of wail-
ing," and the colophon of manna and Bilulu ONES 12
[ 1 953) p. 178 line 187): ù-lil-lâ dinanna-kam bi-d-le; for
pe -el-la cf J Krecher, SKLy pp. miff.
THE APE FROM THE MOUNTAIN
WHO BECAME THE KING OF ISIN
Ake W. Sjöberg
University of Pennsylvania
A letter from Ibbisin of Isin to Puzumumusda, t the
ensi of Kazallu, men tions Isbierra, a man from Ma ri ,
"that ape who has come down from its mountain" (" "z
ugu4 bi kur-bi-ta e 11 -de3 , line 162), whom Enlil has el-
evated to the status of shepherd (nam-sipa) over the l an d
of Sumer (line 17) and given the kingship of the land
even though he is not of Sumerian o rigin: numun-ki-
en-gi-ra nu-me-a (line 19). It is remarkable that Ibbisin
indirectly corroborates the legitimacy of Isbierra's sover-
eign authonty: fbierra has Enlil's suppo rt (lines 21-24):
"Father Enlil, whose commands have to be kept, has
commanded thus: 'As long as the evil enemies .. in Ur,
1. Texts: CBS 14224 (PBS 13, 3); CBS 1423o (PBS 13, 6);
CBS 7772 (Barton MBI 9); CBS 6895 (STVC 1o2)+(All Letters pl.
xxxv, catchline only); PRAK 2 C to; Ni.4o61+Ni.4188 (iSET 3,
118-119); Si 557 (unpuhl. copy by Geers), OIM A 7475 (unpubl.);
MM 1039 (unpubl.; M. Civ il ); Edition: A. Falkenstein, ZA 0, doff
(using the publ. texts) t ra nslations: S.N. Kramer in ANET p. 480;
also in his The Swmcrians pp. 334£; CI Wilcke, ZA 6o pp 601 (lines
15-28). New edition by P. Michalowski in his forthcoming Royal
Conespondence.
2. Cf. mu di-bi a -dEN.ZU Lugal-uri»-min °Nugu r bi-dugud
kur-bi mu-na-e-n "the year when the heavy ape (from) the
mountain struck ibbism, the King of Ur' (= Ibbisin year 23).
According to Cl Wikke (ZA 6o, 6o footnote 2o), "the heavy ape"
refers in this year date to the Elamites. Is it excluded to suggest that
this year date might refer to an attack by Ilhierra on Ibbisin at the end
of the latter's reign? If the "heavy ape (from) its mountain" in Ibbisin
year 23 refers to the Elamite ruler then Iibiem, "the Ape from its
mountain," is compared hy ibbisin to the Elamite ruler. In the text
treated here Isbterra is said to have been brought from the but-rag
"mountain," "foothills" by Enlil (A i to): den-lil,-k sul-zi-da-ni hur-
sa[g-tia mu-un-cum, c£ also JOE 30, 198:4?-5': 'if-bi-n'çm x [.. .]
hur-sag-t[a ... ] . For "ugur bi as an invective see further JCS 2.4
107, 1.3. "S"'ugus -bi kur-hi (var. as`ugu r bi) kur-bi umul nu-sa a
galga-bi suh 3 -a "an ape (from) its mountain (whose) judgment is not
good, whose advice is confining"; dim es ma-"pugurbi "with the
intelligence (instincts) of an ape" Two Sc ri bes 76 (SLTNi 116:25 and
duple.); also Enkitalu and Enkihegal toi (TuM NF 3 42 ïi r7 and
duple.); za-e dim,-nu-zu chin a -ma-ur''ugu 4-bi galga-zu galga-ur-gi,-
n-ka NBC 7 80 5: 2 9 (quoted by Civil in JCS 21 37 comm. on line
26) c£ further dun,-itu-lu a-u,s -lu galga-ur-ra uktin-"ruguc bi
"with human ins ti nc ts , (but) canine intelligence, and an ape's
features" (describing the Guteans) Curse of Agade 156; dins ; rru-ur-
ra-gin.? ("of a dog', twin Hilt. Inst. B v 26, describing the Amorites;
finally in the Letter from ibbisin to Puzumumua 24: ht,-ma a ` H
ke, galga-ur-re (fin -ra) "the one from Mari with the intelligence of
a dog. ' referring to Mien*.
Isbierra from Mari will tear out its foundations and mea-
sure out Sumer (as grue)'. " 3 Even the defection of ours
of cities to Iibierra is in accordance with Enlil's word. 4
But at the end of this letter, Ibbisin predicts Isbierri s
end:
lui maZ ri2ki-ke4 galga-ur-re nain -en na -an- na -ak-e
1 -ne-eg 2 mar-due kur-bi-ta den-111 2 a 2-tab-mu im-
3
ma-û
elamb n 3 mu - un -tag-ge u 3 dig-bi-er3 -ra mu-un^1'b-be e
un ki-bi gi4 gi4-de3 nam- kali-ga kur-kur-ra be y -en-
zu-zu
"the one from Ma ri , he with the intelligence of a dog,
will not exercise the lordship.
Now, Enlil, my helper, has caused the Amontes to rise
up from their land,
They will repulse the Elamites and take Isbiem cap-
tive,
The inhabitants returning, the might will become
known in all ]ands." 5
The "pro-Isbierra text" that I treat in this volume
honoring my old friend B ill Hallo on the occasion of his
65th birthday consists of seven k1-ru-gu y 's (the sixth is
the lost part of text D (ISET i, p. 187:1' [ki-ru]-gu 2 -6-
[kam-ma-am 3 ))), followed by eight lines = the seventh
kiruga, assuming this text belongs to "Isbierra A" (as it S
called in M. Civil's forthcoming Catalogue).
In the text, Isvbierra is acclaimed u the on of Enlil (A
I 3 t; i 18 1 ; i 21'), i.e. he claims the sovereign authority
over Nippur (c£ Cl. Wilcke, ZA 6o, p. 59; 61); e 2-kur is
mentioned in A in 5 (however, in a broken context). A
iii 14, where aga-2i-maX}-u 4 -su; -DU (reading is almost
certain) is mentioned in connection with Ilbierra, might
dib-be,-da en-na urib-rna
den-ld, du.
r ,b -ke 4 subui-bi ba-bu-
lu,-erim, -la mu-un- ri -a d
re b-en-gi be,-a6, - e urs ,
4 u tukun-bi erw; suu-cl r i t-g+r-re-en-ssecen uum
hl,-la,-ta âi-s ►1 -w ï1 - bal -e-el-a (lines 25-26).
5. (36.) Falkenstein (we footnote r) "Barn wird mir rut Seite
und ITbs'ern fingen"; Kramer (footnote 1) "they (the Amontes)
sad capture Ishbi-Er a" @reknbk
down die E
-tag = ssk+ip". A•
2I2 AKE W SJOBERG The Ape from the Mountain who Became the King of bin 213

refer to a coronation in Nippur, since A iii II has [... period the Gutians may have been substituted for newer obverse preserved. i un- 2'. x rx] [...] x x-un-iar 2-ra
dni]n-lily 1a2 "... of Ninlil ' which may refer to an epi- enemies from the highlands such as the Hurrians. An Ur placed; ii = A iv 9-17. 3'. x x [...]-e nig 2 - si-sa 2 pa e # '-darn bea-a
thet of the king. 6 His capital is hin, the "axis (between) III royal insc ription (perhaps an Umammu insc ripti on) 4' • munus-zi dnin-li[I 2 ...] [x' x amas
rx x'
D: Ni.9784 (ISET I, p. 187) If Iibierra A, this text, of
heaven and earth" (bulug-an-ki A i iii), where his published by Civil in OrNS 54, 27ff. men ti ons the Gu-
which only a small pa rt A iï 5'. sag-gi6 un-zi-ga[1 2 ...] bu-mu-n-ni-i
throne (bara2) is established (A i tians. ma- da'-gu-rim-umki zi-mu-darks sig-ba ugnim Id of either the obverse or ne2
These references suggest that this text may have been ba-ni-tag (col. iv' 4'-6'), translated by Civil as "the dis- the reverse is preserved, B fi 2 1 . sag-gi6 [...] /
recited upon Igbierra's accession to the throne. trict of Guti and Zimudar had troops established in the follows after A iv. A ii 6'. ki-sikil dinanna nin UD UD
Elam is mentioned twice in the preserved text: A ii 24 South." In his commentary (p. 32) Civil suggests that the gu2 e 3 1 (UD'.DU)
(kur ela[m ...]) and A iv 24 (elamki [...]), certainly refer- verb ki-tag implies that the settlements were intended to See van Dijk, JCS 3o, 190. 7'. bul-du-zu igi -te-e[n] [k]a-kei l -bi / bu-mu-
ring to Iibierra's struggle against the archenemy For E- be permanent; these lines might then refer to a Gutian n-ab-si-il
bierra having inherited this war with Elam from Ibbisin, invasion. Col. ii' 4' mentions gu2 tar-la g dumu-gu-tim- (About 15 fines are missing at the beginning) ki - ru-gu 2 - [ x' -kam-ma-am 3
note Ibbisin year 9: mu di-bii dEN.ZU lugal uriyk' -ma- um-ma "Gutarla, the Gutian" in a difficult context. In- nam - nun-na
A i [ . ..] ` xxxx' [...] `xxx x' 8'. dif-bi-n3 -r rig x x (x)'
-

ke4 bu-ub2 -nu-rik' KA-BAD-ma-da-an-ga-anks-ge 3 (var. vading Gutians are mentioned in the Lamenta ti on over 2'. [x x x] [x'-ki-en-gi-ra kur-kur -ra dul-u 3 -de 3 be-me -en
elamk'-) a 2-dugud ba-gi-in-DU "the year when Ibbisin, Sumer and Ur (lines 75 "Enlil then sent down the Gu- -ra rx1 dumu den-li1 2 -lay ki-aga2 -an-
3' du''- bi -era 004 -gala-bi-im
king of Ur, .. massive power to/against blubnuri, the tians from the mountain"; 146; 230; 489). Ti-id-nu- na-ke 4
... 7 of the land of As"nan (var. Elam)"; cf. also Ibbisin umk' occurs in A in 5, unfortunately in a broken context. 9', en nam-nun-na-ni Jana
erim 2 -galiden-li12-1a 2 nu-k-ga gu-gar g1 4-
year 14 (defeat of Susa, Adamdum, and Awan). Elamite The struggle with Tidnum (Tidanum) is mentioned in A ii Io'. dif-bi•n3 -`ra' I...] `x x x'
gi4 -de3
invaders are mentioned in the Lamenta ti on over Sumer I I'. me-ki-en-gi-r[a ...]
Susin Hist. Inscr. iii 36 - iv I (Civil, JCS 21, 3o an d Wil- A gu - lub-ku 3 -ku3 -ga-ki-en-gi-ra-ke4 dalla
an d Ur (for instance, lines 166; 172; 2 54; 2 57; 261; 401; 12'. 3 -[ra ...]
cke, NABU 1990, 25f. (33)): mar-du e 1[u2 ' ti-id- mab-e 3 -de3 rd1 d-bi-n
405) In A iv 22 we find gu-ti-umki, but in a broken con- nu-[um]lkl i ia3 -a-ma-d[i3 -um]-[x im-ma-da-U[D DU-d] (4 lines are broken away)
6'. dingir -gal-gal-e<-ne> gu 3 ba -an-rde 2 ki
text. The Guteans continue to be mentioned in later lugal-b[1] me 3 kn-g[en-ba x ]in,-m[a-na-d]a-r[i]-es [a z nam tar-re-de 3 A ii 17'. d f- bi-[er 3 -ra ...]
sources around the Ur III period• in RIA 3, 715, Hallo den]-lily [lugal-n]a-ta [me 3 gen-gen]-ba [aga 3 -kar2 biz 7'. AS ga-mu-un-TAR nam-zi ki-en-gi-ra rx x x 18'. ba-ba -i1 2 rx] [.. .]

refers to some royal hymns where Gutium is mentioned: si3-si3 ] "the Amorites who ..., Tidnum, and Jamadium x' / gu ? x am3 m[i-n]i in- `gi s - en-[x]
-
'-
19', dif-bi-e[r2 -ra ...]
numun-gu-ti-um-ma ie-sabar-ra-gin. mu-bi-bi - re-a-ta A ii 20'. ba-ba- [li ...]
went out (to battle) their kings ... (but) with the 8'. da rnun-na'-ke 4 -ne be2-am3 [b a-ni-in-
-
]

"he dispersed the seed of the Gutians like seed-grain" strength of Enlil his lord, he (Susin) defeated them in `ne. -es-[am 3] 2I'. dif-bi-[er2 -ra ...]
Sulgi D 23o (second pa rt of line restored) and 346; ma- 22'. r nir' x [...]
combat and battle." Cf. bad 3-mar-due u3 mu-ri-tq-ii-id- 9'. en [x] [x nu-kur 2 -ru dnu-nam-nir [(x)] [x KA
da-gu-ti-um (var.-gu-ti-ma) sa-ga-bur-sag-ga z-se 3 against '
ni-im, RGTC 2, p. 30 sub Didnum. See further Letter of NI ba -an-SUM 23'. dif-b[i-n3 -ra ...]
the land of the Gutians, the of the mountain (I ...)" Lugalnisag to a King 2:4 ti-id-nu-umki-e gu biy in-gar den-li12 s"ul-zi-tu-da-ni *bur - *sa[g-t]a mu- 24'. kur ela[m ...] (no tr of elan, in Chi 's ropy)
A i to'.
Sulgi E 211f; see further Sulgi E 234: ma-da-gu-ti- s"iblr-bi mu-un-dab s -bey (var. UET 6/2, 173 IV II has un-tum 2 A ii 25'. di[f-ln- era -ra .. J
umki-ma gig-mu-bu-um-gin mu-GAM 'I bent down the 26'. x [...]
PIRIG.PIRiG-num, i.e. tidnum; var. omits determinative) I I'. ia -mu-ni-in-ku 4 bulug-an-ki-ka sipa-[(zi)-
land of the Gutians as (if it were) a mubum-tree"; cf. Sulgi "he (the king) who avenged(?) Tidnum an d 'took its ka]lam-ma-ge 3 27'.
B 266-267: uri be 2 -em dumu-ki-en-gi-n be y em ki- *fin/ 4 lines are broken
staff (its rule)." Tidnum is also mentioned in Lamenta- rga 31-13 -si-i[n]R1r-na-ka ban 2 ni 2 gu r[u A iii
gu-ti-umk' lu g i-dutu be 2 -em "be he an Akkadian, be he tion over Sumer and Ur 256 ti-id-nu-umki-e u4 suZ ug iii 5. rti- idt-nu-rum Li'
a Sumerian or be he an oppressor from the Guti-land!" gig-middu z a ury -ra ba-ni-in-gar "the Tidnumites daily 13 1 . [x x x (x)] ia 3 ' [nb ? du 11 -ga-zi [...] ki- u2-3 /4-kam'in,-a2ct
The Gutians are also mentioned in an Urnammu text: strapped the mace to their loins", cf also line 488. 8 14'. [x x x]-na-ka mu-ni-i[n-.. ] 6. e2 -kur-re rx' [..
gu-ti-um" lu g kar-ke 4 gu uri 3 -na mu-du b i-dutu ka-ba
.]

15'. [x x x] 7. -bi-rer3 '- [ra .1.]

um-mi-gi 4 "the bloody(?) hand of the Gutians, the plun-
TEXTS ki-ru-gu 2 -I-kam 8. rX X'
deren, I tied" TCL 15, 12:90 (ZA 53, 120). Hallo (RIA [...]

3, 715) suggests that in the later sources about the Ur III A: CBS 14022 (STVC 62+STVC 63); STVC 62• see A i t6'. [x x x] [x'-mab-a-ni na-me nu-kur 2 -ru 9. `x] E. .]
Römer SKIZ pp. 83ff. B i I. [x x x x]-r„rab-a \ -ni na-me nu- A ln w. [...]

+ Ni.99ox (ISET I, p 210) pp.83f. kur2 -rru' II. L•••

6. Cf S3öberg, Orsuec 21, 1091. on coronations in Nippur, + Ni.9957 (ISET 2, pl. 55) Two column tablet; A i 17'. [x x x glu nu-te-ga 2 -dam 12. [... ]-[e' du7
Uruk, and Ur during the Ur III Dynasty.
originally perhaps con- B i 2'. [x x x gu] nu - te-ga y -darn' '3. I...J-ur-sag-gay
7. Copy UET 1, 292 has KA-MU-; UET 3, 1383 rev. 7-8 has,
tained entire composi- ki-ru-gu 2 -2-kam 14. dit-bi-er3 -ra [x x] [x1
however, KA-BAD-ma-da-an-a-ane - le i (text in I ra q Museum, not A DU
collated). KA-MU (KA-BAD') in the Ibbisin year date has often been tion. See pp. 221-222. B ki - ru - gu2 -da-2'-kam'
corrected to sag"-kul'-; sag-ku1 = sikkiru "bolt," 'bar," see RA 57.
CBS 14022 collated. A iii t 5. x-`x' rx' dul 4' (x x]
1 73; JCS 30. 197. Cf. JCS 3o, 193 it 24-25: a-n-wab sag-kul-elasnr- A i 18'. [x x xJ-`x'-ge-en ga 3 m[u-e-t]e dumuden- en
ma u4 -e 3 -tal za s -mar-ba-jie u 4 -iu,-ie 3 B: Ni.4390 (ISET I, p. 150) Fragment of a two col-
]; van Dijk reads there
KA.MU-, but original has clearly sag-kul- (see also ZA 72, 24o note
1i1 2-122 u-u[n]-pa 3 -d[
umn tablet. i = A i Bi 3 . [x x x x].-`ge'-en ga 3 mu-e-te / [...]
t 1; for the geographic location of Arwa
see Steinkeller, ZA 72 en
2446); set also UET 3, 1685:4-5 ki-ma-du, sag- kul- ma da-ka ie 3 . 18'; ii = A ii 5'; ii-iv un- x [...]
for the land Ebib as sikkiir mâti see E. Reiner, RA 57,
1 73; CAD S
sikkwru t e). Ms. Reiner does not accept the emendation sag-kul
placed. A i I9'. [x x x x x x] *ugu-bi be 2 -me-en
I bbisin year date; see also van Dijk, JCS 3o, 197. The meaning C: UM 2 9-16- 454 F ra gment of an originally Bi (Rest of the tablet broken away) u
-BAD is uncertain; KA: ka might be Akk.pa, cf. AHw 8740* two-column tablet; only A i 20'. [x x x x]-`ge\-en g83 mu-e- r duto'
21'. [x xxxxx dumu]- den-liI2 b2
4) a) "Einj*m," v Pass. En an Ur Ill royal insc ri
ption (probahly of
King Umammu of Ur) A 33656a ii' 2'-3' (Civil OrNS 54. 28): rg _ r me-en
1ç+1 elan a-ia yat -niFieab-na-ie t 22' [x x x] xxxxx x-bi be
22. 1 . .J- r X1 -
-

"from the great gate of Elam to the

border of Susa," "the great gate of Elam" is according to Civil (OrNS 23'. [x x x x x x x sipa]-zi-un-gar y- n
23. [...] IX X is
54, 3o) a variation on the theme of the "bolt" of Elan. 8. For PHRIG.PiRIG/UG.UG = tïdrazun, (tidnwm) sec E. Gor-
don Sumerian .Proverbs, p. 53 0
.
A i; (lin broken)
214 Moi w SJÖBERG The Ape from the Mountain who the King of lsin 215

A iv 1. [x x] [z]a3 -an -ki kur ku-su r-ra2 -as za-a 'x x x' [...] 16. His great .... no one can change, 7. ... like(?) a storm . . ., in the rebellious country
ma]}-a-ni tug2 < -gin7> bi2 - in-duls 17. cannot be approached. heaping up for him the enemies,
2. [x x] x' nam-ur-sag gal-di-bi u 5 -a diri-bi (remainder broken away) (libiem's) ... has made (the enemy) to submit
It is the second kirugu.
3. [dib bi]-er3 -ra-`ra' sag-e-es mu ni-in -rig?
- iv. to him, and has picked (their) seed as (if it
4. [x x x] lugal -e-ne mab-me-en If. 'si3'-1ce
'si3'-Ice i8. you(?) have appeased the heart, son of Enhl
were) grass.
,

iv 5. [x x] but-du crim2 mes -mas e-ne-ra us" r r 19. , you are their .. .
[...] [x' gu2
gu2-e' '2-gaI2-la
-e''2-ga1 2-la It is the fifth kirugu.
20. , you have made the heart happy,
sum-mu [...] ku4 ku4
21. , son of Enlil, deity) has called upon ubierra and (elevat-
6. [x] 'x' gaba-ri-bi lu2 nu-e 3 su - ni-se3 sa -mu- [...] [x1 uL su' duz
un -gar 22. , you are their .... , ed him) in all lands to the sovereignty of
5 1 . [...1 he- den-fix-ha
7. [x]-na u 4-dam ki-bal-a erim 2 mu-na-ab- 23. the true shepherd of the numerous people. the land.
[...] [x' -da
tu r 1 -be2 [••J-lei antiphony.
8. [x (x)]-2-ni gu 2 bi2-ga12 -1a numun u 2-gin 7 u
(traces) to. Like Gina . .., demolishing the (enemies') walk
o«?) the numerous people,
.

im-ri-ri 2'
(remainder broken away) 14. Like iskur, he overwhelms the enemy,
3'. letting justice appear, indeed!
A ki-ru-gu 2 - 5 - kam- ma-am 3 15. he brings him into confusion, he, the youthful one
4'. The true woman Ninlil (her) domain,
B ki-'ru'-[gu 2- ...](ki- at the beginning of line) Text D
5'. she has made secure [the dwelling places(?)] for(?)
A iv 9. [dim bi]-n3 -ra mi-ni-in-pa3 kur-kur-ra nam- (follows A iv)
the li ving, black-headed people.
16. He is confident in the word of holy An,
nun- kalam -ma-ie 3 (the re are traces of signs [ki-ru]-guz 6- [kam-ma-am3 ] 17. iibiern, the true and youthful one, whom Enlil
6'. The young woman Inanna, the lady, who is
beneath mi- ni-in-) [...] [x' su-ki-en-gi mu-u[n-...] clothed in magnificent . . .
C ii I'-z'. di. bi-e[r3 -ra ...] nam-nun-kal[am- 18. whom Nunamnir has given power, . . •
[...] [nig21 -ul pa biZ ruD].[Du] 7'. . your evil enemy, whose troops she has broken
ma-se 3] [...] `suh 3 '-a kaskal bul-mu 2 [...] up for you.
A [ 0-g]' 4 -ga1 2 -bi-im [...] si irn-mi-in-sa 2 rx] [...] It is the third kinrgu.
B gis -gi4 -ga12 -b[i-im] [...] [x' ?(?) kur-kur-r[a' ...]
8'. Isbiem, ... , you are indeed (a king), proud in
A iv Io. [dgir # -r]a-gin7 'x x x' dub 2 -ba -na [...] x x ab -sum-m[u' ...] COMMENTARY
[disr-bi-e]r3 -ra sul Large pa r [da ] (his) greatness.
C ü 3'. dgir 3 -ra-gin 7 'x] [..] / bad 3 [...]
A iv i i. [...] 'rise [... n]am-nir-ra 'x] [...] It is its antiphony.
Text A
12. [. 'x' [•••J
..]
(remainder broken away) 9'. Lord, whose greatness is manifest!
C i 4'. un-e' ambar-r[a ...] 1o'. Isbiem, i Cp. the following
2.

A iv 13. d' il br-er3'-ra nir 'x' [...] den-li1 2 -122 -'kan II'. the mé s of Sumer kur-kur -ra im-dul "whose shade c
C
Nî.2889:17 (unpubl.); (temple) gizzu -bi kur
(lin omitted) 12'. Isbiem
A iv 14. diJkur-gin 7 erim 2 -n ha-Tani-dui-dui mu-un-la g , var. dul-la for ïa-mu-un-b 1 Enid in the Ekur
TRANSLATION
79; we also ZA 49, 116 rev. 5; (tempk) iti 2-lot kur-kur-
,

C ii 5'. disrkur-gin 7 [...] (pia)

A iv t 5. Ji-im-sub 3 -e lui bul-du ping-bus' rx x' n tugs -gin im-dul, "the awe of it (temple) coven all
lands like a cloth" Gudea Cy!. A xxvni 6-7; xxix 18; mu
'gal2'-le i.
C ii 6'. ii-im-sub i -e [.. A / 'x x' [. cent crown RN lugal-ur ib -ma-lea `ten-id x k me-lam a ma-rar kur-
I. 14. Isbierra ... the true and lam 2 m-a-
A iv 16. trïm - an- ku 3 -ga-u it ga[1 y] [x] 'x' x'_x kur-ra bi t -in-du14 lbbisin
2. of Sumer, covering all lands, off days , coven
C ii 7'. utim-an-k[u 3 -gas..] has strengthened the land for you, ni kur- kur-n dui-la g "whose awe-insp'
3 • Is"bierra, ..., son of Enlil, beloved one of An. 15.
A iv 17. dil bi-er3 -ra sul-zi den-112 2e' [x' -x-e-NE O. has called upon you ... you are indeed all lands" Moorges d Biros 2574, see also MD I S7 no. 2 I
4. He is wreaking venge an ce on Eniil's disobedient
C ii 8'. dif- rbr'-[eri -ra ...] / dein-lil2 .. I II -3 2; BRM 4, 8 rev 8'; narrt -mob-zu kur-kur-ra dul-
enemies, 17. lsbierra ... from(?) his . .
hose greatness coven all lands" Letter to Nana to;
A iv t8. a2 - sum-ma- d nu-nam-ni[r-n .. A b12 -in-du i , 5. he is proclaiming grandly the pure .fulub-rites of 18. Superior ... massive strength against the enemy,
19. dil- bi -era -ra dumu * 12 3 - *bui2 -*1[a ..] in-PA' mab -zu k ur-kur -re lol l -del SLTNi 61.45; 52; i-
Sumer, 19. giving you a scepter which leads the country,
20 s'uI nam-gu 2 -ka-n(i ...] m-bi kur-kur-n du(I x x) "whose awesome radiance
6. the great gods .., where the fate is decreed, 20. far-off days .... , distributing the 'divine pow lam a -bi uru-
21. dil- bi-tr3 -ra-ar x [...] nig2 x [...]
coven all lands" UET 6 /3. 2 57 • 7:
7. , ...a 'good' fate in Sumer, a ba-ba-ab-dul za-pa<-ag 2->bi -kur-kur-ra ba-ba-ab-dul
22. gar- ti-umiii 'x] [...] 8. the anunna-gods give their approval, (every) city, its Roar
a lts awe-inspiring sheen covered
dd bi-e[r 9. the lord ... is unchangeable, Nunamnir iv. '; za-pa-ag s -mu kur -
covered all Urnils" Sulgi C (b) 7'- 8
clam 1o. Enlil has brought his true, young (man) down ... the outer limit of heaven and earth, his awe- -en-dal; kur-kur -re
kur be,-eb-si, van. kur-kur -ra k 2
25. d[d bi-n from the mountain, some radiance, like a garment, coven the
(kur-kur-n) be r n Sulgi to Aradmu i:to.
t t. has let him enter the Axis between heaven and mountain to (its) most remote place,
i 3'
Text B (iSET t, I So Ni 4390) ii and iv earth, (proclaiming him) as the true shep- 2. • • • ,

3. he has bestowed upon you, Mtn. allo

herd of the land,
12. in Isis he has founded for him an awe-inspiring 4. ... , you are cent among(?) û1e kings. °nu-ram-flit -
ri pa-un-lare-r[a ..
tenus
.]

ENKAR *U.ENKAR me hi throne, 5. He burns ... evil-doers and enemies, 'givi

13. • .... , true command y) venom, dumu-den-W eke
un-e gu4-0/17 u[sa-as-a ...]

14. 6. ... rival ... no one has escaped; he " the be

Jul za-a rum e 'x' [...]
15. into his hand, AOAT 2$, 42Œ
to slu-a slpa .
lord, the great
lei-err-gs :J It is the first kirugw.
no AKE W. SJOBERG The Ape from the Mountain who Became the King of hin 217

also sips-ki-agar an-den-lily-bi-da-kes "the beloved
shepherd of An and Enlil" referring to Abie"sub, see Seux
Épithètes royales 416; ki-aga y-an-den-lily u3 dnanna-ke4
Suililu 2:12-14.
i 5'. dalla mah e 3 (where nub would correspond to
Akk. sins') is also attested in Enlil's Cha ri ot 10: gis-su-
say urudu-gin7 pa bit ib-e3 "he has let justice appear,
(gleaming) like copper" (Ismedagan) UM 29-16-549 rev.
u 4 (unpubl.); dutu nig csi-say nigi ul-e pa bit <-UD.>DU
OrSuec 19-20, 148 no 4:56; and cf nig i si-sa y kalam-ma
dalla ba-e-e 3 Enlilbani A 57-58.
A ii 5' (= B it i'). Cp. sag-gi b ki-tug-ba ge-en-ge-ne 2
manitu, plur. mindtu "limbs," "propor tions" (var. from
YBC 9886).
A iii 14. Reading `aga'-zi-mab u 4 su 3 -DU is streng-
thened by aga 3-zi-u s su3 -DU-a in Baba and Ismedagan
43 and aga men[(x)]-su 3 -DU JCS 24, 7o i 13'.
Alster Instructions p. 77; p. 126 note to where Alster re-
fen to Enmerkar and Ensubkeidanna 144. ri-ri = lagiitu.
numun ri-ri (zira lagàtu): dutu subus"-a -ni ber bu3-re6
numun -na-ni bet ga- ri-ri -ge = dUTU suuUS -tu fi -s
ub u3 SE.NUMUN -tu li -il- qu a -ut Sargon C t Io6-t Io; also
RimuS C 9 25-32; Manigtiuu C 3:16-23; 'numun-a -ni '

A iii 15. kalam ge-en, Akk. mina kunnu: gis-gidru- `bey-eb-ri ' -r[i] Mélanges d Birot 260/261:70 (Hammurabi
karr zu dalla mab im-e 3 and PBS 5, 68 (CBS 12694) ii "to make secure the black-headed (people) in their
nigc si say kalam ge-en-ge-en = PA' mi-fa-n-im mu-ki-
-

inscr.) cf. CAD L wo lagâtu 1. a) 2'.

I2'-13' (royal insu. Ur III, OB copy see AK) 19, 2f.
note 26; collated): garza gu-ta g[ub-ba] dalla nub U[D.
Du].
7'. The two first signs of the indented line are
somewhat uncertain; copy has su ma, reading da (not
ma) is a possibility.
I to'. suI-zi (-tar- following -zi might be a scribal er-
ror) referring to Igbierra is found also in text A iv 17'; re-
ferring to Gudea in Gudea Cyl. A iii 5; B ii 3; ref to
Urnammu in SRT 11:344 43; 49; JCS 20, 139:6, text A,
text B has dsul-gi(!), sul-zi-i1 2 kur-gal-la referring to
Suilis"u in ZA 63, 5 no. 157 (+ Studies Syiberg 307:105);
sal-zi referring to Siniddinam in JCS 19, 6:41. In our text
s"ul referring to Isbierra: our text A iv 15; A iv 20; B iii
4' D 7'; further BiOr 23, 243 I. 3a:17; 32. The statement
that Isbierra was brought down from the 'mountain'
(bur-sag) seems to be attested also in JCS 3o, I9 8 :4'-5':
dif-bi-er 3 -ra x E...] bur-sag-4a ..] —another Iibierra text
divided into kirugu's an d in a historical context.
dwelling-place" Finkelstein Memorial Vol. 191:7o; un Id-
tug-ba bic in-ge-en Enki an d the World Order 51.
A ii 6'. van Dijk, JCS 3o, 190 (3.): ki-sikil dinanna
utu-e 3-[ta utu-sue sea igi-t[e-e]n [.. ] bu-mu-ra-d[ub-
...] (I prefer to read u 4-e3-, u 4 suy) guc-e3 = balapu
"to cover," "to clothe." Cf. the following passager nin-
mu bi-li guy e3 "my lady, clothed in luxu ri ance," refer-
ri ng to manna, Ninmegarra 153; su-lim-hug sar i e3 ` she
(manna) is clothed in awe-inspiring radiance" In-
ninsagurra i9; me 3 guy e3 "arrayed in ba tt le" (manna)
Temple Hymns 514 (see commentary TCS 3, 145); paia 3
ba-an-dul l ul gu y ba-an-e 3 (var. gu i a) "she (manna) is
covered with the divine garment, wrapped in joy" man-
na and Ebib 2; dinanna az an-kart' gu du 7 mud-me 3 gu 2
e3 ("wrapped in blood from the ba ttle") manna an d Ebib
2. For a possible restoration before -m]ab su e e3 . [me 3 -
m]ab gu i e3 see manna and Ebib 134 me 3 -mah ba-ra-
an-e 3 u4-gal Id bi i in-us y 'she (Manna) has brought
forth a great fight, ... great storm"; see also Angim 205;
na-at matim(KALAM) Samsuiluna B 112-I I3; kalam ge-
en-ge-en: STVC 34 iii 23; Sulgi A 91; 99; Sulgi E 2;
UET 6/1, IO2:21; UET 6/1, 104:5; UET 6/1, 104:62
*m[a-da] bey ge-en.
A iii 18. za 3 -dib (corresponding to Akk. Iütuqu) is in
most cases a divine epithet. Referring to a ruler: ur-sag
en-bara i- b[arac]-ke ¢ ne rza31 -dib "hero who surpases all
the lords on their seats" referring to Susin Studies Sjöberg
3 0 5 39; nam-gul-la za 3 -dib referring to Ibbisin OrSuec
19-20, 1 48, 4:54; pirig-za 3 -dib Lipitestar A 6 (TCL 16,
48:6, coll ; text Y/3N-T 589 writes -za 3-bad).
A iii 19. Cf., perhaps PBS i3, 41:14 (van Dijk Got-
terlieder 57) gis-gidru-m[a]b kur-kur-ra pa e 3 un-e im-
mi-tumi [(x)].
A iii zo. As far as I know, me bal-ba, me bal -bal
(parsi zu"uzu) 'to distribute/divide the me's" is a pre-
rogative of deities. The deity is not preserved in our text,
but it might be Enlil who is then also the subject in A iii
A iv to (= B ii 3'). dub s seems to correspond to napdsu
'to push down, ' "to tear down," "to demolish," referring
here to the destruction of the walls.
A iv 20. nam-gu t ka is further known to me in Sulgi
E 203-205 (TCL 15, 14 v I I'-13' and dupls.) a-a-ar-da-
ri2(-)nam-gu t -ka -mu "my eternal fame (and? ..."; ABxGAL
-nam-gu i ka -ke4 lue la-ba-an-TAG 4 TAG4 a (var. AB-
gal-nam-gu rga-ke4) Gilgames an d tiuwawa B w
(ISET 2, 49 Ni.98o6 i 10 and dupl. UM 29-13-209+ i
5'/ copy JCS 24; not var. -ga- for -ka -) lugal-se a u3 -sas
ge say nam-ga-mu- ni -ib-du i i u 3 -sai -ge kur-nam-gu t
ga-ke4 "as for the king, sleep overcame him ..." Lugal-
b an da Epic I 322-323 (see JAOS 103, 318-319). I was not
able to establish a meaning of nam-gu y -ka /nam- gui -ga.
It remains uncertain whether there is a connection with
nam-gu y attested in the following passages: kur am 3 -
tu ii -ber giri 3 -sig i8 ami -me bul-gal s-la uni t' am3 -mi-ni-
gul-sari nam -gu i mab -am i lilt un i -mi - ni in-su -ub -

Lugale 332/vä 52; other possible restorations are [su-zi- 15 (kalam ma-ra-ni-in-ge-en) and finally in A iv 3 [ dil- SRT t I;57-59 an d syll. dupl. TCL 15, 38:6 with na-gu ;
i i i'. For bulug-an-ki "the axis (between) heaven and -ma-ba la-la-mi-du, see Y. Klein Acta Sum. ti,
m]ab gu c e3 (su-zi-mab ri -a referring to Igkur in Rimsin bi]-era -ra-'ra' sag-e-es mi-ni-in -rig7. u8
earth" as referring to the city of !sin see PSD B 174f 4 I 49:57-59 (also lines 6o-61); p. 53 transi. as "reduces to
(where this line is quoted); also PSD B p. 175 Bilingual 2:3) [i-lim-m]ab gu i e3 "clothed in great splendor" (see A iv i. i-lim, Akk. .falummatu, faqummatu hi V 63-
i-lim-mab in our text A iv i, in connection with the wind the great oppression," trans! based on nam -gui as
67 (MSL 13, 162). Reading -dul l (instead of -mu s) is
king); with the two last restorations cp. su-lim-bus gu 2 corresponding to babâlu (CAD i3 3 babâlu A; cp. rum-
preferable, see i-lim-bi kur-kur-ra du[1-Ia] UET 6/3,
A i 17' (= B i 2'). Cp. the following passages: kul-ab 4 e3 referring to manna in Inninsagurra 19. Finally, a res- guy-ak = bibi/tu "damage," "wrong,' "ruins," "calami-
an-gin7 s'u nu-ti "Kulab, like heaven it cannot be 257 rev. 7; see also tugi gin. 2 'rim-dui, var 1m-ma-dup s1 i 47 (MSL 1, 94); nam-gu i = dullu-
toration [gada-m]ab gu i e3 is a possibility, for which see ty") in Ana ittifu VIi
touched" OIP 99, p. 47 Zame Hymns 27-28; e, an-giri.^ with gloss dui Dumuzi's Dream 241 (var. an d gloss in babiilu A; nam-gu y -[ak-a] _ [ba-ab-
lu, nam- gu i -ak-a =
gada-mah 'fine linen garment" in connection with RA 69 104). ç nam-tag2-
su nu-te-ga y = bi-tum fa ki-ma AN qa2 -tum la i-te-bu-[u 2] t]u SIG 7 .ALAN XXIII 15 (MSL 16, 212); u
manna in BE 3o, 4:6-7 and dupl. CBS 8085 obv. (Du- y
"the house (temple) which, like heaven, cannot be A iv 2. gal-di-bi (otherwise not attested) would ga nam gu t -bi e x x Sulgi O to4; [x (x)] 'x' nam-gu
muzi-Inanna A). 'x'-ca Temple
touched by a hand ' Acta Sum. 12, 8 re v. 3'; ki-dingir- correspond to Akk. tizgarisr (not attested). Cf. Lipitestar (var. nam-gu 7) d iskur a-ma-ru unir
u3 -m-za an-gin , siu nu-te-ga y Enki an d the World Or- A ii 7'. For the restoration igi-to-e[n] see van Dijk, B 52: nun-e nun-uni 6 diri gal-mab-bi, translated as Hymns 338. turn-gu y in proper names: Presarg. lugal-
der 196 "your (...) where the gods are born, cannot, like JCS 3o, 190. si-iI , sill-si-il "to split off," "to cut" (Akk. "the p ri nce, the valiant p ri nce surpassing in greatness an d nun-gu y -su 3 ("The-King-is-full-of-.."), see Struve
heaven, be touched by a hand" bur-sag-sukud-DU ss"u s/sralâtu, srullutu; srarittu; parâ'u/Lugale 118; natâru S/CAD nobility" in JCS 3o, 39 (which would be nam-gal nam- Onomastika p. 107 (-nam- gu i -sir); OAkk. proper naines
nu-te-ga c ec -kis-nu-gal 2 Ia ' the lofty, untouchable N/2, 117) A parallel to our line is Ninmesarra 47 Ica- mab-bi-a diri-ga). diri-bi is probably Akk. aid, an d pre- rein-nam-gut su 3 W.G. Lambert, A.
'mountain', Ekisnugal Lamentation over Ur 242; cp. also kes z bi rliZ bi-a ma-ra-ab-si-il-le "its troops broke up in ceding u 5 -a might be understood as lagil. Sachs Memorial Vol. 253 (ii) 39-4 0 (copy p. 2 59); Ur III
UET 6/1, iii a 7-8; an-gal-su 3 -DU-gin7 su ti-ga nu- their fear(?) before you." ka-kes y = kilns 2. a) I'-2' names lugal-nam -gu i Limet L'Anthroponymie 470. 1"1 1
A iv 5. The inscribed sign in KAx?-KAx? is either 11 3
um-zu "like the great, remote heaven, nobody) knows (CAD K 437f.). For igi-te-en si- il see Lamenta ti on over -mui3 is possible); 2, 928:4'); W.G. Lambert, A. Sachs Memorial Vol. 2S7 re-
or SU. I have read ma s -mas (also mu a
Sumer an d Ur 3o: dnanna un u8-gin ! lu-a-na igi-te-en- nin-nam- gu i -sa -a (for -gu t -su i-
how to approach it" TCL 15, 18 i 8; den-lil i le' ni z ri- see OBGT XIII i3a (MSL 4, tit) `' KAxZI 3 = qe4- fers to UET 6/2, 353:2
a-zu su ti-ga r nu-um-ni-a TCL 15 18 ii 4; nam-mab- br si-il-le-de 3 "to break up the unity of the people of gama (text a; proper name).
mu-um, not KAxKU as read in CAD Q 78 S.V.
zu rig2 s'u nu-te-ga y -dam "your greatness is unap- Manna, numerous as ewes" (Michalowski); also line im: collated); qe 3 -a-mu-u 2 - um KAx5U` u-[ffu?1 UET 6/2,
proachable" ZA 63 13 no. 2:5'. kur-kur-re du e , usZ as dab s ba-bï igi-to-en-bi na-si-il
369.6, ma-a I I KAxZ1 3 (positively not KAxSU) Proto-Ea Text B
`the lands that had taken the same road (in obedience to 3 t6 (MSL i4, 44); Secondary branches of Proto-Ea/Aa
A i 18' (= B i 3' also A i 20') sa 3 -te = ga-te-en "to
Ur), were split into fartions" (Michalowski). In his com- Cf A i 24'.
appease one's heart, ' "to calm down," Akk. hbba no. 16:13 (MSL i4, 137) KAxKU with pronunciation
pullubu. A i 23'. Cp. text B iii r' sipa-un-sar c -r[a] refer- mentary (Michalowski Lamentation p. 73), Michalowski
[m]a-mu and Ea III 1t9 (MSL 14, 308); texts not avail- Cf. Enki'sJourney to Nippur 39: gu 4 lugal - bi-
refers to igi-te-en = ïgitennu; see CAD I/J, 43f igitennu ga-am 3 "a bull 'set in one track' for his own-
ring to Isbierra. able.
where SP Coll. 5.1 (quoted according to B. Alster's ms.) rim2-dU W I- a si 3 -ke-darn "der stiirrische Stier
A ii 3' Urnamrnu: nis i -si-sa e -e pa-e 3 bii ak nig2- igi-to-en-mu-se a (var. i-gi s to-mu-us with Akk. transi A iv 8. gu t--gal e is probably "to submit ie Spur gesetzt" Lugalbanda Epic II 164.
bra-dar er TCL 15, 12.38 (ZA 53,119); Cf. lugal merkar an d Ensubkeidanna 144 sar i ga-mu-
a-na ma-na-ti-ia-ma (manatu, plur. mandtu, = manitu/
pa-e 3 . ak-a-me-en Lipitestar A 105 rigs -si-
;
(var. -in-gal e for -ibi-gu) "let me submit to
218 AKE W. SJOBERG The Ape from the Mountain who Became the King of Tsin 219

Text D tut "spread out net" and, therefore, we have obviously

1 1 . Perhapssu-ki-en-gi<-ra> mu -u[n-du 1J : su duto
= Bra Eubbu. This restoration is strengthened by Römer
SKIZ 210:25 (Iddindagan hymn) su-kalam-ma mu-e-
du 10, followed by (27-27) nigi si-saz ka-ka mu-e-ni-gar
nigz-ul pa bi z-i3-e3 , see our text 2 1 [...] nigz ul pa biz
in-`UD].[DU] (is there space for [nig 2 si-sa2 ka-ka mu-
un-ga]r in our text?).
zr. See above on line 1 t; also restoration [nig z si-sa2]
[ni]g3-ul pa bi z- is a possibility, cf. d utu nigz si-saz nigz-
ul-e pa biz <-UD.>Du OrSuec 19-zo, 148 no (56
3'. Cf. [u4 kas]kal-sub3-a gin 3 ga Z gal bul-mu g bu-
re ' that day twisting roads are made passable, ... ripped
out ' (var. -mu m a) Nippur Lament 289; bul-rnu 2 guz
to search for a different meaning of Akk. saddu than
"sign/signal" in 4R2 26, no. 2 and parallel texts. Cf also
bu-ul I hul = [sa]-ad-du A2 = idu I 69 (cited in CAD
S).9 With our line cf giri 3 -sub3 -a bar-ra-an
ku5 -du "a twisting path ... cut off the road like ..." Sulgi
E 233.
COL. i COL, ii
4t . Restoration perhaps [kaskallbar-ra-an-kalam-
ma-ke4] si im-mi-in-sa e , cf Römer SKIZ 210:24 bar-ra- OO
•
an kaskal-la si bi t-sa e "Weg and Pfad hast du zurecht CBS 14022 •
gemacht ' (Römer); giri 3 bu - mu-gur kaskal-kalam-ma- •
ke4 si beg em-saw saz "I moved my legs proceeded
along the roads of the l an d" Sulgi A 28 Q. Klein's transi.);
kur-su-bir4'—s"e 3 har-ra-an kaskal-la si sa i saz e-de3 to `

Nt g;" •S `1: iL "Ÿ1" iE41

4
`171 -[da ] Tree and Reed 197 (ISET z, 76 Ni.4589 rev.
take the road to Subir" Aradmu to Sulgi 1.3, kaskal bar- ^y
:fC^' 4 lâ^t.: " 0 tewarj (
ra-an si ba-ni-ib 2 s1-sa2-e = [la2 u]r-jta u bar-ra-nu us- te-
1o'). Kramer, Acta Sum. 13 p. 22, translates bul-mu z (he
el s`e-ru ' that maintains the roads and highways" ZA 72, wr4•
reads bul-sAR) in Nippur Lament (his line-counting
70£:7; cf. also Inninsàgurra 118. [See CAD E 358 eferu : • Yr
d.t' Art
292) as "harmful growth." See further 4R 2 26, no. 2:78 fr•
lutéluru: barran, urjta lutéluru 'to proceed, to take the
(and parallels SBH 13 no. 6:23 an d SBH 15 no. 7.8) bul-
road"]. I was unable to identify on the copy the sign pre-
4>°'F.xa •• f
muz za 3-gii-tir-ra-ke 4 du3 -a = sa-ad-du ina pa-atgtf-ti re-
ceding kur-kur-.
tu-u2 , translated as "the sign which is posted at the edge lo'
of the forest" in CAD $ 56 S.V. saddu "sign " "signal"
(thus also CAD Q 272 s. v. giltu A, bil. section; AHw Nt.9957
1073 has this passage s.v. saddu(m) "Sigml(holz)," "Zei-
chen"). In 4R 2 26 no. 2 (and parallel texts) bul-mu g is
Ni.99ot
preceded by uî 11 -mus'-s'a 3 -tur 3 -ra = i-ma-at ba-al-me 9. M.E. Cohen Lamentations t, 79 c+ rot reads isirnu,(UUL.
'venom of a poisonous snake," uI 11 -GIR 3 -gaz = i-mat SAR) zal- tir-ra-ke4 dud a = sa ad du ina pa at gü' ti n-tu -us and trans-
- - - -

lates (p. 87) "a shoot staked at the edge of a forest." In his •
xu-qa-qia pi "scorpion's venom," an d a-bul = bu-tug-tu 4
commentary (p. 91) he interprets 13UL.SAR as a scribal error for
"flood," an d followed by sa-par 3 = le-e-tu 2 fu-par-ru-ur- GUL.SAR = lsimu a (I do not share Cohen's interpretation). •

•
•
•
•
• •
20', •
•
•
• •

Text A (colu d ii)

220 AKE W SJOBERG
ANCIENT ISRAELITE AND NEO-ASSYRIAN
SOCIETIES AND ECONOMIES
COL. iv COL iii
A COMPARATIVE APPROACH
Daniel C. Snell
The University of Oklahoma
How many miles is it to Babylon?
Threescore miles an d ten
Can I get there by candle-light? —
Yes, and back again.
If your heels are nimble and light,
You may get there by candle-light.
English nu rsery rhyme
William W. Hallo has long been interested in the
comparative method, and this essay is a preliminary at-
tempt to examine the similarities an d differences in two
of the several societies with which he has been con-
cemed.
The societies of ancient Israel an d Assyria are known
best from the same period, between about 85o to 63o
B C E , though because of the nature of the sources for
Israel, there is considerable likelihood of influence of lat-
er societies in the material reflecting the period We
know too that the societies shared the fact that they both
were dependent on rainfall agriculture to a great extent
for their livelihoods.
The major problem is that we know Assyria through
contemporary archival texts and less well through ca-
nonical texts. But we know Israel almost exclusively
• through a canonical text an d almost not at all from archi-
• ite society, in spite of the interest of some of its intellec-
•
val texts. In both places archaeology plays a helpful an d
00 00
interesting role in defining physical constraints, but it
fails to give the detail about societies that texts give.
Text A (columns iii and iv) From a number of points of view there a re striking
similarities an d a smaller number of contrasts. 1 have di-
vided the various aspects into eleven headings where in-
formation is available about both societies an d where
comparison might prove fruitful.
First, population. It is clear that the p ri me fact about
Israel is that it consists of peoples relatively new in the
land; there was a massive influx around 1200 B.C.E. prob-
ably from all directions and not limited to the east as the
Biblical text leads us to believe. But archaeology has re-
cently shown that the techniques that appear to nuke life
bearable in the hills of Israel, terracing and ciste rn -dig-
ging, are in fact older than the influx of population, so
421
they cannot be used to explain why the new people
would have arrived when they did.'
Assyria had in contrast been occupied in about the
same intensity for hundreds of years, though it is quite
possible that there was a dro p off corresponding to the
advent of the Aramaeans around 1077 B.C.E., which had
been disruptive of the normal functioning of the Assyri-
an state. Also, from before then, Assyrians had been de-
porting into their heartland peoples who had opposed
the progress of their arms on the periphery, especially in
the west. And after tor? B.C.E. nomadic speakers of Ar-
amaic may have settled in greater numbers in the Assyr-
ian heartland.
We do not have good quantitative information about
how the two lands were populated with new peoples, or
what percentage of the peoples really were new. But it
is striking that both societies owe something to the in-
stability of populations after 1200 B.C.E. in the Near East,
which we associate with the transition from the B ro nze
to the Iron Age. Old foundations had been shaken in
both places.
When we look at the internal structure of those pop-
ulations an d their divisions into social groups, we see
that there are again some similarities. In particular Israel-
tual ethical theorists in egrality, usually had groups who
were crown or temple dependents. There is an etiolog-
ical story about how the Gibeonites became semi-free
persons (Joshua 9), and there is less said about the post-
exilic netfnfm, but these groups share the notion that they
are somewhat un-Israelite in origin, whatever that may
mean in very early periods, and they a re constrained to
R,
work at least part of the year for the greater * t of the
society, embodied in king or temple.' Note also legal
texts in the Hebrew Bible are interested in protecting
opium, The H* Suns of Cesar . rinsitent Lit àr the
(Sheffield: Almond 1985), pp. t83-5 and 266.
arm, "The Gibeonites, the Nethrnsm and the • Sons of
tnban t t, (t96t)= pp. s 59-169.
Servants," Vites Ta
Contrast B. Levine. "The Pè latt," )°"rial `
Si
(1963), n. ao7-12, arguing they were not slaves.
222 DANIEL C. SNELL Ancient Israelite and Neo-Assyrian Societies and Economies 223

the resident alien, who may or may not be of similar na-
tus. In sho rt , Israelite egalitarianism is always very li mit-
ed an d applicable only to certain categories of people;
others fade into degrees of lack of freedom.
The chief groups in Assyria seem to be those depen-
dent on the palace for their livelihoods and those not,
the remnants of free peasant communities, perhaps or at
least independent peasants who owned their own land. 3
Because our information is overwhelmingly archival, we
have the feeling that in Assyria the palace dependents
were demographically much more numerous than they
appear to be in Israel Some of these people originated as
foreign deportees into Assyria, not just in the earlier
Middle Assyrian period but also in the contemporary
Neo-Assyrian. Unlike in Israel, though, the deportees
were not apparently regarded as foreigners, and the
kings' rhetoric, at least till Sargon II, stipulates that they
were treated just like Assyrians. 4 And it is possible that
they were treated like palace dependents, working on
ro yal public works for pa rt of the year but for most of it
left to till their own assigned l an ds.
In Hebrew society from this period the nuclear family
is the key element, an d the clan an d tribe are really not
very prominent. We have a vision from Genesis of tribal
an d clan groups being import an t, but the individual sto-
ries an d the legal collections do not usually go beyond a
wife an d husband and their children; even grandparents,
probably because of early mortality, are ra re . Though le-
gal texts an d Genesis stories envision polygamy, instanc-
es of it are rare. 5
The same can be said of the Assyrian heartland. The
so-called census texts which list peasants around Haran
in what is now southern Turkey sometimes show fami-
lies with as many as ten members, indicating perhaps po-
lygamous marriages. But such are not widely attested.
Also, again, grandparents are mostly absent. 6
In Israel Carol Meyers has reasonably argued that
Leviticus 27, a text giving relative evaluations of cl asses
of persons for fulfillment of vows, shows women are
thought of as being worth 33% to 40% of the worth of
men. 7 And Meyers further argues that this is a posi ti on
of relative equality in a traditional society. She also sug-
gests that this parity may deteriorate within the historical
period, but in fact there is little other informa ti on about
See in general P. GareUs, "Le Système fecal de l'empire as-
pp. 7-18 in H. van Effenterre, cd., points de vast sur la fiscalité
aware, (Paris: Sorbonne, 11979).
4. B. Oded, Mass Deportations and Deportees in the Neo-Assyrian
Empire. (Wiesbaden: Reichen, 1979), pp. 8a-9a.
the status of women. Laws seem to limit their business
dealings, but there are stories and poems about political,
religious, and economic power in the hands of women. 8
In Assyria women do not work as sc ri bes in the peri-
od an d are not involved in cou rt cases to the extent they
had been in earlier penods But there is indication that
when widowed they could act as household heads. 9 And
we know of some powerful queens who were regents
for minor sons The earlier Middle Assyrian laws had
called for the veiling an d physical limitation of the
movements of higher class women, but there is no clear
indication in the first millennium that anyone paid atten-
tion to them.
In Israel there is forced labor under the early kings,
an d free hired labor is assumed in laws and some stories.
Slaves were apparently few; Saul's slave Ziba is said him-
self to have owned twenty, but Abigail brings only five
with her when she becomes David's trophy wife after
the death of her rich if politically foolish husband.' °
In Assyria also there are forced labor demands in the
period, and the fantastically successful Assyrian army
must have depended to some extent on peasant con-
scription, at least for suppo rt troops." Some peasants in
Assyria could be sold with their land to great bureau-
crats, and thus may have had a serf-like status. Free hired
laborer are known, though the palace did not usually
have to resort to them, an d real slaves that could be
bought and sold a re rare.' 1
In both Israel and Assyria most peasants held their
own land and were usually not bothered by officials ex-
cept those wanting to collect taxes. It is nonetheless clear
that both societies were suffering agrarian crises of per-
haps a similar kind at different periods. We tend to think
of these crises, thanks to the not too helpful Rom an
model, as the creation of latifundia, or broad fields. That
is, we tend to think that rich people bought up vast ac re-
ages perhaps from bankrupt peasants an d then worked
the land with the peasants as ten an ts or as serfs.^ 3
8. See in general C. Meyers , I3isroveri ng Eve Ancient Israelite
Women in Contat, (NY Oxford, 1988).
9. J.N. Postgate, "On Some Assynan Ladles," Iraq 41, (1979),
PP 89-103. P. 94.
so. On slaves see M. Lurje, Studien zur Geschichte der wirtsdi ftli-
chen und sozia len Vahi:knisse in Israeliti ch Jüdischen Reiche vorn der E:n-
wandntrng in Kaman bis zum bob. Exil, (Giessen: Töpehnann. 1917).
p. 39, and W. Lauterbach, Der Arbeiter in Redet und Redstspraxis des fi-
ten Testaments und des alien Orients, (Heidelberg. Pilger. 1936). p. 8 ;
on forced labor see A. Rainy. "Compulsory Labour Gangs in An-
dent Israel," Israel Exploration Journal 20, (197o), pp. 191-202
The evidence for this happening is slight in Israel, be-
ing limited to a couple of prophetic laments which ap-
pear after 750 B.C.E. an d may refer to very unusual
situations. Bardtke argued that the reference was to
Northern Israelites coming south after the destruction of
their state in 721 B.C.E. by the Assyrians and buying up
land in the south, thereby dispossessing peasants. But the
Roman analogy is not instructive since there is no evi-
dence that landowner used slaves in Israel to work big
plots. And in fact the prophets' references may be to 10-
cal events that did not change for long the face of land
tenure in Judah.' 4
Something similar may be happening in Assyria, but
with some differences. Assyrian officials seem to have
been able to gobble up lots of land their king had con-
quered But it 1s very obvious that though an official
might own lots of land, his plots were not concentrated
in one place. Instead he would own bits and pieces scat-
tered across several Assyrian provinces. There were thus
no broad fields, an d again, local peasants were kept on as
tenants to do the real work.' 5
For people like the Israelites who may have had a p as -
toral background the question of animal m an agement
would seem to be of mtrinsic interest. And yet apart
from the early, an d foreign, Jacob stories an d the very
odd story in Zechariah 11:4-17 well after the e xile, we
do not hear much about how herding was organized. It
seems obvious from modem ethnographic analogies t hat
in dry farming areas like Israel an d Assyria herding was
an importan t way of hedging bets in a drought year You
could always kill the fatted calf or sheep, if necessary. t6
It may be because of the private natu re of sheep herd-
ing in Assyria that we hear so little about it in the period.
That is, the government may have assumed that peasants
would keep sheep to help them through periods when
government work was slack, but the government was
not involved in intensive herding for purposes of getting
wool or for food, as Mesopotamian governments were
in other periods. There are some re cords that show that
shepherds paid a fee in silver to the government when
they were assigned some government-owned flocks, but
what this meant is unknown 17
t4. H. Bandtee, "Die Latifundien in Juda während der zweiten
Hälfte des achten Jahrhundcns v. C.; rum Verständnis von Jes S 8-
10," PP 235-254 in A. Caquot, M. Philonenko, eds., Hommages
André Dupont -Sommer, (Paris: Adnen- Maisonneuve, 1971),
2 54.
15. J.N. Postgate, "The Economac Structure of the
The organization of crafts seems in Israel to peak un-
der the early kings, especially Solomon, and then not to
be heard of again. Solomon is said to have had to impo rt
craftsmen for his expensive bu il ding projects, and the ar-
chaeological remains, while not clearly attesting to his
acts, do seem to show that Israel was a crafts backwater
through the period of interest to us. i 8
Assyrian kings speak in their royal inscriptions of in-
corporating foreign craftsmen too into their work force,
an d Phoenician ivory work is attested in Assyrian cen-
ten. Some captured craftsmen a re seen in administrative
texts organized in military-like units. But they seem to
have worked as if they were independent of government
control. They get raw materials from central stores and
are expected to return to the government a set quota of
finished goods. '9
Foreign trade in Israel is only explicitly discussed in
connection with Solomon's reign, and otherwise it
seems to be in the hands of foreigners, just as crafts may
have been. 1O In Assyria we have a vast panoply of traded
goods, usually appearing as booty from Assyrian raids.
But in documents about other matten from Assyria mer-
chan ts seem to have non-Akkadian names. So though
more exciting things may have been availabk in the As-
syrian capital than in Israel an d Judah, foreign, usually
Phoenician, intermediaries may have been the means in
both cases?'
In Israel prices are rarely noted, but there are some in
texts from several periods, and silver and grain func
tioned as money before coinage. This is the same
don as in contemporary Assyria, though there something
mo re complex is happening. In the zoos B.C.E. the main
money was copper, but later silver again, as earlier, be-
came more popul ar ." Coined money was invented in
Asia Minor by 625 B.C.E., but it had no impact either in
Israel or Assyria.
There are so few prices attested in Israel that it seems
pointless to attempt to analyze them since they are for
different types of goods in different periods. But I have
collected sixteen for various things from land to s laves,
13
and there ar e four instances of wages, usually in silver•
the Assyri an
17. J.N. Postgate. Taxation and Consorption in
(Rome: Pontifical= istïtutusn Biblicetrn, t974). pp. wit and
- - 'YIs. C o P• Lift
28. Compare re i
tn general R. Kennett, Anent
ci Heifers. Social
d
and Custom as Indicated in Law, Na rr ative, and Met a phor.. (London: Brit-
PP. 7 47 ,
ish Academy, 1933). pp. 82-89.
19. Postgatt, Taxation, pp. at it, "Employa." pp. 2 551.
Assyrea+
20 M. Fist, Kuhn Kakdah be n Arad Whys'. (Banwark Ra -

Empire." pp. 193-221 in M.T. Larsen, ed., Power and Aopaganda,

5. L Stager, "The Archaeology of the Family in Ancient Is- 11. See in general still W. Manitius, "Das stehende Heer der
and Roy al G ra nts, p. 2 and latiotts in the Lands of the Biiir, Jerusakm: Mood Bialik. 1977). pp.
Assyrerkônige und sew Organisation," Zeituist:,. feit Assvnolodie a4. (Copenhagen: Akadetntsk, 1970, P. 214 •
rad," Bwlletin tithe American Schools of Oriental Research 26o, Latin rn 202f.
(2985), (1910), pp. 97 -1 49, 185-224. F. Malbran-Labat, L'Ann&e tt l' ari compare J.N. Postgate, ' Grundeigentum und Nutzung von pp. to3£, and M. "Der Tanskâru
pp. 16, 01, 2a and Hopkins, Highlands. p. 252. l" Drs Gnwn- st. Oded. Deportation,
Assyrien im 1. Jt. v. u. Z.," pp. 89-x to in B. Breiges, ed.
6 F.M. pales. Countless, e catatti di Epoca wno-aum0. sation madam de l'Assyrie, (Genève-Paris: Dirn, 1984 neuassyrischen Reich•" Join d st the .Exaannasac
(Rossa: 12. J.N. Postgate, "Employer, Employee and degentum in Mesopotrwien, (Berlin: Akademie. 1988), p. toi.
Centro per le anciohstà, 1973), p. 117, Oïrson 30, (1987). pp. 233 -2 54-
t6. L. Marke, "The Integrative Traulormation: Patterns of
-- --,

7 C. Meyers, "Procreation, Produc tion, and Protection: the Neo-Assyrian Empire " pp. 257-27o in M. Powell. Into ►
Soctopofitical Organzation in Southe rn Syria," Bul letin of the Amen as . Pt. '"Seructtue." p. :
IIMIe-Femak Balance in Early Israel," Jowned of the American Academy Ancient Near East, (New Haven: AOS, 1987), pp 260£ 3. See in general R. de Vasa, fint:twt
CM Sdnols of Or iental Rewards 234. (1979). pP• t -42 P. 7• and Herr
^f Religion SI. 0983), pp. 569.593. PP. 574. 585 . . 13. K White, "The Problem of Latifundia in Roman Histo- 965). PP. 3o3- 26 9•
ry Bulletin-7b Institute of Classical Studio 14. (1967). pp. kirr, Heg d nid:. p- 248.
 DANIEL C. SNELL
224

in Assyria we have more prices, an d grain prices in par-
ticular seem volatile, probably depending on the dryness
of the year. 24
The final area I want to look at is that of the interac-
don of government and the economy in the two societ-
ies. The basic ques ti on here is how effec ti ve these
ancient governments were in extracting taxes. Both Is-
raelite an d Assyrian kings practiced a rhetoric of concern
for the downtrodden, but neither was likely to be orga-
nized enough to do much about economic swings.
J Dearman has argued that what the Israelite prophets
were mainly complaining about in the century after 75o
B C E was the introduction of an efficient taxation sys-
tem modeled on Assyrian practices, in which govern-
ment officials were seen as the p ri ncipal culprits in
bilking peasants out of the fruits of their labors» There
are several reasons for thinking that Dearman has over-
stated his case. The scale of Assyria's needs was simply
much vaster an d would not have been seen to be analo-
gous to what Judah may have wanted to impose. The
court at Nineveh may have had to maintain as many as
26
13,000 persons a day. Certainly vast amounts of food-
stuffs were collected and then redistributed. But we do
not hear of how the king's own land was organized or if
it actually contributed to solving the food-flow prob-
lems. The tax rate on crops is usually unknown for As-
syrian provinces, but once or twice it is attested as to%
of the crop, not an intrinsically high or oppressive rate. 27
Did late monarchic governments in Judah try to turn
the state into a little Assyria? It does not seem likely that
Judaean bureaucrats would have imitated Assyrian sys-
tems, even if they could have. And would not the
prophets have jumped on the very foreignness of such
systems if such had been the publicly proclaimed goal of
the Judahite government? The sparse archival remains
from Judah itself do not show that bureaucrats permeat-
ed all ofJudacan life in this or other periods. It is possible
to take prophets' complaints seriously without relying
J. N. Postgate, "Grundeigentum," p. 103.
John A. Dearman, Property Rights in the Eighth-Century
Prophets, (Attenta: Scholars, 1988) esp. pp. 1 33 -1 4 1
.
on them to reconstruct a whole system of taxation and
redist ribu ti on that is not well understood in Assyria.
What do we learn from these comparisons? Are some
of them more explainable than others? Certainly geo-
graphic proximity and similarity of pluvial environment
explain the similarities in popula ti on density and struc-
ture, perhaps even the small sizes of families. Persistence
of earlier ways of organizing labor in cities may explain
why both places still had forced labor as well as hired la-
bor an d why there were servile semi- free classes. And
the fact that ancient societies before Greece and Rome
were not interested in expending resources on policing
slaves explains why there were relatively few of them in
both Israel and Assyna. That foreigners should dominate
crafts an d trading in both places may be due to the suc-
cess of those foreigners at carrying out those functions.
And the similarity in use of money merely shows that
both societies were embedded in the broader economy
of Western Asia, and neither can be seen as isolated from
the other.
We have seen that there are several aspects of the so-
cieties that are comparable, but that the one of organiza-
tion of taxation and government redist ri bu ti on does not
seem to be one of them.
Israel and Assyria were for many years contiguous so-
cieties that did interact. And because of similar geo-
graphical an d in other instances socially traditional
constraints, the comparison of the two societies under-
lines aspects of each which otherwise would not have
appeared so prominently. In particular the persistent lack
of freedom in Israel becomes clearer, an d this feature
ought to restrain us when we attempt to characterize the
society as egalitarian. Compared to the Assyrian it was
doubtless egalitarian, but it was only relatively, not abso-
lutely, concerned for the downtrodden.
Assyria is more than seventy miles from Babylon, an d
New Haven is much more And yet in his generation
Wil li am Hallo has been nimbler and lighter than most in
getting there an d in bringing his students an d his readers
along with him to Babylon. May his candle-light bum
IHBR AND FRIENDS
S David Sperling
Hebrew Union College - JIR
The problem of distinguishing among the various
senses of BH 171 an d defining the vocable's inner se-
mantic ranges, has taxed the resources of biblical lexi-
cographers from the medieval period onward I A
significant paper' elucidating some passages in which the
consonantal sequence 1-i-11 is attested was published
more than thirty-five years ago by J J. Finkelstein, late
colleague of our Jubilar at Yale. Ten years ago a colleague
of Professor Hallo's from student days at Chicago, my
own lamented teacher Moshe Held, accepted some of
Finkelstein's sugges ti ons but took issue with others. 3 My
entry into the discussion is offered in modest tribute to
Wil li am Hallo, whom I consider one of my teachers al-
though I never had the privilege of formal study with
hint
Among the phrases studied by Finkelstein were for
1719 in Deut. 18:11; (trat 7D//) tiait tT in Ps. 58:6;
nos.= Tout 312 r1zcI in Isa. 47 9; 'Mt 2v1 Team in
Isa• 49: 1 1; 17R nr2 in Prv. 21:9 an d 25:4 and 711'r$
0470: DDtq in Job 16:4. Finkelstein argued that each of
these passages employed a verb bbr II, with an initial
consonant that was not etymological h (het) normally
corresponding to a vowel in Akkadian, 4 but with ety-
mological Semitic [bj.5 Specifically, Finkelstein attempt-
ed to explain the forms of 17r in each of these passages
on the basis of Akkadian babâru, "to be noisy, to make
noise." 6 In some of these cases Finkelstein's explanation
did not greatly alter the traditional understanding of the
vene. Thus, the 1:81 131ri of Deut. 18:11 "may still be
translated 'charmer' but the connota ti on is ... 'one who
mutters sounds, mutterer.'" 7 As for lsa. 47:9, 11, Finkel-
stein modified the standard interpretation s of the vents
(TIC) // Tvn(a) by seeing a reference to the charmers
themselves rather than to their charms 9 In contrast,
Finkelstein's translation of Job 16:4 was a new depar-
ture. 10 On his interpretation that the Hb. merriy reflects
Akkadian babiiru, the phrase '!7']Itl 0o7Q3 0rho;m 1'79îk
DY5D means "I could ha ra ngue you r ' with words, I
could shake my head 2 at you."' 3 Finally, the enigmatic
17r rr] in Prv. 21:9 and its virtual duplicate in PM 25 :24
4. Accordingly, it t HALAT, 276, s. v. II "Cr, cites
Ankehtein's article for the "Sddangenbesdnawer " but de-
g Ps $8:14 fonn a stem meaning
rives the 0:39-171 1:211 in Deis
"sida binden, " "z correctly noted its HALAT
i tself (277 s. v. " (see GAD I/J,
G 83 4) demonstrate
5-7) and V& bbr "corn
that the Hebrew stem a1 which includes words rite "binding" 'at-
uchment," "friend" and the like, derives from a stem with eryrn-
logical het.
5. Mari Isibru(ne) is a ban from West-Bcrtnhic bbr. See A.
Malamt, JAGS 82 (+962). 145-147; Contrast AHw, 344 1c
6. Finkelutein JBL 75, 329. Cf CAD 13, 7, s.v. balsam A;
AHw (appeared a decade after Finkelstein's article). 3osb s.r, (iisn
I translates "lanrsen, " i.e , "make a noise or uproar." As observed by
Held, (Erinr 16, 84, n. 79), Lorna arrived at a nearly identical conclu-
sion, apparendy independently of Finkelstein. See O. Loma, "Mtt-
cellanea Bibhca 13BR in JB 16:4," CBQ 23 (19611. 193- 294.
7. Finkelstein, JBL 75, 33:.

26. P. Garclli, "Remarques sur 1 Adnnyürtration de l'Empire bright an d long.

assyrien," Revue d'AnaIOtOgmc 68. ( 1 974), pp. 129-140, p. 1
35.
27. P. Garelli "Le Système fiscal," p. 11.
References to the Bible and to scholarly literature in the bib
field a re abhreviated according to the system of the
Literature (JBL). Assyriological references follow Pie Assyrian Dictio-
nary of University of Chicago (=CAD; Chicago: Oriental institute,
1956ff.) Note in addition: BT= Babylonian Talmud; PT= Palestinian
Talmud.
I. See e.g. M. Wagner in VTSup 16 (1967), 36o-361; HA-
LAT, 276-277; H. Caulks, 'dsabar, dsaber," TDOT iV 193-197.
a. J.J. Finkelstein, "Hebrew -art and Semitic LIBEL" JBL 75
(
950. 328-331.
1
8. See e.g. the translations of IÇV, JPS, NJV, NEB , REB
9. Lbid.
10. Cf. KW: "heap up words"; JPS: "join worth together'
barrage you with wogs."
NEB and REB "how I could harangue you testa their
of Ankelstein's proposal.
Accordingly, Finkelstein agrees with those scholars who
see shake my head' as a gesture of contempt See e.; 8 E. »Moire.
A Cosrtmentaty on the Book ofJob transiattd by H. Knight (New York:
Nelson, 1984). n9-23o; CC M. Gruber, Ageas sf N0sryrbnl C.wieMISO-
mastica in the Ancient Neer East (Rome: lIshhcal institute Press, s980).
40s. For a recent statement of the contrary view t hat shaking the head

a we e g A. Hakim, Se ri Iyyob
3. M. Held, "Studies in Biblical Lexicography in the Light of in this passage is meant
(Jerusalem: Mossad Harm K r98t), 134
Akkadian," Eris+ 16 (1982), 76-85 (in Hebrew; English abstract arid,
2 54*).
1 3. Ibid.
226 S. DAVID SPERLING
could be understood as "noisy household." 14
Whereas Held allowed that Finkelstein's solution to
the long-standing crux in the Proverbs passages might
have been on the mark, he devoted the bulk of his re-
marks to refining Finkelstein's understanding of -Orr "or
in Deuteronomy and flr(]) in Isa. 47 9 r r. On the
negative side, Held astutely observed that neither the
verb (Iabinu "to make a noise" nor its cognate noun bu-
bun. "noise, uproar ' (German: liftmen' S) was ever a tt est-
ed in the vast Akkadian literature of incantation. To
Held's objection we may add that "noise" or "uproar"
would be most inappropriate i6 in a native ' 7 context of
charm an d incantation in which a tt ention to specific
words an d their manner of recitation would be crucial i8
indeed as Finkelstein was surely aware, the verb most
commonly employed to describe the oral aspect of a
charm or spell is mana "recite," the very same word that
means "count " 19 Its cognate noun minatu 2O "recitation"
also serves in the meanings "amount, number, string of
beads of fixed number." Akkadian spells are frequently
followed by a specific instruction as to how often 21 an d
with what ritual accompaniment Z2 they are to be recit-
14. Ibid. This interpretation was accepted by A. Malannt,
JAOS 82 (1962) 145, n. to. Additional supporting arguments were
offered by two other brae6 scholars. See A. Margalit, Beth Mikrd 21
( 1 976) 6-7; H. Cohen, ibid. 598-599.
15. AHw 352b, s.v. bubüna(m) ii. For more recent discussions
of healiiiria see W. Mo ra n, "Some Considerations of Form and Inter-
pretation in Atra-Hasis," in F. Rochberg-Halton (ed ), Language, lit-
erature, and History Philological and Hlstoricat Studies presented to Erica
Reiner (New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1 9 8
7). 245-2 55, es-
penally, 25i-254; P. Michalowski, "Presence at the Creation," In T.
Abusch et al (eds.), Liraaenng Over Words, Studies in Ancient Near East-
em Literature in Honor of William L. Moran (Atlanta: Scholars, 1 990
).
381-396. especnally. 385-388
16. Note the occurrences of forms of fit "whisper" in incan-
tational setting, For BH in addi ti on to Ps. 58:6 see Jer. 8:17; Koh.
10:1 1. Cf. S. Loewenstamm, Comparative Studies in Biblical and Ancient
Oriental Litenuvres (Kevelaer and Neukirchen-Vluyn: Butzon LSc Ber-
cket and Neukirchener, 1980), 222; for Late Hebrew see Mishnah
Sanhedrin i o:1 1. For Phoenician see KAI 27 1. For Jewish Pakscinian
Aramaic see M. Sokoloff A Dictionary of Jewuh Palestinian Aramaic
(Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan, i99o), 281; J. Navels and S. Shaked, Amulets
and M,gic Bowls (Leiden: Bill, 1985) Amulet 1: t6; see also Akkadian
lubbsdr (CAD L, 4ob, r v. Labatt). Note also Ug. m4b1 // ydy bat
"(make) charmer // expeller of venom." (KTU 1,ioo i:5-6).
17 Thus, Finkelstein would have had to demonstrate that the
author of Deut. 18:'1 was employing a reflex of Akk babâtm in an
outsider's polemical or satirical sense, much like TgOnq to this pas-
sage who translated 171 171 by p1 fern. For the catgut' text see A.
Sperber, The Bible in Aramaic i (Leiden: Brill, '959), 322. For a thor-
ough study of the use of teen pi, see J. Greenfield, "Wet ro - t" in S.
Hoenig and L. Sntskm (eds.), Joshua Finkel Festsduift (New York: Ye-
shiva University, 1 974), 63-69: CL E. Rosenthal, "For the Talmudic
Dictionary- Talmudica-Iranica ( in Hebrew)," in S. Shakes (ed), Ira-
Judaica (Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute, 1982), p 72.
t8„ As opposed to the Jr, re of Dent. 18:11 who are known
to "chirp and mutter" (Isa. 8:19). Segnificantly the verb "mutter" in
this passage is not eta but Zit. On the entire passage see H.L. Gins-
berg. Erin S ( 1 95 8 ) 61 *-65*; On stn see idem, VTSup 16 (1967), 80.
.
See CAD M/ t, 221-227
CAD M/2. 9ß s, v.;. Ugaritic inns on seems
See T. Caster, JANES 7 (i9 6 5). 41•
references in Multi-Was Lexicon, 20 CAD M/1,
2 99•
,
.
ed. Charms, spells and incanta ti ons in Mesopotamia and
elsewhere usually refer "to the authorized use of rhyth-
mically organized words of power"^ 3 and not to uproar-
ious noises. 24
On the positive side, Held, after dismissing earlier et-
ymologies from classical rabbinic rimes^ 5 down through
Finkelstein, realir'ed the significance of the fact that in
Akkadian itself ubburu "to bind magically ' is attested in
parallelism with ku!fupu to bewitch, to cast an evil
spell." The Akkadian parallelism is perfectly mirrored in
26
the Hebrew parallelism of trt//sitto in Isa. 47:9, 1: 3. In
other words, Finkelstein's interpretation of the Isaiah
22. See S. D. Sperling, WdO 12 (i981), 8, n. 6 (with earlier ht-
erature); idem, aped A. Green, Jewish Spirituality from the Bible Through
the Middk Ages (New York: Crossroad, 1986), 19; For text references
to specific ntual acts see CAD E, 244h, s.v. epiftu; CAD K, 353a, s.v.
kikkiffd.
23. So T. Ludwig, "Incantation," The Encyclopedia of Religion
(New York: MacMillan, 1987) 7, 147. See ibid. 147-152 for a conve-
nient cross-cultural summary.
24. Some Mesopotamian rituals called for silence and the ab-
sence of ominous utterances. As Erica Reiner has observed, one rea-
son for the existence of nocturnal rituals is that "the human huhbub
(Reiner's felicitous translation of bubwr nife) is effectively avoided."
See ideas, Studies Lnndsberger, 25o.
25. Held (ibid., 78) cites BT Sanhedrin 652 as the source oha
rabbinic etymology. He seems to have misunderstood the text, which
provides no etymology at all. The phr ase: 'MS imp 177 rift '71 -cm
'rpm con "a fop -at (text from H Strack, Der babylonudu Talmud
nals der einzigen volistänJgen Handschr ft München Codex Hebraieus 95
[Leiden: A. W. Silthof, 1912], II, 346h) is a legal midrash, which de-
rives from the repetition oldie root 'VW in cognate accusative struc-
ture, that the Deuteronomic p ro hibi ti on "applies equally to one who
charms large objects, and to one who charms small ones, even snakes
and scorpions." See D. Epstein, Tire Babylonian Talmud Seder Nezikin
III (London: Soncmo: 1 935), 444; Cf. L. Goldschmidt, Der babylonis-
dat Talmud VII (Berlin: S. Calvary, 1903), 276; See further J Levy,
Wirterbuch saber die Talmudim and Midrasdhim (Berlin, 1924) l, 8; L.
Finkelstein (ed.), Siphre ad Deuteronomium (Berlin: Jüdischer Kultur-
bund, 1 939), 219:9-1o; and the translations of R. Hammer, Sick A
Tamaitic Commentary on the Book of Deuteronomy (New Haven: Yak,
1986), 200; J. Neusner, Sifre to Deuteronomy an Analytical Translation II
(Atlanta: Scholars, 1 98 7), 49. It is Bashi to BT Sanhedrin 65a who
provides the etymology by defining the 171 1311 as D'tl siN -O CQI
"one who brings the demons together," and then by explaining en
`1Tn -r as MSTV m1tt7CT71 rim Too "who gathers together large wild
and domestic animals," and rtp 1717 TIN as o'mtrst CVO =13 "one
who gathers together vermin and insects." In his Bihle commentary
Rat offer essentially the same etymology tut =9P1 Ott 912010
Tram arid, Wm -we "One who collects in one place, snakes, scorpions
or other wild animals" (text cited from H. Chavel, Ptnuh Radii al
Ilattotah [Jerusalem: Mossad Harav Kook, 1985], 55 8 ); The rabbis
identified the biblical 17n -CM with crthe Ct, which in late Hebrew
and various Aramaic dialects translates Pahlavi moymard, "magus. " Semitic attestations of wort 'n the same of"enchattter," "
For the correspondences see Rosenthal, ' Iraniaa-Talmudica," n. 23;
see further, Sokoloff Dictionary, 184, 186. i thank Professor James
Russell of Cohunbu University for suggesting (o ra l communication.
Jan 1 7 1 992) that speakers may have made a semantic connection be-
tween the Semitic and Iranian terms. The Pahlavi goes back to Old
Persian meteor (attested in LB AU. as magu!'u. See CAD M/I, 48-49.)
Of uncertain etymology, the term may have originally meant "mem-
her of the tribe" and then come to mean "member of the priesdy
tribe." See M. Boyce A History (Zoroastrianism (Leiden Brill, 1982),
.
19 The suggestion of M Schwartz (Arta Invsica 25 ['9 8 5], 40) that
mgr meant "people who share a gift" would likewise facilitate a con-
nection with Hh. and Ann N eri/-TZi (regardless of tbe+r etyuxnl°•-
fri).
IIBR and Friends
verses was essentially correct, but his etymology was
wrong. Similarly, the work of the ixt -or of Deuteron-
omy 18:i i could now be understood with greater preci-
sion as referring to one who binds by enchantments.
Additionally, although Held did not discuss Ps. 58:6,
we may apply his conclusions to that verse as well. The
entire verse reads: t»YT vtt1 c't1hT513 51p' stmt Its tit
ono Finkelstein translated: "He hears not the voice of
the whisperer(s) who mutters crafty sounds." It is readily
apparent that the translation is flawed by a grammatical
misconstruction, because 0.11113 is singular an d ttxt is
plural. Secondly, Finkelstein s translation "mutters,s 27
allegedly based on Akk. habâru, contradicts his own ren-
ditions of the Akk. verb and its nominal cognates. Thus,
he translates bubifru as "noise, uproar,' noting that bu-
biiurum is synonymous with rigmum "clamor." He ob-
se rves additionally that it is this "din of mankind ..
which disturbs the gods' sleep an d impels them to send
down the Deluge." In like manner, Finkelstein translates
Etabràtum MID as "clamorous mankind ' and bubif sea as
"(the land's) uproar.i z8 But English 'mutter " which
means "to speak in low tones,"^ 9 is a virtual antonym of
Akkadian babaru as (correctly) translated by Finkelstein.
In all likelihood, Finkelstein took refuge in "mutter" 30
because "clamorers" would not not fit semantically in
parallelism with the "whisperers" of the first stich. Final-
ly, he ignored the poetic structure of the verse by which
the phrase D '' Its * governs both stichs The entire
verse must be analyzed semantically 3 ' as: Dot its lak
Olt Gnat vrrnit so' tt5 fit] meta 51p5. The
transla ti on therefore should be: "Who hears not the
voice of the conjurers; of the skilled binder of spells." 32
26. The same observation was made indepeockntly by Y.
Avishur UF 13 [198'], 22-23, who argued that the very same
lelism occurs in Ugantic.interestingly, the comparison is not found
in idea, Stylistic Studies of Word-Pairs in Biblical and Ancient Semitic Lan-
guages (Kevelaer and Neukirchen: Button 6c Backer and Neukirch-
ener, 1984)•
27. Followed by NJV.
28. JBL 75, 330-33
29. See The Compact Edition cf the
(Oxford: Oxford University, 1971), 1885.
3o. The various nuances of English "mutter" are covered by
Akkadian dobàbu, labâfI .
31. See e.g. A. Hakam, Sift? retain Qetusakm: Monad Ham
Kook, 1 979), 337.
32. Scholars have attempted to find other early Nulthwest
F. Vattionii s (Or 36 [1967p reading rm l -cW and his transbtion
umtatori di That" in a Phoenician inscription from Spain are accepted
by M. Dahood (Psalms Iii 51-10O (Garden City: Anchor Doubleday
1986), 6o), but rejected by F. Cross (HTR 64 [1971], 49-195); we
further, R. Tomback, A Comparative Semitic lexicon °f tit Phoenician
and Punk Languages (Missoula: Schoten, 197 8), 97. Both Avishur (UF
13, 22-23; Contrast idtm, Word Pairs. 523) and Math Smith (RB 91
dl attested in Ras
[1 98 41, 377-376) have argued that Ug. W //
Hani 78/20:9-10 and KTU 1.6 Vi:49-5o mean "spell-caster"/
"knower (i.e. one who knows ghosts or spirits)." Theo uttapretation
err wort
would provide a parallel to the association of Heb.
in Dan. i8:1 r. See further, T. Lewis, Cubs f the Bead
in QJSit (Atkenta:5cbobs; 19S9). 37.,ne r
227
Because his primary concern was with the Isaiah pas-
sages, Held did not discuss Job 16:4, but ruled out any
connection with D'`JOS mr5s) 1vTIt with (Iabâru. Held
wrote: "Whoever is compelled to translate 'make a noise
with words' is virtually admitting that his interpretation
is extremely farfetched." 33 But contra Held, the inter-
pretation is not farfetched at all34 and receives support
from Jewish Aramaic and Late Hebrew.
According to the Palestinian Talmud (hereafter,
pl,35 R. Yohanan (third century) devised a method by
which some restrictions of tithing laws might be eased.
The story continues: 1r11' ti t man ]t , M51D rit
'15D ran. In another story 36 this one involving the tes-
timony of a dying husband in a potential levitate case, R.
Samuel said "he is beheved...R. Yohanan said 'he h not
believed."' Once again the story continues: 01D ITO
fin ran i r r , r loft p15.
57
Sokoloft includes these examples in his dictionary,
s. v. Ixt vb., which he defines as: "to combine against,
gather together, be associate of." He translates both of
the above passages as "PN went there (=to Babylonia),
d they combined against him." 38
an
Sokoloff attributes this interpretation to Saul Lieber-
man on his comment to a much discussed 39 passage from
the Tosefta, 40 which reads:
t, no rant sot nvt t»
Tent not `m Dt lot sat, rat Tart lira roe pr
err= roc etc T3-r Sot i nn =et rot T75 d'
:run 57 TtD VUI .riot rN jTr111 rot 115 Qi'
Once the fourteenth (of Nan) fell on the Sabbath.
They asked Hil el the Elder "Does the (requirement)
of Passover sacrifice override the Sabbath (prohibi-
don on slaughter)?" He replied to them: "Do we
published
T,"
34. "Ilse
Berichtigungen, ° LIU.
35. PT Dana 1:4 (22b). For ease
chapter divisions and pagination of the standard reprisas, whirls are
based on the Venice-Krotoschin archon. Actual text demons are
Palestinian Talmud Leiden Ms. (cad. Seat 3 Qen+sa
from The
dem, 1970). Al other PT references in thiu paper cited frocn the
surie manuscript.
36. PT • 3 :ro
37. M.
Bar
—t° P
39. Fos an a
ave we J. Neusner
70, Port I: The Man
vara bibliography Sete
Tabreud end Wash
4a Toilet Psbs
and
228 S. DAVID SPERLiNG FIER and Friends 22 9

have just one Passover sacrifice a year? We have over is not attested directly 49 in the hostile senses "to gang up Pad p nurse '-i 'nit rem met 'r ht a Itnan There should be no obstacle to translating as follows :

three hundred Passover(-type) sacrifices throughout
the year which override the Sabbath (prohibition on
slaughter). ' The entire temple court tin against
him. ,'
But Lieberman had not actually translated 11]n by "cotn-
bined against." In his comment to the above passage
Lieberman wrote: "That is to say, they attached them-
selves to him, 4 ' because they disagreed with him." 42 In
support of his interpretation of rot" in the above story,
Lieberman cited another Tosefta passage, also involving
Hillel:
on someone," 5° but only in the positive sense.5 t
Thus, to cite a Late Hebrew 52 example, a midrashic
comment puns on Ps 58:6 and applies the verse to Jero-
boams 3
ODD iron -or nnn h bs
nz , ne l'tr wn'iat 'n 5^
R. Huna said: "A cunning enchanter of friends": He
enchanted those who befriended him. 54
It should be obvious to the reader, however, that the
translation ' clamored" would be more contextually ap-
propriate to the problematic passages as "attached them-
'avrrr 1051 tepn ens 'NJ otnaruv ry1hn tD min
: tilt= Tate 1n W,* 'm55
-urn r5'po it» r: n orannott
"
-tin irv`nt 'sr
It was taught: Rabbi (Judah I) said, "When I went to
study torah with R. Elazar b. Shammua, his students
clamored around me like the roosters of Beth Buqia
and permitted me to learn only one thing in our
Mishnah (namely), 'Rabbi Eliezer (sic) says (sexual
relations with) a hermaphrodite are as hable to (exe-
cution by) stoning as (homosexual) relations with a
male.'"
"Rabbi (Judah the Prince) said, i tried unsuccessfully
to discover ben Shammua's statements about the her-
maphrodite and an uprorrs e broke out against him."
The talmudic passages are instructive as regards Job
16:4. Whereas in the absence of Akk. babaru it was pos-
sible to argue that 5.9 -on m the rabbinic sources might
mean "assemble against," no such op ti on is available in
Job 16:4, where the subject is 1st person s 9
seems preferable therefore to accept Finkelstein's
pretation of the Job passage and to apply his insight to
the elucidation of the disputed rabbinic selections
.

•ttp nenrn Tim n5wn 512 -Dort 1F' 5o Moo
,nzpa semi ri it an5 is ."oat nitn
.)t v'am trou phi =itt Tot nn>it t; 'as 1'nß
There is the case of Hillel the Elder, who laid hand
on the holocaust(animal) in the temple-court and
the disciples of the Shamorai school (who prohibited
this ritual) vn against him. He said to them: ' Come
and see43 that this is a female, and I need to offer it as
the sacri fice of sacred greeting." 44 Thus, he evaded
them with talk, an d they went on their way 45
There can be little doubt that Lieberman, whose
contribution to talmudic philology was monumenta1, 46
translated "that is to say, attached themselves to him"
an d avoided "collected against ' (Neusner) and "com-
bined against" (Sokoloff) for good reason: absent the dis-
puted passages, the Hebrew and Aramaic 47 verb bbr I48
41. Contrast Neusner , Pharisees, 231; "Th e whole courtyard
coll ected against him "
42. Lieberman, Tosefta Ki fshutah A Comprehensive Commentary
on the Tosefta Pan IV Order Mo'ed, 566. in the onginal Hebrew,
selves." Note, for example, another passage alluded to by The parallel in the Palestinian Talmud 56 reads:
Lieberman, from the Babylonian Talmud:ss orarrrIc Ini]at p 'art 'nIE Wm Txr 'o tie
min it» 57nvm
49. Thus in Gen 14.3 121 rem In, the association is for host il e
purposes but the indi re ct object of the verh in the verse is the "GN 56. PT Yebamot 8:5 bubwru. Cf. aho OB
valley." Similarly, in Jb 16:9 17D rlt17 'Mt is translated by the 57. This is the clear reading of Leiden Ms. Cod. Scal 3. Lieber- 58. Late Hebrew nice is a reflex of Akk.
Peshitta: tD j1TTD ran '37n 17127 (reflecting a reading of plural sub- m an (Tosefta.. Commentary, 566) cites the text as TITY1 T5D T1211 babarratum on which see Held, JANES ri (1979). 55. n 1 9.
jects), but the di re ct object of the verh is "eyes." 59. As for the alternation between the hit il and qal patterns see
without indicating the source of his reading. The printed editions vit 'non
so. An interdialectal dist ri bution of"gang up on" includes Hb. M. Moreshet pot morn) 5'rn pen »n 1 0 'ran
agree with the Leiden Ms. Cf. also M. Kosovsky, Concordance to Tal-
hip with Aramaic mm. See e.g. TgOnq and Neophyti to Exod. 32 1; IGI-çan m M Bar-Asher (ed.) '7 p lat Teri inpro 1p Ge s-
mud Yenuhalmi (Jerusalem: Jewish Theological Seminary and Israel
Num. 16:3, 20:2, (For TgOnq see A. Sperber, The Bible in Aramaic I Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1985) i1i:482. The passage is
alem, 1979) 263-295 and especially 265-266 with the literature cited.
[Leiden: Brill, 1959]; for Neophyti see A Diéz-Macho, Neophyti I included by Kosovsky under the rubric: In lt lDtiinl 'rpm `To Especially appropriate to our case is Moreshet's suggestion (ibid.), that
when no semantic distinction was involved, the hifil pattern was em-
[Madrid-Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, gather oneself (=German. sich versammeln) and meet against (=Ger-
968-781). Cf. further M. Klein Genizah Fragments of Palestinian Tar- ployed for purposes of poetic diction.
man: sich versammeln gegen) someone."
gum to the Pentateuch (Cincinna ti : HUC, 1986), 1, 325; D. Rieder,
Targum Jonathan ben Uziel to the Pentateuch (Jerusalem: 1974-1985) i,
131; iI, 216, 222. Cf. further Hb. 5D 1Dc in Num. 14:35, 16: i t and
Num. 27:3 with its correspondents in the targums and the Peshitta
In Akkadian "gang up" is pabaru with the dative. See e.g. Syria 32: If
18; see further AHw /hob.
51 Much hke its Arabic semantic counterpart fahiba. For the
correspondence see A. Neubauer (ed.) The Book of Hebrety Roots by
... ilm fandh (reprint Amsterdam: Philo 1968), z07; Saadia to Ps. 45.8,
94 20 119:63 (cited from Y Kapah [Kafih; ed], Tehillim 'im Targum
,

Lieberman's comment reads: \5 tin= Vet '700 t *cc 101'77.
brman himself always told those of us who were fortunate to be
students that whenever a rabbinic commentator began with "that
y" it was the reader's ob li ga ti on to he especially cautious.
43- On this technical term sec B.Z. (Wilhelm) Bather, 'rw
r (Tel-Aviv: Achdut, 1923), 6. For its Anmatc reflex see ibid.,
191; Sokoloff, Dictionary, 2o5b.
44 For this translation of CTOhrr see B. Levine, in the Presence of
the Lend (Leiden: B rill, 1 974). 3-5 2 ; idem, The JPS Torah Commentary
Leviticus (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society 1989), 15.
45• Tosefta Hagigah 2: to. Text from Lieberman, Tosefta...
Mo'ed 385:8o-82; closely parallel text in PT Hagigah 21 (78a) PT
Bent* 2:4 (fire); BT Bergh zoa.
46. See E.Y. Kutscher in idem (ed.) Aeh1vt ethic New Dictionary
wf Rabbinical literature Vol I (Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan, 1972), 12-13.
47. Thus, e.g. the Dead Sea Targum to Job 34:8 translates m r
r. ant 0D nZs1h by 1017 wine, "arm See K. Beyer, Die oramvischen
Texten worn Toten Meer (Tubingen: Vandtrahotek & Rup re cht, 1984),
292. C. ibid., S7 1. in TgOnq forms of= translate nn', (Dew. 22:11;
composite weave).1CDt, (Num. 2 5:3, 5; sexual union) and nub," (Gen.
29:3 bite/sexual union) For Syriac references see R. Payne Smith,
Thesaurus Syrians: I (Oxford, 1879), 1183. The same positive sense
seems to hold for Mandaic. See E. Drawer and R. Macuch,
A Man-
da;c Diesionmy (Oxford: Clarendon, 1963), 130
48- Thu is true of its synonyms as well as far as the simp le stem
I concerned Thus, to convey the sense "gang up on," the verb help
(not attested in BH m the qal) is hkewise employed to the nip'ai with
the prepontion',D. See Exod 32.î; Num. 16:3. 1 7:7, 20:2; Jer. 26:9.
Likewise, the verb ir is employed in the nip'aI with the preposition
`1, Ste Nu211. t 4 35, 1 6:11, 27:3.
u-Feruir ha-Ga ôn Rabbena Sa'adyah ben Yôsef Fayyumt [Jerusalem:
American Academy for Jewish Research, 19651 ).
52 Specifically, our example is from the academic dialect of
Hebrew classified as Mittelhebraisch2 (mhe2) by E. Kutscher. See idem,
VTSup 21 (1967) 158-175; idem (ed ), A rchive of the New Dictionary of
Rabbinical literature! (Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan, 1972), 3-28 (in Hebrew;
English summary ibid., iii-sore i).
53. PT Abodah Zarah i:1 (39b).
54. Cf. M Kosovsky, Concordance to the Talmud Yerushahni
(Palestinian Talmud), Vol 3 (Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Science
an d Humanities and Jewish Theological Seminary), 482. a71tC ,nit)
(I-r' -nelD'7] teto ri'n [\''m] "Whoever associated [with him], he
would attach [to idolatry]."; Cf. further, J. Neusner, The Talmud of
the Land of brad Volume 93 Abodah Zarah (Chicago• Umversity of
Chicago, 1892), jr: "Whoever was associated with him [jeroboam]
he [Jeroboam] cast a spell over him [in the sin of the bull-calves].'
Our translation as well as those of Kosovsky and Neusner can claim
suppo rt from the variant attested in the Yalqut Shunoni 428c: 111
Tmf rrn rat .m'nrl '0 `n • 1rnn0 trim van ,iaf1is R Hoshaya
(punning on Ps. 58:6) said: 'A clever enchanter of associates' He
would enchant anyone who became his associate." Contrast the
tnnianon of G. Weweis, Aivda Zara Glitzendinut (Tubingen: J.
Mohr, 198o), 4 ' jeder, do sein Qesvlotaris) Genosse war, d essen Genosse
war a." Despite their differences all three t ranslations understands=
m a positive sense ' to associate with," "to befriend." Cf further the
paraphrase m M. Schwab, Le Talmud deJénualem (reprint Paris 1960),
Vol 6 173.
55• BT Yebamot 84a. For the text, see A. Liss, (ed). The Baby-
Ionian Takand with. Variant Readings Tnawate Yebansoih Ill (Jerusalem:
institute for the complete israeh Talmud, i989). 230-231.
 A New Omen Text concerning the "Yoke" of the Liver

ZÉ), nidi kussi (SUB AS.TE), kak sibti (GIS.TUKUL MAS), lu- 9. BE MIN-ma MAS 4-bat SU. KÜ i-na KUR. G
lum sibti (SILIM MAS), sibtu (MAS), nina. The fact that niru BE MIN-ma TAG.MES-6t Su-bar-
is the 15th tablet (the last in the canonical order) of the SA KUR SUB-ut
parts of the pan takalti (Text A rev. 15) raises a slight II. [B]E ni-na Z./di URU u a-fi-bu -hi
problem of arithmetic. If we add up all the parts of the 12. [BE] ni-ru ta -li! NUN KASKAL +KUR -su a-fal-l4-su
A NEW OMEN TEXT CONCERNING pan takalti enumerated above (assuming the kak sibti and
fulum sibti merited tablets in their own right. Denner did i 3. [BE ina] ni-ri U SUB-ma !u-tab -nt SUB-ti ERIM-+â
THE "YOKE" (niru) OF THE LIVER not include these two among the parts of the pan takalti ina GiS TUKUL
listed in WZKM 41 [1934] p.188; however, l'ulum sibtim 4. [BE ina] ni-ri IGI-it MAS BAR-turn UR.GI 7.MES
Ivan Starr is evidently distinct from .fulrnu as sibtt nirim is from sibtu; BAD.MES
Wayne State University cf YOS Io 35:7) then all told, the parts of the pan takalti 15. [BE] ni-ru !i-ik -si DIEU MU kip-pi GIG MES TUK-fi
are thirteen in number. We do know the numerical se- 16. [BE] ni-ru ana MAS ka-pl-4 ZI -ut Su-bar-ti
quence of some of the parts of the pan takahi. The nasrap- 17. [BE ina] SAG ni- ri UZU GIM ZA.NA.MTA GAR ail-
It is a pleasure to dedicate this article to W.W. Hallo, Translation tu, KA.DÙG GA, dananu, bab ekalli, hi/mu an d padan imitti lu-u; lib-hi ERIM -ni
whose interest in the omen literature has remained un- I. marti comp ri se the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth an d 18. [BE ina S]AG ni-ri 2.30 GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma ni -ra
[If ...there is a "weapon"-mark] and it faces the
diminished over the years. seventh tablets in this series, respectively. For nasraptu see US-di GIS.TUKUL bu -f4-ü !b KOR
leflt of the liver [...]
The text edited here is attested in three duplicates: CT zo 33:i15 (catch- li ne). For KA.DÙG.GA see K.6z44 19. [K]ÙR UGU NIG.SU-e-a NA-is DUG e-m uq-pars
2. [If ] there is a "weapon"-mark and it faces the
Text A BM 75224 2-28 rev.6: iup pi 3-kam-ma ÉS.GÀR BE IGI.TÙN; for dananu, DUL-mu MAN-rum-ma BE-te
"station" [...]
Text B K.376o (CT 28 49) see Boissier DA 10 rev. 42; for bab ekallim, see ibid. 41 20. SIPA.MES ana WIN PA.MES-lû-nu iL-ma S
9-2 5 3. [If ...] is overturned an d faces the inside of the
Text C BM 6 8454+69328 (catch-line); cf. Hunger SpTU I no. 80.102; for lulmu, nu GUR.MES -ni Mani/ GIS.TUKUL IZi G
I-14 "yoke" [...]
see TCL 6 3 rev. 4o; for padan imitti martim, see ibid. rev. MUNI
According to its colophon, text A consisted of 61 4. [If ] there is a "weapon"-mark and it follows
41 (catch-line). It is certain that some of the parts of the 21. [BE ina] SAG ni- ri 15 GIS.TUKUL GAR-rrur 2.30
lines, arranged as follows: 36 lines (3 sec ti ons of 12 lines the "yoke" [...] SU.SI IGI UGU N1G.SU KÙR NA-is
pan takalti comprised more than one tablet. The "cruci-
each) in the obverse and 25 lines (2 sec ti ons of 12 lines 5. [If there is a "weapon"-mark] and it faces the
ble" (nasraptu), for example, appears to have comprised 22. [B]E ina MORU ni -d 15 GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma ni -ra
each + catch- li ne) in the re ve rs e, the sections being sep- wide pa rt of the "finger," for war[fare ]
two tablets, at least in the Neo-Assyrian bartItu (perhaps US-d, KOR GU 4 .MES GIS. APIN.MES Ma ni
anted from each other by lines. With the help of the du- 6. [If ] its [...] comes close to the tip of the "fin-
more in the Neo-Babyloman barütu), each with its own ri Li NUN GAB.MES
plicates, the reverse has been restored in its entirety. The ger" [...] 23 BE ina MURU ni-ri 1E5 GIS.TUKUL GAR-m]a
catch-line and Ashurbanipal colophon. CT 20 34-37 is
restoration of the obverse is much more difficult, be- (lines 7-12 too broken for translation) JUS SU.SI IGI NUN GU 4 .MES GISAP-
tablet I of this pa rt of the liver, since its catch-line (CT
cause those of texts B and C are poorly preserved. What IN.MES ina ni- ri KUR. GAB.MES
Niru, the "yoke," is almost certainly to be identified 20 37:291.) is line I of CT 20 31, which must therefore
appears to be missing in the obverse is its first line an d its 24. BE ina MORD ? ni -r(i 1 5? GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma
with the omasal impression on the liver, as is clear from be tablet 2, since its catch-line (CT 20 33:115) is line I
last eight lines. It is possible that A:z4ff.=C:iff., but this 2.30? 13A IGI GIS.TUKUL LUGAL GI .NA
the "orientation"- liver (RA 62 [1968] p. 5o), although of the following pa rt in the pan takalti (KA.DÙG.GA ) It
is uncertain, because not enough of the latter is pre-
the area of the "yoke" may have exceeded that of the should be noted, however, that nowhere is there an in-
served In fact, the reading of the obverse of text C is
omasal impression.' The "yoke" is attested in the ex- dication of the numerical sequence of CT 20 34-37 and [..1 KAR -set ERIM-ni
very difficult and the copy of some of the signs, especial-
tispicy texts from the OB period onward.' Other than ibid. 31-33 in the pan takalti. In fa ct, K.6244 rev 6, noted [...] GAB
ly in lines 7f, is uncertain.
that, niru omens are scattered, either individually or in above, lists it as tablet 3 in this series. The sibtu (MAS) an d 27. [...] BE ? US
the niru may have comprised two tablets each. For the 28. [ J GAR
TEXT C small groups over the entire body of extispicy literat
In the extispicy reports th niru is usually the last pa rt of former, cf Nougayrol RA 4o p. 33. who assigns to it
Obverse
the liver to be examined by the diviner, 4 although this tablets i i an d 12 of the series. It is mo re likely that it
GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma 2.310' BA I[GI?J compri ablets 12. an d 13, so that the sins may have
order is sometimes interchangeable with that of sibtu 1-1 4 C
2. (, .. J GIS TUKUL GAR-ma NA ICI [. .]
(MAS), the papillary process. 5 The niru belongs to those comprised tablets 14 and 15 . at least in the Neo-Babylo- 9-25 B
3. [.,.] BAL-ma SA ni-ri IGI
parts of the liver known collectively as pan takalti, to nian barütu. 11 -25 A + colophon
[. ..1 GIS.TUKUL GAR
4. [...] S. which chapter 5 of the ban7tu is devoted. The parts of the
lYUKUL? TEXT A [BE GIS.TUKUL IZ]I.GAR ma SA ?-IIÜ U SUB-di
pan takalti enumerated in KAR 423 ii 14-iii 9
s. I... GIS.TUKUL GAR]-ma DAGAL SU.SI IGI ana are: mini KAR-ut GIS.TUK]UL IZI.GAR. an KA-hi U [SUB-di
pihr in (SAL.LA GAB IM), nasraptu (NUG TAB), KA.DÙG. 2. [BE tua SAG ni-r]i IGI-it [BE
GIS.T[UKUL [BE GIS.TJUKUL IZI.GAR nia t 5-11i U SUS -d[i
GA, dananu (KAL), bab ekallim (MENT), lulmu (SILIM),( SiLIM),
(Si ERIM -(ni
6. [..j-su ana KA SU.SI u7-rib rn[u- GIS],TVKUL IZI.GAR usa 2.30-iI U SUB-di
padan imitti marti (GfR is
i5 ZÉ) padan lumél marli (Gilt 2.30 3. [BE ,.. n]i -ri ina IS ni- ri U 4. [BE
7. [... ] ib?? ri it? su [ [BE] GIS.TUKUL IZI.GAR ma EGIR-14 U SUB -di
ERIM -ni 5.
8. [...] nu el ri GAR-in [
4. [BE ni-r]i IGI -st MAS GiM
GIM KA A.$U GAB.MES ZI - 6. [BE] GIS.TUKUL IZLGAR 2-ta IGi.IG14a 4
9. t .. $[ 7. (BE G]IS,TUKUL IZL.GAR 2--na hi4
See Biggs RA 63 p. 166. For the location of the "yoke,"
. ka

ut BURU5.Ui.
BURU 5 .UI .A .

10. [... ] tar-k(a -at? osmarie Leiderer, Anatomie der Schafsleber im loab m TAG. GAMME bi -lir-au U SUB-di [
5. iGi-it MAS GIM
[BE] ni- ri IGI-it KA
RU-ut [ !rérioro1ei (t99o), p. 141.
AZ]I Zl-am-ma ara KO 8. [BE G
2. E.g. YOS ,,o42ni5 of
o42nisof. af GAB.MES BURU5.UI.A
I2. [...] bad [...]
3. E.g. KAR 151:91%; 454 rev. 8ff.; KUB 4 66 ü 1-13. NU SUM-in
.iZI.G.
4• For OB extispicy reports, see JCS 21 p. 220 B and C; 7.1-am-ma Ôta SA ut 9. iZI.G..
BE Gt&flTh L IZI.G
II p. 91 no. 8:15. 6. Su-bar-ti'
7. BE 'ti -ru ana GIS.TUKUL
GiS.TUKUL GUR KLTA IGI ZI (ht-a SA-bi t â
5. E.g. JCS II p. 91 no. BISE
sel NIM.MA. s.
8. BE TA SIG ni-ri GM
232 IVAN STARR A New Omen Text concerning the "Yoke" of the Liver 2 33

BE Ma MÙRU ni- ri 2.30 GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma

I I. 8. If from the narrow pa rt of the "yoke" a desi gn Reve rse 21. If the "yoke" is tom and there is a hole inside it
GO BAR IGiIGI KUR KA.GAL [ nié-ma
n]é-mama TU- is drawn (towards) the "increment," an [If] inside [the ni]pjju ["weapon"-mark there is a dIGi the city, the king, and his army will be
I.
ub invasion of Subartu. hole ..]. captured.
12. BE Ma MÙRU ni- ri 2.30 GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma 9. If DITTO, an d it holds the "increment," there 22. If the "yoke" is torn an d a "weapon"-mark
2. [If] in the tip of the nipbu ["weapon"-ma]rk
ME NI IGI ERiM
iM KOR `I3A LA
ERIM
ld. will be famine in th d. [there is] a hole [...]. stands inside it: it is the omen of Kubaba,
Io If DITTO an d it is abnormal, Subartu will in- 3• [If] in the right side of the nipbu ["weapon"- the tavern keeper
13. BE ina MÙRU ni- ri 2.3o GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma KA. vade, (but) will suffer a defeat inside the m]ark there is a hole [...]. 23. predicting an attack. "Receive the bow of bat-
GAL DUL-lib -[bi] IGI ku.- lid la ta-kal-li fb land. tle"
4. [If] in the left side of the niphu ["we]apon"-
I I If the `'UR yoke" is missing, a city and its inhabitants 24. If the "yoke" is grooved: there will be a severe
'
mark there is a hole [...].
14. BE ina MORD ni- ri 2.3o GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma ni- will perish. frost.
5. [If] in the rear of the nipbu ["we]apon"-mark
ra US-di ZI.GA LÙ IJAL 12. [If] the "yoke" is "suspended," the prince's aux- there is a hole [...]
t 5. BE ina MÙRU ni-n 2.30 GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma 2.3o iliary troops will prevail over him. 6. [If] there are 2 nipbu "weapon"-marks an d they 25. If the base of the gall bladder is firm on the right
SU.SI lG1
G1 LÙ I3AL MU SAL.SIG 5 TI-qi
lG
1G1 face each other, the ene[my A. an d loose on the left: the discipline of my
16. BE ina ni- ri di-bu SUB-di IM.SÈG ina KUR NUN I 3.[If] there is a hole [in] the "yoke" and it goes army will be firm the discipline of the en-
7. [If] there are niphu "weapon"-marks an d be-
GAL MES through, downfall of the army in battle. tween them there is a hole [...]. emy's army will collapse.
17. BE ina ni- ri di-bu SuB-di-ma u MI SU.KÙ ina KUR 14. [If in] the "yoke" opposite the "increment' 8. [If] there are 2 [ni]pbu ["weapon"-marks] and 26. 61 omens; 15th tablet of (the se ri es) pan takalti;
GAL-fi there is a cross-shaped marking, dogs will they lie side by side, the army of the en- 27. written and collated according to its old o ri ginal
18. BE ina ni- ri di-bu SUB-di-ma u SIC 7 `NA4' SUR- become rabid. e[my...]. 28. tablet of Itti-Marduk-baläçu son of SabinTh u.
nun 15. [If] the "yoke" is filled with ulcerous(?) mark- 9. If there are 2 nipbu "weapon"-marks and they
19. BE ina ni-n BE GAR DAM LÙ ana MAN-ma e-rat
ings, dire calamities will occur during the follow each other, rejoicing of the ene-
20. BE ina nI-n GIS.UUR pâr-kat SU.KÙ ina KUR GAL- COMMENTARY
year. my's army].
Sri 16. [If] the "yoke" is curled towards the "incre- I o If there are 2 nipbu "weapon"-marks and they z) For the restoration of the protasis, see Boi s-
21. BE ni-ri Ia- mit -ma ina SA -!4 U SUB -di URU LUGAL sier DA 225: 44.
ment," an invasion of Subartu. " ri de" upon each other, your army [..].
u ERIM-Iii SU KUR -4d 17. [If] there is flesh like a caterpillar in the top of I I If in the middle of the `yoke," on the left, there Obv. 4) For the protasis, see RA 44 I3:3.
22. BE ni- ri 3'b- mit -ma ina SA -54 GIS.TUKUL GUB-iz
the `yoke,' rejoicing of the army. is a 'weapon"-mark and it faces the For this omen, see RA 44 13:9. Cf. Leichty
BA-ut SAL.KÙ.dBa-4 SAL.KAS. TIN.NA 18. [If in the t]op of the "yoke," on the left, there is
Obv. I I)
wind-pipe: the enemy will [ ] the gate
23. .fâ ZI-ma BAN MÙRU mub-ri Izbu 167:22.
a "weapon"-mark, an d it follows the an d will enter.
24 BE ni- ri ur-ru-ur EN.TE.NA dan- nu -tum CALMES
" yoke," it is a "weapon '-mark (predict- 12 If in the middle of the "yoke," on the left, there Obv. 14)For the protasis, cf: KAR 151: 17; for the
ing) ... of the enemy. is a "weapon"-mark an d it faces the "gat apodosis, cf AHw s.v.:tge H n08 B.
25. BE 7.F SUUUS MES -.fu i5 is GI.NA.MES 2.3o ZI.MES 19. The enemy will encamp on my property. The the palace": the enemy's army will take Obv. 15) For the protasis, sec RA 44 13-1 for the
SUUUS ERIM.MU GI.NA.MES SUUUS ERIM housekeeper's storage jar will be covered booty. apodosis, see TCL 6 I rev.15.
KUR ZIZE MES-ba OZE
up; another one will be opened. Obv. 18) For the promis, see KAR 151:I I. The apo-
26 I US 1-AM MU.DIDLI IM 15-KAM-ma BE IGI TON 20. Shepherds will raise their staffs toward the plain, 13. If in the middle of the "yoke," on the left, there dosis is difficult. The meaning of bu-14-ti (vanant
27. ki-ma la-bi-ri-fu fâ {i -ir ba-ri
but will return empty-handed. Secondly, is a "weapon"-mark an d it faces the pos- bu-14-a-turn, K 3988:6) escapes me.
28. (up-pi "KI.' AMAR.UD-ba-la-tu A mS$-bi-na-a-.fi-
its name is a nipbu 'weapon"-mark. terior versa cava • "conquer, do not tarry," 19b) For this apodosis, cf. Bi a. Iraq 29 122:17. A
I'û 21. [Ifin] the top of the "yoke," on the right, there
Obv.
(referring to) the enemy. duplicate of this omen, K.3988:7 has TÙM for
is a "weapon"-mark, an d it faces the left 14. If in the middle of the "yoke," on the left, there turn
TRANSLATION is a "weapon"-mark, and it follows the
of the "finger," I will encamp on the
2. [If in the top of the "yok]e,' opposite the neck "yoke": departure of the diviner Obv. 20b) GIS.TUKUL IZLGAR in volves the difficult
enemy's property.
of the gill bladder there is a fissure, flight 22 If in the middle of the " yoke," on the right, 15. If in the middle of the "yoke," on the left, there nipbu, which is both a technical term in extispicy,
of the army Le. a feature on the exta which changes a predic-
there is a "weapon"-mark, and it follows is a "weapon"-mark, an d it faces the left unreliable, in-
3. [If...] the "yoke" in the right side of the "yoke" tion into its opposite, as well as an
the "yoke," the enemy will free plough- of the "finger": the diviner will acquire
there is a hole, downfall of the leader of decisive omen. Here most Likely the la tter is the
oxen from the prince's yoke. fame.
the army. case. Cf. kak rIfl, a "weapon"-mark. predicting
23. If in the middle of the "yoke," on the right, 16. If there is a cyst in the "yoke": there will be
f the "yok]e," opposite of "increment" is ser- in the prince's count ry . help; kak lumun libbi, a "wea pon"-mark predicting
there is a ` weapon"-mark a]nd it faces the
grief kak ti, a ` weapon"-mark predicting confu-
rated like the teeth ofa comb, invasion of [ba]se of the "finger," the prince will free 17. If there is a cyst in the "yoke" and it is black: weapon"-mark predicting re-
locusts. there will be famine in the land. sion; kak bartim, a "
plough-oxen from the enemy's yoke. volt, etc. Note also pi-(i-ir ni.ip-jçi, a fissu re pre-
e "yoke" opposite of "increment" is ser- 24. If in the middle(?) of the "yoke," [on the 18. If there is a cyst in the "yoke" and it is yellow: en, W.R. Mayer, Or. 5 6
ing an indec
rated like the teeth of a saw locusts will nght(?), there is a "weapon' -mark(?) and] it will hail.
247.28
invade, but will not ravage (the l an d). it faces the [lef]t(?) of the liver, it Is the 19. If there is blood in the "yoke," the man's wife
6. Subartu will invade, (but) will suffer a defeat will become pregnant by another man. Olw. 24) The restoration of the protasi ncertain.
in- weapon-mark of Sargon.
side the land. 20. If a design is drawn crosswise in the "yoke," It is possible, but uncertain, that A:24=C:1.
7. If the "yoke" turns towards a "weapon' -mark there will be famine in the land. w xpo n"-marks placed either rid
2 5. 1• . flight of the army. Rev. 8f) For 2-3 "

and faces downward, invasion of Elam. or redil, i.e. side by side or foiio wu ► g one another ,
2 34 IVAN STARR
respectively, see CT 3 t 1 5 K.2o92 ii 4 (with draw-
ings); CT 3o 38 K.7269 2f.; cf. CT 31 9.
Rev. 9) Restored from SpTU II no. 45:6.
Rev. to) For this omen, see SpTU II no. 45:Io. The
apodosis in the la tt er differs from the one here.
Rev. 13) For the apodosis, see YOS w 46 ii 48, cf.
ibid. 9:29: 53:24. For the identification of KA.
GAL.DUL.SÀ (abut kutum libbi) with the posterior
versa cava, see Biggs RA 63, p 167.
Rev. 14) For the apodosis, cf. BRM 4 I2:Io, 25;
KAR 427 rev. 3 1 f.
Rev. 15) For the apodosis, cf. TCL 6 2:21; CT 28
43:I I; CT 31 to 9 (duplicate CT 3o 37 K.9815 9)
Rev 16) For si(}/ju, "cyst," see Biggs op.cit., p. 163
note J. The presence of a si(Ibiu was commonly as-
sociated in apodoses with storms, rains, floods, etc.
Cf. rev. 18. On siflbu see now Rosmarie Leiderer,
BM 68454+69328 (Text C)
A New Omen Text concerning the "Yoke" of the Liver 235
Anatomie der Schafsteber im babylonischen Leberorakel,
p. 78f. et passim.
Rev. 18) For the apodosis, see the CAD s v zanânu
A 42b, for examples.
Rev. 19) For the apodosis, see BRM 4 12:35 = Bois-
sier DA 221:13.
Rev. 21) It is not always possible to decide whether
sramâtu in protases of omens refers to lamina I or
sramâtu II listed in AHw s.v. p. 1155. See now the
discussion in CAD 5/ I sramâtu p. 31o.
Rev. 22f.) For the apodosis, see Nougayrol RA 6o, p.
91; Starr JCS 29, p. 159f. See now Ulla Jeyes, Old
Babylonian Extispicy (1989), p.165, which may sug-
gest the cor re ct interpretation of this omen.
Rev. 24) For this omen, see RA 44 13:12. For the
protasis, see also YOS to 42 iii 52, an d K.182+
rev.i2 (CT 28 48), said of the gall bladder.
A)
 Obeservattons on the Sumerian Personal Names in Ebla Sources 2 37

at the very end of the listi ng. The variants from TM Comments on individual nam es:
75.G.Io185 are noted in the respective commentaries t. Ur-s$-[Ulu (?)] / Ur-zu-Utu. The name of the
same senior singer is spelled Ur-sa-nu-ù-du in TM
OBSERVATIONS ON THE SUMERIAN PERSONAL SOURCE A SOURCE B
75.G.10185 (see above). Without any doubt, we find
I. Ur-si-[Utu(?)] Ur-zu-Utu (i)
NAMES IN EBLA SOURCES AND 2. Lû-gi-na Gi-gi-na (2)
here the Sumerian name Ur-sag-Ulu, which is well-
known from Fara (F. Pomponio Prosopografia, pp. 275-
ON THE ONOMASTICON OF MARI AND KISH 3. Gù -li-li Ga-li-li (3) 77) an d Pre-Sargonic sources (OSP 1, p. to
A-si (4) 74 to; ELTS p. 179) In other Ebla texts, the same name
4756 . A-si
Piotr Steinkeller h alternatively written Ur-sag-da (ARET 3 526 ii 61 ; 7 I
Nu-gal-zi-ga Nu-gal-zi-ga (5) rev viii 7), Ur-sa-da (ARET 2 6 ii 6; SEb 4, p. 149 rev
Harvard University . Ur-Na-zi-a(!) Ur-Na-zi(wr. GI)-a (8) i 6 (both examples involving citizens of Mari]), and Ur-
. Da-da Da-da (7) É(for SA?)-da (ABET 7 16 rev. viii 9). Cf. also the name
Ur-sag, borne by a merchant (LO.KAR) from Ma ri , in
I. two sources was recognized already by M.V. Tometti 2
8. NE-na NE-na (6)
ABET 8 525 xxi 14. For another name invoking Utu,
in an article published in JAOS io8 (1988) 481-83, P. an d A Archi, 3 although neither of them had realized 9. Ma-za -lu Ma-u-lu -Hl (9)
see no. 25.
Man der studied a group of twenty-four personal names, that, as is shown by the comparison with TM 75.G.2649, ro. Lu-mai Lu-mu-tu (to)
2. Ln-gi-na / Gi-gi-na. The name of the same senior
borne by a contingent of 'junior singers" (NAR.TUR) in ARET i 7 the rubric NAR.TUR Ma-rib extends to II. 0-du-ra(?), U-du-Nt-a 0 2) singer is written Lu-gi-na-su-WA in TM 75.Gto185 (see
from Mari, which are recorded in ABET 1 7 rev. i 4 - ii three individuals who are listed m the immediately pre- above). In a personal communication A. Archi informs
12. Mu-mu
4 (= TM 75.G.1828). Several of these names were rec- ceding section (rev. i 1-3). These persons are identical
13. 0-nu-NE-NE 0-mu-NE (14) me that the la tt er name could alternatively be read as Lu-
ognized by Mander as being genuinely Sumerian The with the first three singen appearing in TM 75.G.2649;
gi-na-WA-iu. If so, the name is very likely to be analyzed
tablet in question has recently been republished by since in the la tter source these three men receive twice 14. Sum-BAD - li Sum-BAD-li (i7)
/lu-kinâ pile/. For the val ue pi of PI, c£ 1-ku-pi-DINGIR
as /1u-kinâ
Mander in his Administrative Texts of the Archive L.2679, as many garments as the other singers, they undoubtedly I5. Ba -zi Ba -zi (15) /ikûn-pi-alum/, attested in ARET t 30 ix 9 (a man from
Matenali per it Vocabolario Sumerico i = MEE io (Rome, represented supervisors or senior singen. Accordingly,
16. Lu -KASKAL-DU Mari ), SEb 3, p. 15 rev viii 5 (a man from Mari), and
199o), pp. 41-52 no. 14, with similar conclusions about when the three supervisors are included, the actual num-
17. Bù-la- rlu' MEE 2 35 rev. ii 2.
the nature of the names in question (pp. 52, 244). ber of singers appearing in ARET i 7 Is twenty-seven.
However, M an der had missed the important point Yet another text that bears directly on the same 18. Na-za 3. Gù-li-li. Almost certainly identical with Gu-li-li of
that the majority of the singen listed in ARET 1 7 appear Nu-gal-M-zi (i i) MAD 5 65: i i an d Ku-h-li of HSS to 52 i 4, 51 i 5. This
group of singers is TM 75.G.io185 vii 9'-16 1 .4 This 19. Nu-gal-NI-zi
also in TM 75.G.2649 x Off. i which records twenty- name is probably to be interpreted as kur/u, "dragonfly."
source records the garments issued to three named su- 20. Ur-Na-na Ur-Nu-nu -na 08)
five NAR NAR Ma-nb. The connection between these pervisors (Ur-sa-nu-ù-du , Gi-is-iii-s"u , and Lu-gi-na- Our Gû-li-li, a senior singer according to both sources,
tu-WA - two of whom can positively be identified with
21. NI-ri-NE -UD is very likely identical with Go-li-lu, a NAR.MAUI, who
Abbreviations used are those of th e Chicago Assyrian Dictionary 22. Ù-gû-NE-NE Ù-gû-NE-NE (22) appears in ARET 1 5 rev. t 4, 6 rev. ii 15. The purpling
the supervisors appearing in the earlier two texts) and
and the Philadelphia Sumerian Dictionary with the following addi ti ons: thing is that Gû-li-li would be expected to be the same
twenty-two unnamed junior singers (NAR.NAR.TUR) 23. Nu-gal-mu-da-kâi
ARES Anfiivi reali di Ebla, Stud' person as Gi-ii-W-sue, the remaining (third) senior singer
The total number of singers listed (twenty-five) is thus 24. 0-NE-NE 0-NE-NE (24)
ASJ Acta Sun erologica (Japan) listed in TM 75.G. 0185 (see above). However,
ELTS identical with that found in TM 7S G. 26 49. Si - li-mu-du (25) rn e by
i J. Gelb, P. Steinkeller and R.M. Whiting, The Ear- 25. Si-la-mu-Utu dt-s'u, for which compare Gi-is-ljl, the name bo
liest Land Tenure Systems in the Near Fact: Ancient The comparison of the variant spellings appearing in (Eblaitica t, p. 138 no. 9), 5 cannot be
Kuduma, OIP 104 (Chicago, x991) 26. Ar-iè-a-hu a m an from Kish
ARET 1 7 and TM 75.G.2649, with further information
Himrin F. Rasheed, The Ancient Inscriptions in Himrin Area readily connected with Ga-li-li/lu
provided by TM 75.G.1o185, makes it possible to arrive 27 Ir-amca-bu
(Baghdad 1981)
Krebem'k, Personennamen at improved readings an d an alyses of several of the 28. Sâ--il-da
gi (13) 4. A-si. This name, of uncertain affiliation, is also
Die Personennam en der Ebla-Texte (Berlin, 1988) tested in the Pre-Sargomc and Sargonic sources from
names. At the same time, this sample of Mari names pro- 29. Nu-gal-A.S.DA 06)
MC Mesopotamian Civilizations
vides one with a representative and convenient body of northern Babylonia (ELTS, p. 164). Cf. A-zi, a merchant
Mélanges Kupper 3o. U9-la-nu (19) (LU.KAR) from Ma ri (ABET 1 7 xi 16).
De la Babylonie d la Syrie, en passant par Mari: Mélanges evidence to reach some general conclusions about the
31. BAD-KUR.KI (20)
offe rts a MontieurJ.-R. Kopper (Liège, 199o) onomasticon of Mari in Pre-Sargonic times. 5. Nu-gal-zi-ga. The name contains the word lugal,
OSP A. Westenholz, Old Sumerian and Old Akkadian Texts 32. Li-lum (2t)
in Philadelphia Chiefly from Nippur, volt (Malibu,
Offered below is a list of the names found hi ARET an d thus is assuredly Sumerian. Cf. Mander, JAOS IDS,
CA x975). vol, 2 (Copenhagen, 1987)
17 (henceforth Source A), juxtaposed with the name-
33. t3Al.-da-ba (23) p. 482. However, since *Lugal-zi-ga is not documented
Pomponto, Prosopografw, forms found in TM 75.G 2649 (henceforth Source B) In 3rd millennium Babylonian sources, the interpreta-
F. Pomponio, La prosopografia dei testa presargonici di
The sequence is according to Source A; the numerical As shown by the above listing, nineteen tares appear tion of -zi-ga remains uncertain.
Fara (Rome, 1987) in both sources. It is interesting to note that these names
QS Quademi di Semitistica positions of names in Source B are indicated in paren- 6. Ur-Na-zi-a(!) / Ur-Na-zi(wr. Gi)-a To be nu-
SEb Studi Eblaiti theses. The names which appear only in Source B (or are listed in much the same sequence in both sources,
lyzed as Ur-Nazi-a(k) = Ur-Nanie-a(k). The possibility
TSS R. Jestin, Tableurs sumériennes de Suruppak conservées au with the first eleven names following virtually the same
cannot be identified at present in Source A) were placed that this name invokes Nanshe was considered already
Musk de Stamboul (Paris, 937) order. Among the remaining names, eight seem to be
Westenholz, ECT) by Mander, JAOS 1o8, p. 482, though with an i
found only in Source A, while s ix appear only in Source
A. Westenholz, Early Cuneiform Texts in Jena (Copen- talion Ur-Nanie-(nin-)utv i 6, based on the
hagen, 1 975)
2. QS is (1988) 84 n. 15, 86-89. B. Assuming that no further matches between both
3. ARES t (Rome, 1988), pp. 283-84. the last sign in Source A as -lu (the
s. sources a re possible, the combined total of names listed o,pL IX) . Our Ur-
hy A. Archi in MAKI 4 (1985) 78 no. 126.
Cited by 4, ARES 1, p..284. I am grateful to A. Arch' for bringing this ly a see the photograph in MEE
text to my attention. can be put at thirty-three.

p• 243•
23 6
238 PIOTR STEINKELLER
Nance cannot but bring to mind a senior singer (NAR.
MAti) of the same name, the se rvan t of the king Ip lu s
il, who dedicated his statues to the goddess INANNAxZA.
ZA of Mari (I J. Gelb an d B. Kienast, FAOS 7, pp. 13-14
MP 14 an d MP i5). Whether the same person is meant
m both instances depends on the immensely complicated
questions concerning the royal sequences of Ebla and
Mari,6 which have not yet been definitively resolved.
7. Da-da. Cf. Da-da, a man from Kish, who is docu-
mented in SEb 4, p. 78 no. 3. 7 This name is common in
Babylonia, both in the south an d in the north, from the
Fan through the Ur III period (Pomponio, Prosopografia,
p. 63; MAD 5, p 96; ELTS, p. 166; H. Limet, Anthro-
ponymie, p. 392). Its background is probably Sumerian,
although a Semitic derivation is also possible (MAD 3,
PP. 103-04)•
8. NE-na. Reading and analysis uncertain.
9. Ma-za-lu / Ma-za-lu-dl. Cf. Ma-zu-ra-bu (ARET
8 529 xxi 2), and conceivably also Na-sa-ra-N , designat-
ing a man from Mari (ABET t 7 xi 2). This name may
contain the root N$R, with a possible interpretation
/mat;ar(u)-abi/. Cf ma-za-hum /maf;arum/, "guard," of
Ebb economic texts (e.g., ABET i, pp. 2 94- 95), an d the
naines Ma-za-ar-su (Gelb, OAIC 5:2), Ma-za-ir-su
(UCP 9, p. 204 no. 83 ii 7 [collated]), Ma-za-ir-za
(MVN 3 102:18) Na-as-ru-um, an d Na zi-it-i-li (MAD
3, p. 207) of Babylonian sources.
to. Lu-mai / Lu-mu-s"u. Mander, JAOS io8, p. 482,
assumes that Lu-mai is a Sumerian name, but the vanant
spelling Lu-mu-iu raises a possibility that this name may
in fact be Semitic. Cf. La-mu-sa (Himrin 4 ii 2; ELTS,
p. 1 72 )
I I. 0-DU-ra(?) 1 / Ù-DU-NI-a . Reading an d analysis
uncertain.
12. Mu-mu. This name, of uncertain affiliation, is
common in Babylonian sources (HSS w, p. XXXV;
FLTS, p. 174; MAD 5 66 vi 1, Himrin 3 iii 15; etc.).
13. 0-nu-NE-NE / 0-mu-NE-NE Possibly identical
with the Babylonian name U-mu-NI•NI (Westenholz,
OSP I, p. too; ELTS, p. 178), if the latter name is to be
read Ù-mu - ni-ni. Cf. the name NE.NE, identifying inch-
viduals from Mari (MARI 4, p. 76 nos. 63 an d 83). The
same name is attested in the sources from Mari (MARI
5, p. 97; 6 , p. 247 nos. 38 ii 1 and 39 ii 2- under bi-bi)
and Babylonia (JCS to [1956] 26 no. 2 iii 12; BIN 8 t t
4: ELTS nos 41 rev. ix 12 43 i ii). Cf. also NE-NE-
urn in Iraq so (1978) 114 no 531 ii 6 (Abu Salabikh). See
also nos. 22 an d 24.
rord#ng to Archl ABET 7, p. 79, Source A belongs to
Ç _a
,
Ibrium or Ibbi-Zakir. On the other hand, Axhi,
date 1p-lu r il before both Ibrium and Ibbi-zikir.
identification of our Ur-Nance with the senior
unlikely.
p• 2 43•
14. Sum-BAD-li Attested as sum-BAD in MARI 4, p.
77 no. 98, where it identifies a Ma ri citizen, and in a Pre-
Sargonic votive insc ription from Ma ri (Gelb an d Kiena-
st, FAOS 7, p. 19 MP 24:1, 7). This name corresponds
to the Babylonian Sum(u)-bEli, which is written gu4
mu-be-h in A 1087:2 (Sargonic) published by Zhi
Yan g, A Study of the Sargonic Archive from Adab (Univ. of
Chicago Diss., 1986), p. 397. Cf the name Sum- da-ar,
borne by a Ma ri prince (MARI 4, p. 76 nos. 81 an d 84),
which appears as Su-mu-da-4r an d Su-mu-tar in the
sources from Babylonia (MAD 3, p. 274). For other ex-
amples of names with fumu, see MAD 3, p. 274, and
ELTS, pp. 176-77, and further, note Su-mu-Es 4 târ
(ARM 19 462:8) an d Su-mu-dDa-gan (ARM 19 283:3)
of Ma ri srakkanakku sources.
15. Ba-zi. Attested also in MARI 4, p. 76 no. 84,
where it identifies a man from Mari. 8 This name, which
is documented in Babylonia from the Fara (Pomponio,
Prosopografia, p. 57; Names and Professions List line 132
= SEb 4, p. 184) through the Ur III period (Limet, An-
throponymie, p 389), is very likely Sumerian. Cf. the
name Z1-zi borne by a man from Ma ri (ARET t 7 rev.
,
xi i; MARI 4, p. 78 no. 125), which is also found in the
Names an d Professions List line 238 (SEb 4 p. 187) an d
In the sources from Babylonia (Pomponio, Prosopografta,
p. 279). Cf. also Zi-zi of iamazi (Rivista Biblica 25 [1 977]
240 iv lo, v 3). In this connection note that, according
to the ms. of the Sumerian King List from Te ll Leilan,9
Ba-zi and Zi-zi were the names of two rulers of the Ma ri
Dynasty.
16 Lu -KASKAL-DU. The name appears to be Sumer-
ian (cf. Mander, JAOS 108, p. 482). Probably to be ana-
lyzed as Lu -kàs-Sa 4 = 16 kas4 a(k), for which compa re
-
LCI.KAS 4 (ELTS no. 41 h 12) an d Ur-kas 4 -sâ (BIN 8
212:4). For the value kâs of KASKAL, see below under no.
23. The value sa 4 of DU is documented in the Pre-Sar-
gonic sources from Lagash Q. Bauer, RA 64 [197o] 188;
J.N. Postgate, MO 24 [ 1 973] 77). For Ebla, sec zit-ur s-
sa4 glossed as zu 'à-ar-ia, in VE 208 an d ous i (MEE 4,
pp. 221 an d 358).
17. Bù-la-9u'. The same name, spelled Bù-la-hum, is
bo rn e by a merchant (LO.KAR) from Man (MARI 4, p•
76 no. 73). Probably to be analyzed as or Pû-tali,
"Mouth-Of-Happiness." Cf. Bu/Bù-la-hum (MAD 3, p.
96) and Bù-la-li (ELTS na 23 x I; Zhi Yang A Study of
the Sargontc Archive from Adab [Unie of Chicago Diss.,
1986], p. 484). Cf. also La-li of Mari (MARI 4, p. 78 no.
1 37; 5, p. 98), La-li of Babylonia (F.I.TS Appendix to no.
8. The same Ba-ri is apparently also mentioned in SEh 3, p.
t4 x 2, where he is associated with the well-known Man merchants
Ib-gi-tum and Gul-la. For lb-gi-tam see below n. 3o; for Gul-b, see
MARI 4. P. 75 no. 242p. 76 no 73.
9 A preliminary discussion of this source was offered by
Claudine-Adrienne Vincente in a paper entitled "The Leilan Recen-
sion of the Sumerian King List," read at the AOS meeting in Cam-
bridge lis-, April i942.
Obeservations on the Sumerian Personal Names in Ebla Sources
32 vi 7, no. 4o A xiv 18), and A-ga-la-li of Mari (ARM
19 392:8, 404:1f) If this interpretation is correct, the
name would be of Babylonian o ri gin, since laid is a Sum-
erian loanword in Akkadian (CAD L, p. 5ib)
18. Na•za. Affi li ation uncertain — no Babylonian
parallels are available. Cf. the Ma ri name Za -na (ARET
7 16 vii 8).
19. Nu-gal-NI-zi. Assuredly a Sumerian name, be-
cause of the inclusion of the word lugal. However,
Mander's assumption, JAOS 108, p. 482, that this name
is to be analyzed as Lugal -i -zi is most unlikely (the name
Inim-i -zi, which he cites as a parallel, in fact represents
Inim-(a)- ni-zi). Among the possible analyses one might
consider Lugal-e -si, -ezen, and -nig-zu, all listed in
Pomponio, Prosopografia, sub voce. Cf. Ur-NI-zi, desig-
nating a Kishite visitor to Ebla (Eblattica 1, p. 138 no.
8), 10 an d Lugal-hi-zi / Nu-gal-hi-zi in ARET 5 24 iv 3
=25ivI.
2o. Ur-Na-na I Ur-Nu-nu -na. With Mander, JAOS
io8, p. 483, this name very likely represents Ur-O )Nan-
na although the variant -Nu-nu -na leaves open the pos-
sibility that the divine element in question actually is
Nu-nu, for which see below p. 243. Cf. the name Ur-
Na-ni, which is attested, as the designation of an Ebla
A in ARET 8 527 xv t, 531 xvi 21 an d also
singer (NB),
inOSPi 44:5.
21. NI-ri-NE-UD. The name may invoke Um or Sha-
mash, but the analysis is uncertain.
22 Ù-gû- NE -NE. Reading and analysis unce rtain. Cf.
nos. 13 and 2 4.
23. Nu-gal-mu- da -kài(KASKAL). Undoubtedly the
same name as the Pre-Sargonic Lugal-mu-da -kirs (e.g.,
HSS 3, p. 24; J. Bauer, Lagasch, p. 554; ELTS, p. 173),
also attested in ARET 5 24 iii 5 = 25 üi 1 (Lugal-mu-cla-
kiis / Nu-gal-me-gam su -ù). The value kIs of KASKAL is
frequent in the Pre-Sargonic sources from Lagash, as a
variant writing of kas, "beer" (Y. Rosengarten, Rfper-
foire, p. 26 no. 116). The fact that Lugal-mu-da-kas does
not seem to appear in Fara sources could be of impor-
tance for the date of the archaic Mari an d Ebb sources.
24. 0.-NE-NE. Attested also in MARI 4, p. 75 no. 54,
p. 78 no 118, in both cases identifying a man from Mari
,
an d in the sources from Abu Salabikh (OIP 99, p. 35).
This name is possibly identical with the Babylonian 0-
NE-NE (ELTS no. 31 iv 3) and CJ-NI-NI (Gelb, MAD 5,
p no; ELTS no. 4o B xii 8), if the latter names are to be
read U -ne-ne and 0-ni-ni respectively. Cf. nos. 13 and
22.
25. Si-la-mu-Ulu / Si-li-mu-du. The same name is
written Si-la-mu-da in MARI 4, p. 76 no. 73, where it
describes a merchant (LÛ.KAR) from Mari. Without any
to. CL p..243 .
.
239
doubt, the name hiding behind these variant
the Sumerian Silim-DUtu (usually transUcerated as Di-
IdtUtu by Sumerologists), which is abundantly docu-
mented in Fara (Pomponio, Phosopografta • pp. 64-66),
Abu Salabikh (OW 99, p. 35) an d Pre-Sargonic texts
(e.g., Bauer, Iagasdc, p. 546; OSP t, p. So; ELTS, p. 166),
an d which is also attested in Ebb sources (ARET 3 526
i 2; SEb 4, p. 144 rev. v 3, p. 145 iii 4 [appaently a citi-
zen of Ma ri in each case]). Since all three spellings use
the sign SI, it appears quite certain that the name was v o-
calized Silim-Utu, an d not Salim-Utu; this is in agree-
ment with the testimony of lexical texts, which give pri-
mary to the reading shim (see Proto-Ea 262).
26. Ar-iè-a-bu. Attested in Babylonia, Mari, and
Ebla. See MAD 3, p. 236; Krebemtk, Personennamen, pp.
143-44. For the Ma ri evidence, see especially Ar-iè-a-
bu, a merchant (LII.KAR) from Mari (MARI 4, p. 77 no.
104), an d Ar-k(!)-a-ba (Gelb an d Kienast, FAOS 7, P.
21 MP 29:1). Cf. also A-ha-ar4i of Mari (MARI 4, p.
77 no. 94. P• 78 no 134).
27. Îr-am t -a-bu. The element Ir'am- is attested in
names from Babylonia, Mari, an d Ebb (MAD 3, p. 23o;
Krebemik, Pnsonrnnamen, p. 225), but the combination
Ir'am-abu is represented only by this occurrence.
28. Si-gi-il-da. Possibly a Sumerian name Cf Sag-
3 and Sag-'En- W-da /Sag- lilil-da/
467 iv r)
bil-da
(BIN 8" 154 ii 6; OSPt, p. 97).
29. Nu-gal-AS.DA. Probably a Sumerian name. Possi-
bly to be read Nu-gal-iz-da and identified with Lugal-
â-z-da (Pomponio Prosofgrafra, p. 153; etc.
3o. U 9-1a-nu. Undoubtedly a Semitic name, though
the interpretation is uncertain. CE U 9 -1i-N1 (ABET 2 4
vii 4) and U9-Nl (MARI 4, p. 76 no 78) of Mai.
3I. BAD-MURK!. Attested as BAD-li-KUR in a Pre-
Sargonic tablet from Mari (MARI 5 p t t9 no at y 4).
This name assuredly corresponds to the Babylonian BöM-
SAiTU (MAD 3, p. 264; ELTS, p. 165). Cf. A-bù•KvR..Ie1
(MARI 4, p• 76 no. 73, p. 79 no. 1 55). A-ba4 -KURII
(ARET 4 1 x 13), and A.MU-KURKI (ARET 8 S31 ix
2), 12 in all instances describing the same Mai merchant
(LO.KAR), which corresponds to the Babylonian A-bù/
bi-SA.TU, once appearing as A-Iii-KUR (MAD 3, p. 264).
Further, note the name KUR 10-1-hum, borne by a mer-
chant (LII,KAR) from Ma ri (MARI 4, p. 77
which n clearly the same z the Babylonian SA.TU-DINGiR
(JCS 28 [î976] 228
(MAD 3, p. 264) and DINGIR-SA.TU
). Although these examples establish that KUR.R1
le that, in some instances at least, KUR.KI
WA it is possib
240 Pi0TR STEINKELLER
may actually stand for Dagan. This is suggested by the
name Ir-am6-KUR.KI, borne by a cupbearer (SAGO from
Mari (MARI 4, p. 78 no. 137), which finds a close par-
allel in Ir'am -Dagan of Babylonian sources (MAD 3, p.
230).
32. Li -hum. Collated by A. Archi (personal commu-
nication). In all probability, to be analyzed as li/lu, "fool,
moron," which is documented as a PN in Sargonic an d
later sources. For the Sargonic examples, see Li -lum
(Gelb, OAIC 23:1; RTC 91 iii 16 1), Lu -lil-hum (CT 5o
56 :4 59:2 1 ; Grégoire, AAS 2.4), Lil-la (TuM 5 16:9),
Ln -111-Ia (Boston Museum of Fine Arts, 669-86, unpub-
lished Sargonic seal), an d Lu -lit-la (OSP 2, p. 196). For
later occurrences, see CAD L p. 189b.
33. Um -da -ba Reading and analysis uncertain. The
same name designates a PA 4.SES priest of dNi- da-KUL in
MEE 2 19 rev. vi t .
H.
Within this group, nine names can be recognized as
genuinely Sumerian (nos. t, 5, 6, 16, 19, 20, 23, 25, an d
29), while three other (nos. 7, 15, and 28) are possibly
Sumerian. Twelve other names, either Semitic or of un-
certain affiliation (nos. 3, 4, 12, 13, 14, 17, 22?, 24, 26,
27?, 31, and 32), are documented also in Babylonia.
Among all these names, only three (nos. 26, 27?, and 33)
seem to be represented also in the onomasticon of Ebla.
As is suggested by this sample, Sumerian names were
fairly common in Pre-Sargonic Ma ri . Although one
could theoretically argue that the large concent ra tion of
Sumerian names in our sample is due to the specialized
occupational background of their bearers, the examples
of Sumerian names designating Ma ri citizens other than
singers, which were cited in the commentary above,' 3
show that this is not the case.
On the other hand, we lack any certain examples of
Sumerian names designating the citizens of Ebb an d
other northern Syrian cities That such names, though
common at Ma ri , were unknown or at least extreme
rare at Ebla is not surprising, if one considers the simple
fa ctor of geography and the fact that Ebb's contacts with
Babylonia, unlike those of Man, appear to have been
sporadic and generally of an indirect nature.
It comes as a considerably bigger surprise to conclude
that, even when the Sumerian names are excluded, the
onomasticon of Pre-Sargonic Mari, as represented by the
above sample an d the examples noted in the commen-
tary, is very closely connected with that of Babylonia
(including the Diyala Region), though it shows little af-
finity with Ebb and northern Syria in general. In fact, it
is easy to cite numerous other examples of onomastic an -
Ur-é-gal. a
appearing in AREC 7 16 rev.
4, p. 152 rev. ix to.
•
alogues between Mari and Babylonia, as the following,
haphazardly collected sample will demonstrate:
(I) Ad -da of Ma ri (MARI 6, p. 247 nos. 38 ii 4 and
39 i 4, p. 251 no. 41 ii V) an d Ad -da of Babylonian
sources (Pomponio, Prosopografia, pp. 19-20; OSP 1, p.
77; 2, p. 195; ELTS, p. 164; etc.).
(z) Ag-ga of Mari (MARI 4, p. 76 no. 63; MARI 5,
p. Io3 nos 2 i 6 an d 3 iii 7, p. lo5 no. 4 üi 3') and Ag-
ga, the famous ruler of the First Dynasty of Kish. Cf. the
divine(?) element A-ga, found in the Mari names of the
fakkanakku period: A-ga-Li-li (ARM 19 392:8, 404:10,
Is-mi-A-ga (ARM 19 424:1 1 ), and Ml-li-A-ga (ARM
19 319:6; Gelb an d Kienast, FAOS 7, p 364 MS ro:4)•
(3) A-ri -ik-BAD of Mari (MARI 4, p. 76 no. 78), as
compared with A- ri -ik-i-li and Be-li-a-rI-ik of Babylo-
nia (MAD 3, p 64).
(4) Du-du of Mari CARET 8 542 x 7; MARI 5, p. 123
no. 31 iii 3) an d Du-du of Babylonia (Pomponio, Proso-
pografia, pp 66-67; MAD 5, p. 97; ELTS, p. 6o; etc.).
(5) tg-bum of Mari (MARI 4, p. 79 no. 152; Gelb
an d Kienast, FAOS 7, p. 8 MP 5 . 2 [read as se-bum]) an d
Ese bum (Gelb an d Kienast FAOS 7, p. 8o Manistiisu B
2:4) - also Is"-bù-um (HSS ro 135:5) or Is-bum (HSS Io
24:1 I, 146:14, 153 ii 19) - of Babylonia.
(6) Ga-rI-ù (MARI 4, p. 78 nos. 134 and 139; ABET
8 521 vii 2, 539 ii 15), also Ga- ri-u9 (MARI 4 p. 76 no.
62), of Mari and Ga-ri and Ga- ri-urn of Babylonia
(MAD 3 p. 11 9; Himrin 6 iv 6 [Ga -ri-urn]).
(7) Ib-bu-bu of Mari (MARI 6, p. 251 no. 4o iüx 8)
an d lb-bu-bu ofBabylonia (OSP r 14:3, 129 iv 2 1 ; Gelb,
OAIC 3:1i; HSS ro rob 14; Himrin ro ii 2, 18:5; ELTS
nos. 4o B vi r, 41 1 II, 48 rev. iii 6)
(8) Ip-lu s -il /iplus-il(um)/ of Ma ri (Gelb an d Kienast,
FAOS 7, p. 12 MP 12:1, p 13 MP 13:1, MP 14:1, p. 14
MP 15:1; Krebernik, Personennamen, p. 215) an d Ip-lu s-
il/DINGiR (MAD 3, p. 96) - also Ip-lu 5 -zi-DINGIR, Ip-
lu-us-DINGIR, and Ip- lu -zi-DINGIR (SEL 1 [1984] II)
ofBabylonia. Cf. Steinkeller, NABU 1988/49 n. 14e
(9) lb-u9-mu-ud/du of Mari( ?) (Krebernik, Penonen-
namen, p. 216) an d lb-anl ß-mud (OIP 99, p. 35) or lb-
mud of Babylonia CELTS App. to nos. 22-23 i 3 , iii 7).
The name is possibly to be analyzed as /ibû-mutu/ (Ebla
examples) or /ibiii'-mutu/ (Abu Salabikh), cf. ibû at OB
Mari, against ibà' in Babylonia (CAD B, p. 178b). For
the possibility that Ib-u 9 -mu -ud/du was a Mari official,
see especially ARET 7 3, 6, an d 7.
(to) ir-ra-ra of Ma ri (ARET t 5 rev. xii 24) and 'r-
ra -ra ofBabylonia (ELTS no. 4o A v 2; HSS Io 31:3, 153
iv 17; BIN 8 142:2; Himrin 2 iii 16).
(I I)Kir-ba-nt'im of Mari (MARI 5, p. 119 no. 25 ü
4) and Kir-ba-nûm of Babylonia (MAD r , p. 210; cf. also
M C 4 no. 55:5).
Obeservations on the Sumerian Personal Names in Ebla Sources
(i2) Ku-ku of Mari (MARI 5 p. 103 no. 2 iii 2;
ARET t 5 rev. xiii 7; 4 24 il 13) and Ku-ku of Babylonia
(MAD I, p. 2.11; 5, p. 1 to; OSP 1, p. 86; ELTS, p. 172;
Himrin 6 iv 2; etc.).
(t3) La-la of Mari (MARI 6, p. 251 no. 41 ii 4x) an d
La-la of Babylonia (Pomponio Prosopografia, p. 142;
Names an d Professions List line 24 [SEb 4, p 181]; Bau -
er, Lagasch p. 552; etc.).
(t4) Mâm(SAL)-ma-bit•-sù /man-mâbirfu/ of Mari
(Gelb and Kienast, FAOS 7 p. 13 MP 13:3) an d Ma-ma-
W hir (OSP 1 47 iii) and Ma-ma-bir( -su) (MAD 3, p.
177) of Babylonia. Cf Mâm-ma-bir, designating a per-
son from Gù-Ia-AN ki (localization unknown), in ARET
738ä r.
(I5) Ma-âs-da-su /ma(n)-altâlu/ (MARI 4, p. 78 no.
125) of Mari an d Ma- an -is-tu-su of Babylonia (MAD 3,
p. 8o).
(16) Ma-si -gi-BAD-li of Mari (MARI 5, p. 113 no. 19
ii 5) and Ma-siki-be-li of Babylonia (ELTS Appendix to
no. 32 vi 6). Cf. Ma-siki (Westenholz, ECTJ 28 ii 7, 35
ü 4) an d the feminine name variously written in Ebla
sources as Ma- si-gi-ba-u4 (OA 18 [1979] 135 viii 26),
Ma- sa-gi-ba-um (ARET 8 525 V r), Ma- si-gi-ii-ba-rum',
Ma- sa-gi-rs-ba-um (P. Fronzaroh, CRRAI 33, p. 71),
Ma- si-gi-sa-um (HSAO 2, p. 168 viii 27), and Ma-si-1i-
14
si-ba CARET 9 43 iV 4) • a-ba4
(17) Me-kisal of Mari (MARI 5, p. t t r no. 13 i 4) and
Me-kisal-li of Babylonia (HSS 3 20 1V 13, 21 V I7• BIN
8 3459 1 ; etc.).
(18) Me-me of Ma ri (ARET 4 19 rev. vi to) and Me-
me of Babylonia (MAD 1 7 if 13, 276:5'; HSS 3, p 25;
TuM 36 1 6 Himrin 1 ii 13; etc.) - a feminine name in
both instances.
(19) Me-sar of Ma ri (MARI 5, p. 98) an d Me-sar of
Babylonia (HSS to 14:5 25 iii 12, 3o:8 14).
(20) Mi-su -wa of Ma ri (MARI 5, p. 121 no. 28 ill t;
6, p. 247 no. 38 iü 7) an d Mi -su 4 a of Babylonia (JCS 1
[ 1 947] 34 8 St. Louis t t:6; ELTS no. 4o C xv 12). The
same name is alternatively written Mi su -ad (unpub-
lished Pre-Sargonic Mari tablet in the Borowski Muse-
um, Jerusalem - to be published by J.G. Westenholz),
no. 63, p. 78
Mi su -wa-du (MARI 4, p. 75 no. 44, p. 76
no. 131), Mi - su -wa-ti (ARET 8 529 viii 6), and Me-si-
a-du (MARI 4, p. 74 no. 15 - in all instances describing
individuals from Mari, and Mi -su4 -ad in the Fara and
Prosopo-
Pre-Sargonic texts from Babylonia (Pomponio,
Cf. also Mi -
grafia, p. 177; Steinkeller, MC 4, p 28).' S
su4 of Mari in MARI 6, p 251 no. 4o ill' 2, 4. Because
14. The of the element Ma- si -gi-s obscure Cf. per-
in-{i-kù), "prince" (CAD N/a pp 282,-
haps Rai/Au/na{ ;
.
83).
AB.s1
15. In view of
tested in the Pre-Sargonic
Mi-su 4-ad (against this author. MC 4, P. 1
24
of the use of the sign SU 4 in the spellings from Babylonia,
this name is almost certainly to be analyzed as /mi(n)-
fu'ati/ "Why-Ijim?" 6 For the spelling su4-a as repre-
senting fu'at(i), see DUB su4-a an d similar examples listed
in MAD 3, p. 248. For the disappearance of vocalic end-
ings in Old Akkadian pronouns an d the examples of sim-
ilar abbreviated writings, see Steinkeller, NABU 1988/
49.
(21) Pa4-ba 4 of Mari (Gelb an d Kienast, FAOS 7, p.
12 MP 12:2 MARI 5, p. los no 4 iv 4; F. Pomponio
an d M G. Biga, NABU 1989/114) and P2 4 -p2 4 of Baby-
Ionia (MAD I 163 li 25; MVN 3 too: it; BIN B 148 . 62,
152:87, 156:1; etc ) - a feminine name in both instanc-
es.
(22) Puzur4 ra-sù-DÙG of Ma ri (MARI 4, p. 76 no.
73) and Puzur4-sù /su -DÙG ofBabylonia (ELTS no. 37 ü
3; MVN 3 27:2). C£ also the Mari name Zi -lu-su -DÙG
/iillûfu-tab/ (MARI 4, p. 79 no 1 54)•
(23) Ù- da -a-ba (MARI 4, p. 78 no. 131), also Ù-da-
a-bu (ARET 4 1 rev iii 17, MARI 4, p. 77 no. 99) and
Ù -da-ab (ARET 4 2 vi 1), of Ma ri an d Ù -da-ab and Ù-
ta-a-bi of Babylonia (MAD 3, p. 84.
(24) The pronoun fuma, "he himself' (MAD 3, p.
248), seems to be found primarily in the names from
Mari an d Babylonia. For the Mari examples, see Su-ma-
p. 78 no. 134), Su -ma-d Ai -dar (ARET
(MARI 4,
8 525 xx 16), an d Su -ma-LAGAB (MARI 5, p. 119 no. 25
v 2, p. 121 no. 27 i 4); for the Babylonian evidence, see
Su -ma-a-ba 4 an d Su /Sù-ma-a-ba in the sources from
Abu-Salabikh (OIP 99, p. 35), Su/Sit-ma-me-ru in the
Names and Professions List line 256 (SEb 4, p. 188), and
the examples listed in MAD 3, p. 248, and ELTS, p. 177.
(25) The word muda, "knowing," is documented
only in Mari and Babylonian names. See A- bu - mu-da -a
(ARET 1 5 rev. xiii 3) an d A -bu -ma-da (MARI 4, p. 76
Mari, as compared with the Babylonian DINGER-
no. 78) of
mu-da an d other examples collected in MAD 3, p. 18.
Note that DINGIR-mu-da appears already in the Fara
text TSS 150 i 2.
The observation though admittedly preliminary
- that the primary onontastïc affinities of Pre-Sargonic
Mari were with Babylonia and not with Ebla would ob-
viot+sly be of great importance for the evaluation of the
region in question prior to the
linguistic situation in the
Sargonic period. The existence of close onomastic links
between Mari and Babylonia, coupled with the absence
Mari and Ebla, would force us to
of such links between
language, too, Pre-Sar-
consider that, in the sphere of
gonic Mari was much closer related to (northern) Baby-
lonia than to Ebb an d northern Syria.
This is a new and a rather startling conclusion, which
contradicts the position of I.J. Gelb, firmly and repeated-
242 PIOTR STEINKELLER
ly stated in his article "Mari an d the Kish Civilization,""
that "the native language of Mari is identical, but for in-
significant local and temporal variations, with that of
e (5) The use of RGM in the name ir-gum-Nu-nu. The
Ebla."' While a thorough discussion of this complex is-
sue is not possible here the sharp divergence between
Gelb's and our position demonstrates, if nothing else,
that the question of the language of Mari is far from set-
tled, an d that a fresh evaluation of this problem is urgent-
ly needed. Such a new evaluation should of course be
preceded by a systematic prosopographic study of the
Mari personal names in Ebla sources, which would be of
critical importance not only for the ma tt en of language
but also for the broader questions of Mari's place in the
geo-political picture of greater Mesopotamia in Early
Dynastic times.
For the evaluation of the onomastic an d linguistic
picture involving Mari, Babylonia, an d Ebb some as-
pects of which have just been discussed of considerable
importance is a group of roughly thirty names bo rn e by
the individuals who are identified in Ebb sources as
coming from or being in various ways associated with
the toponym I{iiki 19
Although it had been questioned, by at least two dif-
ferent scholars, 20 whether this toponym is in fact identi-
cal with Kish of northern Babylonia, any doubts that
may have remained were subsequently removed by the
treatment of this problem by Archi. 2 ' That Kist of Ebla
is the Babylonian Kish was proved by Archi primarily,
but not exclusively, through the demonstration that the
names in question, while lacking any transparent con-
nections with the onomasticon of Ebb, share various
unique features with the names of northern Babylonia
an d Mari.
One was understandably surprised, therefore, to read
a recent article by F. Pomponio, 22 who claims that the
names studied by Archi do not show any characteristics
that would link them securely with the northern Baby-
lonian onomasticon, an d suggests that the toponym Kiski
of Ebla sources was situated somewhere in the Uabur re-
r7. Mari in Ran
by G D. Young (Winona Lake, IN,
1992). pp. 121-202.
it ibid., p. in.
1g. See Archi, Eblaitira 1, pp. 131 , 137-4o. To be added to this
fist is the name iL-kùn-Nu-nu, appearing in MARi 5. p. 45 TM
73.G.10o9t iii 5 Cf. Archi, ibid., p 46. There may also survive the
name of a king or- Kish, as is suggested by the comparison of the fol-
lowing three pauagvx A.MU-sù EN Kïi'O (SEh 4, p. 87 no. 45).
'A'.MU LUGAL (Ki$') (Ebtait&y 1, p. 139 no. 28) and A-bi LUGAL
Kifb (MARI 5. p. 45 iv 2-4). Based on that spellings. the name
could be analyzed as /abilm/. For Amu n representing /abi/,
see
above n. ia. Cf. Arch-, MARI 5, pp. 46-47.
u1. P. Michalowski, JAOS 105 ( 1 98 5) 2
97-18; E. Sonbetger ,
ARET 8, p. 46.
EbJuitia. t (1987) 13S-40. Cf. already -dens SEb 4 (1981) 77-
,
Obeservations on the Sumerian Personal Names in Ebla Sources
gion. Pomponio bases the la tt er conclusion on three pas- ket,s x6 which is a Sumerian loanword in Akkadian, (LLI.KAR) from Mari (MARI 4, p. 76 no. 73, p. 78 no
sages in which Kisk' is mentioned in conjunction with
Dab 4si-ga is a characteristically an d uniquely Babylo- 1 34).
the toponym Nagar, which is generally believed to have nian name, and this point alone is sufficient to determine
been situated in the 1abur region, and on the fact that, the identity of Kiski root RGM is otherwise documented only in the onomas-
with the exception of two occurrences of Adab's name,
(2) The divine element Su'en, appearing in the names ticon of Babylonia. See it-gu-mu (Himrin 3 iv 15), RI-
no other Babylonian city is ever mentioned in Ebla
ir-am 6-Zu-i-nu and Du-NE-Zu-i-nu.^ 7 Su'en is not in- ig-mu - ui-alsu (CS 28 [1976] 228 i 12; Gelb and Kien-
sources.
voked in personal names outside of Babylonia, an d, as a ast, FAOS 7, p. 104 Narirnsîn A 4:1), Ri-ig-mu-uii -dan
Pompomo's treatment of the onomastic evidence is
matter of fact, these two examples, plus the occurrences (ZA 51 [1955] p1. 2 [after p. 74] iii 8 9), and Ri-ig-mu-
Er from objec ti ve, as he either ignores or obscures the
in VE 799 (MEE 4, p. 289) and ARET 5 6 viii 5, seem um (MAD 1 21 5:37, 2 35:4. 3 1 7 i 3, 3 2 4 1 2 ; 5 9 w 1 4).
importance of the names that are indica tive of the con-
nections with the Babylonian onomasticon.^ 3 Instead, to represent the only references to Su'en in the entire (6) The use of fakiinu in the name li-kùn-Nu-nu.
he concentrates on a few problematic names, forcing on Ebla corpus. As convincingly argued by W.G. Lam- The verb lakiinu is documented only in the Babylonian
28
bert, the cult of Su'en was unknown in northern Syria onomasticon. See Is-kùn-DINGIR (ELTS no 4o A xiv
them interpretations — either highly questionable or
during the period in ques ti on, the name of the Syrian 12), 11-ku-DINGIR (MAD 5 48.00 Is-ku-Ër-ra Orr 4
simply wrong — that could conceivably provide links
moon-god at that time apparently being Nl-da-kul. 7449:5), Ii-ku-un- ( Da-gan (iTT I 1167, 1316:2; Li-
with the onomasticon of Ebla. Thus, e.g. the difficult
name Zi-NE-BAR 24 is connected by Pomponio with (3) The divine element Nu-nu, appearing in the met, Documents 14 19; etc.), and the examples listed in
NE-BAR-, which is claimed (without any solid basis) to names ir-gum-Nu-nu an d Is-kùn-Nu-nu.^ 9 The deity MAD 3, p. 268.
be "un elemento teoforo caratteristico di Ebla"; the ele- Nunu or Nuni is attested only in the sources from Baby- (7) Da-da. Dada, whose background may be Sumer-
ment Ir-AN- becomes "una forma verbale largamente lonia and the srakkanakku texts from Ma ri . Cf. J J M. ian is a characteristically Babylonian name. Document-
diffusa a Ebla, come a Ma ri " (this form actually repre- Robe rts, The Earliest Semitic Pantheon (Bal ti more, 1972), ed also at Ma ri . See above p. 238 no. 7.
sents it-am6- 1w am/, which of course is also document- P. 47; Archi, MARI 5, p. 46 n. 28. For the Babylonian
(8) Ur-Nl-zi. This is possibly a Sumerian name. Cf
ed in Babylonia); the element Dab 6, found in the name occurrences, see Dan-Nu-nu (MAD 1 98:4), Da-Nu-nu Lugal-Nl-zi of Mari, discussed above p. 239 no. 19.
Dab6-si-ga (for which see below), is explained as ta-b; (MAD i 2 ui 8), Su-Nu-nu (ELTS no 4o A xv 17) Su 4-
and so on This type of analysis brings Pomponio to the Nu-nu (MDP 14 6 ii 3), Pii-Nu-nu (ELTS no. 38 1 5), (9) Ur-ra-nu. This name is very likely identical with
the Sumerian name Ur-ra-ni, which is attested in Wes-
conclusion that "questi dati onomastici non sembrano and Puzur4 (d) Nu-m (ELTS no. 40 D iii 12; MAD 5 9 i
tenholz, ECTJ 81:2. 84:2. Cf. also LJr(-ra)-ni (OSP 2, p.
giustificare in alcun modo mu localizzazione di KiS k' in 9). The Man examples are represented by the names A-
Accad." mi-ir-ANu - nu, I-din - d Nu-nu , [i] -h-dNu-nu, Is-ma-ni- 1 99).
d Nu-nu, Ml-la-d Nu-nu Ni-id<-na>-at d Nu-nu, d
Nu- (w) Bù-su-sum. Almost certainly identical with die
To put this claim to rest, and to settle, once and for
all , the ques ti on of Kiski at Ebla, I offer below, building nu-tâ-mur, d Nu-nu-da-ti, d Nu-nu-É, d Nu-nu-li-ti-a/ Babylonian name Bù-sa-ïum, which is attested in MAD
on the earlier inves ti ga ti ons by Arch, a listing of the on- wa, an d d Nu-nu-um-iii (ARM 19, pp. 159-62). Cf. 5 102:13 (Kish).
omastic features that prove, beyond any reasonable above p. 239 no. 20. (II) Da-Ii-lulu. Although not
doubt, the northern Babylonian background of the (4) The use of sra(irpu in the names li-club- dSamai, Is- Ionian sources, Da-li-lum is attested at
names in question:^ 5 dab 6-Ni, Is"-dub-bù, Is-du-bù, Is-du-bu, t (M), an d Ii-du- rev. xiii 23).
(I) Dab6 -si-ga. Of all the Kishite names found in Ebla bù-um As far as one can ascertain at this ti me, the usage (I2) Gi-s -UI. Probably identical with the Mari
sources, this is perhaps the single most important datum of fa(npu in personal names h a feature unique to Baby- Gi-ii-Ul-h1. discussed above p. 237 no. 3.
for the issue under discussion. For the reading and iden- lonia an d Ma ri . For the Babylonian examples, see MAD The status of the remaining Kishite names
3, p. 291; ELTS, pp. 171-72; OIP 99, p. 35 (Is-dub- A KA.
tification with the Pre-Sargonic an d Sargonic Dab 4 elusive, although it is +t. ' cant that most of them, like
(DUB) - si-ga, see already Steinkeller, RA 78 (1984) 88. DI). For the Ma ri evidence, see Ii-dub-sar (OA 19 [198o] Sa-mu-nu / Su-mu-nu, 32
/ I-ri-swn, 3 '
While the spelling Dab 4 si-ga is the most common 239 v 3), li-dub-Ni, a merchant (LLI.KAR) from Mari and the names constructed with Ir-ani r , 34 find
33 and
(MARI 4, p. 75 nos 44 an d 5o, p. 79 no. 156 [= ABET
(ELTS nos. 37 R.E. 15, 4o C vi 9, 17, 22, X I, 18, xi 24; good parallels in Babylonian sources. Even more
Mélanges Kupper, p. 204 no. 24), Il-dub-
UCP 9, p. 204 no. 83 iv 2 [collated]; AnOr 7 372 i 7t 8 534 xiii 3];
[collated by A. Westenholz]; HSS Io 145 iii 4, 15o:I2, il, a merchant ([LO.KAR]) from Mari (MARI 4, p. 75 no.
a smith 30. Since in Mébriges K p 204 no P•
1 57 h 4; MAD 1 2S5 v 6, 32103 1 ; BIN 8 16o:12; Himrin 35, Mélanges Kupper, p. 207 no. 59),30 and ii-dub-il
9), Ii-dub- fl—club -Ni
(SiMUG) from Ma ri (SEb 4, p. 160 no. 9 iv 3Y,
4 h 3; ASJ 4 [ 1 982] 43 no 13 iii 2; OSP 2 98 v 1), this MASIUM RAS.GA Du-du-lu b
DiNGiR (Gelb an d Kienast, FAOS 7, p. 361 MS 5: 1 , p. Ebtaties 1, p. 131), assumed
name is also attested under the writings Tab-si-ga (Gelb,
Is-du-bù(-um), a merchant Wens ofTund. However. it
OAIC 3:2), Dab6(URUDU)-si-ga (CT 5o 172:49), and 362 MS 6:4, MS 7:1), and chew involvement in the trade
Tab-su-ga (MAD 5 9 iii 20; OSP 2 130 i i I). Disregard- b-il were Mari merchants is made
ing whether or not we find here the word tuplIkku, `bas- ein MARIbp .75 1m•35:
26.
p. 1371.
inc P 79
kiki its
27. Th nterpretation
23. Ibid., pp. 1 76-78. the nam es ilui - NE-Drmu,
24. Zi-NE-UAR is very likely identical with the Mari name i-
(Krebemik, Ptisonen/tRCn, pp. 1 p• 74
zi-NE-yAR (ABET 1 5 xii to) I propose to read this name as I-is- ea., G. Pettinato.
ment is usually interpreted as Tù-bi- (see, ico, p 7! now
ne-àr /41-nitrm/, for which interpretation ci the Man names Ni-ws- ARES i, p. 43), but this analysis a gram Y
p. 35 2 ; Limit, RAS.GA Du-du
a-Me-er (Gelb and Kienast, MOS 7, p 363 MS 8:1) and I-1i-dDa- EN.ZU Id itkil-Sseen/ (MAD t 233
vincing. CE the naine Du-kil-d 31. St
gan (ibid•, p. 356 no. 8). Cc also the usage of nunni in Old Assyrian 3 ), which taises the posulbty that NE may have a reading K.
mama (CAD N/a, p. 2354 and 1/1-6-11
s8. OA 23 (1984) 43-44; RA 83 (1989) 96. 54)•
25. Cited after Atcha, Eblai 1 37 - 40. 29. For this tame, we above n.. 19.

244 PIOTR STEINKELLER
icant is the fact that these names do not contain any lin-
guistic or theophoric features that would ensure a con-
nection with the northern Syrian onomasticon, to the
exclusion of Babylonian affinities.
It hardly needs stressing that the presence in this small
sample of so many features that are shared also by the
names of Babylonia, an d, though to a lesser extent, by
the onomasucon of Mari cannot be accidental. The only
feasible accounting for this situation is that the names in
question originated in northern Babylonia. In tu rn , this
means that the toponym Kiski, with which the bearers of
those names are associated, stands for Kish of Babylonia.
Turning now to the alleged connection between KisvO
an d Nagar, which is Pomponio's other argument for re-
jecting the identification of Kiiki with the Babylonian
Kish, we note that none of the passages cited by Pont-
ponio even remotely su<ests a link between these two
toponyms. Two of those passages refer to the citizens of
Nagar either travel li ng to or returning from Kiski, 35
while the third one concerns a person who went to Kiiki
an d Nagar. 36 Such conjectural evidence cannot be con-
sidered indicative of the geographical proximity be-
tween Ulu an d Nagar, since, as the Ebla sources bear it
out very clearly the inte rn a ti onal trade in Upper Meso-
potamia, which appears to have been dominated by the
Mari merchants, involved an exceedingly complex net-
work of connections, with trade routes and individual
itineraries often taking very complicated courses.
Far more important for the localization of Kiiki is the
case of a group of matrons and female singen from that
place who came to Ebb with a Ma ri carav an : (7) SAL
ABxAS.ABxAS Kii b (6) SAL.NAR Kii w LÙ Î.Tl in WIG.-
KAS 4 Ma-riki in SA.ZAx .KI SU.BA4 .TI, "(7) matrons/ladies
of Kish (and) (6) female singen of Kish, who were
present in / came here 37 with the Ma ri caravan, received
(allotments of silver) in the palace" (Eblaitica t , p. 139 no
t6). 38 As Pomponio's theory would require one to as-
sume, these women travelled from the (Jabur region to
Ebla by taking a lengthy and not very convenient detour
through Mari. A considerably more likely scenario is that
they travelled from northern Babylonia to Ma ri , where
they hitched up with a local caravan going to Ebla.
We need finally to address the issue of the rarity of
references to Babylonian cities, other than Kish , in Ebla
rru-rim {Gin.) (AnOr 7 372 ïü to [collated by A.
Westenholz]) and Su-mu-nûm (ELTS, p. 177; MC 4 no. 48:18 [read
u Su-mu-hump. Cf. also Su-mu-nu-um at Man (Gelb and Kienast
FAGS 7. p. 365 MS 12:3),
33- Site it-a-mu (ELTS no. 4o B v 2; PBS 14 126) and ]r-a -
um (MC 4 no. 56:1o).
34- See MAD 3, p. 230. Cf. also above p. t t no. 27.
35,sa 4, p 81 no. 22; Eblaitica 1, p. 138 no. 7.
36, SEb 4, p 77 no I
37- For the meaning of I.TI in Ebla economic sourc
Krecher, QS 13 ( 1 984), pp. 78-83,
38. The same thirteen women are also mentioned in
1, p. 138 no 12, where they arc identified as (7) ABxil S,AB
and (6) NAB. Kï3 '
Obeservations on the Sumerian Personal Names in Ebla Sources 2 45
sources. Here Pomponio is unquestionably right, but ADDENDUM Gil-li-li = 3. Gn-li-li.
this situation can be explained in a much simpler way. A-si = 4. A-si.
First, as we learn from the published Ebb sources, the di- Subsequent to the submission of this ar ti cle to the ed-
Ù-zi-ga = 5. Nu-gal-zi-ga.
rect contacts and exchanges between Ebla and Babylonia itors, I discovered that the contingent of the Mari singers
were very rare, being largely limited to occasional offi- discussed above (pp. 237-24o) is also listed in TM NE-na = 8. NE-na.
cial exchanges between the royal houses of Ebla an d 75 G.1917 x i4-xi To (to be published by me in a future Da-da = 7. Da-da.
Kffsh. 39 As for the indirect, especially commercial, ex- volume of ARET) As read from the o riginal, the pas- Lugal-en (written EN:LUGAL) = 19. Nu-gal-Ni-zi In
ch an ges, those seem to have been conducted almost ex- sage in ques ti on can be transliterated as follows: view of the new spelling Nu-gal-NI-zi can quite confi-
clusively through the intermediary of Ma ri . Thus, the dently be analyzed as Nu-gal-i-zi = Lugal-ezen. The
men ti ons of Babylonian cities, such as Kish, Adab, an d 3 GU.DÙL.TCJG 3 fB-3-TOG GÙN I Ur-sa-Utu I same interpretation apparently also applied to Lugal/
Akshak,4O a re usually confined to contexts involving Lu-gi-na / Ga-h-h 1 22 SAL.TÙG / 10 LAL 3 111- Nu-gal-hi-zi (see above p. 239). Accordingly, the Kish-
Mari merchants, to whom the Ebla administra ti on con- 3-TOG GUN / A-si I Ù-zi-ga / NE-na / Da-da ite name Ur-NI-zi (see above p. 243) is very likely to be
signed capital and wares for joint ventures in Babylonia. / Lugal-en (wr: EN•LUGAL) / Ur-Nu-nu / BAD explained as Ur-i-zi = Ur-ezen. For Ur-ezen see ELTS,
Since the informa ti on as to where exactly the transac- `KUR'.KI / LÙ fB-3-TCJG.IB-3-TUG I tva / 15
DUMU NITA NAR.TUR / [M]a-r[i ld] p. 1 79.
tions took place was at best of secondary importance to
Ur-Nu-nu = 20. Ur-Na-na / Ur-Nu-nu-na. The
the Ebb administrators, this type of data is comparatively
The resulting correspondences with the name-forms new spelling seems to assure that the divine element is
rare in Ebla documents.
found in Sources A and B are Nunu, as I speculated above p. 239
Second, it is safe to surmise that, during the period
in ques ti on, Kish held sway over the entire territory of Ur- sa-Utu = 1. Ur-sâ-[Utu(?)] / Ur-zu-Utu. BAD `KUR'.KI = 31. BAD-KUR.KI.
northern Babylonia, which enabled it effectively to mo-
Lu -gi -na = 2. Ln -gi-na / Gi-gi -na.
nopolize commercial exchanges between Lower an d
Upper Mesopotamia. In other words, all trade relations
between these two geographical areas appear to have
been controlled by and conducted via Kish, with other
Babylonian cities being largely excluded from participa-
non in such exchanges. 41 Not surprisingly, the only ex-
ceptions here, as documented in Ebla sources, were
Akshak42 and Adab 43 The former city, located on the
margin of Babylonia proper, was a great power in its
own right, which competed with Kish for the hegemo-
ny over northern Babylonia As for Adab, we may spec-
ulate that it was Adab's advantageous location near the
Tigris that provided it with enough independence to en-
joy at least a measure of direct contacts with the cities of
Upper Mesopotamia.
39. For examples of such exchanges, see A. Archi, EblaiIica z,
pp. 125-126; idem, MARI 5. pp. 43-49.
40. For Adab, see helow n. 43; for Akshak, see below n. 42.
41. For the primacy of Kish in northern Babyloma, see ape-
c the following passage: 3o (GIN) KUG.BABBAR N1G.BA Wa-tu-
Ma-rib NIG.AN.AN.AN.AN in URU.KI.URU.KI Kiss' SU.BA 4.
111, "30 (shekels) of silver, the allotment of Warutum of Mari, was re-
ceived (by him) as votive gifts(?) for the cities of (the kingdom of)
Kish" (MARI 4, p. 75 no• 35). The involvement of Warutum in the
comme rc ial contac ts with Knh is documented also in MARI 4, p 78
nos. 138 and 143. The same Individual had also dealings with Akshak
(see the following note). For the meaning of NIG.AN.AN.AN.AN , see
Ardu and M G Biga, ARET 3, pp. 377-78.
42. See 2 MA.NA KUG.BABBAR NIG.BA Ab -NI Ma-ri b
NIG.AN.AN.AN.AN Ak-sa-give SU.BA 4 .T1 (.. ) t MANA KUG.BAB-
BAR NIG.BA Wa -ru -turn Ma-rib NIG.AN.AN.AN . AN Ak -sa -grit'
SU.BA 4 .TI (MARI 4, p. 77 no, too). See also (...) Du du -lut' MG.
AN.AN.AN.AN Alt- sa -güb SU.BA 4 .TI (Mélanges Kupper p. 205 no.
41): 1 •) Du-du-Ink' NIG.AN.AN.AN AN Ak- sa(!) -gu(9rol S[U.BA 4
TI) (ARET 3 316 ii l'-4' = Mélang es Kupper, Q. 203 no. 6)
43- 1 MANA KUG.BABBAR MG.BA Su-ga-du Ma-rik MG.
AN.AN.AN.AN Adabb SU.BA4 .1I (MFF to 29 rev iii 22-28 = MARI
4, p. 76 no. 62).

BIBLICAL IDIOM IN AXKADIAN
Marten Stol
Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam
Among Assyriologists there are those who do not
pursue scholarship solely in the spi ri t of l'Assynologie pour
l'Assyriologie, but who look beyond at its imp li cations for
the study of other ancient Near Easte rn cultures. Wil-
liam W. Hallo is one of them in searching for the Stre f-
lichen Assynology sheds on Biblical studies His active
par ti cipation in the project "Scripture in Context," or
his own "The Book of the People" (1991) are examples
of this approach. Not only the scholarly world but also
the various religious communities living with the He-
brew or the Christian Bible will be grateful to Assynol-
ogists who have an eye open for their interests.
in this contribution to "Festschrift Hallo" I wish to
study a few examples of Akkadian and Hebrew idiom
related to each other. Both languages have already been
scrutinized for etymological connections; we now speak
of idiom, which is less easily recognizable 1 One exam-
ple, not too hard to detect, is Akkadian rrfam naftlm "to
take stock," mirrored in Hebrew nisei' 1151 2 Quite dif-
ferent is the case of special words for "gift" or "present"
in Hebrew and Akkadian: Old Babylonian Akkadian
zikir fumim, literally `the mentioning of the name," an d
Hebrew Frail, literally "blessing"; the la tt er word sur-
vived with this meaning as culogta in the New Testament
(2 Corinthians 9:5). 3 Why these two expressions ac-
quired their secondary meaning is a matter of discussion
among Assyriologists and Hebraists separately; only later
they can compare their results and see what the semantic
developments in both languages have been. The pair
t. Cf. R. Frankena, "Some Remarks on a New Approach to
H ► l,. ew," Travels in the World of the Old Testament, Studies presented to
Profaror M.A. Beck (Assen 1 974) 41 -49 One can also think of chap-
ten in the book Aspects of Nonverbal Communiurtion in the Ancient Near
East by Mayer I. Gruber (Rome 1980), or the seminal articles by
Moche Held
2. Already seen by F.X. Steinmeter, OLZ 23 (19zo) 153, ad
BBSt. 3 II 48; B. Landsberger, ZA 39 ( 1 930) 283, with note 2. Cf. L
Koehler. W. Baumgnrtner Hebraisches und aramaiatlres Lexikon zum
Alten Tameness (= HAL) IiI (1983) 684b; K. R. Veenhof in
Mircella-
nea 8abybnica, Mélanges ofrtr d Maurin Biros (Pans 1985)
2 97-8 (OB
references); F.M. Fales, Cow knew nco-aunt I (1983) 79-80, ad p. 52,
AK 455 rev. 15-16 (NA); now also in Dailey Edinburgh no. 69: 26-
:17 (NB),
"Good and Evil," so well known from the Paradise story
in Genesis, deserves to be compared with the increasing
number of examples of "good and/or evil" as merismus
in Akkadian: "You did not write your repo rt about all
that has happened to you, whether good or bad" (damgii
u maskci mata imruriika). 4 A letter found in Ma ri speaks of
a man not sending a repo rt , "good or bad" ((emfu dam-
qam u lemnam ul utarram) and in a treaty a king promises
not to write to the enemy the "advice and deliberations,
good or bad, whatever they will tell me" (milkam u fitu-
lam satu damqam u lemnam minima la iqabbanim). 5 Any re-
po rt , any advice are meant, of course. Looking at these
examples, one will be inclined to interpret Biblical
"good and evil" as ` anything" that can be known (Gen-
esis 2-3) or tasted (2 Samuel 19:36). 6 To the Ancients,
knowing and tasting are related, as Hebrew (a `am and
Latin sapere show. "Good and bad" denotes comprehen-
siveness in things that can be heard, understood, or tast-
ed.
We will go into some more detail in studying two
words, "many," said of people, and "entire," said of the
heart.
THE MANY
It was the New Testament scholar Joachim Jeremias
who pointed out that "the many" (poltot) in two sayings
of Jesus actually means "all." Best known is the Eucha-
3 . F.R. Kraus discovered the meaning of zikir fuaim, see RA
6 5 (1971) 99-112; more refs. were given by M. Birot in RA 72 (1978)
190 ad OBT Tell Rimah 1t9:1o. For Hebrew b`râka sec HAL i
( 1 967) 1 54b "mit Segenswunch verbundenes Geschenk "; Seharbeit
in Theologisches Wörterbuch zum A lt en Testament (= TWAT) i
(Stuttgart, etc., 1973) 831-2; H.L. Strack, Paul Billerbeck, Kommentar
zum Neuen Tes tament aus Talmud und Mrdrasch IIi (München 1926)
524, ad 2 Kor , 9, 5•
4. AbB 9 154:9-II. For the opposition damqum - masques, see
also AbB 11 42:24-5; H. Limet in MARL 4 ( 1 98 5) 511, below.
5 ARMT 13 36:8-9 and D.Charpm in Marchands, dip lomates
a empe re urs. Etudes sur la civi li sation mésopotarnienne offerts d Paul Gnu
(1991) 143 IIi 5-6 ($ 4).
6. Following scholars hke Paul Humbert, Etudes sur le ricit du
Paradis a de la chu te dans la Genbe (Neuchatel 1940) 82-416; see now
the summary by C. Westermann, Biblischer Kommen ta r. Altes Testansent
I/I, Genesis 1-11 (Neukirchen -Vluyn 1
974) 33 0-333•
Biblical Idiom in Akkadian
ristic word, pronounced by Jesus at the Last Supper:
"This is my blood of the covenant, which is poured out
for many" (Mark 14:24, and parallels). "Many" takes up
Hebrew rabbim in Isaiah 53 . 12, the chapter on the Suf-
fering Se rvant, where it clearly means "a ll ." The second
passage runs as follows: "For the Son of Man also came
not to be served but to se rv e, and to give his life as a ran-
som for many" (Mark 1o:45). The first epistle of Paul to
Timothy refers to this saying, replacing "many" by `all"
(1 Timothy 2:6). So "many" meaning "all" must be a
Semitism in Greek. Hebrew rabbim "many" indeed can
mean "all " in the Old Testament and in the Qumran
texts; there, it refers to all members of the community
This is what scholars name "the inclusive sense" of
rabbim. 7
At this point, the Assyriologist can learn something
from Biblical scholarship. He now realizes that the plural
of mitdum "much" does not only mean "many" but also
"all (others)." Best known is this word in its masculine
form (mirdittum) from Old Babylonian letters, especially
from a group of letters and contracts about the "garden-
8 In the letters, we often read
ers of Lower Jahrurum."
"To PN 1 , PN2, PN 3 (...) t) ma-du-tim, 9 in the contracts
"From PN 1 PN 2 PN3 (.. ) tl ma-du-tim. 1O The exam-
ples abound, in this group of texts and elsewhere, and it
is not necessary to present them a ll ; the Chicago Assyrian
Dictionary gives many of them under nnd11tu, "many
(other) people, others."" "Others" indeed is the correct
translation which also is in line with the meaning of adi
mâdim in the Eshnunna Code § 15, "et cetera," first seen
by Landsbetger. 12 The female plural mitdittum in the fa-
mous Mari letter about a woman with a contagious dis-
ease refers to "the other" endangered women in the
palace, not "the many" (ARM ro 129). A standing ex-
pression in Mari phraseology is annitim u mcidâtimma
dabiibum "to say these and (a good many) other
(words) s 1 3
7. Full discussion by Elliot C. Maloney, Semitic Inte fewuce rn
Marion Syntax (Chico 1981) 139-142; 221 note 326. Also accepted by
K. Beyer in his article "Woran erkennt nun, dass ein griechischer
Text aus dem Hebrinchen oder Aramäischen übersetzt ist ?," Stadia
Semitica nmron et Iranica Rudolpho Matude septuagenario ab antis et dis -
cipulis dedicata (Wi esbaden 1989) 29, sub 14.
8. See for this archive D. Charpin, BiOr 38 (1981) 519-530,
"Archives A et B"; M.StoI, JAGS 102 (1982) 162 3. — Ilona Braune
wrote a Magisterarbeit on this archive (Berhn 1 989).
9. AbB 6 118; 9 9 2 , 95, 97; to 183:z Boyer Contribution
Plate IV, HE 108 (cf. p. 62, HE 208); TCL 17 17, 47•
t0. D. Charpin, RA 75 (1981) 28-9.
Ir. CAD M/123.
12. B. Landsberger in Symbolar ivridicae et historic e Martin
vid D diustae II (Laden 1968) 73• confirmed by new texts (CAD M/
1 242; AbB 9 184:1o).
13. AEM 1/2 175 no. 370:8, 365 no. 449: 24 40 ; 391 no.
468:1o; D. Clfxrpin in: S. Lichier, ett, eck. Tell al-tfanadira 2
(Freiburg and Göttingen 1990) 8o note 45, M. 6212. Cc auithn un-
Sim w 1i(twmn04 make bibja task, MARi 6 (199 0) 77 note 199, fine
7. With the verb apiliun in J.-M. Durand in Sudes Pa rt Garth ('991)
61, c), end; ADA I/a s6o no 404.76•
247
"M any" referring to persons does not mean Just "oth-
ers"; the others is much be tt er. They are the others of the
group — be they gardeners or harem women. In an Old
Babylonian contract where the main person is the "roof-
beam m an ," Sin-eres, the text speaks of "Sin-eres and
the other roof-beam men" (S. d IG.gis.ùr ma-du-tum). 4
Sometimes, mâdittum, used as substantive, clearly refers
to a group of persons. l5 In this perspective, "PN 1
PN3 and the others" comprise the total group, ` a ll " of
them.
Christi an theologians are worried about the transla-
don "all " for Greek poltot in the words of Jesus because
this would imply t hat His death atones for everybody
which would conflict with other pronouncements. °
Maybe it will help if we suggest not just "a ll " but "the
others of the group" for poltot. In the Qumran texts,
rabbim indeed refers to the members of the community.
THE ENTIRE HEART
One of the best known passages of the Bible is the
creed of Deuteronomy 6:4-5, "Hear, O Israel The Lord
our God is one Lord; an d you shall love the Lord your
God with all your heart, and with all your soul, an d with
all your might." Jesus names this command the first of all
(Mark 12:29) an d New Testament scholars believe that
the temptation in the desert is a haggadic elaboration on
these verses. l7 We will concentrate on the element
"with all your heart.i l8
Jewish theology recognized in the heart of human be-
ings two impulses (jè;2r), the one good, the other bad,
19
which makes the heart "divided" (hàliiq). Rabbinical
exegesis, followed by Rashi, pointed out that for "heart"
the vari an t form lèbeib is used in the key text of Deuter-
onomy: the two b's already mark its doubleness, they be-
lieve. =" This Jewish view of human nature entered early
Christian theology by Greek dtpsuchos, a word intro-
duced by the Epistle of James.` One cannot eliminate
14. YOS 12 357:6.
15. Charpie- Dunnd, 7 (mordu -tam ip-
burina); AbB to 100:8 (atta ana ma-du-rim takkan). CE AbB 7 21:11
'
*bra awik ma-du-ti,n)
t6. G. Nebe, an. pollen, 3. c) in Horn Balz, Gerhard Schneider,
ExegeHrehes Wörterbwh zum Nesters Testament 111 ( Stuttgart, etc, i983)
316-8.
17. Discovered by Birger Gerhardsson, The Testing of God's
Son (Man 4:341 & par). An Analysis of an Early Christian Midrrsh
(Lund 1966). Israel in the desert gave in to the evil inclination ofhun-
ger by sinning; the hungry Jesus withstands Satan's advice to change
stones into bread (p 41-53, 77).
Cf. H.J. Fabry, TWAT iV (1984) 445. 45 0- 1 (in Qum-
ran). Cf. H.W. WoIQ Anhrepologie des Alten Testaments (München
&Syrian libr-
1 973) 88, with note 23 (K. Deller referred the author to
bafw gunnrrur, "das Herz ganz hingeben')•
.
19. G.H. Cohen Stuart, The Straggle its Man between Good and
Evil. An horny my into the Origin (Se Rabbinic Concept of Yeses Ha ►a '
(Kampen 1 98 4).
20. Cohen Stuart, 10.
Cohen Stuart , t3 ;. S.E. Poster, "is dipss.r
. (James
'Christian' Worms, Beèb= 71 (1990) 464-4911

248 MARTEN STOL
one's evil jèsèr (hunger is one of them!) but a pious be-
liever has to love God with both inclinations, in an un-
divided heart; so God found Abraham's heart (lebâb
with two b's) faithful before Him (Nehemiah 9:8) 22 His
heart was characterized by its 'simplicity," an ideal
found in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. 23 St
Paul tells slaves to se rv e their masters in all simplicity, "in
singleness (haplôtes) of heart" (Ephesians 6:5, Colossians
3:22). 24
This instruction draws us down to the level of daily
life an d we wish to stay there. Behind Jewish theological
speculation lies a Semitic idiom "With all your heart" in
Deut. 6:5, and Hebrew lib Slim, have already been stud-
ied profusely by Moshe Weinfeld in his articles on treaty
terminology, culminating in his book on Deuterono-
my. 25 He found parallels in ina kul libbi, ina gummuni lib-
bi26 attested in treaties written in Akkadian. Here, we
want to study the Old Babylonian "forerunners" of As-
syrian gammuni (gummum) libbi.
This Old Babylonian predecessor is the idiom libbum
gamrum, "the complete / entire heart.' Thanks to the
flood of Mari letters published recently, the meaning of
libbum gamrum can be established easily: "a sincere
heart. i47 A letter from Tell al Rimah speaks of a woman,
'trustworthy, who has a sincere heart ' (SAL takkiltam la
libbam gamram laknu - incorrect grammar).z 8 She prob-
ably was a slave-girl and thus is an example of the "sin-
gleness of heart ' recommended by the apostle Paul.
Libbum gamrum is principally attested in "to speak with
the entire heart," libbam gamram dabäbum / atzmlm, a
phrase occurring only a few times when Frankena and
Weinfeld wrote about treaties. 29 The unusual adverbial
accusative libbam gamram, "with a sincere hem," replaces
ina libbim gamrim 3° and looks like an archaic, frozen,
expression, this use of the accusative being a feature of
22. Cohen Swan, 1 93.
oseph Amstutz, AiiD[lTHI., Eine begnffgwrhirht!1he Stud-
ie zum jiidis04- cae1nd0chrn G1aeciisrh (= Theophania, 19) (Bonn 1968),
cw. 66-67.
24. Amstutz, 114-116.
25. Moshe Weinfeld, Deuteronomy and the Deuteroomjr School
(Oxford 1972) 75-77. 334-5. more in JAGS go (197o) 1866; JAGS 93
(1973) 198 note tog; U -F 8 ( 1 976) 384. 409-4to.
26 See already R. Frankena in his article "The Vassal Treaties
of Esarkiaddon and the Dating of Deuteronomy,' OTS 14 (1965)
140-41. Cf. tagmiei !a66i, TCL 3 52.
27. The references a re : AEM 1/1 271 no. 104 rev, 2; AEM 1/
2 163 no. 3 6 34 5. 2 43 no. 4or.1 i, 223 no. 392:28 (la libbim gamram I
.
kw), 366 no 449:5o (libbumgamruco Iiraname1), S30 no 537 rev. 8;
ARM t 24+:17 (T), after MARI 4 ( 1 985) 3 0 9. 312 note 88 (ina libbim
Durand in Fragmenta hutoeue arnica (Mélanges M.J. Stave)
14:27-8 (ma damiytilre ina libbim gamram lu akappud); Charpin,
Paul Care& (1991) 1 53 III 47 (angry question mä ki'am libbu
gmmum);Joannis, ibidem, 168: s t (ina libbsja gamram). - In other let-
t en: Kraus. AbB 1 1409-1o; 5 210:17 (libbi :antra); Dagty
OBT
Rimah 1a8:7 (see the next note).
28. OBT R1nuh 128:6-8, following M. Mbar, BiOr 35 (
1 978)
CAD G 38a ("devoutly, openly candidly'); A. Falk
Mitt. a ( 1 963) 5 6 Anam Letter, I
cf IV 23-24 (frea-
2 49
Biblical Idiom in Akkadian
that matters and makes the repo rt and its sender reliable, based on the context. 41 Could "unite" mean the bring-
Old Akkadian syntax. One can compare it with isratam mg together of the two halves? We add that Akkadian
sincere. 39
"by fire " quite often used in combination with "bu rn-
A passage in two newly published letters from Ma ri gamârum D does not have this basic meaning.
ing" (gal4m, srawilm). 31 The combination ina gtmirti lib- Another Jewish image seems to be that of two hearts.
bisru in one Mari letter 32 foreshadows Assyrian ina ga/ supplements our picture of the 'entire heart" in a most (beleb
Already the Bible speaks of "in-heart-and-heart"
ummurti libbi that has been subjected to study in recent welcome way in speaking of "half of the heart": "PN
speaks with my lord with half of his heart (ina muttat lib- waleb) t.e , two hearts, when indicating falseness (Psalm
years. 33
and does not send a complete repo rt to my lord." 4° 12 3, and, negated, in t Chronicles 12:34). Tanhuma "42on
Akkadian gamrum means "complete, entire" and is bisru) Deuteronomy speaks of praying with 'two hearts
derived from the verb gamârum. The intensive stem (D) So the Babylonian also recognized a 'divided" heart
We do not find the two hearts in Akkadian metaphorical
of this verb once has libbum as the object: Manna balum Two final remarks may be in order.
Psalm 86: t i runs: "Teach me thy way, O Lord, that language.
Adalsrenni libbaseu ana baba ugdammer lit. "now he has
I may walk in thy truth; unite (jabbed) my heart to fear
made his heart complete for my lord without Adakenni
thy name ' "Uniting the heart" is only known from this
knowing it," which must mean that he was completely
frank, baring everything that he had on his mind. 34 Dif- verse and poses a problem; "to concentrate" is the guess, 41. H.J. Fab ry , TWAT III (1982) S99 'auf ein einziges hin
HAL II (1974) 387b, "ausschliessend bestimmen,
ferently phrased is this passage in a letter: dabâbam mala aus ri chten '
konzentneren '
libbaka nova gummerma dubub, "Sp rich all es, was du auf 39. Durand in Études Paul Garelli (1991) 6o-6t. 42. Amstutz, 86; see Streck and Billerbeck III 751, ad dipsychos
AEM 1/2 65 no. 308:26-31; 66 no. 309:22-27. See also
dem Herzen hast, völ lig aus!" (thus ER Kraus); the re- 40.
in Jac. 1:8.
Durand in Etudes Paul Garen (1991) 60-I, with note 129.
sult is a "complete repo rt " (temum gamrum). 35 Quite of-
ten this verb gamârum D has timum "repo rt " as object,
with a literal meaning "to give a complete repo rt " It
also can have the connota ti on of honesty, sincerity: "to
give an honest repo rt , telling everything." Two passages
illustrate this: "Because my lord has made his report to
the sukkallum of Elam, his father, complete (ugammiru)
an d speaks with the sukkallum of Elam, his father, with a
sincere heart' (libbam gamram itawwti)36 ; "Zimrilim
makes his report complete (sending it) to me (ana serija
ugammeram) and speaks with me in a honest way (Waif it-
tÿa itawwu) "37 Perhaps along these lines D. Charpin ar-
ri ves at the translation "leur fidélité à mon seigneur est
complète" for 11msestnu ana bilja gummur. 38
At this point, we can ask ourselves what ternum gam-
rum, so often attested in Old Babylonian letters, means:
a "complete," or a "honest' repo rt ? Both, of course; it
is - in the words of J.44 Durand - the "exhaustivité"
30. Attested in ARM t 24+:17, Durand, Mélanges M. j. Stève
114:27-8, Joannès Etudes Garrri 168:11.
3t. Two Man refs in W. von Soden, GAG §145d, h; ARM
14 2:18 - Cf. for this adverbial accusative A. Finet L'Accadien 179
§ 66e, with the review by i J Gelb, Language 33 ( 1 957) 203; K.R.
Veenhof, JEOL 27 (1981-82) ( 1 983) 69.
32. J.-R. Kopper, MAR.! 6 (1990) 337:20.
33. K. Del)er, Liras, midjst1ii (Festschrift W. von Soden) (Neu-
kirchen-Vluyn 1969) 49 sub 7.b, 51-2; K. Watanahe, Die ad[ Vcreidi-
gung Indiumslick der T hro foker1gcungA2adsaddon (Berli n 1987) 1786, ad
Vassal Treaties S3 ( "die ungeteilte L0ya6tâi'); S. Parpola, LAS, Com-
mentary (1983) 336 ad no. 322:7 (abbreviated into ina gum libb°.
34• 'Arden I, 32-337 cited by Finet in L'Aaadien § 66e; now
A. Finer RA 6o (1966) w B 308:33. Cf. Assyrian "My lord knows
that my heart is gummur with the house of my lord," and similar pas-
sages; S. Ponchia, SAAB III/2 (1989) 119 with note 13
35. AbB 7 93:35-6, cf. 38-9. Cf. "let my lord write me every-
thing (gamràtim), the words of his heart," ARMT 13 143 rev. 1o.
Note Old Assynan "PN spoke openheartedly (mala libbiluma claws)
In the tave rn ," CCT 4 7b:6.
36. AEM t/a 163 no 362:43-45.
37. AEM 1/a 365 no. 449:16-17. Contrast the same phrase,
negated, in hues 18-19.
38. AEM 1/a 41, A. 3000:14-15, with note 89 One is in-
dined to emend te4 -em-lu in. iltsi trmfu ana Sanwaï ugammeni, CT 48
105 rev., into ku.babbar-lu.

ON EVALUATING CLAIMS OF
LITERARY BORROWING
Jeffrey H. Tigay
University of Pennsylvania
Among the many topics encompassed by Bi ll Hallo's
encyclopedic scholarly interests, the compara ti ve meth-
od in Biblical studies is one to which he has repeatedly
returned. Since his programmatic article "New View-
points on Cuneiform Literature" (IEJ 12 [1962] pp. 13-
26), he has devoted a good deal of attention to illustrat-
ing the value of the comparative method not only for the
content of Biblical literature, but also for the processes
by which it was composed an d transmitted The follow-
ing study was prompted by his interest in this method,
and it is a pleasure for me to offer it here in his honor.
The Problem
Comparative studies are particularly appropriate in
the study of Hebrew scriptures since a comparative
method of sorts is as old as the Bible itself Biblical reli-
gion defines itself in rela ti on to other religions normally
(though not invariably) polemicizing against them. In so
doing it shows knowledge of certain practices and beliefs
of neighboring re ligions, such as the use of idols in wor-
ship, human sacrifice, astrology and divina ti on, and cer-
tain myths (as alluded to in Elijah's taunts in I Ki. 18). By
Hellenistic and Roman times compara ti ve material was
employed both in the interpretation of the Bible and in
religious polemics about it. Philo of Alexandna debated
with detractors of the Torah who argued on the basis of
Greek myths that such biblical stories as the Tower of
Babel were no less myths than those the Jews derided in
Greek literature.' The Babel-Bible controversy of more
recent times led to similar polemics. To the "Babelists"
1, Philo, On the Confusion of Tongues, SS 1-14; cf.
H.A. Wolf-
"The Phdonic God of Revelation and His Latter-Day Deniers,"
Goldin ed_, 77w Jewish Expression (Bantam. New York,
1 97o),
p. 89. Josephus frequently quoted foreign sources as analogues to
Biblical themes or in confirmation of biblical statements; see
Antiqui-
ties I. SS 93-95. 104-8, etc. Comparative materials were used where
available in rabbinic exegesis of the Bible. See, for example, b Rosh
Hashanah 2.6a-b; Mrrwbwt 34b. Gen R. 79:7
Mekkilta, Pisba, XiII (ed.
lauterbach, p. too), Lan. R. proem 23. (ed. Buber,
p. 20); I ssq. Rab
Kph, ch 24 (ed. Mandelbaum, pp 361f ); Rashi at Num. 19:15 and
20: to; Ibn Ezra at Exod. 23: t9; Maimonides,
.
Guide of the Perplexed
3 9, 49, . etc.
the contents of the Bible were essentially derivative of
Babylonia, little different, unoriginal, an d no better. To
their opponents, on the other hand, the Bible was essen-
tially o ri ginal, radically different, and superior to any-
thing Babylonian. One legacy of these early polemics is
a pench an t dubbed "parallelomania," that has been de-
fined as
that extravagance among scholars which first over-
does the supposed similarity in passages and then pro-
ceeds to describe source and derivation as if implying
literary connection flowing in an inevitable or prede-
termined direction.'
Cooler heads saw that the study of parallels had value
apart from polemics. E.A. Speiser described this value as
it applies to Biblical studies as follows:
.. it is only by isolating first the inherited and bor-
rowed elements that we can gain a true appreciation
of the final contribution of the Bible; the indepen-
dent achievement is thus brought out in clearer re-
lief;
Such a statement could, of course, be made with ref-
erence to any civilization which borrowed from others.
Indeed, the great comparativist J.G. Frazer made this
point while describing the problem I wish to focus on:
To sift out the element of culture which a race has
independently evolved and to distinguish them accu-
rately from those which it has derived from other
races is a task of extreme difficulty an d delicacy,
which promises to occupy students of man for a long
time to come. 4
Frazer nude this comment in The Golden Bough,
which he published in 1890. That we still have not
reached agreement on how to distinguish borrowed
2. S. Sandmel, "Paralle10 "Journal of Biblical Literature 81
( 1 962 ), pp 1-13.
3. E.A. Speiser, ed., At the Dawn of Chnlixation. Vol. 1 of The
World History of the Jewish People, first Series: Ancient Times (Rutgers
Universi ty Press, 1964) pp.
2 55-5 6. .
4• Quoted hy H. Frankfort, The Problem of Similarity in Ancient
Near Easte rn Religions (Clar
endon Press, Oxford, 1951), p. 3.
On Evaluating Claims of literary Borrowing
from o riginal elements is clear from two recent state-
ments about the relationship between Biblical and Me-
sopotamian parallels. Theodore Gaster, Frazer s modern
editor, writes in the introduction to his revision of Fraz-
er s Folklore in the Old Testament that the Hebrew com-
piler of Genesis "had ... a cuneiform o ri ginal before
him."5 On the other h and, the Assyriologist A R Mill-
ard says of the flood story, which most consider the out-
standing example of a borrowed story in the Bible, that
"... it has yet to be shown that there was borrowing,
even indirectly."6
Criteria for Identifying Parallels
Numerous considerations go into the evaluation of
potential parallels, such as establishing channels of trans-
mission between the donor culture and the recipient
culture. In the case of the Hebrew scriptures and the rest
of the ancient Near East, frequent contacts between pre-
Israelite Pales ti ne and the Israelites, on the one hand, and
Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Syro-Palestinian states on
the other hand, provide sufficient channels to make bor-
rowing in principle likely. 7 At the heart of the debate,
however, is the ques ti on of how to evaluate the content
of apparent literary parallels. How similar must two lit-
erary phenomena be in order to qualify as parallels, and
what more is demanded if one is to argue that the two
are historically related? For the purposes of the present
discussion, it is also import ant to ask the question in a
negative way: how much dissimilarity can we tolerate
5. Gasser, Myth, Legend, and Custom in the Old Testament
(Harper & Row, New York and Evanston, 1969), p. xxvii
6. Millard, "A New Babylonian 'Genesis' Story," Tynda le
Bulle tin 18 (1967) p. 17.
7. See Y. Kaufmann, The Religion of Israel (trans. M. Green-
berg, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1960), pp 217-22 t Pal-
estine in the second millennium was exposed to Egyptian culture due
to intermittent Egyptian hegemony (see J. Bright, A History of Lsrod
[3d ed.; Westminster Press, Philadelphia, 1981], pp. 53, io8-115) and
to Mesopotamian culture through the use of cuneiform writing. An
nstance of Egyptian literary influence on scnôes from Canaan is
found in passages in the Amarna letters which echo Egyptian hymns
(a phenomenon which enhances the likelihood that pa rt of Ps. 104 is
ultimately related to an Egyptian prototype); see W.F. Albright,
"The Egyptian Correspondence of Abimitfv,"Journal of Egyptian Ar-
chamlon 23 ( 1 937), pp 197- 1 99. For cuneiform writing and texts in
Palestine see, for example, the texts published by W.W. Hallo and H.
Tadlnor, "A Lawsuit from Hazor," IEJ 27 (1977). PP. 1-11, and H.
Tadmor, "A Lexical Text from Hann " iEJ 27 ( 1 977). pP. 98-102.
and the other cuneiform texts from Palestine cited hy them in the
footnotes. These texts mclude inscribed liver models for use in divi-
nation, a fragment of the Gilgamesh Epic and lexical texts, a staple of
scribal training. The Amama letters indicate the presence of cunei-
form scribes in more than a dozen Palestinian cities. Economic ties
hetween Mari and Palestine are attested in several texts; see A. Mala-
mat, '"Silver, Gold, and Precious Stones from Hazer.' Trade and
Trouble in. a New Mari Document," Essays in Honor of Yigod Yadin
Journal enmesh Studies 33 (t982), pp. 71-79 and earlier studies cited
there on p. 71 n. 2. Among the Mesopotamia' texts found at Ugant
is an Akkadian fragment of the flood story; see W.G. Lambert and
A.R. Millard, Atm-Assis. The Babylonwr Story of dw Flood (Clarendon
Press. Oxford, 1969/.
251
between parallels before dismissing the claims of parallel-
ism or relationship?
Not many Biblical scholars ever wrote about this
ques ti on explicitly enough to formulate criteria. One
who did was W.F. Albright. As a rule of thumb in eval-
uating individual cases, Albright demanded shared
complexity or pattern:
Even when story motifs can be found in different
contiguous lands, it is not safe to assume original re-
lationship or borrowing except where the motif is
complex, forming a pattern. 8
The same safeguard was advocated by Wellek an d
Warren in their Theory of Literature:
[In the study of sources and influences] parallels must
be exclusive parallels; that is, there must be reason-
able certainty that they cannot be explained by a
common source, a certainty attainable only if the in-
vestigator has a wide knowledge of literature or if the
parallel is a highly intricate pattern rather than an iso-
lated 'motif or word. 9
As a safeguard, this demand for complexity or pattern
seems so reasonable that few would want to cha ll enge it.
Although there is a danger that the principle might cause
us to overlook some real parallels, on the whole, when
applied judiciously, it seems a handy criterion for ruling
out the spurious It is when it is applied too rigidly,
when it is given the status of inviolable law, that the
principle threatens to exceed its usefulness. I would like
to mention a few examples where this may have hap-
pened, and then turn to some evidence which may help
us view the question empirically rather than hypotheti-
cally.
Surely the most celebrated cases of suspected literary
borrowing involve the Biblical creation an d flood stories
in Genesis. Alexan der Heide!, followed by Speiser, listed
eight similarities between the Babylonian Enuma Elfish
and the first creation narrative m Genesis (each noted
differences as well) an d stressed especially their identical
order in each."' The even greater similarity between the
Biblical an d Mesopotamian flood stories is almost
universally conceded, with the shared episode of sending
out the birds forming the strongest argument for a liter-
ary relationship. 11 Of late, however, doubts have been
voiced. In the year following the appearance of Speiser's
commentary on Genesis, W.G. Lambert denied the rel-
evance of some of Heidel's similarities and concluded
that "the differences [between the Biblical an d Mesopot-
8. Albright, hum the
Garden City N. Y.. 1 957), p. 67.
9. R. Wellek and A. Warren, Theory of Littman (3d ed; Har -
court, Brace 8C World, New York, 1956), p. 258.
to. A. Heide!, The Bßbyloniare Genesis (2d ed.; University of
Chicago Press , Chicago, 1963). Pb 129; E.A. Speiser, Genesis (Dou-
bleday, Garden City, N. Y., 1964), pp. 9-10.
11. Lambert, "A New Look at the Babylonian Background of
Genera," Journ al of Theolojieal Stadler N. S. r6 (1965), pp. 291-291.
 252 JEFFREY H. TIGAY
amian accounts of origins in Gen. t-t t] are indeed so
great that direct borrowing of a literary form of Meso-
potamian traditions is out of the question." He conclud-
ed that what borrowing did take place probably
occurred during the Amarna age (fourteenth century
B.C.E.) and reached the Hebrews in oral form. 12 Shortly
thereafter, M. Weinfeld argued that "there exist many
differences between Babylonian myth an d Genesis t
which are difficult to explain if we assume direct bor-
rowing from Babylonian material" (this point was sub-
stantially admitted even by earlier advocates of a
relationship).' 3 Weinfeld approved of S. Herrmann's ar-
gument in favor of Egyptian inspiration for Genesis t,
citing especially the detailed similarity of a cosmogonic
passage in The Instruction for King Men-lees-Re.' 4 Here we
find several scholars applying the criterion of complexi-
ty, or detailed correspondence, and pattern; even those
whose case does not satisfy this criterion concede that
failure to do so prevents a precise explanation of the re-
lationship between the parallels.
Until recently, at least the assumed relationship be-
tween the Biblical an d Mesopotamian flood stories es-
caped challenge, but even this finally happened. Millard
has raised the question in the following manner:
It has yet to be shown that there was borrowing,
even indirectly. Differences between the Babylonian
and Hebrew traditions can be found in factual details
of the Flood narrative ... and are most obvious in the
ethical an d religious concepts of the whole of each
composition All who suspect or suggest borrowing
by the Hebrews are compelled to admit large-scale
revision alteration, and reinterpretation in a fashion
which cannot be substantiated for any other composition
from the ancient Near East or in any other Hebrew writ-
mg."
Here we have Albright's rule of thumb elevated to
the status of a law, albeit in a very exaggerated form.
Even where a complex pattern is shared by two compo-
sitions — as in the flood stories — too many differences
still rule out a literary relationship. As we shall see, dif-
ferences between different versions of a text that are as
extensive as those between the Biblical and Mesopota-
mian flood stones are, in fact, quite common in the an-
cient Near Fact.
For the purpose of close examination I would like to
look at another celebrated case of suspected literary bor-
rowing, the famous carpe diem passage in Eccl 9.7-9.
Since 1905 it has been widely held that this passage owes
its inspiration to one in the Old Babylonian version of
I2. "A New Look, ,' p. 299; cl; J.H. Tigay,
The Evolution of the
Gilgamesh Epic (Philadelphia, 1982) (henceforth EGE), p. 119 n. 35.
13. Weinfeld. "The Creator God in Genesis r and in the
Prophecy of Second Isaiah," Tarbiz 37 ( 1 967-68), pp. 112-113.
14. Translated by J.A. Wilson in ANET p 417d.
I5 Millard, "A New Babylonian 'Genesis' Story," p. 17 (cm
Oasis-added)
On Evaluating Claims of literary Borrowing 2 53
the Gilgamesh Epic where Siduri te ll s Gilgamesh of the Even this parallel, however, has been challenged. A in statistical terms, but I believe we can find some guid-
futility of his quest for immortality and advises him to similar passage has been noted in the Egyptian Song of the ance in certain Mesopotamian texts which we have in
enjoy this life. Here are the two passages, side-by-side, copies and translations from peripheral areas In what
Harper.
with the similar lines facing each other form was Mesopotamian literature known outside of Me-
Follow thy desire as long as thou shalt live.
sopotamia? How much do the peripheral versions re-
Put myrrh upon thy head
Gilgamesh Ecclesiastes 9:7-9 semble the native Mesopotamian venions to which they
and clothing of fine linen upon thee,
Being anointed with genuine marvels are indisputably related?
When the gods
of the god s property.' 8 Within Mesopotamia itself there are many instructive
created mankind,
cases of Sumerian literature borrowed into Akkadian,
Death for mankind R. Gordis pointed to classical and modern parallels as
with differences in derails an d values as extensive as those
they set aside, well as the Gilgamesh an d Egyptian passages and conclud- between the Biblical and Mesopotamian flood stories.
Life in their own
ed: But since the early symbiotic relationship between Sum-
hands retaining.
It is obvious ... that there can be no question of bor- erians an d Akkadian often makes it impossible to speak
rowing in so universally human a context, unless of two separate cultures, an d because the Biblical focus
As for you, Gilgamesh,
there were some unusual feature in common, or at of our question demands examples from the periphery of
let your belly be fu ll, Go, eat your bread
least the same sequence of details. None of these fac-
Make merry day and night. in gladness Mesopotamia, we shall confine our a tt ention to the lat-
Of each day make a feast tors obtains here The Babylonian poet speaks of the
And drink your wine ter.
. of rejoicing joy of children, which is lacking in Koheleth, while
in joy; A good deal of material from the peripheral areas is
the Egyptian poet lacks the reference to the love of
For your action was long ago available for comparison with Mesopotamian originals.
woman found in the Hebrew sage. Virtually the only
approved by God. For the Gilgamesh Epic we have texts in Akkadian, as well
Day and night dance feature in common [among all the texts - J.H.T.] is
the emphasis upon clean clothes (and even the fine as Hittite and Human versions, from the Hittite capital
an d play!
oil mentioned is missing in the Babylonian poem). In Hattusha (Boghazkôi, in Asia Minor). Of special signifi-
Let your garments be Let your clothes always be
sparkling fresh, additi on, the long interval of time separating these cance for Biblists, there is also an Akkadian fragment of
freshly washed,
Your head be washed. poems from Koheleth rules out the possibility ofbor- the epic from the Canaanite site of Megiddo. 2O All of
And your head never lack
ointment.
rowing, though it is quite conceivable that the theme these are from about the fourteenth an d thirteenth cen-
was a conventionally popular one throughout the turies B.C.E. Numerous other compositions are also
Bathe in water. orient.^ 9 found in peripheral copies or translations. 21
Pay heed to a little one that Gordis is able to achieve this sweeping denial of sig- Several peripheral versions have been found to differ
holds on to your hand. nificant similanties only by insisting that the Egyptian markedly from their native Mesopotamian counterparts.
Let a spouse delight in See life with a woman you love, passage be taken into account, too, so that only motifs According to S. Moren, none of the peripheral manu-
your bosom, Shumma Alu is from the version
which appear in all three passages may be counted. His sc ri pts of the omen series
All the fleeting days of life that cntique, therefore carries less weight than intended. of the text that was st an dard in Mesopotamia; they are all
you have been granted
Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that there are some from "non-canonical" versions. 22 Akkadian versions of
under the sun — all your
differences. the myth Nergal and Ereshkigal have been found at Amarna,
fleeting days.
For this is the task Egypt (fourteenth century) an d at Sultantepe in northern
For this alone is what you can
of [woman(?)].'b Assyria (eighth or seventh century) O.R. Gurney had
get out of life and out the An Empirical Approach:
means you acquire under t his to say about the relationship between these venions:
Foreign Venions of Mesopotamian Texts
the sun. The essential outlines of this story are already present
In all the cases we have reviewed, the advocates of lit-
Speiser commented on the relationship between the in the Amarna version but whereas the la tt er p re -
two passages that erary relationship have been prepared to accommodate sents a bald, concise nar rati ve of hardly mo re than a
some differences in details, feeling that these were not hundred lines, the Assyrian version is a literary corn-
the proof that the Biblical passage must be literarily enough to damage their cases. Their opponents seized
(even if not directly) dependent on the Babylonian upon these very differences to argue that borrowing did 2o. See EGE pp. 1 to-129.
one is the identical order in which the ideas are p re -
not take place. How are we to escape tins impasse? To 21. See J. Siegelovi, "Eine helhitisnces Fragment des Atra-ha-
sented. 17
return to our earlier formulation of the question. How sis Epos," Archly Orientalni 38 (1970), pp. 1 35- 1 39 (Hittite fragment
We may note the following elements, in the same or- of Atrahasis); E. Reiner and H G. Güterbock, "The Great Prayer to
much divergence may one allow between seemingly re- Ishtar and its Two Versions from Boiazköy," Journal cf Cunnfocm
de r eating and rejoicing, fresh clothing, treating the
lated materials before concluding that there is no literary Studies 21 (1967), pp. 255- 266 (Akkadian texn from Mesopotamia
head, and loving one's wife. and Bogltazköi and Hittite translation from Boghazköi); E. Laroche,
relationship after a ll ? The question cannot be answered
'Une hymne trilingue a nkur-Adad," Revue d'A syrsolcgic 58 (1964).
and J. Nougayrol and E Laroche in Ugaritica 5 (Mission
pp. 69-7 8, entaliste
18. Translated by J. A. Wilson in ANET, p. 467 Compa re also de Ras Shamra 16. Imprimerie Nationa le and Lrbrane Ori
this passage from the Instruction of Ptah-hotep (Wilson, p. 4'3): Paul Geuthner, Paris, 1968), pp. 31off. and 773ff. (trilingual venions
16. Gilgames h, Old Babylonian Version, Meissner fragment, If thou art a man of standing of Mesopotamian literary works and venions from peripheral sites);
iii, 6-14; see EGE, p. 168. The similarity of this passage to Ecd. 9.7- Thou shouldst found thy household Speiser and A.K. Grayson m ANET, pp 11 t and 514 (Anzil in copies
9 was first pointed out by H. Grimme, ' Babel And love thy wife at home. Crum Assy ria, ul, d S ula with Sumerian forerunner from
S tantepe ,
und Koheleth Jo-
lakin " Onenialuwwlie L i teraturzeitung 8 ( 1 Fill her belly; clothe her back. Ur); Sp eiser in ANET , p. Iant4 (Eland in c opies from Assyria and S rsa).
90 5). PP. 43 2- 43 8 . See also n. 7, above, and n. 23 below.
17. Ap H L. Ginsberg, "The Quintessence of Koheleth," Ointment u the prescription fix her body.
m
-
A. tit, ed., Biblical and Other Studies (Harvard University Press, Koheleth: The Man and His World (3 d ed.; Schock- 22. S. Moren, The Oilier Series "Sian/tea Ales": A Preliminary In
19. Gordis,
Cambridge, Ma. 1963) pp. 58f. ycsitgailon (University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, 1978), p. 36. .
en, New York, 1968), p. 304
 2 54 JEFFREY H TIGAY
position enlivened by much incidental conversation
and containing passages borrowed from other works;
moreover, the whole of Nergal's first journey to the
Underworld and his return to heaven are found only
in the later [i.e., Sultantepe - J.H.T.] text. Yet we
cannot be sure that these additions a re of late o ri gin.
Most Assyrian manuscripts of such poems are in the
direct line of descent from Old Babylonian originals,
and the Amarna tablet may well represent an abbre-
viated local version, like that of the Gilgamesh Epic
found at Bogazkoy. 23
Lambert went even further in lus assessment of the
differences between the two recensions and concluded
that the Amarna version "is so completely different from
the traditional Mesopotamian one as to give the impres-
sion that oral tradition alone will explain it." 24
The Hittite version of the Gilgamesh Epic is especially
useful for our purposes. This version is an abridgement
ofa native Mesopotamian version. 25 It abbreviates some
episodes an d omits others entirely, including those
which involve descriptions of the Babylonian city Uruk
an d were of little interest to an Anatohan audience. But
the episode describing the journey to the Cedar Moun-
tain and its monstrous guardian Huwawa receives a great
deal more a tt ention, presumably because its locale was
supposed to be close to Anatolia an d the events pro-
yoked interest on the pa rt of Anatolian listeners or read-
ers. The Hittite version includes the storm-god among
those who endowed Gilgamesh with his attributes at
birth This god had played no role in the Mesopotamian
version but was popular among the Hittites Another
theme which appears in modified form in the Hit ti te
version is the early life of Gilgamesh's friend Enkidu.
The Old Babylonian, Standard Babylonian, an d Hittite
versions describe the life of Enkidu among the wild an-
imals before he became civilized. The Babylonian ver-
sions speak of Enkidu's hairiness and his clothing. In the
Old Babylonian ve rs ion he is implicitly naked (the harlot
eventually clothes him), whereas the Standard Babylo-
nian version says he was garbed in a garment like the god
of wild animals and cattle, which means either that he
was naked or wore a rustic garment' s The Hittite ver-
sion says nothing about hairiness or clothing or naked-
ness. It shares with the Babylonian versions only the
statement that he grazed an d drank water with the ani-
mals, though it terms the latter "wild animals" instead of
gazelles." The comparison between the ve rs ions may
"
be described in tabular form as follows
:
23. O.R. Gutmy. "The Myth of N Ereshkigal,'
llw1t0llir Studer co (1960), p. to7. The texts are
and Gcesyron in ÂNE•. pp. 103-104 and 5o7-512.
_. ed by Speiser
24. Lsmbert, "A New Look." p. 300.
as• See EGE, p. r la.
See EGE, pp. t$-20o.
On Evaluating Claims of literary Borrowing 2 55
Old Babylonian Standard Babylonian Hittite their own ideology and local interests, precisely as the perhaps even the epic itself, may have been known to
raised by Bible appears to have done. Jewish writers during the postexilic period. 31 In discuss-
raised by
If these data appear to weaken the grounds for oppos- ing the first of the Ecclesiastes passages, H.L. Ginsberg
animals animals
ing claims of literary borrowing — an d I believe that expressed a hunch that Koheleth may have had an Ara-
r anges steppe ranges steppe
they do — then this has some unsettling implications. maic version of the advice of Siduri. 32 The likelihood of
with wild with wild
animals animals For it means that an alleged relationship between a Bib- this suggestion, and of knowledge of Gilgamesh in Israel
lical text or motif and some ancient Near Eastern coun- during the postexilic period, is enhanced when one con-
hairy hairy
terpart cannot be refuted simply by pointing to siders that another composition about a Mesopotamian
doesn't know people
differences between the two, even if they are numerous. figure, the Tale of Ahiqar, made its way in Aramaic as far
or civilized land west as Egypt by the Persian period."
How, then can such claims be examined critically? We
implicitly naked implicitly naked must consider degrees of probability: clearly, the fewer To the extent that one can gather circumstantial evi-
garbed in garment like such differences and the more similarities, the more dence of this so rt in suppo rt of supposed literary parallels,
god of wild animals plausible the claim will seem. We also have to consider one will have greater confidence in proposing a relation-
and cattle (=either naked circumstantial evidence, such as the likelihood ofa given ship between them. But neither the absence of such ev-
or in rustic garment) author being fanuliar with motifs, or literature, stem- idence nor differences between a Biblical passage and its
eats grass eats grass with ming from a particular foreign provenience — in other supposed antecedent or source will by themselves con-
grazes with
gazelles wild animals words, with the question of channels of transmission. 28 stitute a strong argument against the relationship. This
Another circumstantial criterion would be the number conclusion will be more welcome to "parallelomaniacs"
drinks water drinks water
with wild of parallels from the same source found in the same au- than to their opponents, and in incautious hands it can
with wild
animals thor or in the same period The latter seems applicable be misused. But to ignore it would shackle us in recog-
animals
nizing real parallels that are valuable in illustrating both
sucks milk of wild to Eccl. 9:7-9, for Ecclesiastes contains another parallel
the rootedness of the Bible in its Near Eastern environ-
creatures to the Gilgamesh Epic Eccl. 4:9-I2,^ 9 while another
book from the same — postexilic — period contains yet ment and its own creativity.
unaccustomed implicitly unaccustomed
to bread to bread another parallel to the epic, D an . 4:30. 3° These parallels
suggest that several motifs from the Gilgamesh Epic or
unaccustomed implicitly unaccustomed
to beer to beer
z8. For example, it is plausible that 1 Kings 18:17 reflects
knowledge of Canaanite mythological motifs, for it is likely that Eli-
It cannot be denied that these desc rip ti ons are related, jah and his audience would have been familiar with such motifs since
since they are each other's counterparts in two versions the cult of Baal was being actively promoted by Jezebel. That echoes
of the same composi ti on But if we did not know that, of Assyrian royal inscriptions in Isaiah are directly or rnalnreeiuy related
3o. See Tigay, "Paradise," Encyclopaedia Jostled= (Keter, Jerusa-
an d if we were to apply the exacting criteria exemplified to such insc ri ptions is plausihle because Assyrian ro yal propaganda
was spread to the Levant by several means, including inscriptions; see lem, and Macmillan, New York, 1972) 13:79-8o; EGE p. 207 n 43
in the arguments against borrowing in Ecclesiastes and That the Babylonian king whose fate is descnbed in Daniel 4 may
the superb discussion by P. Machinist, "Assyria and its Image in the
have been Nahorridus instead of Nebuchadnezzar is irrelevant to the
Genesis, we might have to conclude instead that the two First Isaiah, ' Journal of the American Oriental Society 103 (1983), pp.
present argument (see W. von Soden, "Eine Babylonische Volks-
passages are independent crystallizations of the popular 719-737. überlieferung von Nahonid in den Daniel Erzählungen," TBi1*rJf1
29. See EGE, pp. 165-167. That the Ecclesiastes passage is de-
wolf-boy or hairy anchorite themes. 27 It will do no good fur die Aittestamenilialre 4Y1rsemsdnaji 53 [1935], pp. 8t -89; F.M. Cross,
pendent on an external source is made likely by its reference to a
The Ancient binary of Qumran [revised edition; Doubleday. Garden
to object that the comparison of the Hittite an d Babylo- threefold cord; this detail is irrelevant in the context of Ecclesiastes,
the theme of which is "two are better than one." Its presence in Ec- City, 1960, pp. 166-168.
nian ve rs ions may be invalid since the Hittite version is not much enhanced by references to
clesiastes is explained by the dependence of the latter on the G il- 31. This suggestion
may reflect a different Babylonian ve rs ion than the ones gamesh tradition; in the Sumerian form of that tradition the value of Gilgamesh and Huwawa in Qum ra n ten and later literature; none
of these references necessarily reflects knowledge of the epic itself.
known to us. There were multiple versions of many an- the two men acting together is explained by the saying ` the towed
boat will not sink," which is further explained by "a towrope of three See EGE, p. 252. The same is true of the ta le of Kombabos in Lu-
cient literary texts and we have no control over which cian's De Syria Dee see R.A. Oden, Jr., Studies in LKian's De Syria
ve rs ions reach foreign territory. The fact is simply that strands cannot he cut." Th e reference to the threefold cord makes
Dea (Harvard Semitic Monographs t5; Scholars Press, Missoula,
sense only in the o ri ginal context. The presence of such a ' bhnd mo-
the Hittites had a ve rs ion which differed from the Baby- tel' in a text is often an indication of dependence; see J van Seten, Montana, 1977), pp. 36- 40.
3a. See Ginsberg, cited in n. 17 above.
Ionian ones known to us, and these are the versions Abraham in History and Tradition (Yale University Press, New Haven,
33. A.E. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C.
1 975), p. 163: "a `blind motif ... is some unexplained action or detail
which are available for comparison To state that the
that assum es consciously or unconsciously that the earlier account is (Clarendon, Oxford, 1950). pP. 204-248. See J.C. Greenfield, "The
Hittite version differs because it sterns from a different Background and Parallel to a Proverb of Ahiqar," in Hommages d An-
known " Saul Lieberman noted that the rabbis often quoted sources
dre Dupont-Sommer (I,iborie d'Aménque et d'Ori ent Adrien -Maison-
version would simply explain the difference, not render in extenso, including details that were not essential for the point they
neuve, Pam, i971), pp 49-59; "Atnciar in the Book of Tobit," in De la
it invalid for our argument. were making see Hellenism in Jewish Palatine (The Jewish Theologi-
Torah au Mash. Mélanges Henri Gazelles (Paris, 1981), pp 329-336.
cal Seminary of America, New York, 1962), PP 7, 33.
The Implications of the Evidence
This brief survey shows that the peripheral versions of
Mesopotamian literary texts may not only differ from the
Mesopotamian versions in detail, but that they may ab-
breviate them or even modify them in accordance with
27. See EGE, p. 204.

AMOS 7:I4 PRESENT OR PRETERIT?
Matitiahu Tsevat
Hebrew Union College
The response of Amos to the prohibition of Amaziah,
the priest in charge of the sanctuary of Bethel, to proph-
esy there is translated in two different ways. The one "I
am not a prophet nor a son of a prophet ... but YHWH
took me away from the flock ... "; the other, "I was not
a prophet nor the son of a prophet .. when (or "but")
YHWH took me away from the flock ..." The pre-
sential translation is a little more frequent than the pret-
erital one, but arguments for both are weak to
unconvincing.'
A point often considered in this connection is two
other passages of the Book of Amos. "Indeed, YHWH
does nothing without revealing his plan to his se rv ants
the prophets" (3:7) and "I raised up prophets from your
sons and nazirites from your young men ... But you
made the nazirites d ri nk wine and ordered the prophets
not to prophesy" (2 t i f ). The presential construction, as
commonly understood collides with 3:7 and is in dis-
cord with 2:1 if If Amos is not a prophet (7:14), he can-
not be one of God's "se rv ants' (or "members of his
council"), the prophets, yet it is obvious that 3.7 means
that he is one? And his disclaimer of being a prophet,
not made out of modesty goes ill with the high re gard
for prophets, a gift of God to Israel, that is expressed in
2:1 t f. A majority of students says that 3:7 is an addition
by another h an d, and a minority says the same of 2:I if.
This does not solve the problems of the remaining mem-
bers of the minority in the case of 2:11f and of the ma-
jority in the case of 3:7. Both would rather be spared a
situation where the elimination of a difficulty of one pas-
K. Koch et at, Amos untersucht mit den Methoden emir struk-
Formgeschïchtc, 1976, Pa rt 1, p. ao8, lists nine authors, mostly
commentators, kw the presential understanding and five for the pret-
erital one. Arguments for both positions can be found in H W
Wolff Dodekapropheton s: Joel and Arno?, 1975,
p 36of. (the first edi
Lion is from i969). H j. Stoebe, V(etus) T(estamentum) 39 ( 1
989), pp.
34 1 -354, contains numerous references to recent Literature in the
footnotes. F.I. Ande rs en and D.N. Freedman,
Anson a New Tranrla-
non with 1 98 9 pp. 76 2. 777E, adopt the pretentai po-
sïtion but do not argue
3 AD three nd 7:14 have Hebrew naki,
singular or 4r
P this note.
256
sage — namely, that its content is contradicted by the
content of one of the other passages — creates a vexa ti on
with that other passage, namely, the need to tinker with
a text that is perfectly sound in itself. As to the preterital
construc ti on I am referring to Wolff. 3 Regarding both
construc ti ons, it sometimes seems that the presential
construc ti on is chosen for no other reason than the
weakness of its alterna ti ve.
What appears to be the first problem that confronts
the exegete — first, because it concerns the first word of
the exchange between Amaziah an d Amos — is a non-
problem: Why does Amaziah call Amos hozeh as he bids
him to return to Judah for prophesying? 4 It is a non-
problem scientifically because it cannot be made the ob-
ject of scientific study The core meaning (as dis ti nct
from the root meaning) of hozeh is known It is "proph-
et." The word occurs sixteen times in biblical Hebrew.
Of these, ten are from Chronicles, which here, as so of-
ten respecting expressions for religious ideas, persons,
organizations, an d practices, has its own particular
vocabulary. Rarely, if ever, can anything dis ti nct and
specific be learned from it for the meaning of these ex-
pressions in the rest of the Old Testament. Of the
remaining five occurrences of bozeh outside of this pas-
sage, the situation is as follows. One has hozim in stan-
dard parallelism with nki im (Isaiah 29: i o), another in
quasi-parallelism (Micah 3:bf ), and a third is unusable
because its text is uncertain (2 Kings 17 13). This leaves
two occurrences of hozeh (2 Samuel 24:I I Isaiah 3o:10)
for determining its special meaning vis-à-vis those of naki
and ro'e, its synonyms, an d these occurrences not surp ri s-
i ngly give no informa tion about the meaning of hozeh
other than its core meaning. 5 Any assertion going be-
yond this is eisegesis. Where there is no good reason for
See n t p. 36o, "ad a)."
3•
4• The question is asked and answered, for instance, by Z
Zevu, V.T. 25 ( 1 975), pp. 785f. In n 7 he names five authors, with-
out agreeing with them, who hold that honk has a derogatory con-
notation, But also the opposite understanding occurs, e.g., that of
Wolff (see n I), p. 358. For Zevit's own opinion see the reference In
Amos 7:14 — Present or Preterit?
saying otherwise, the rational assumption is that hozeh
an d nabi mean the same for the purpose of interpretation,
some allowance being made for possible overtones of ei-
ther word. Such an overtone is the rarity of a word,
which is especially noticed where more frequent syn-
onyms exist as is the case with bozeh. Rarity adds color-
ation, and we can only guess why Amaziah uses the rarer
synonym One reason may be that some people like or-
nate speech an d that Amaziah is one of them, another
that he meant to lay emphasis on his injunction.
Now it is possible that things happened just as they
are told, but we do not know this. What we do know is
that 7:io-1• is literature, and we must interpret it ac-
cordingly This means that the components of the unit
are bi-directionally interdependent. In a record of an ac-
tual event Amaziah, who opens the controversy, chooses
hozeh (vs. 14) freely, and nabi of Amos is governed by it.
Seen as literature, whether an event lies behind what is
told or does not, hozeh of Amaziah is chosen with nabi
of Amos in sight, affording Amos the possibility to parry
keenly. How so?
Amaziah wants Amos to leave Bethel and, indeed, Is-
rael He may think it will make his order more easily ac-
ceptable if he adds that Amos should earn his livelihood
in Judah by prophesying there Amos opens his reply by
telling Amaziah that he has not come to Bethel to make
a living; he is a farmer and economically independent. As
far as he is concerned, prophesying an d providing for
sustenance have nothing to do with each other. By stat-
ing to nabi anoki wlo ben nab: anoki he rejects Amaziah's
sugges ti on a limine. The nabi an d the ben naki may accept
payment for prophesying, an d the latter often does. In
the story of Elisha an d Na'aman (2 Kings 5) F.lisha the
nabi (vs. 8), refuses the gratuity that Na'aman offers him,
whereupon Gehazi, Elisha's servant eager to secure the
remuneration for himself, chases after Na'aman who al-
ready is on his way home and tells him that his master,
who declined emolument for himself, is now asking it
for two men of the brie hanbi'im (vs. 22). Gehazi is telling
a lie but a believable one, otherwise he would not have
told it, and an element of its believability is the opinion
of the ancient audience, of necessity to be assumed, that
a naki conforms, or is held, to higher standards than a ben
nabi. This is not to say that nki im did not accept corn-
pensation, sometimes styled "gifts"; they did. Nor is it to
say that, generally, compensation was frowned upon; it
was not (see I Samuel 9:7-9; 1 Kings 14:2f. 2 Kings
5. Zevtt, ibid. (a. 4), p. 786, follows S.M. Paul in maintaining
that in preexihc times bozim "were attached to the cou rt "; they were
the so-called court-prophets." He supports this hypothesis by not-
mg that it draws strength from the fact that "the word is employed in
exactly the same way in both preexihc and postexilic sources" (n. i 3).
Yet the only preexibc source is a Samuel 2.4:1 I — scant support here
and the only postexilic sources are all from Chronicles — no sup-
port there. Zevit's failure to pay heed to Chronicles' peculiar Ian-
Page for things religious lets bin turn to that book for an mterpre
tative service it is unable to render.
2 57
8:81; Ezekiel 13:19; Micah 3:5). 6 But the difference be-
tween the nb:'im an d the brie nbi'im looms up when two
things are borne in mind. One, the bne nbi'im are depict-
ed as people in need (2 Kings 4 I-7, 38, 42f) and are
therefore especially dependent on various kinds of sup-
po rt . Two, the nbi'im are mentioned about thirty times
as often as the brie nbi'im (both expressions singular and
plural). For a proper evaluation of this point, the pro-
portion I :3o should be modified to 1:20 by not counting
the numerous phrases PN+hanabi (e g , "the prophet Jer-
emiah"). A further reasonable reduction of the numeri-
cal difference to perhaps no takes into consideration
that nbi'im (singular and plural) are frequently mentioned
in the prophetic books whereas bne nbi'im do not appear
there at all Yet after all these numerical modifications
have been performed, the brie nbi'im continue to stand
out as those who get co mmunal suppo rt much more fre-
quently than the nbi'im.
We now turn to the incidence of hozeh, nabi, and ben
nabi in Amos 7:1 2 and 14 and ask: Why do the particular
personae use the particular words respectively? This time
the answer is not of the kind of the answers tentatively
given before about the rela ti ve rarity of bozeh, 7 an d the
earlier answers are not invalidated by the following
proposition Amos tellingly rejects Amaziah's order and
argument with the first three words of his reply by
substituting naki for his opponent's hozeh. He says' `You
are relating my appearance at your temple to material in-
terest which I supposedly have. But you are wrong! I am
not a naki. To be sure, there are men, sometimes called
nbi'im, who prophesy for economic gain, an d this is even
more true of those called bne nbi'im, but I am not one of
them. Perhaps some are forced by circumstances to do
so, but I am not. I make my living as a cattleman an d a
gardener."
A possible secondary reason for substituting nafri for
hozeh is that naki allows for the continuation of wlo ken
nabi whereas hozeh does not for a corresponding who ben
bozeh, because ben bozeh does not occur. The words wlo
ben nabi broaden the base of Amos' reasoning an d inten-
sify his argument: "Not a nafri an d much less a ben nabi,
because a ben nabi is likely to seek or accept pay."
With the interpretation ofAmos 7:14 as part ofits im-
mediate context the problems of the present-tense un-
derstanding disappear. The issue is not whether Amos is
a prophet or was one before the encounter with Amazi-
ah, but whether his message and indirectly its author,
God, are tainted with the insinuation that the messenger
has an ulterior purpose in its delivery. It is as if Amos re-
toned: ' For what you are saying, nondescript hozeh is
not the proper word to address me. The word is naki,
and a nabi I am not." The content of the reply is the ad-
6. The prophets and prophetesses of the Ezekiel and Micah
passages are condemned fin what they do, which in. Micah includes
insistence on remuneration for prophesying.
-
7. See above.
25 8
MATITIAHU TSEVAT

nt of his opponent's language with the intent of

repudiating the purpo se of his statement. The answer
does not imply a view of the essence of prophecy or the
status of prophets (n(ti'im, bozim, ro'im).
It contributes
nothing to the elucidation of 2:I If. or 3:7
and it provides
no basis for criticism of the history of these passages.
Though a little anticlimactic by now, it remains to
give a straight answer to the question of the title of this
article: Amos 7:14 is present.

AN INSCRIBED BEAD OF QUEEN ZAKUTU

Marc Van De Mieroop
Columbia University

The surprising find by Iraqi archaeologists of the in-
tact tombs of the Assynan queens Mullissu-mukannisat-
Ninua andJabâ in the palace of Assurnasirpal II at Nim-
nid has placed these women in the limelight of Assyrio-
logical research. It thus gives me great pleasure to make
a small addition to our knowledge of one of the most fa-
mous Assyrian queens, and to dedicate this contribution
to my teacher, W.W. Hallo. The insc ription published
here is found on a bead of banded agate in the Jonathan
Rosen collection in New York Ci ty . At the moment
the bead is part of an elaborate necklace consisting of
banded agate and gold beads. It is clear that pa rts of the
necklace are modern but the gold bands appear to be of
ancient manufacture. An analysis was done by the De-
partment of Objects Conservation, the Metropolitan
Museum of Art, and it was determined that the beads are
made of gold leaf wrapped around a copper core. The
appearance of copper corrosion on some of the agate
beads suggests that at least some of the gold and the agate
were found together, and may have formed an ancient
necklace.'
There is only one inscribed bead, deltoid in shape and
larger in size than the other beads 3 The inscription
reads:
Obverse
DIS d[...] ana [ ..]
SAL
za_ku-ta Zakatu
SALÉ GAL la ekalli
Reverse
lâ '3O.PAP.ME.SU la Sin-abbé-eriba
11314 KUR AS DiS TI far mat Allur ana balâli
AS.PAP AS Allur-abu-iddina
far,' KUR AS DUMU -lb .far mât Allur mania
a f6 -a -1â DIS TI-la BA u !cita ana balâlila iqil
i. I am extremely grateful to Mr. Rosen for hss permission to
publish t his object, and for his assistance with obtaining photographs
taken by David Logue
2 Zainab Bahnani has kindly provided me with this information.
3 Bate 26 mm, height 27 mm. The photographs show the ac-
tual sue.
"To the god [.. ], Zakûtu the queen of Sennacherib,
king of the land of Assur, for the life of Esarhaddon,
king of the land of Assur, her son and for her own
life has donated."
The career of Zakûtu is quite well known. 4 As queen
of Sennacherib, she was instrumental in the rise of her
son Esarhaddon to the throne of Assyria, and this inscrip-
don clearly dates from the period after the latter's acces-
sion. Zakûtu has left insc ri ptions under her Akkadi.an, as
well as under her Aramaic name, Naqi'a. A copy of two
dedicatory insc riptions on the same tablets may show a
parallelism between the queen an d the wife of Assur, the
leading deity of the Assyrian pantheon. 6 Just as Zakûtu
has an Aramaic name, Naqi'a, the goddess NinliVMulis-
su also appears as the Lady of Nineveh. Zakûtu makes an
offering to the former, Naqi'a to the latter. Unfortunate-
ly the name of the god to whom this pendant was donat-
ed has been lost due to severe damage to the stone.
Interestingly, there is an object similar to the one
published here with an insc ription of Zakûtu under her
name Naqi'a. It is a bead of banded agate first published
by Schell in 1898, 7 an d reported as being in a private col-
lection in Baltimo re in the I95o's. 8 The text reads: Na-
qi'a la ekafli la Sf'n-ab[bi-eriba]. The original editor,
Schell, translated this as "(collier de) la femme Naqi'a, dame
du palais de Sin-idinna," which may indicate that the in-
scribed bead was pa rt of a necklace when he saw it, but
this is merely a guess on my part.
As is always the case with objects that were not scien-
tifically excavated, we know nothing about the o ri ginal
context of this insc ription. It seems most likely that the
4. See H. Lewy , " Nitokris-Nagi'a,"JNES i i (195 2), pp. 264-
286; M.J. Seux, "Königtum," to RIA 6 (i98o-83). p. 162 $ 73;1
Reade "Was Sennachenb a femtroist?" La femme dam k roc/re-orient
antique, ed. J.-M. Dunnd, Éditions Redheiabe sus les CniHsalions, Paris,
1987, pp. 139-145.
5 ADD 645•
6. See Reade. op. cit. p. 143.
7 RT 20 (1898), p. 200 rio. 8.
s Ste Lewy, op at.. p. 272 note 41. Dr. Ellen Reader of the
Waken Art Gallery in Baltimore kindly attempted to locate this bead,
but was unable to determine its whereabouts.

2 59
260 MARC VAN DE MIEROOP An Inscribed Bead of Queen Zaktîtu 261

pendant was donated to a statue of an unknown god in age of Zakûtu as an active dowager queen, with a special
an unknown temple. The inscription reinforces the im- affection for her son Esarhaddon.

tr- k
Jot- vZe
<w ITT r
Obverse of the necklace tom the Jonathan Rosen Collection, New York

Obverse
Reverse

Inscribed bead from the Jonathan Rosen Collection

Reverse ojthe necklace the Jonathan Rosen Colûchon, New York

 Assyriology and History 26 3

ASSYRIOLOGY AND HISTORY
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF WAR AND EMPIRE
IN ASSYRIA, ATHENS, AND ROME
Ik. J. van der Spek
Vnje Universiteit Amsterdam
Assyriology is a peculiar discipline. Actually it is hard-
ly a discipline, rather a collection of disciplines regarding
a specific civilization: linguistics, literature, archaeology,
law, science, and history. Being a good Assyriologist im-
p li es skill in all these fields. W. W Hallo is such a schol-
ar. In this contri bution I wish to single out one aspect
only history. Many students get their first idea of Near
Fastem history through Hallo's textbook.' His bibliog-
raphy contains several tides on history, historiography
and theory of history. Thus it seemed appropriate to me,
as a historian, to present a historical study in which I try
to deal with Assyrian history as pa rt of history?
The history of the ancient Near E as t has long been
practiced in a rather uncomplicated manner. A sequence
of events was presented, mainly on the basis of written
sources, which were (implicitly) thought to give a reli-
able and sufficient representation of the past. If only few
sources were available, the device was: tell all you now
about ... One of the first Assyriologists who warned
against this procedure was A L Oppenheim, 3
followed
among others by F.R. Kraus. 4 In their view the cunei-
form record is inadequate for the task of reconstructing
ancient Near Eastern history. In other words, they were
skeptical about the possibility of obtaining reliable
torical knowledge about ancient Mesopotamia. Conse-
quently a battleground was created for a contest between
skepsis an d credulity. Hallo himself entered the bade-
field in his article "The Limits of Skepticism." 5 In this
article he rejected absolute skepticism an d advocated the
W.W. Hallo and W.K. Simpson, The Ancient Near East: A
(New York, urn).
I henefited much by discussion on th e topic with my col-
leag 11e Jj Flinterman. The views expressed here, however, are my
responsibility.
3. A.L. Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia Portrait of a Clad
Civilization, (Chicago, 1964; 1977 rev. ed by
22, a5f.
Erna Reiner), pp. 2,
4. In F.R. Kraus, "Der 'Palast', Produzent und Unternehmer
tun Königreiche Babylon nach Hamrnurabî (ca. 1730-Woo v. Chr.),"
in E. Lipsmki, State and Tnnpk Economy in the Ancient Near East ll,
oLA 6 (teuven 1979) p. 423. he expresses his view on the un
' pouu-
problems of the evidence in a methodologically, sound they do so in the unconscious idea that some facts occur-
ring later than other facts are influenced by the former
an d consistent manner. It is necessary, to put it in Hallo's
words, to identify and separate the categories and genres (post hoc ergo propter hoc). Consequently, it is import an t to
realize and to justify the use of models.
of the sources. It is necessary to look at the authors of
Accordingly, compa ra tive history is required for an
texts, to unravel the why and how of the realization of a
improved understanding of ancient Near Eastern histo-
text.
ry. If we want to understand the functioning of the phe-
But this does not seem enough. We must not fall into
the trap of the "empiricist fallacy," that "the extant nomenon of imperialism, it is good to look at other
periods. On this basis we can formulate hypotheses
sources are not only a reliable and but also a sufficient
rendering of the past, in other words, that only those which are to be tested with the sources. The study of an-
thropology may also be of help, since it is to be expected
sources that matter are extant and that a reconstruction
that the ancient Near Eastern societies resemble non-
of the past with these sources is possible." 6 We have to
Western rather than Western civilizations. Comparison
realize that the sources are often unreliable, neither suffi-
with ancient pre-Christian Greek an d Roman history
endeavor "to form the best available reconstruction of cient nor representative.
How then should the (ancient) historian overcome seems fruitful, these civilizations sharing the Mediterra-
the past" by using the (written) sources in a cautious nean world an d environment. However, comparison
these problems? I am of course, not the first historian to
manner: "I have carefully identified and separated the with later European history, with all due reserves, should
categories and gen re s of the sources, but combined them have posed this ques ti on. Consequently, it is impossible
to deal with it within the scope of a single article, still not be excluded.
again" (p. 189).
doing Justice to the scholarly discussion. I limit myself to
It goes without saying that the discussion, presented Assyrian Imperialism
here succinctly, does not apply only to ancient Near referring to the famous ancient histo rian , Sir Moses Fin-
Eastern history, but to history in general. Ancient Near ley In his Ancient History: Evidence and Models 7 he specif- I realize that the use of the word `imperialism' for the
Easte rn history is in the first place history, in the second ically went into the ques ti on. He fought against the ancient world is not undisputed Since Heinrich Fried-
place ancient history, and ultimately ancient Near East- credulity in respect to Greek and Lati n sources, against pings historians usually have reserved the term for the
"the widespread sen ti ment that anything written in European colonial imperialism of the nineteenth cen-
em history. Thus it is necessary to apply the discussion
Greek or Latin is somehow privileged, exempt from the tury. It is seen as a result of the industrial revolution, as
of the theory of history to the history of the ancient Near
Fact. normal canons of evaluation" (p. io). But criticism of a policy of acquiring marke ts an d opportunities of in-
the sources was not enough to him. History should not vestment. Concurrently it is a nationalistic ideology as
Ancient history does have its own problems. One of
be a mere collection of data. History needs explanation well. Though Assyria did not know an industrial revolu-
them is the paucity of the evidence. Another is the na-
and explanation needs justification. "The only hope is a tion an d capitalistic economic needs played a minor part,
ture of the written evidence: it is written in dead Lan-
careful and judicious use of explanatory models ... I think enough characteristics of ancient expansion pol-
guages which present their own problems of interpre-
Without a theoretically grounded conceptual scheme, icy of certain ancient states justify the use of the word
tation A third is the important pa rt non-written, ar-
the thin and unreliable evidence lends itself to manipu- `imperialism' in Antiquity Assyria and Rome were orig-
chaeological evidence has to play On the other h and,
lation in all direc ti ons, without any controls" (p. 18). inally relatively small nation states which acquired vast
these differences are only gradual. In all periods of histo-
The use of models is not only necessary, but even un- empires by conquest an d oppressive foreign policy to
ry the evidence is limited; in some respects the evidence
avoidable Even historians who pretend not to need the their own (economic) advantage. Both Assyria and
(especially the archival) of the ancient Near East is better
use of models and theory, do so, but unconsciously, and Rome pursued a world empi re . Both empires presented
than that of the early Middle Ages; many questions of
contemporary history (e.g. the assassination of John F. that makes it unverifiable. They use their "common ideologies that justified their policy. 9 That the con-
sense," but their common sense is based on the experi- quered territories were not situated overseas an d that the
Kennedy) we shall never be able to solve due to lack of economic advantage was not sought as the result of a
informa ti on. Furthermore, interpretation of language is ence of mankind living in the twentieth century, often
modern capitalistic development does not matter very
also tricky in mode rn languages In modern history the European or American, world. They are not aware that
se models.
role of e.g. `industrial archaeology' is growing. even by the simple use of language they u much.
The expansion of the Assyrian empire is often de-
Due to the limitation of the evidence skepticism is When they use for instance the words "god," "slavery,"
"law," "economy," or whatever, they have in mind scribed as a nice an d clear sequence of events, without
tified. We shall never discover "how it really was
their own conceptions and forget that these concepts did much reflection. The dangers of neglecting the iisu of
eigentlich gnuesen," to put it in Ranke's famous
not exist in antiquity or were perceived quite differently models (which, as I have argued, actually implies the use
words). This skepticism is not only necessary for the dis- etc. of models, but then unconsciously) is seen in the famous
cipline of history, but also for science in general. Our If they use the words "cause " "effect," "because,"
knowledge and understanding in all fields is limited
an d
defective. Sociology will never find out "how it really 6. P.W. de Neeve aped R.J. van der Spek. "Pieter W .
u•" Natural science will never be able to understand Neeve and Ancient Agrarian History," sn H.W.A.M Sancisi-Weer-
what, say, 'life' or `gravitation' "really is." Yet it is possi- denburg, R J. van der Spek. H.C. Teitkr H.T. Wallinga (eds.), De
Agriadtura. In Memoriam P W. de Nerve (Amsterdam Gieben. 1992
ble to construct some laws and theories on these ques-
[forthcoming)). De Nerve used the tern 'positivist fallacy , derived
8. H. Friedjung, Das € II a ^x
perr 1884-191 4, 3
from A. Snodgrass, "Archaeology," in M. Crawford (ed.) Sources for
(

bihty of writing ancient Mesopotamian economic history, dons, which we hold until improved ones are presented.
S. JAOs t w (199o) pp. 187-1 99 . The science of history does not work differently.
The task of the historian is thus to overcome the
262
Anent History (Cambridge. 1983), p. 142. I do not find that a fortu-
nate choice since scholars who are misled by it usually reject the pos-
itivist pnncaple that history is subject to laws.
(London.
7. M.I. Funky, Ancient History: Evidence and Models
Chatto and Windup, 1985; Penguin Boob, 1987)•
(Berlin. 1919-1922); cf. W J. Moosrasen,
Ruprecht, i987 3 )
Göttingen. Vandenhoeck &
9. C. M. Livennni "The Ideology of the Assyrian Emp
M.T. Larsen, ed., Anon and Propr and : A Symposium off Ancient
Enron (Chnen, 1979). Pp. 297-317. See also below.
 264 R. J. VAN DER SPEK
works on Assyrian history by A.T. Olmstead!' In his
treatment of the religious policy of the Assyrian kings he
assumed that it was their policy to impose worship of As-
syrian gods on the subdued territories This idea proba-
bly emerged from the experience with the European
empires of Charlemagne and Charles V, whose policy it
was to christianize or to re-catholicize the lands under
their sway. This kind of policy started with the Rom an
emperor Theodosius the Great, who forbade the cult of
the non-Christian gods in 392 A D This attitude sprang
from the monotheistic character of Christianity, which
is quite different from the polytheistic basis of the an-
dent religions. Thus it lasted until 1 973/4 when Mo rt on
Cogan and John MacKay discredited Olmstead's con-
ception." But even they were not free from unjustified
comparison According to McKay, "the religio-political
ideal of the ancient Semites was not therefore identical
to that of the ancient Greeks and Romans who did try
to impose or encourage the worship of their gods
throughout their empires" (p. 74), and Cogan thinks that
it was the policy of the Romans to impose their religion
on subdued peoples, because "the manner of imperial
Rome" was thought to be: "cuisis regio, eius religio" (p
II I). Though this is Latin, it is not Roman. It was the
deal concluded at the Peace of Augsburg in 1555 in
which the p ri nces of the Habsburg empire decided
which religion would be the official one in their princi-
palities. In the Roman empire before Theodosius the
Great, in the Hellenistic empires or in the ancient Near
Easte rn empires these issues and quarrels were unimag-
inable in view of the prevailing polytheistic way of
thinking. Assyrian kings did not destroy or rob temples
out of religious policy, but as punishment for insubordi-
nation or out of need for material resources!' Seen in
this perspective the famous so-called `tolerant' policy of
Cyrus the Great towards subdued nations is in effect
nothing new, but can be explained in the tradi ti on of the
Assyrian and Babylonian empires. Cyrus repatriated gods
and people to their home lands but even Assyrian kings
did that occasionally. But like the Assyrian kings, Cyrus
and later Persian monarchs slaughtered armies, destroyed
temples and deported people So did the succeeding
to. A.T. Ohnstead, History of the A.uyrian Empire (Chicago,
1 923. 1 9706); Western Asia rn the Days of Sargon of Assyria
(New York,
1908). p. 171; History of Palestine and Syria (New York, 1931).
1 t. J.W. McKay. Religion in Judah under the Assyrians 732-609
BC (London, SCM P ress Ltd, 1973); M. Cogan,
imperialism and Re-
ligion Assyria, Judah and Israel in the Eighth and Seventh Cent ur ies
B.C.E, (Missoula. MT, Socie ty of Biblical Literature and Scholars
Hss. 1 974)•
t2. H. Spieckerm ann, Judo sinter Auer
der Sargonidenzeit
Gilt( 140.1 1982) again advocated an active Assyria
n religious policy.
Still I believe that the Assyrians went no further than asking a recog-
' 16. "The Fifth-Century Athenian Empire: a Balance-Sheet,
of the superiority of Ashur without many cultic impositions.
would have been the case. the Old Te st ament would certainly
n fuel of evidence about it. But such evidence is lacking.
Th e
indication is a certain change in the tempk's architecture "for
iii of Assyria" (2 Kings 16:18), nothing, however, for the gods
Hellenistic kings. The only thing we may observe is a
gradual diminishing of deportation policy after Sennach-
erib an d an increasing provincialization of the empire af-
ter Tiglath-Pileser III. 13
The Perception of War
Let us turn now to Finley's views on `War and Em-
pire' in the Graeco-Roman world. 14 First of all he ex-
plained that the Greek city-states and the Roman empire
were normally in a state of war and that this state of af-
fairs was seen as quite natural. He argued this with a few
statements, one of which is made by Clinias in Plato's
Laws (626A): "What most men call peace is merely an
appearance; in reality all cities are by nature in a perma-
nent state of undeclared war against all other cities " Ac-
cording to Livy (i.19.2-3), the temple ofJanus had been
closed (signifying that 'there was peace with all neigh-
boring peoples') only twice in the whole history of the
republic: after the first Punic War and after Augustus'
defeat of Mark Antony and Cleopatra. The endless wan
of Alexander an d the Successors in the Hellenistic period
show the same picture. It is not necessary to deal with
this matter in more detail. It was excellently treated for
Rome by W.V. Harris, r 5 for Athens by M.I. Finley/ 6
an d for the Hellenistic kingdoms by M.M. Austin. 7
War was not in the first place or exclusively a game
of the governing circles. There are hardly any instances
of popular assemblies who voted against war. Sometimes
they did out of calculation of the chance of success in a
particular war, never out of principle. Violence was ac-
cepted as a normal means of achieving a desired goal.
Finley's following observation on this attitude is quite
relevant: "We live in a world which finds that ideologi-
cally and even morally objectionable, little though we
may do about it in practice that is fair enough until one
blunderingly attributes similar values to the Greeks an d
Romans, among whom they were demonstrably ab-
sent." 1$ In short war was always a central occupation of
the ancient state; it was always one of the possible op-
tions. 19 In many instances Thucydides confesses his view
13. For the evidence on this point of view: R.J. van der Spek,
"Did Cyrus the Great Introduce a New Policy towards Suhdued Na-
? Cyrus in Assyrian Perspective," Persia 10 (1982), pp. 278-283;
idem. "Cyrus de Pen in Assyrisch Perspectief. Len vergelijking tussen
de Assyrische en Peitsche politick ten opzicht van onderworpen
volken," 7ijriishnft voor Ceschiedenis
96 (1983 pp. 1-27, Amelie
Kuhrt, "The Cyrus Cylinder and Achaemenid Imperial Policy,"
Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 25 (1983) pp. 8
3-97.
14. Finley, Ancient History,
pp. 6 7-8 7
15. W.V. Hams, War and Imperialism in Republican Rome 327-70
B.C. (Oxford, Cla re ndon Press, 1979).
"
in P.D.A. Garnsey and C.R. Whittaker, Imperialism in the Ancient
World (Cambridge Universi ty Press, 1
978), pp. 103- 126.
17. "Hellenistic Kings, War, and the Economy," Classical
Quarterly 36 (1986), PP- 450-466•
18. Finley, Ancient Hutory, p. 7o.
19. Ibid., p. 71.
Assyriology and History
on the background of wall: the lust for power and profits.
Though I agree with the main lines of Finley s point
of view, I think that his argumentation is a bit careless
an d that some nuances should be made. One aspect is the
ease with which Finley quoted Thucydides for his argu-
ment. It may be questioned whether the views expressed
by Thucydides were really prevailing in classical Athens.
The fact that Thucydides sometimes expressly stresses
the blunt selfish arguments for imperialistic adventures
may perhaps not reflect communs opinio, but rather
Thucydides' appreciation of what the real motives were,
contrary to what was actually said. He does so explicitly
in his treatment of the outbreak of the Peloponnesian
War. After lengthy discussion of the arguments put for-
ward by different parties, he expresses his view that the
"truest cause" was the fear of Sparta for Athens' growing
military power (Thus. 1.23.6). He does the same in his
appreciation of the Athenian expeditions to Sicily in 427
an d 415 B.C. After expounding the official arguments,
namely the Leontine and Segestan requests for help
against Syracuse, he mentions power politics an d the
hope of profits as a motive (3.86.4; 6.24.3). He puts a
cynical point of view into the mouth of an Athenian em-
bassy before the governing body of the island of Melos,
which the Athenians were going to subdue (5.Ios 2):
'Our opinion of the gods and our knowledge of men
lead us to conclude that it is a general and necessary law
of nature to rule wherever one can.s 2O
Hermann Strasburger has worked out this issue more
fully: he saw Thucydides debunking the prevailing ide-
ology that the Athenians had a nght to their empire be-
cause of various factors, such as their leadership in the
struggle against Persia, the mainten an ce of Greek inde-
pendence from Persia, the Athenian philanthropy, m ild-
21
ness, etc. Actually it is hard to say what Thucydides'
personal opinions were. We know that Thucydides also
worried about the harmful effects of war on people's
character. He called war ' a violent teacher" (3.82.2) He
also could lament on the suffering of war (3.98) 22 Finley
himself was not unaware of the problems. In his Ancient
History23 he found some conflict of values in discussions
on the justice of any particular war, in the Rom an 'fetial
law' which demanded certain religious performances be-
fore a just war could sta rt , and in the universal rule that
burial of the enemy dead must be permitted. I would add
here another import an t point: the sanctity of treaties an d
temples. Viola ti on of treaties was seen as a crime an d
temple robbery as sacrilegious an d, in the end, fatal to
whomever commits such crimes. ^4 So I agree with Fin-
20. Translation Rex Warner (Penguin Classics L 39).
21. H. Strasburger, ' Thukydides und die politische Selbstdars-
tellung der Athener " in H Strasburger, Studien zur Ahn' Geschichte
11 (Hildesheim, New York, 1982), pp 676-708.
22. Cf. S. Homblower, 77rucydides (London. Duckworth,
1 98 7), pp. Issf
23. P. 69.
265
ley that war was indeed always an option open in princi-
ple to any state, but in my view that option needed some
ideological justification, hypocritical though it might be .
All this is illuminating when one considers Assyrian
imperialism. We do not know what the common Assyr-
ian thought about war, but we do have the unequivocal
testimony of the Assyrian kings in the ro yal inscriptions
which are thought to present a favorable picture In
these texts violence was accepted as a normal means of
achieving a desired goal. This is stated over and over
again an d it need not surprise us anymore. Let us choose
one example out of the many, an insc ription of Ashur-
nasir-apli II from the Northwest Palace in KalaI.: ^5
The great gods of heaven and underworld chose me, in
their steadfast hearts, and my sovereignty, dominion,
(and) power came forth by their holy command; they
sternly commanded me to rule, subdue, and di re ct the
lands an d mighty highlands.
In the same inscription he states about himself
Ashur-nasir-apli, a tt entive p ri nce, worshipper of the great
gods, ferocious dragon, conqueror of cities and the entire
highlands, king of lords, encircler of the obstinate,
crowned with splendor, fearless in battle, merciless hero,
he who stirs up strife, praiseworthy king, shepherd, pro-
tection of the (four) quarters, the king by whose com-
mand he disintegrates mountains and seas, the one who
by his lordly conflict has brought under one authority fe-
rocious (and) merciless kings from east to west.i6
In the endless reports on wan the Assyrian kings only
need one justification: the command of the gods. The
Assyrian domination is sanctioned by the gods, an d thus
opposition to the subjugation is a sin. Sennacherib stated
in the so-called Chicago Prism about the rebels in Pales-
tine, among whom was Hezekiah of Judah: `They be-
carne afraid on account of the sin (anzillu) they had
committed.i^ 7 That it is perceived as a religious offence,
a sin, is apparent in the treaties an d loyalty oaths. The
loyalty of the vacca kings was ascertained by an oath of
allegiance sworn by the gods of Assyria and the gods of
the vassal king. We know these 'vassal treaties' (ail) fair-
24. Diodorus 28.3.1 explains that violation of temple property
brings mischief. The Romans were more successful than the Seleuc-
ids, since they abstained from doing so. Antiochus III was punished
because he had robbed the temple of Bel in Elam (29.15.1). The same
is true for Antiochus IV, who robbed temples in Elam (Diofiorus
31.182.1, Polybius 31-9.1-4; Josephus, Ant,9uitatei Ju4akae 12 354-
2 Macc. I:13; 9 2; I Riau. 6:1-13) and Jenualem (t Macc. 1.21
359;
24; 2 Macc. 5:15-16). Cf. on the Sekucid ro yal policy towards tem-
ples my Crondbezit in het Seleucidisdte Rijk (Amsterdam, VU Uit-
geverij. 1986) ch. 3.2.1. (Babylonian), ch. 4.2.2. (the more helkii1xwi
parts of the Sekucid Empire, esp. Asia Minor), 5.2. (conclusion). I
concluded that the Sekucid kings did not regard the entire empire as
private property that they recognized the sacred character of temple
lands as property of gods, so that they normally did not dare to ex-
propriate temple land. Interference in the management of the temple
property, however, was a useful alternative.
25, A K. Grayson, ARJ S 596
z6. A.K. Grayson, ARl S 594
27. Luckenbill, Senn., OIP II p. 3
 Assyriology and History 267
266 R. J. VAN DER. SPEK

cause of the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War in 43 I

ly well. s8 Hezekiah's sin was that he broke the oath an d that the treaty was first broken by the opponent. 33 But hampered by extra susceptibilities and needed extra
that he had imprisoned Padi, the king ofEkron, who had ideological foundation. War with Babylonia was often B.C. Modem historians tend to underestimate the factor
the option of war as such was never questioned in prin-
remained loyal to his oath, who remained "bel adê u presented as war with Chaldaeans in order to save Baby- of fear, but after what we have learned about the ancient
ciple. This is borne out by ancient religion as well.
mamit." 29 The functioning of loyalty oaths can also be lonia from these uncivilized people; Babylonian cities mentality with respect to warfare, this fear is not at all
In Greece an d Rome warrior gods, like Ares an d
detected in the Old Testament, as noted in the story of received privileges; Babylonian gods were honored with unfounded.
Mars, were more prominent than gods of peace. The
this same revolt of Hezekiah against Assyria. When Sen- offerings; Assyrian texts dealt specifically with Assyria's But this is on the negative side. Positively, war is of-
protecting deity of Athens, Athena, was clothed in full e.g. in the case of the
nacherib came to Judah to quell the rebellion, "Hezeki- relationship with Babylonia in a fashion similar to that ten seen as profitable. It is shown
armor. In Homer's Riad the gods fought at the side of the
ah, king of Judah, sent a message to the king of Assyria expressed in the Synchronistic History, 35 providing an blunt an d 'morally' totally unjustified attack of the Athe-
brave an d often cruel heroes. So did the Assyrian gods.
at Lachish, saying: I have sinned" (2 Icings 18:14). It was ideological basis for attacking Babylonia. In comparison nians on Syracuse in 415 B.C. The decision was taken by
Ishtar was, like Athena, a warrior goddess; it was Ashur t argument to resort to war
a sin against the oath of allegiance, sworn among other it is interesting to note that, in the Greek world, wars be- the people an d an import an
who commanded kings to go to war. One of the longest
gods by the God of Israel invoked for the punishment tween Greeks were often considered as improper, while for the general masses and the average soldier was, ac-
insc ri ptions of any Assyrian king is the one dedicated by
of breaking the oath. Thus the Assyrian king could de- cording to Thucydides (6.24.3), "the p ro spect of getting
Ashur-nadir-apli II to the warrior-god Ninurta in his fighting against `barbarians' was conceived as honor-
clare: "Do you think that I have come to attack this place pay for the time being and of adding to the empire so as
temple in Kalah, which begins: able. 36 "Right it is that Hellenes rule barbarians" we
an d destroy it without the consent of the LORD 2 No; the Isocrates advises the Greeks to unite to secure permanent paid employment in future." There
To the god Ninurta, the strong, the almighty, the exalted, read in Euripides; 37
LORD himself said to me: Attack this l an d an d destroy it" fight against the Persians and relieve the Greek social was opposition in the assembly, but that affected the risks
foremost among the gods, the splendid (and) perfect war-
(2 Kings 18:25). The question is raised more clearly in problems by establishing colonies in the western sa- involved, not the principle.
rior whose attack in battle is unequalled, the eldest son an important incentive for im-
F'rkiel 17:1 I-2I, where Ezekiel warns Zedekiah not to trapies of the Persian empire. 38 This again illustrates that Profits of war meant
who comm an ds battle (skills), offspring of the god Nu-
rebel against the Babylonian king, because the LORD perialistic policy in Rome an d the Hellenistic kingdoms.
dimmud, warrior of the Igigi gods, (...) king of battle the war as such was accepted as a normal political means.
would not leave unpunished the breaking of oath and The result was that in the course of time these empires
hero who rejoices in battles, the triumphant, the perfect, It is important to keep the ancient mentality in mind
treaty. So even though rebel li ons occurred frequently, when reading ancient texts. When we read that Ashur- could no longer function without them. I need not deal
lord of depths and seas, the angry and merciless whose at-
there were scruples in breaking oaths sworn by the gods. nasir-apli was pious, it is another piety from ours. with this issue in detail after the thorough treatment by
tack is a deluge, the one who overwhelms enemy lands
But also the Assyrian king himself could not break a trea- (and) fells the wicked, (...) annihilator of the evil, subduer excellently has demonstrated this for Harris an d Austin. 4°
A.W.H Adkins 39
ty and remain unpunished, as appears from the enquiry That profits of war were an important motive for the
of the insubmissive, destroyer of enemies, the one whose the Greek world. When we translate the Greek word ag-
made by Sennacherib into "the Sin of Sargon." Sargon command none of the gods in the divine assembly can al- Assyrians is clear to everyone who reads the royal in-
athos as 'good, we should keep in mind that 'good' in
had died on the battle-field and his body could not be ter, bestower of life, the heedful god to whom it is good scriptions. According to these insc ri ptions, the payment
ancient Athens was something different from the idea
taken home. This gave rise to the believe that Sargon to pray, the one who dwells in the city Kalab, great lord, of tribute by the subdued states was the first and most
`good' in a world used to Christian and humanist con-
had committed a sin which provoked the anger of the my lord- (I am) Ashur-nasir-apli, strong king, king of the import an t duty of their kings. Lengthy an d detailed de-
ceptions. Agathos in Athens meant: good, valiant, beau-
gods. One suggested possibility was that he had broken universe, unrivalled king, king of all the four quarters, scriptions of the booty an d tribute abound in the annals.
tiful, capable of defending the family against strangers.
a treaty. 3° A fine example of the sanctity of an oath is (...) destructive weapon of the great gods, the pious, (...) Assyrian kings did not seem to pursue some other ideal.
fearless in battle, mighty flood tide which has no oppo- Note that the Greek word kakos meant 'bad" as well as
given in the so-called plague prayers of the Hittite king ` ugly." They did not ch an ge anything in the subdued states.
nent, the king who subdues those insubordinate to him, Kings were allowed to remain on their thrones, if they
Mursilis II, in which he asked the gods whether the In conclusion I wish to maintain that war was consid-
who rules all peoples, strong male, who treads upon the
cause of the raging plague perhaps was the breaking of a accepted means in the paid their taxes; there was hardly any interference in in-
necks of hu foes, trampler of all enemies, the one who ered as a normal pa rt oflife an d an
treaty with Egypt. 31 b reaks up the forces of the rebellious, he who acts with ternal administration; there was no religious policy to
pursuit of happiness. Bravery in war was a virtue. Specif-
The Assyrian king needed justification for individual the suppo rt of the great gods his lords and has conquered impose Assyrian religion on the subjugated. Rebellion
ic wars needed justification and different states have
wars. We know from the royal insc riptions as well as all lands, gained dominion over the highlands in their en- was the same as ceasing the paying of tribute and vice
worked this out in their own way That some justifi-
from direct evidence that the Assyrian kings asked per- tirety and received their tribute, capturer of hostages, he versa. Kingdoms were transformed into provinces only
cation was necessary probably is caused by the hazards of
mission from the gods for individual campaigns." In who is victorious over all lands. if they failed to pay. Assyrian officials were indeed posted
war. A war could bring victory and profits, but also de-
prinaple an Assyrian king could not fight against another in the courts of the subdued kingdoms, but their only
This is the way Assyrian kings saw their gods and feat and disaster Everyone knew that. Thus the favor of
state if that state had a treaty and abided by it. Thus tf the task was to check the loyalty of the vassal kings so that
themselves. Admittedly, the Assyrian kings were perhaps the gods was necessary, as in the other spheres of the
Assyrian king wanted to attack, he had at least to prove they should pay regularly and not conspire with other
more militant in their presentations than kings of other ever-precarious existence of ancient man. Divine benev-
empires. Ancient Near Eastern kings may also present olence could be obtained by prayers, offerings an d by states.
Finley presented a few suggestions for models of an-
28. S. Parpola and K. Watanabe, Tree themselves as "shepherds" and as protectors of the or- abiding by treaties sanctioned by the gods. Mercy and
airy Oaths: State Anhiven of Assyria /I plum an d the widows, the Athenians presented them- ge of fate cient wan. First of all he mentioned a study by Q.
1988).
Urnversi clemency might be returned in a possible ch an
Wright, 4i who argued on the basis of a study of more
it 74. selves as protectors of democracy and freedom, the
Romans showed "dementia" and gave "pax augusta." than 2500 important modern European battles between
ost recent edition of the'Sin of Sargon ; ALsdaire The Objectives of Was d 1940, that "clearly the great powers have been
.

rt Poetry and literary Miscellanea: State Archives of Assyria And even Assyrians could give mercy to loyal vassals, re- 1480 an
1989), no. 33:19'. Cf H Tadmor, "The Sin of Sat- It is now time to look at the motives for war an d con- the most frequent fighters " The reason is actually sim-
turn foreign gods to their shrines, or repatriate people to
1 95 8 ), pp. 150-162 (Hebt.) and p. 1[93 (English
their homelands. 34 Because the Assyrians shared a corn- quest. One is the fear of being subdued by others. ple: small states could not expect much profit from war,
summary); P. Gareth, ""Les sorts du roi d'Assyrîe," in La voix de
no Pop- Thucydides (1.23.6) might well be right in arguing that rather a deterioration of their position. Finley suggested
. Colloque ffiise par l'Institut des Hawes Etudes mon civilization with the Babylonians (language, reli-
more (Brunch, 1 Sparta's fear of the growing power of Athens was the real of the ancient city states. I
973), pp. 189.213, F.M. Th . Bahl. "En Tait- gion, 'stream of tradition') war with Babylonia was that this was equally true
churfr utde arcs dsum . pn. fkn Regreror lain des A(frw-nadir-Iumi
(694 v. would suggest the same for the Near East. Constant n -
Otrentalia N&rdandim (Leiden, 1
948 ), pp. 116- 1 37. fare was normal for Assyria, much more than, e.g. the
t j, van der Spek. "Cyan,"
Tijdsdarfr moor its 96 33. Cf. Parpola, Watanabe, SAA ii, pp. m i-nJv, 35. Grayson, Chronicles, TCS V. clue. 21.
16-17; J.A. Brinkman, Prelude to Eiuupire (Philadelphia, 34. Cf. Cogan Imperialism, pp. 35-4o; repatriation of people 36. Plato, AvfiKia 5469b and 471b; Ae1stvteks,
by
4l p 54- Adad-norm III in the Synchronistic History: Grayson, Qnvnides, b9;3.14.1285 320.
A. Corne, KIF I, pp. 2a4f TCS V, P. 169 i6-•i9; by Sargon ii: Winker,
Sar., "PtriHlvnnchri£t" 37. Euripides, 1phi8enria in Audis 1400. 40. and 17.
C . nn. 15
Set passi re in the royal inscriptions and 1 34-1 35; ARAB Ii S 536; by Esarhaddon: Borger, Asak, S 11, 38. Isocrates Plidippuu 1 6; no. A42), Vol. i
Qiseries 37; ARAB iI S 655; ABL 418 and 702; cf B. Landsherger, Ep. .

in An- 41. Q., Wright, A Shay of War (s vas-

Gait SAA. iV (Helsinki, 1 990). ,

Brief den Bis- 39. A.W.H. Asians, Mond Valses and

do* mum .Es Century 1974. 3.10-221, 239.
. an Kärrd AnirlwMon. (Aadc.di+wi, i9 65), pp. 3 2-34. rient Greece: From Hooter to the End of tkt Fifth
 268
R. J. VAN DER SPEK
Phoenician city-states, which preferred either to keep
their independence or to make some kind of submission
to the Assyrians under the best possible conditions. They
could not expect much profit from warfare. They chose
an outlet in colonizing to the coasts of the western Med-
iterranean, which must have included some warfare with
native peoples there.
Finley did not expect much to derive from a study of
diplomacy steps leading to decision making, public atti-
tude and psychology, due to lack of adequate informa-
tion Broadly speaking, he was right, though we are not
totally uninformed about these questions as regards the
Greek an d Roman states an d Finley did actually express
a view on the ancient attitude towards war. Be that as it
may, we are in any case much less informed on these
matten with respect to Assyria. We know that kings
wanted to be known as fierce war leaden an d that they
thought it was advantageous for them to present them-
selves as such.
Finley expected much more of the study of the results
of war namely the dist ri bution of profits and the come-
quences for the imperial state.
Accumulation and Distribution of Wealth in Empi res
In a recent essay I have treated the dist ri bution of the
profits of war in Assyria, Athens an d Rome. 42 I chose
these three empires because of their different forms of
government: an absolute monarchy, a democracy an d an
oligarchy. I expected that in a monarchy the greater pa rt
of the booty would be destined for the king, in a democ-
racy for the people and in a oligarchy for the reigning
elite. I would even go one step further if this assumption
would appear not to be correct, we should have reason
to doubt the real monarchic, democratic or oligarchic
nature of the polities of Assyria, Athens and Rome. After
all, if the booty in Assyria would in majority go to the
magnates, what would the royal power be worth? And
what does democracy mean if the people do not profit
from the empi re ?
Archaeology may in the first place provide an answer.
In Nineveh, Babylon an d the capitals of the Hellenistic
empires" the palaces a re the most sumptuous buildings,
together with temples, which often were prestige objects
of the kings. The archaeology of Athens an d republican
Rome is indeed different.
Like the archaeological remains, the written sources
as well suggest that in Assyria the main stream of profits
was directed to the palace. As 1 mentioned above these
R J. van der Spelt, "Impetiulisne en binnerdandse machcs-
verhoudgen," ("imperialism and Internal Power KeIarioQs") in
P.W. de Neeve and H. A.M.. Sancni-Weerdenburg eds., Kalei_
doskoop van de Ondheid (Groningen. Wolters-Noordhof, 1989), pp.
117-IJO: 241-243.
434 Antioch and Altxandna are hard to Investigate due to the
modem cities Antakya and Alexandria, having been built upon their
ancient Foundations, but Perganum may seen as a minor specimen.
profits were considerable and were import an t for the
kings, considering their prominent role in the Royal
Annals. From these it appears that the kings especially
needed luxury goods, timber and metals, and people, es-
pecially soldiers an d craftsmen.
Certainly more people profited from the wars. The
king could not do without suppo rt of influential people
who profited by dona ti ons, land grants, tax exemptions
an d manpower This is expressly stated in a letter to the
gods' of Esarhaddon from Nineveh on the dist ri bution
of deportees: "The rest of them I distributed like sheep
and goats under my palaces, my high officials, the entou-
rage of my palace an d the inhabitants of Nineveh, Kala}j,
Kalzu an d Arbela."44 An Assyrian letter repo rts the dis-
tribution of tribute among the palace (=the king), the
queen, the crown-p ri nce, the grand-vizier the general,
the supreme judge, the second vizier, the head of the eu-
nuchs, the head of the palace, the head of the buildings,
the state-scribe the charioteer an d the third man of the
royal chariot 45 But we may conclude from the Assyrian
letters that the power of the influential people depended
largely on the favor of the king. If in some periods
governors of provinces started a conspicuous building
policy, it is to the detriment of the absolutism of the
reigning king, as was the case with Shamshi-ilu and Bel-
tJarran-bel-usur under Shamshi-Adad V and Shal-
maneser IV in the ninth and eighth centu ri es. Distribu-
tions among the common people are also attested.
Although we do not know much about the economic
situa ti on of the common Assyrian, we doubt that the
ri ches were intended mainly for hint While Athenian
citizens did not need to pay direct taxes, the Assyrians
had to, just like the inhabitants of the provinces. It is a
remarkable feature of Assyrian policy that cities with big
temples an d an impressive religious tradition, like Assur
an d Hann in Assyria, an d several cities in Babylonia, en-
joyed privilege such as freedom from taxa ti on, while the
royal capitals of Nineveh an d Kalatj lacked these royal
prerogatives. Is this caused by religious scruples or real
power of these temple-cities?
The situa ti on in Athens was in many respects quite
different. There were no palaces, there was no `benign'
king who distributed the prizes of war to his friends. The
temple was not a separate powerful organization Ac-
cording to Finley, it was indeed the demos, the Athenian
people with citizen rights, that profited most from the
empire. The money of the contribu ti ons of the Delian
League was intended and indeed used for the bu il ding of
warships. For the greater pa rt this was done in Athens
and provided much employment. It also provided an in-
come for poor citizens as rowers of the fleet, so that
many thousands had work (and influence: an oligarchic
coup in 411 B.C.
failed because the rowers of the fleet did
44. isorger, Io6 tit 21-22.
45 ABL 568
Assyriology and History
not accept the new government). Poor citizens profited
from land assignments on the territory of rebellious
members of the League. On the other h an d, according
to Finley the rich people in Athens did not profit as
much from the empire. They were not exempted from
taxa ti on; on the contrary they were the main taxpayers.
In Athens rich people were expected to fulfill a certain
state duty (a 'liturgy' i.e. a service to the people), such as
the maintenance of a warship or the organization of a
perform an ce in the theater. Poor people even received a
fee for attendance in the theater! For the rich there were
no comparable advantages. Few of them acquired illegal-
ly lan d in the subdued states, and there is no reason to
suppose that the high functionaries used their posi ti on to
46
enrich themselves, this in sharp contrast with Rome.
Contrary to this assumption the Marxist historian
G E M de Ste. Croix assumes that Athenian democracy
was remarkably indulgent to the ri ch. He maintains that
the contemporaneous historiographer Thucydides
(8.48.6) indicates that the leading Athenians profited
most from the empire and he men ti ons a few exam-
ples.47 Be that as it may, according to ancient standards
a broad stratum of the citizenry enjoyed profits and the
rich often expressed their resentment. Since poor as well
as rich people profited (a point conceded by De Ste
Croix, who explains that consequently "political class
struggle at Athens was on the whole very muted" in this
d that fact was an
period), 48 the entire demos prospered an
importan t foundation of the democracy.
Like Athens, republican Rome had neither kings nor
royal palaces, but the common people did not enjoy the
profits of empire in the same degree as their Athenian
counterparts. It is widely accepted that booty and the ex-
tortion of the provinces was mainly to the advantage of
the ruling oligarchy It is also remarkable that the empire
brought the downfall of the oligarchic republic. In the
first century B C the income of the empire was used to
a great extent by the leading politicians in the civil wars,
who tried to strengthen their posi ti on with military
means and pursued absolute power. This resulted in the
victory of one of them, Octavian (Augustus), who in fact
established a monarchy.
Consequences of Imperialism for the Imperial State
People might ask whether the profits of war were re-
ally as great as expected. After all wars cost money; sol-
diers must be fed an d clothed. Soldiers produce nothing;
they only destroy. Did not the endless wars of the Dia-
dock exhaust the economy of the Hellenistic states?
Austin49 pointed out that this was not the case. The in-
46. M I Finley, "Empire in the Greco-Roman World,
and Rome 25 ( 1 97 8 ) pp. 1-15, tip pp. 7-8.
e Class Struggle in the Ancient
47. G.E.M. de Ste. C ro ix Th
Grrek World (London. Duckworth, 1981), pp. 289-291 and n. 27.
48 ibid. p. 290.
49 Austin, "Hellenistic Kings," pp. 459E
269
come from booty an d tribute was enormous an d indis-
pensable for the central government and for the main-
tenance of the power structure within these kingdoms. I
think that this might be extrapolated to other ancient
empires as well The wealthiest nations in antiquity were
those which had an empire. The Ng cities with their
huge palaces and temples could not have been built
without the spoliation of the subdued territories. It is not
a coincidence that cities such as Nineveh, Babylon, Ath-
ens, Rome, Antioch and Alexandria belonged to the
most impressive an d most populous cities of the ancient
world Archaeology shows us the remnants
If imperialism is successful, the state cannot do with-
out it anymore. It becomes used to it. It is necessary to
continue a certain way of life. The upkeep of palaces,
temples, a sumptuous way of life, the armies, the civ il
se rvan ts, etc., is very expensive an d needs a growing in-
come. Furthermore, kings an d nobles will always have
the d ri ve to outperform their predecessors and thus the
imperialism of a state becomes endemic. But also the en-
d economy of the
ti re organization, social stratification an
empire will ch an ge. In the end, imperialism may cause
internal upheavals which were unforeseen at the begin-
ning.
This is especially true in the Roman empire. As inch-
cated already, it brought the end of the republic. This
was the end of a process of accumula ti on of wealth in
fewer and fewer hands and a proletarianization of large
numbers of peasants. Colonization of Roman citizens in
Er away regions an d an influx of foreigners, often ex-
slaves, or impoverished peasants to Rome brought about
an enormous internal upheaval. Fundamental changes
also occurred in the armies. Though the military obliga-
tion of citizens was not abolished, the Rom an army after
Mari us (ca. ioo B.C.) consisted mainly of proletarians
who were in effect professional soldiers. The number of
non-Romans in the army increased, partly in auxiliary
forces, partly by the extension of citizenship. In Greece
the pa rt played by mercenary soldiers increased steadily
in the fourth century and the armies of the Hellenistic
kings were unimaginable without them.
In Assyria comparable developments took place. As-
syria was thinly populated, thus much colonization of
Assyrians did not take place, though it is attested. But an
influx of foreigners was abundant, due to the deportation
policy of the Assyrian kings. The capitals of the Assyrian
empire were populated with so many peoples from dif-
ferent regions that in the end the Assyrian people and
language disappeared. The Assyrian armies changed in
character too As in Greece and Rome, these consisted
originally of conscripted citizens, but probably already
under Tiglath-Pileser III, an d certainly under Sargon II,
a professional standing army made its entry. It was the
policy of the Assyrian kings to strengthen these armies
with military units taken from conquered states.5o
270 R. J. VAN DER SPEK

Another parallel with the Roman empire comes to
mind. The Romans did not immediately annex territo-
ries which were subdued or brought under their influ-
ence. Only after many political troubles an d conflicts
territories were organized as provinces. The Assyrians
acted in a comparable way. They left subdued kings on
their thrones as client kings, an d these were replaced by
Assyrian governors after repeated rebellions. Only then
the vassal states were turned into Assyrian p ro vinces.
Impeialism Explained as a Result of Internal Policy
We have discussed so far the motives and conse-
quences of war an d empire. Profits of war appeared to be
an import an t impetus for war an d imperialism. Successes
in war bring immediate material advantage. But there is
also an immaterial advantage for the rulers: success in
war legitimates their position. For modern history this
point is worked out by H.U. Wehler, 5 ' who presented
the theory of the so-called "social imperialism." The
core of the theory is that the origin of imperial policy
must be sought in the internal political situation of the
expanding state. Wehler assumes that a state resorts to
war when the ruling elite feels its power within the state
being threatened. That was for Stance the case with the
Getman gent ry in the nineteenth century, which saw its
position endangered by the growing industrialization
an d the simultaneously emerging middle class. Imperial-
ism is regarded as a solution to the problems. Welder dis-
tinguishes two kinds of imperialism in this respect naive
social imperialism and manipulative social imperialism.
In the first case the ruling elite decide to resort to war to
get di re ct material profit: the state will become wealthi-
er, the potentially rebellious people will be satisfied by
the Assyrians kings needed war to strengthen their posi-
don. In Rome it was not so much fear of the nobility as
a group of another emerging group, but the competition
between each other. In Assyria we are obliged to adapt
the theory and to reduce the `ruling elite' to one person:
the king. Despite the absolute character of kingship the
HAFTUNG MIT PRIVATVERMÖGEN BEI NICHT-
position of the king was always in d anger. Tiglath- ERFÜLLUNG VON DIENSTVERPFLICHTUNGEN
Pileser III and Sargon II came to power after a coup d'etat,
Sennacherib could for some reason not use his descen-
Hartmut Waetzoldt und Marcel Sigrist
dence from his father Saigon as legitimation for his suc-
cession: he never mentions his genealogy in his in- Heidelberg und Jerusalem
scriptions, though it is certain that he was Sargon's son;s 2
Esarhaddon ascended the throne after hard fighting with
Bei dem hier vorgelegten Text aus dem B ritish Mu- 22. Ur-dBa-bao dumu Ur-ia«-ga
competing brothers and Assurbanipal had to cope with
his brother Shamash-shuma-ukin. Their policy can be seum s han delt es sich um einen normalen Verwaltungs-
characterized by naive and manipulative social imperial- text, und doch gibt er Einblick in verschiedene Fragen 3.) i 23. 49; 3.3.7 sila gur
24. sà-bi-ta
ism as well. These kings brought in wealth which they der Famili e, der Haftung und der Wohn- und Besitzver-
hältnisse staatlicher Funküonâre aus der Mittelschicht. 25. [ ... ] sar
magnanimously distributed among high functionaries;
they could point to fear of dangerous enemies (Aramae- Aufbau und Inhalt des Textes bieten keine besonderen 5 8i1/4[u-za]
Schwierigkeiten, trotzdem lassen sich einige wichtige 2. 2 Onâ
ans, Urartu, Egypt); successes in war legitimized their
position. Thus the motive of fear (defensive imperial- Fragen noch nicht mit Sicherheit beantworten. Wir 3- 3 %bans"ur
2 na4bar-iu-S6-ga
ism), the economic mo ti ve and the mo tive of strength- freuen uns, diesen Beitrag W W Ha llo widmen zu kön- 4.
nen, der so viel fur die Erforschung der numerischen 5• I dam -ni
ening the internal position in fact belong together and
corroborate each other. 53 Wirtschafts-, Kultur- und Geistesgeschichte geleistet 6. t ldkum
hat. Vielleicht kann er bei der Lösung der Probleme, die 7• A-mu
Conclusion uns dieser Text aufgibt, weiterhelfen.
8. 92; 2.0.6 :5 sila gur
This article has plotted some cou rs es for historical re- BM 19972 (95.10.17,12)
9. s'à-bi-ta
search in the phenomenon of war and empire in the an-
[ ... k gur] to. 41/2. sar é-dù-a
cient Near East. I hope to have demonstrated how an- 2. 14-bi-ta] II. 2 géme
dent Near Eastern history may benefit from the study of
3. [ .. sar I2. I ir11
history in general. It is to be expected that certain fea- 4. [ .. na4bar-iu-sè]-ges
13. 4 na4bar-su-sè -ges
tures of Assyrian imperialism are similar to characteristics Io-l3 -I gdgu-za-bi-a
5.

14.

of imperialism elsewhere, which does not rule out that 6. [ ..]gu -<za> -sing 4 gisbansur
material gain. In the second case the purpose of the war the Assyrian case was in some respects unique. But corn-
15.

is only to divert the a tt ention of the people from the in- 7. 7 gilgu-za-âsal 16. 4 gistli
parison helps us to ask the right questions, to consider B. I dam-ni 17. I 8gkun 5
ternal problems by pointing at a dangerous foreign ene- new solutions an d to p ro pose new hypotheses. It is im-
my, which will further national feeling an d which will 9. 3 Obansur 18. I kum-ésir
portant to justify the comparison an d the use of models
urge people to set aside internal discord If the war is suc- Io. I kum-ésir 19. 1 dam-ni
an d theories and to see whether these fit Assyrian histo-
cessful, the success will legitimize the regime. II. 1 VVkum 20. Ur-fOgi
ry, which may result in specific Assyrian va rian ts of the-
Though Welder thought his theory could only be ap- 12. Ur-dBa-bah dumu Ur-i. r-eden-na
ories put forward for similar phenomena in other times
plied to modem history, I think that it is also useful for ii 2I. 23; 2.4.0 gur
an d places. 5• )

ancient history The interesting point is that several mo- 2.) So; 3.2.o 112 sila gur
i 13. 5o; 22.
a-bi-ta
tives which are presented in this ar ti cle for imperial pol- 14. a-bi-ta 23.
5 sar é-dù-a
icy nicely fit this theory. The Roman nobles as well as 15. 3 sar é-dù-a 24- 7 gagu-z2
16. I u4j}ar-1u-Sè-ga 2 Vriâ
52. Cf. n. 3o
25.

53. More th6Dwtely, I dealt with the backgrounds and expla- 17. 2 8dnâ 26.
u-
Florence Malbunt-Labst L'A i
,
'

nations of Assynan imperialism presenting several theories such as 18. 4 -za 27. dam-ni
Astyrie (Pans, 1982)
51. H U. Wehler, Bir the motive of defensive imperialism, the economic motive and We- 19. 2 Pbaniur 28. I dumu -mi-ni
hkr's theory, in comparison with the Roman imperialism, in my
i 97 2); lams, Drs dertrdr Kaiseraids 1871.1 20. I dam-ni 29. I gdkum
,

rden , Der A ^^ des nirair'kansichn Fmperwbseau. Studien zur "Het Assynsche imperialisme: achtergronden en verkhnngen," Phoe.
hung des Imperium Ar erirmrum td 63-+9ao (Göttingen, nix. Bulletin uitgrgeven door het Vooraziatisds-Egyptisch Gersaotschap Ex 21. I FilkUM 30. Ur-gar ugula-kikken
i974), Oriente Lux 31 (1985), pp. 3-19.
i. Den Trustees of the British Museum danken wir henhch sils gui
Umschrift 6.) 31. 67; 0.3.1
für die Publikationserlaubnis von BM 19972• Kopie u
fertigte M Sigrist. - Die Umrechnung erfolgte aufBasis 1 s il s = ca. r
t Liter und r sac = ca . 36 m2

271
272 HARTMUT WAETZOLDT and MARCEL SIGRiST Haftung mit Privatvermögen bei Nicht-Wallung von Dienstverpflichtungen 273

2. —sar é-dù•[a] 18. [igi-n)e-ne-iè eger-ba net auch Bazi, der Sohn Urzu's (II 9', III 2o, Rs. I 15), BM 19972 gibt erschreckend deutlich Aufschluß über
3. 5 P1gu-za 19. [mu-lugal] bi-pà der in BM 19972 IV 16 unter den Funktionären zu fin- die soziale Stellung der weiblichen Familienmitglieder.
4. 2 Pin [i] den ist, vor denen der Eid abgelegt wird Wie die Belege Die Ehefrau und die Töchter werden unter den Mobi-
Zur Verdeutlichung des Textaufbaus und des Inhalts sei
5. I na 4 bar- iu-sè-[ga] hen verbucht; Hocker, Betten, Stößel und Getrei-
ein Abschnitt übersetzt; einen besseren Überblick bieten zeigen, werden diese Schreiber in Abrechnungen über
6. I kum-[ésir] Gerste und Mehl bzw. Brot erwähnt. Der zuletzt ge- demühlen, ja sogar das Kleinvieh (Abschnitt 9) erwähnt
allerdings die Tabellen 1 und 2.
7. I dam-[ni] nannte begegnet auch in Texten über Klein- und der Text noch vor den Frauen. Nur die Holzmörser
8. I dumu -mi•[m] Großvieh. Über Urdun, Sohn des UrSuen (7) und über werden nach ihnen aufgeführt.
Abschnitt 4:
9. Ur-dBa-ba 6 dumu [ ...-si)g 5? UrBaba, Sohn des [... s)ig? (6) konnten wir nichts fin- Die Erwähnung der weib li chen Familienmitglieder
"92 Kor 126% Liter (= 27.726 % Liter Gerste), davon:
den Die einzigen Personen ohne Beruf und Patronym unter Mobilien kann m. E. nur bedeuten, daß schuld-
in 1 o. 6z; 2.2.5 sila gur 4,5 sar (= 162 m2) bebautes Haus(grundstück),
sind Amu (3) und Urgigir (4). Ersterer trägt einen rechtliche Fragen hinter diesem Text stehen Dies er-
2 Sklavinnen,
II. sà-bi-ta seltenen Namen, einen Beruf können wir für ihn nicht gibt sich eindeutig aus zahlreichen Dokumenten, nach
12. 5 sar é-dù-a I Sklave,
nachweisen, doch liefert oder erhält/quittiert er häufiger denen Frauen und Töchter in Schuldhaft (z B zur Ar-
13. 2 günâ 4 Getreidemühlen mit Handstein,
für Gerste. 1° Obwohl Urgigir (4) einen häufigen Namen beit in der Weberei oder in der Mühle) 1Z genommen
14. 3 e"gu-za 9 verschiedene Stühle/Hocker,
trägt, wird er ohne Beruf erwähnt. Daher muß es sich wurden oder im schlimmsten Fa ll als Sklavinnen ver-
15. I in4bar-su-sè-ga 4 Tische,
bei ihm um eine bekannte Persönlichkeit h an deln. kauft werden mußten.' 3
16. I dam-ni 4 Betten,
Dafür spricht auch, daß bei ihm die höchste Gersten- Auch die in Abschnitt II erwähnte Eidleistung
17. 1 dumu -mi-<ni> I Leiter,
menge und die meisten Besitztümer gebucht werden. In spricht für das Vorliegen eines schuldrechtlichen Tatbe-
18. Ur-dun dumu Ur-dSuen 1 Stößel (zum Zerkleinern) von Bitumen, 3
Frage kommt daher vor allen anderen der "Verwalter standes. Er dürfte folgendermaßen zu verstehen sein (IV
I seine Ehefrau;
der Getreidemagazine" (ka-gur 7) I dieses Namens, be- 15-19):
8.) iii 19. II; I.2.8 sila gur (Eigentum) Urgigir's."
sonders da er in HSS 4, 24 Rs. 6 zusammen mit Urgar, (Vor) Urdun, dem 'Ober-Schiffer',
20. s'à-bi-ta
'

Die zwei zentralen Fragen des Textes sind folgende: dem "Aufseher über die Müllerinnen," (ibid. Rs. 15) (vor) Bazi, dem Sohn Urzu's,
21. 3 sar é-dù•a und (vor) UrBaba, dem Schreiber des Magazins, dem Sohn
L In welchem Verhältnis steht die am Anfang eines je- vorkommt, der in unserem Text unmi tt elbar nach ihm
22. I gürià Meslamma's,
den Abschnittes genannte Gerstenmenge zu den (5) genannt wird.
23. 2 gü gu-za vor ihnen (= vor den gerade genannten Funktionären, die
anschließend aufgeführten Mobilien und Immo- Das Verbindende zwischen diesen zehn Männern
24. I na4bar-iu-sè-ga das Eigentum registrierten) haben sie (= die `Schuld-
bilien? dürfte nach den genannten Texten sein, daß Gerste bzw.
25. I dam-ni ner') nachher" (= nach Registrierung des Eigen-
2. Welche Bedeutung hat die Schlußpassage (r1), und Getreide in ihren Berufen eine herausragende Ro lle
26. Ur-dBa-ba 6 kuruida tums) den Eid geleistet.' 15
wie ist ihre Beziehung zu den Abschnitten 1-10? spielte.
Das Ende von BM 19972 ist nicht erhalten, weswe- Diesen Abschnitt i I interpretieren wir folgender-
iii 27. 35gur Bevor wir uns diesen Fragen zuwenden, bleibt erst
gen wir dessen Datierung nicht kennen. Nach den ge- maßen. Die in den Abschnitten ï bis w genannten Män-
28. sà-bi-ta noch zu klären, welchen Berufsgruppen die genannten
nannten Personen dürfte dieser Text etwa aus den Jahren ner mußten den Eid darauf leisten, daß sie ihre gesamten
29. 5 sar é-dù-a Männer angehören und was sie verbinden dürfte:
s 4o bis S 46 stammen. Mobilien und Immobilien die `pfandbar waren, an-
3o. 4 b a r-iu-sè-[ga) Nur bei drei Männern erwähnt der Text den Beruf:
Urgar4 und Lugalnizus sind "Aufseher über die Mülle- Wie die Tabe lle t zeigt, besaßen die Männer unter- gegeben und nichts verheimlicht hatten. Dies erscheint
31• 6 gi gu-[za]
schiedlich große Häuser von 108, 162 bzw. 18o m 2 . Da uns als die wahrscheinlichste Antwort auf die oben ge-
32 nnnen" (5,io) und ein UrBaba ist "Klemviehziuchter"
(8).6 Drei weitere kennen wir als Schreiber UrBaba, unter den acht erhaltenen Angaben dreimal 3 sar (= io8 stellte 2. Frage.
33 •
m2) und dreimal 5 sar (= I So m 2) große Hausgrund- Die I. Frage nach der Bedeutung der in den Ab-
iV 1. 5 udu 5 ùz Sohn Luiaga's (1o), 7 UrBaba, Sohn Un'edena's (1) 8 und
stücke erwähnt werden, scheinen die Häuser gewisser- schnitten 1 bis to genannten Gerstenbeträge und deren
I dam-ni UrBaba, Sohn Uriaga's (2). 9 Die beiden letzteren kom-
maßen genormt zu sein. Relation zu den danach erwähnten Hausgrundstticken,
I gttkum men auch in TU 130.6 + 14 und in MVN 6,292 14 =
Zur Minimalausstattung der Häuser gehörten wenig- Gegenständen, Frauen, Töchtern und Kleinvieh ist
Lugal -ni-zu ugula-kikken Rs. IV 6 + II 3 gemeinsam vor; in diesem Text begeg-
stens 1 Getreidemühle, I Bett und 2 Stühle/Hocker. In- schwieriger zu beantworten, da direkt vergleichbare
teressanterweise sind nur in 4 von 10 Häusern Tische Texte fehlen.
w.) iv 5• 4 8 : 4 1 5 sila gur
2. Die Kopie bietet das Zeichen UR, doch umschrieb M. S. -ma. und in 6 Holzmörser vorhanden. Einen Bitumen-Stößel Da die Formulierung der Eidleistung in Abschnitt i t
6. a-bi-ta
3. So nach M. van de Mieroop, BIN w S. 29 s. v. GAZ-ésir gab es nur in 3 Häusern und eine Holzleiter in I Haus auf einen schuldrechtlichen Sachverhalt schließen läßt,
7. 3 sar é-dû-a (Kopie jedoch wie in BM 1997z kum-estr). S noch van Lerberghe Da dieses Haus dem reichsten Mann (Urgigir) gehörte muß die jeweils zu Beginn der Abschnitte t bis io er-
8. 2 gP3nâ 1991, 74: 8i1 GAZ esir-(ad-da, KUM esir-bàd-du-a, entspncht akka-
dtsch esitium la kupri. kann man spekulieren, ob dieses Gebäude zum Teil wähnte Gerstenmenge die zu begleichende `Schuld'
9• 5 gu-za-
4 Auch HSS 4, 24 Rs. i 5; 108 Rs. 4 (rechnet üher Gerste zweistöckig war. Zumindest dürfte das Dach zur La-
10. 2 na 411ar-s'u-sè-ga
und Silber ab bzw. hefert Mehl; S 37-46). gerung von Dingen und im Sommer zum Schlafen be- 12. Dazu H. Wactzoldt, AoF 15. 1988. 381
IL 1 dam-ni 5. Ein Mann dieses Namens erhält Gerste und liefen Mehl 13. A. Falkenstein NG 1 851 (weitaus seltener als Töchter wer-
(MVN 7, 21 5, 306). nutzt worden sein. Zu diesem Haus gehörten auch ein
3 dumu -mi-ni den Söhne verkauft); P. Steinkeller FAOS 17 Ni. 13 (Rau und Toch-
6 MVN 7, 505 (Gente als Fu tt er für Schafe); MVN 6, 408:6 Sklave und zwei Sklavinnen. Kleinvieh besaß nur der ter), 42 (Mu tt er verkauft Tochter). 45 (zwei Brüder verkaufen
kum (Gerne auf sein Konto gesetzt). Aufseher über die Müllerinnen, Lugalnizu. Schwester), St und t t 5 (Vater verkauft Tochter), 127 (Selbstverkauf
14 Ur- dB a-ba6 du 7. ITT 5 pL V 10023 = RA 13, 18:r (AS 8), der Vater war einer Frau, s. auch NG 1 S. 84f. c). S noch H. Neumann, AoF 16.
danach Aufseher über die Getreidenugazine; ohne dub-sar z. B. TU 1989, 223 Mg Anm 20.
3 0 5:3' MVN 6, 287 17 (S 431 47) 14• S. dazu NG III S. tob s. v. eger Die ÜJbcne.tzungsmög-
v 15. Ur-dun m.2-14 5 -gal
B. Amherst 96, CTBM 114662; ohne dub-sar z. B. CT w, 15 Iichkeit von eger als "Nachlaß" rißt sich hier ausschließen, da die 10
16. Ba-zi dumu Ur-zu Vl 2f1; DAS 37o:61 STA 24 II 19, TU 116 0 3-13 (bezeugt S 39 - SS 4) 'o. MVN 6, 73, 21 7, 47 1 , MVN 7, 3 60 ; Sohn des Lugalhegal
Männer kaum gleichzeing gestorben sein konnten und da sie noch
17. ù Ur- dBa-ba 6 dub -sar /- e_kisi 9• CTBM I 15110, TCS 1, 218; ohne dub-sar z. B. UDT 7; und Bruder des Schreiben Lugalazida: MVN 6, 1 74. 47 6 , 482 Die
dumu
,

nach dem wahrscheinlichsten Abfassungszeitraum des vorliegenden

TV 97 III 8ff.; HLC 1,13096 1 3, 28, 248 HI 8; HSS 4. genannten Texte stammen alk aus dem 40. Jahr Sulgi's.
dMes-lam-ma? Z 1 39:3; CTBM
99, 15218 TLB 3, 38 II 31, V 91; SET 54:6; Amhe rs t 81 Iff. II. Weitere Belege: CT 7, 31, 1839 1 1 33, 18397 Rs I ; Cr
(bezeugt: S 42 - AS 6) 9. II 14; MVN 6, 527 Rs.7 MVN 7, 87 Rs. 4. 420:4; NG II 1843
(S 33 - 47)•
Textes (S 43) tm Ami warm.
15 Ergänzung und Übersetzung nach vergleichbaren Text-
stenen, s. NG III 121 S. v. igi und FAOS 17. S. 74.
 274 HARTMUT WAETZOLDT and MARCEL SIGRiST
sein. Es handelt sich dabei nicht um eine p ri vate Schuld,
sondern um einen Fehlbetrag oder Rückstand, der bei
Dienstgeschäften entstand. Die in den Abschnitten 1 bis
10 genannten Funktionäre hatten es nicht vermocht,
eine ausgeglichene Bilanz für ihren Geschäftsbereich
vorzulegen. Diese Deutung läßt sich durch eine Text-
gruppe stützen, auf die E. Sollberger (RA 44, 1950,
89f ' 6) erstmalig aufinerksam machte. In jedem der
Texte folgt auf eine Gerstenmenge (in MAH 16390:2
ausdrücklich als lâ-i "Fehlbetrag, Rückstand" bezeich-
net) wie in BM 19972 Li-bi-ta, wonach die Begleichung
dieses Fehlbetrages verbucht wird. Sollberger stieß sich
daran, daß die Texte die Begleichung des Rückstandes
alle in das 43. Jahr Sulgi's datieren, während am Ende des
Textes die Jahresnamen für S 37, S 38 und 542 stehen.
Wie CT 9, 48, 21146:31, 20 eindeutig zeigt, entstand der
Fehlbetrag in dem Jahr, das am Textende verzeichnet ist.
Da der Fehlbetrag jedoch erst im Jahr S 43 beglichen
wurde, geschah die Rückdatierung des Textes aus rein
buchungstechnischen Gründen: Damit die jewei li ge
Gesamtabrechnung eines Jahres stimmte, mußte die
Rückzahlung von Außenständen dem beteffenden Jahr
zugeordnet werden.
Die gerade diskutierte Textgruppe zeigt unseres Er-
achtens, daß im Jahre S 43 die staatliche Verwaltung die
einzelnen Funktionäre dazu verpflichtete, ihre zum Teil
5 Jahre alten 'Schulden' zu tilgen. Eine weitere Stun-
dung scheint nur in Ausnahmefällen möglich gewesen
zu sein.
Zwischen BM 19972 und dieser Textgruppe'? gibt es
einige Übereinstimmungen, aber auch einen gravieren-
den Unterschied. Die Übereinstimmungen sind: Am
Anfang in Gerste berechneter Fehlbetrag, danach
ta und die Datierung um das Jahr S 43 (BM 19972 wie
o be n gezeigt ca. S 4o bis S 46). Der gravierende Unter-
schied besteht darin, daß in der Textgruppe die Tilgung
der Rückstände (CT 9, 48, 21146, HSS 4, 19 und 24 te il -
weise Tilgung) gebucht wird, während in BM 19972 die
Tilgung noch be vo rs tand und ganz offensichtlich durch
Rückgriff auf das Eigentum der 'Schuldner erfolgen
sollte.
Um die Höhe der 'Schuld' mit dem Wert des Eigen-
turns in Relation setzen zu können, ist es nötig, a ll es in
Silber umzurechnen (s. Tabelle 2). Diese Umrechnung
ist allerdings mit ziemlichen Unsicherheiten behaftet, da
wir nur fur Ge rs te, re Häuser,' 9 Sklaven ?° und Klein-
h waren (s. LaP S. 169ff; Tür z. B. 354 Sekel Silber YOS 4, 277:4E),
21-26, 1 8957, CT 9, 48, 21146,
, 1 4594 und HSS 4. n4 (Fehl-
herweise ist auch Orient 16
17. Eire Peruset,
Uriaga, kommt sowohl in
BM 1997.2 1 .22 (ah 'Schuldner') ah
in der Textgruppe (CT 9,
4i• 2 . 1146:7 ah Funktionär, der R d
net 'Schuld' in Em-
prang nimmt) vor. Der "Aufseher uber
nnen" Urgar (BM
9472 II 3) begegnet auch in HSS 4, 24 6
29,
Zu den Gentenprenen s. LaP S. 1
gerechnet wurde
Gerät* 1 Sekel Silber.
vieh21 Preisangaben besitzen, nicht aber für die genann-
ten Möbelstücke und Mörser. Diese müssen daher auf-
grund des Werts der verwendeten Mate ri ali en und son-
stiger Anhaltspunkte geschätzt werden. 22 Für Getreide-
mühlen gibt es unseres Wissens keine eindeutigen Preis-
angaben allein HLC 3, 152, 398 III 6f. (2 na 4 -su-sè-ga
kù-bi i gin) könnte sich auf eine beziehen. Danach setz-
ten wir für eine Handmühle als Wert 'A Sekel Silber ein.
Unklar bleibt besonders wie die Arbeitsleistung der
Ehefrau und der Tochter/Töchter (bei Annahme von
Schuldhaft) in S ilber ausgedrückt werden kann. In der
Tabell e 2 sind wir von dem schlimmsten Fall ausgegan-
gen, nämlich daß diese als Sklavinnen verkauft werden
mußten. 23
Die Angaben in der Tabe ll e 2 beruhen auf Durch-
schnittspreisen und Schätzungen. Stärkere Schwankun-
gen nach unten und oben sind daher möglich, we il wir
den baulichen Zustand der Häuser ebensowenig kennen
wie den Zeitwert der Möbelstücke.
Vergleicht m an in der Tabelle 2 die `Schuld' mit dem
Wert des Hausgrundstücks, so zeigt sich bei 3 Männern,
daß sie schon durch Verkauf ihres Hauses schuldenfrei
wären (Urgar und Lugalnizu, beide "Aufseher über die
Müllermnen," und der Viehzüchter UrBaba). Alle an-
deren hätten ernste Schwierigkeiten, selbst wenn sie ihre
Ehefrau und Tochter/Töchter in die Sklaverei verkauf-
ten. Auch bei Ansatz eines um to Sekel höheren Werts
ihres Eigentums könnten die meisten ihre `Schulden'
noch nicht begleichen.^ 4
Dem staatlichen Verwaltungsorgan, zu dessen Auf-
gaben das `Eintreiben' der `Schulden' gehörte, standen
mehrere Möglichkeiten offen, wie es reagieren konnte,
falls ein `Schuldner' nicht zur Begleichung in der Lage
war: 1. Erlaß der Restschuld (wohl nur aufgrund
19. P. Steinkeller, FAOS 17, S. 134; Preise aus der Regie-
rungszeit von Sulgi und Amarsuen. Gerechnet mit 7 Sekel Silber je
sal Hausgrundstück.
20. FAOS 17, S. 135f.; Preise aus der Regierungszeit von Sulgi
und Amarsuen. Die Preise liegen zwischen 3 und 11 Sekeln je Sklave
da die Preise von 3 und 3% Sekeln sich wohl auf Kinder beziehen
wurden diese nicht eingerechnet. Zugrunde gelegt wurde ein P reis
von 8 Sekeln Silber je Sklave.
Die Preise von Sklavinnen und Mädchen betragen zwischen o,5
und 8 Sekeln (FAOS 17, S. 136E). Ohne die Kinderpreise (bis 3
Sekel) gerechnet ergibt sch aufgerundet ein Durchschnittspreis ,le
Sklavin von 6 Sekeln; für Töchter semen wu 2 Sekel an.
21. Schafe kosten meist o,5 Sekel Silber, und Ziegen dürften
ähnlich teuer gewesen sein, s. LaP S. 145E
22. Da Holz und Gegenstände aus Holz vergleichsweise teuer
wurde mit folgenden Werten gerechnet: Bett t Sekel; Stuhl/Hocker
V4 Sekel und Tnch 54 Sekel. Fur die Leiter, kam-ésir und Okum wur-
den je 54 Sekel Silber angesetzt.
23. Siehe Anm. 20.
2.4. Nur UrBaba, Sohn Lus'aga's, wäre seine gesamten Schul-
'
den' los, allerdings nur unter der Voraussetzung, daß er seine Ehefrau
und die 3 Töchter in die Sklaverei verkaufte. Bei UrBaba, Sohn
Urredena's, Amu und UrBaba, Sohn [ si]g's, können wir das Ver-
rnög t nicht abschätzen, da einige Angaben auf BM 19972 (be-
.,
sanders Fehibetrag und Größe des HaV:ßrurxb cks) abgebrochen
sind oder felilesi
Haftung mit Privatvermögen bei Nicht-Erfüllung von Dienstverpflichtungen
königlicher Verfügung),^ 5 2. Zahlungsaufschub um meh-
26
rere Monate oder sogar Jahre und 3. Schuldhaft von
Familienmitgliedern oder sogar Verkauf in die Skla-
verei ^7 Von welcher dieser Möglichkeiten die staatliche
Verwaltung bei den Schuldnern' in BM 19972 Ge-
brauch machte, erfahren wir nicht. Es wird nur soviel
deuthch, daß die Männer ganz offensichtlich nicht in
Schuldhaft genommen wurden, da sie noch in den fol-
28
genden Jahren im Amt sind.
Von einem der in BM 19972 genannten Männer be-
sitzen wir eine Aufzeichnung darüber, welche Fehl-
beträge sich bei ihm angesammelt hatten, und wie er
diese `Schulden' zum größten Teil wieder loswurde Es
handelt sich um den 'Kontoauszug' Urgar's des "Aufse-
hers über die Müllerinnen" (HSS 4 24 vgl. BM 19972
Abschnitt 5):
In den Jahren S 37 und 39 waren insgesamt Fehl-
beträge in Höhe von 62 Kor 216 5/6 'Liter' Gerste
zusammengekommen (HSS 4, 24: 1-7), und Urgar hatte
zurückbezahlt bis:
S 41 18 Kor 255 `Liter Gerste (Z. 19-24)
S 42 10 Kor (Z. 15-18)
28 Kor 255 'Liter' Gerste = 46% der 'Schulden'
g 43 22 Kor 266 3 4 `Liter' Gerste = 36,48% der
`Schulden' (Z.9-13)
verbleibender Fehlbetrag. to Kor 295 1/6 `Liter' Gerste
= 17,52 % (Z. 28).
Nach diesem Text war es Urgar in 5 Jahren gelungen,
nur 46% des Fehlbetrages auszugleichen Im Jahr S 43
zwang ihn die staatliche Verwaltung zu ganz besonderen
Anstrengungen, und er konnte weitere 36,5% abtragen.
Legt man die im Jahre S 42 noch vorhandene Schuld'
zugrunde (= 54% des ursprünglichen Fehlbetrages), so
war es Urgar im Jahr S 43 möglich, 67,57% oder ü ber 34
davon zu tilgen.
In BM 19972 II 21 wird ein geringfügig höherer Be-
trag als Rückstand Urgar's genannt: 23 Kur 160 'Liter,'
ah er nach HSS 4, 24 im Jahre S 43 zurückzahlte Es
könnte sein, daß die staatliche Verwaltung als Rückzah-
lungsquote Urgar s e be n den in BM 19972 (Abschnitt 5)
genannten Betrag festgelegt ha tte. Obwohl er nur 22
Kor 266 34 `Liter' zusammenbrachte, bestand man
möglicherweise nicht aufder vollständigen Erfüllung der
eigenen Vorgabe, sondern addierte das Fehlende zu dem
verbleibenden Fehlbetrag.
Vgl. für die altbabylonische Zeit CAD A/2 15ff. andwnis-
25.
nt; Stol 1983
26. S. ohen mit Anm. 16.
27. Stol 1983, 13ff. und die dort ziti erte Literatur
Voraussetzung für diese Annahme ist, daß BM 19972 ri ch-
28.
tig auf die Zen UM das Jahr S 43 datiert wurde (s. oben mit Anm 16).
Zur Amtsausübung der verschiedenen Fsraki1oraâno vgl oben mit
Anm. 4 his 10.
275
Der hier vorgelegte Text BM 19972 macht zweierlei
deutlich: Erstens lassen sich die Wohnverhältnisse von
Schreibern, Aufsehern und sonstigen Funktionären gut
rekonstruieren: Die Häuser waren zwischen 1o8 und
18o m2 groß. Darin wohnten wenigstens 2 bis 5 Perso-
nen eventuell vorhandene Söhne kommen noch hinzu.
An Möbelstücken st and jeder Person wenigstens t Stuhl
zu; Tische gab es nur in einem Teil der Häuser. Im Haus
Urgigir's standen 4 Tische für wenigstens 5 Personen zur
Verfiigung, doch konnte nicht jede in einem eigenen
Bett schlafen (entweder waren Doppelbetten darunter
oder jemand mußte auf dem Boden schlafen). Dies gilt
auch fir das Haus UrBaba's, des Sohns Lusaga's. Der
"Aufseher über die Müllerinnen" Lugalnizu verfügte an-
dererseits ü be r 3 Betten, obwohl der Text nur 2 Perso-
nen erwähnt. Ebensowenig wird deutlich, ob die 10
Schafe und Ziegen in seinem Haus oder in einem ei-
genen Stall untergebracht waren
Ein sehr ähnlich zusammengesetztes Hausinventar
finden wir auch in Isin (BIN to, 187): "2 Betten, 2 Ti-
sche, 6 Stühle/Hocker, 2 Getreidemühlen mit Hand-
stein, 3 Brotkörbe, t Fußschemel, 1 x, t Stößel (zum
Zerkleinern) von Bitumen und 4? Liegen? 29 ." In diesem
Text fehlen allerdings Hinweise auf die Zahl der Men-
schen, die diese Möbelstücke und Gegenstände benutz-
ten.
Die bei Ausgrabungen freigelegten Wohnhäuser
haben besonders häufig eine Größe zwischen too und
t 8o m2 , wie nach dem hier vorgelegten Text; selbstver-
stindlich gab es auch größere und kleinere Häuser. 3°
D ank BM 19972 kann nun sich erstmals ein genaueres
Bild davon machen, wie solche Häuser möbliert waren,
wie viele Menschen dann wohnten und welchen
Berufen die Hausherren nachgingen.
Das zweite, unseres Erachtens wichtigste Ergebnis der
Untersuchung von BM 19972 ist folgendes: Der Text
zeigt, daß Amtspersonen mit ihrem Pnvatvermögen
hafteten, wenn sie keine ausgeglichene Bilanz für ihren
Dienstbereich vorlegen konnten, d. h. wenn sich Fehl-
beträge, die sie zu verantworten hatten, ergaben. Somit
waren sie ihren Dienstverpflichtungen nicht voll
nachgekommen und hafteten für die entstandenen
`Schäden.'
Ein dera rt weitgehendes Haftungsrecht kann, wenn
es streng gehandhabt wird, rasch zur Überschuldung
muß ein zie-
29. Zwischen ref (Z 1) und g a m- -turn(Z,9)
mlicher Bedeutungsunte rschied bestehen; dies ergibt sich schon aus
der Einordnung in BIN to, 15o•5 + 7 und 187:1 + 9 (nnajalnan jeweils
am Ende der Möbellsste).
30. Debugs e. a. 1967, 38 (Khafajah), 143 ff (Tell Anna),
McCown Er Haines 1967, 34 8 , pl. 55 C D; Woolley
pl. 11, 24-29•
& Mailowan i976, 238, 95ff, pL 123 - t2.4; McG. Gibson e. a. 1978,
verzeichnet sehr viel grössere
541E Fi& 39. Der Text MVN 15, 215
Hamgmndsticke nut einer Flache zwischen 9 und w % sar 5 gin (ca.
"Haus LuSan's" wird aufgeteilt m i6 sae (ca.
3 2 4 bis 735 m a) Das
(é-sun) und 1 K sae (ca. S4 m2 "unbebaute
576 ml "altes Haus"
Macke" (kislab)
276 HARTMUT WAETZOLDT an d MARCEL SIGRIST

führen Dies kann nicht Ziel eines solchen Rechts sein, literatur
was auch dadurch deutlich wird, daß fair diese Fehl- Delougaz, P., et. al.
beträge, obwohl häufig vier oder fünf Jahre gestundet, 1967 Private Houses and Graves in the Diyala Region
nicht noch zusätzlich Zinsen verlangt wurden. Hinter (O ri ental Institute Publications, Vol. 88) Chi-
diesem Haftungsrecht steht wohl eher die Absicht des cago.
Gesetzgebers, die Funktionäre in den verschiedenen
Gibson, McG. et. al.
Rangstufen zu zwingen, äußerst gewissenhaft mit den
1978 Excavations at Nippur. Twelfth Season (O ri ental
ihnen anvertrauten Ressourcen umzugehen Dieser
Institute Communications No. 23) Chicago.
starke Druck von oben dürfte dann allerdings zum Teil
dazu geführt haben, daß Funktionäre versuchten, ihre McCown, D.E. & Haines R.C.
Untergebenen zu übervorteilen. Zahlreiche Gerichts- 1967 Nippur L Temple of Enlil, Scribal Quarter and
urkunden geben beredtes Zeugnis von solchen Über- Soundings (O riental Institute Publica ti ons,
griffen seitens der Vorgesetzten, von Unterschlagung Vol. 78) Chicago.
und Amtsmißbrauch. 31 Stol M.
1983 Een Babylonier maakt schulden (Rede uitgesproken
bij de aanvaardtng van het ambt van gewoon hoog-
leraar in ha Akkadisch... Vrije Universitett te Am-
sterdam op 3o sept. 1983) VU Boeldiandel/Uit-
geverij, Amsterdam.
van Lerberghe, K.
1991 Les découve rt es épigraphiques du Chantier E
3. In Northern Akkad Projekt Reports, Vol.
6, Ghent 73-74.
Woolley, L. & Mallowan, M.
31 A. Falkenstein, NG 11 213, 214, 215, abers. auch 189, 190, 1976 The Old Babylonian Period (Ur Excavations, Vol.
201 und 209. VII) London.
 TABELLE I: Übersicht über BM 19972

Abschnitt I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

`Schuldner' UrBaba UrBaba Amu Urgigir Urgar UrBaba Urdun UrBaba Lugalnizu UrBaba
S. Uri edena S. UrHaga Aufseher S. 1 sib; S. Ur-Suen Viehzüchter Aufseher S. Lu"saga
Fehlbetrag 1 I so; Z00% 49; 217 92; tat% 23; 160 67; 31 62; 145 II; 88 35; 00 48 : 2 55
an Gerste

Hausgrundstück I1 3 sar I I 4% sat 5 sar — 5 sar 3 sar 5 sar 3 sar

Geaeidemtible ( 1 1 2 4 I I I I 1 2
Bett 11 2 2 4 2 2 2 I 3 2
Stühle/Hocker 7 +I I 4 5 9 7 5 3 2 6 5
Tische 3 2 3 4 ? (i Tier?)
Ehefrau I I I I I I I I 1 I
Tochter I I I - - 3
Sklave AMMO
I
Sklavin OINNE 1~0
2
Lena 1
Stöfiel für I 1 I - -
-

Bitumcn(zer-
kieinerung)
Mörser I I
Schafe
Ziegen 5

Erläuterungen: Fehlbetrag 5o; z00% bedeutet So Kor und 2oo 14 'Liter' Gerste; I Kor (gur) zu 3oo 'Litern' (sils)
sar = Flächenmaß (ca. 36 m 2)
S. = Sohn des PN
 TABELLE 2: 'Schuld' und Eigentum in Silber umgerechnet

Abschnitt 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

'Schuldner' UrBaba UrBaba Amu Urgigir Urgar UrBaba Urdun UrBaba Lugalnizu UrBaba
S. Uri edema S. Uriaga Aufseher S. i sile S. Ur-Suen Viehzüchter Aufseher S. Lutaga

Fehlbetrag I
[II 50; 120, 3 49; 130. 2 92: 75. 8 23;96 67: 18,6 62; 87 1t; 52, 8 35; 00 48 : 153

Hausgrundstilck II 21 gin 1 1 3 1 .5 gin 31 gin 35 gin 21 gin 35 00 21 gin

Getreidcmühle I 1 {S g.) (1 g.) (2 g.) ( 14 g.) 044 g.) (14 &) (54 g.) (1a 8.) (1 g.)
Bett I 1 (a B.) (a B.) (4 g.) (2 g.) (2 8.) (2 g.) {1 g.) (3 8.) (a 8.)
Stühle/Hocker 1 g.) (1 g.) (1y. g .) (21. g.) (1i5 g.) (114 g.) (36 g.) C4 g.) (i'4 g.) (1/. g.)
Tische (i 34 8) b g.) (iS4 8.) (2 g.)
Ehefrau 6 g. 6 g. 6g. 6g. 6 g. 6 g. 6 g. 6 g. 6 g. 6 g.
Tochter s g. 2 g. 2 g. b g.
Sklave AMMO
8 g.
Sklavin rag.
L ei t er UMW
(1+ g.)
Stoßcl für (4 g.) mobs
(36 g.) (^+ g.)
Bitumen (zer-
kk erung
Mörser (16 B.) t54 g.) (^
8.) MIS (4 g ,) CA 8.) (%4 g.)
Schafe WOW
2%g.
Ziegrn MOW
24g.

We rt des Eigentums:

lmmobilien I 1 21, 00 I I 31, 50 35.00 35.00 21 00 ,

35. 00 21.00
Mobïlie
Mobïtien 1o. 25+1 1 11, 00 2. 25 37. 25 12, 75 1t,75 11. 2 $ 8, oo 16. so t6, 75

Geamtwert 10, 25 +1 1 32 , 00 12, 25 +I I 68 . 75 47• 75 11,75 +? 46, 2 5 29, 0 0 51, 50 37. 75

Erläuter
nehlbetrag So, 120,3 bedeutet 50 Sekel und 12o.) Gran (1 Sekel = 18o Gnn), s. An m. 1
g. = gin = Sekel (1 Sekel = ca. 8416 Gramm)
( ) = Wert des jeweiligen Gegenstandes geschätzt, s. oben n u t Anm 22
S. = Sohn des PN.
Haftung mit Privatvermögen bei Nicht-Efullung von Dienstverpflichtungen 279

BM 1997 2 (95-10-17,12) — Vs.

280 HARTMUT WAETZOLDT and MARCEL SIGRIST
ZODIACAL SIGNS AMONG THE SEAL IMPRESSIONS
FROM HELLENISTIC URUK
LTAIti .
ed yzshra Ronald Wallenfels
AllIWa
l A Brooklyn, N. Y.
ra
I
Among the holdings of the Yale Babylonian Collec-
tion are one hundred fifty-six sealed tablets and unasso-
dated fragments from Hellenistic Uruk bearing cunei-
form archival texts dated between 304 and 132 B.C.E.'
This corpus represents more than one qua rt er of the
known total of sealed Hellenistic archival tablets scat-
tered throughout co ll ec ti ons in No rt h America, Europe,
and West Asia.' This essay is most appropriately dedicat-
ed to Wil liam Hallo as a small token of my gra ti tude for,
among much else, permitting me to study this material
and publish the seal impressions, including those herein
These texts record a limited variety of stereotyped
transac tions, predominantly sales and leases of urban real
estate and temple allotments (prebends), exchanges and
divisions of property, quitclaims, and sales and donations
of slaves. 3 Anayed on the edges of these tablets are the
impressions of "private" 4 metal and stone stamp seals. 5
Each impression is captioned in cuneiform with the per-
sonal name of the seal owner who is further identified by
his or her partonymic within the text itself The seals
An earlier version of this paper was read on 25 March 1990 at
the tooth mee ti ng of the Amencan O ri ental Society in Atlanta. All
figures accompanying this article are enlarged approximately 2.75
times life size.
I. BIN z 135-136; BRM 1 98; BRM z 1-50, 52-56; MLC
2158 (unpublished); YOS 20 1-34, 36-70, 72-89, 91-97, 101-103
(forthcoming).
2. See J. Oekner, Materialien zur babylonischen G es ellschaft und
Kultur in hellenistischer Zeit (Budapest, 1986), pp. 146-162. The collec-
tion of the O ri ental Institute, University of Chicago, has recently
been published in D.B. Weisberg, The Late Babylonian Texts of the
O ri en ta l Institute Collection, BiMes 24 (Malibu, 1991); see my "BiMes
BM 1 9972 (95-Io- 7 24 - Additional Duplicates and Joins NABU 1992/27, pp. 23-24.
'
The ten unpublished Harvard Semitic Museum tablets were made
available to me for study through the kindness of Professor Wi ll iam
L. Mo ra n.
3. Comprehensive studies of these documents include O.
Krückmann, Babylonische Rechts- und Venvaltungs- Urkunden aus der
Zeit Alexanders und der Diododren (Weimar, 1931); U. Lewenton,
Studien zur keilschrift li chen Rechtspraxis Babyloniens m hell enis-
tischer Zeit" (Diss. Mirnster, 1970)' L.T. Dory, "Cuneiform Archiv es
from Hellenistic Uruk' (Diss. Yale 1977); G J.P. McEwan, Priest and
Temp le In Hellenistic Babylonia, Freiburger altorientalische Studien 4
(Wiesbaden, 1981); and B. Rink, Unk zur Sekukidenzeit. Sdrnften zur
Geschichte und Kultur d es alten Orients 16 (Berlin, 1984).
were individually owned and used by those men an d
women, priests or laity, native Babylonians or Greek
colonists, who were ceding rights or properties, incur-
ri ng obligations or were witnesses. Similar types of seal
impressions are found on Hellenistic clay an d bitumen
"bullae," but without the identifying captions of the tab-
let impressions. 6
The first stamped Hellenistic archival tablets were dis-
covered by W.K. Loftus at Uruk in the mid-nineteenth
century. He observed that "in examining these [six] tab-
lets there is one point which cannot fail to be remarked
— the frequent repetition of the heavenly bodies an d
4. For the distinctions between "private" and "official" seals
in the Hellenistic period, see K.F. Johansen, "Tonbullen der Seleu-
kidenzeit aus Warka," Ac ta Archaeologua I ( 1 93 0). pp. 48-54, M. Ros-
tovtzeff "Seleucid Babylonu. Bullae and Seals of Clay with Greek
Inscriptions, ' Yak Classical Senes 3 (New Haven, 1932), pp, 19-2,5;
R.H. McDowell, Stamped and Inscribed Objects from Seleucia on the 71-
gris. University of Michigan Studies-Humanistic Series 36 (Ann Arbor,
1 935). pp. 36-126; F E Brown, Review of R.H. McDowell, Stamped
and Inscribed Objects from Seleucia on the Tgris, AJA 42 (1938) pp. 614-
616. For the sole occurrence of an official seal on a cuneiform tablet,
see L.T Doty, " An Official Seal of the Seleucid Period," JNES 38
( 1 979) pp. 1 95-1 97; G J P McEwan, 'An Official Seleucid Seal Re-
considered," JNES 41 (1982), pp. 5 1- 53.
5. One thousand seventy-nine different legible seal impres-
sions on Yale Babylonian Collection and Harvard Semitic Museum
tablets are treated in my "Sealed Cuneiform Tablets from Hellenistic
Uruk. an iconographic and prosopognphic analysis of the private
business documents" (piss. Columbia, 1990) [=STHU). A total of
two hundred six photographs, drawings and descnptions of Uruk
tablet impressions not duplicating Yale or Harvard examples are in-
cluded as supplemental entries; sec ibid., p. 1 t, n. 18; p. 17 n. 36; and
Pls. 83-99.
6. Examples from Uruk include L. Speleen, Catalogue da in-
taille, et imprintes orientales des Musk Royaux du Ctnquanrenai r (Brus-
sels, 1917), Nos. 204-2,09; A.T. Clay, Epics, Hymns, Omnu and Other
Texts, BRM 4 (New Haven, 1923), pl. Vi; L. Debporte, Catalogue
des cy lind re s orientaux, cachets et pierre gravie du Musk du Lawn! II.-Ar-
quisitions (Paris, 1923), ph. 122-123; J. Jordan, Uruk Warka mach den
Ausgrabungen dunth die deutsche Orient Gesellsdutt (Leipzig. 1928), ph.
86-89 K.F. Johansen, Acta Anrhaeologica I (1930), pp. 44-45. F181• 1-
17; M. Rog1ovcull Sekucid Babylonia, Pis. 1-1I; J. Renger, "Legal
Aspects of Sealing in Ancient Mesopotamia," Seals and Sealing! in the
Ancient Near East, McG. Gibson and R.D. Brggs, eds. BIMes 6 (Mal -
ibu, 1977), It Dub. For other Babylonian sites see notes to and n ,
below.
 282 Zodiacal Signs among the Seal Impressions from Hellenistic Uruk 283
RONALD WALLENFELS

zodiacal signs." 7 M. Rostovtzeff s and M. Rutten, 9
working independently in the 1930's with a much larger
corpus of Hellenistic tablets as well as bullae, the over-
whelming majority from Uruk, also remarked on the
large number of zodiacal and other astronomical motifs
present.
With the exception of Seleucia on the Tigris, little
can be said with regard to seal iconography at Hellenistic
Babylonian sites other than Uruk because of the scarcity
of published examples. 1O At Seleucia, in marked contrast
to Uruk, only a single bulla impression, perhaps de-
picting a crab, may have zodiacal connotations."
The zodiac is defined as an imaginary belt of the ce-
lestial sphere extending about eight or nine degrees on
either side of the ecliptic, the great circle which is the
apparent orbit of the sun; within the zodiacal belt occur
the app ar ent motions of the moon an d planets (J upiter,
Venus, Satu rn , Mercury an d Mars 1Z). The zodiac is di-
vided into twelve equal parts, or signs, each named for a
different constellation.' 3 The formal invention of the
zodiac occurred in Babylonia, perhaps as early as ca. soo
B.C.E.,' 4 although knowledge of the zodiacal belt an d its
7. W. K. Loftus, Travels and Researches in Otaldasa and Susiana
(New York, 1857). p. 2 32.
8. M. Rostovtzeff, Seleucid Babylonia, p. 21.
9. M. Rutten, Contorts de l'epoque Maui* conserves au Alice
du Iouvnr, Bab. t5 (Paris, 1 935), pp. 122-124.
to. Babylone E. Schmidt, "Die Griechen in Babylon und d as
Weiterlebcn ihrer Kultur," Archdologischcr Anzeiger 56 (1941), cols.
793-794. Pls. z-3 (seals and bulbe impressions). Kutha: A. T Clay,
Babylonian Busine ss Transactions of the First Millennium B.C.
BRM 1
(New York, 1912), pL II (tablet impressions). Lana: D. Artaud, "Les
textes de la dixième campagne de fouilles I Tel Sit1ka ra /Leiva
(Au-
tomne 1983) " Larsa (hoe campagne, 203) et 'Our&G (4e compagne
) 1983):
Rapport pnhliminairr, J -L. Huot, ed. Editions Recherche sur les Civilisa-
tions, "Mémoire" 00. 73 (Paris, 1 98
7) p. 222 (tablet impressions); O.
Lecomte, "Un p ro blème d'interprétation: l'E.BABBAR de Lana
aux
époques hellénistique et sékuco-parthe, approcha archéologique,
économique et cultuelle," Lana (toe campagne 1943), Pls. 48-
49 (bulb
impressions). Nippur L Legerin, The Culture of the Babylonians from
their Seals in the Collection of the Museu m, PBS 14 (Philadelphia,
Nos. 718a, 744a. 776a, 800a, tow -1022 (seals and bulbe impressions).
1 92 5),
McDowell, Marcia, p. 12.6 [3.b.(1)]. The numerous
bulbe excavated at Seleucia since 1967 remain largely unpublished:
see A. Invemizzi, "Bulse from Seleucia."
Mesopotamia 3/4 (19ß8-
t969), pp. 69-12.4; idem, "Bulles de Séleucie du Tigre," AAAS a1
(1971), pp. to5-to8; idem, "Ten Yean' Research in the al-Mada'in
Area. Seleucia and Ctesiphon," Sumer 32 (1976) pp. 16
7-179, idem,
'Note on the Art of Seleucid Mesopotamia," Arabie orienta4, Méso-
potamie et Lan méridional de l'Age du Fer au début de la pé ri
ode islamique.
Editions Recherche sur les Civilisation, "Mémoire"
no 37 (Paris. 1984).
pp. 27-31 .
associated constellations was already implicit in the
Babylonian astronomical series MUL.APIN of ca. 700
B.C.E 15
In the remainder of this essay, I shall first consider
each of the twelve signs of the Hellenistic Babylonian
zodiac in their traditional order an d suggest representa-
tions of each from among the contemporary Uruk tablet
seal impressions. Since there is no certainty that the seal
cutter was actually intending a given motif to represent
a zodiacal sign as such, rather than, for example, its
mythological archetype, I shall follow by offering evi-
dence to strengthen the identifications by considering
representations of what will be shown to be astrological-
ly significant combinations of two and three signs.
(i) Aries
(Figure 1)
The first sign of the zodiac, represented since Roman
times as a ram, was originally referred to by the Babylo-
nians as MUL.LIIIJUN.GÂ (Akk. mul.lûagni) "the hire-
ling." Two orthographic va ri ants encountered include
the transp ar ent abbreviations (MUL.)IJuN an d IJUN.GA.' 6
A third variant, (MUL.)LU, common to Seleucid astro-
nomical texts, is generally taken to be a homophonic
substitution for the otherwise unattested abbreviation
*L0.' 7 The LU-sign, however, may also be read UDU,
the usual Sumerogram for Akk. imment "a ram." Since
the IJUN an d LU signs a re paleographically quite similar
in the Late Babylonian ductus an d the celestial hireling
was equated with Dumuzi,' 8 the shepherd p ar excel-
lence of Sumerian literature, some form of punning may
have led to the metamorphosis of this sign from the hire-
ling to the ram in Hellenistic Babylonia rather than later
an d elsewhere.^ 9 Seals depicting rams en passant, with
heads forward or reversed, are known from throughout
2° The example seen in
the Hellenistic period at Uruk
Figure i (STHU no 923) was used in 155 B C.E. None
of the anthropomorphic figures among the tablet im-
pressions are immediately sugges tive of a "hireling."
(2) Taurus (Figure 3)
The Pleiades, represented on early first millennium
Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian seals as a tight cluster
of half a dozen or so drillings in a pattern much as on the
tablet drawing on VAT 785 are as yet unattested among
the Hellenistic Babylonian seal impressions.
(Figure 2)
(3) Gemini
The celestial bull was denoted by some orthographic
va ri ant of MUL GU 4 .AN.NA (Akt minis lé "the bull's
jaw," Hyades) 21 and/or MUL MUL (Akk. mulzappu "the
mane," Pleiades). 22 Incised drawings of Taurus are pre-
sewed on two different Late Babylonian tablets from
Uruk The first occurs on a copy of an older Nippur tab-
let bearing a theological text (O 175) and shows the cap-
tioned image of a recumbent humpbacked bull lying (Figure 4)
profile left on a base line^ 3 The second drawing occurs To the Greeks, the celestial twins were the Gemini,
on a Seleucid astronomical tablet (VAT 7851). The fu ll the twin gods par excellence, the dioscuri, the divine
scene shows the lunar disc between the seven stars of the
sons of Zeus, Castor an d Pollux, 26 to the Babylonians,
Pleiades at left an d the fore-quarters of a leaping hump- TAB BA GAL GAL
they were the Great Twins, MUL MAS
backed bull with reversed head at right. 24 (or MUL.MAS MAS; Akk. mulmpfu), the gods Meslamtaca
A humpbacked bull resting on a square-patterned d Lugalgirra or Nabis an d Nergal. 27 A Neo-Assyrian
an
b and, perhaps a stylized rendering of the typical Neo- uranographic text from Assur (VAT 9428) z8 describes
Babylonian altar with temple facade, is seen in an early the Great Twins as a pair of bearded effigies facing Tau-
Seleucid (296} B.C.E.) tablet impression in Figure 2
rus, the first holding in its right hand a bin.fu, perhaps a
(STHU no. 872). Leaping bulls with reversed heads, typ- d the second holding in its left hand
whip or goad, 29 an
ically pursued by goatfish, are seen on several seal im-
an uskii ni paru, literally "a sickle-ax."
pressions, e.g., Figure 3 (STHU no. 739): all date to the
reign of Antiochus III in the late third century, or later. 25
19. Cf. A. Ungnad, MO 14 (1941-1944). p. 256 , n 37, and
B.L. van der Waerden, MO 16 (1952-1953), p. 216.
20. See STHU Nos. 918-925.
21. P.F. Gössmann, Planetarium, no. 77; cf. MUL.AGA da-

"the crown of Anu" (ibid., no. 25).

12. On this traditional sequence of the planets, see F. 14. For a summary of the occurrences of zodiacal signs in fifth
Roch - 22. Ibid , no. 279.
berg-Hahon, "Benefit and Malefic Planets in Babylonian Astrolo- century astronomical texts see F. Rochberg-Hatton, "Babylonian DIS ICI d en-
Horoscopes and their Sou rc es," Or. 58 (1989), p 103, n. 6 and p. 23. TCL 6 47 rev. MULGO.AN.NA 14 GU 4 IGI-1ti
gy." A Sdenthhe Humanist, Studies in Memory of Abraham Sales,
E. rot, n. 34. UI GAR-nu, "'Taurus' [lit. 'The Bull of Heaven'], which is the bull (Figure 5)
Lachty, et al., eds Dabariosarc Publication of the Samuel Noah Kramer
Fund, 9 (Philadelphia, 1988) [= Studies Sachs], pp. 3 15. B.L. van der Waerden, "History of the Zodiac," MO 16 whose face is positioned before Enlil." Note the use of the homo-
2 3- 328. ( 1 95 2-1 953), pp. 218-220, see H. Hunger and D. Pingree, MUL AP- phonic substitution GO for GU4.
13. The bouncanes of the Babylonian zodiacal constellations
(Akk. humidor) are not always in conformity with those of their mod-s IN: An Astrological Compendium in Cuneiform, MO Beiheft 24 (Ho rn , 24. E. Weidner, Gestrrn-Darsginsmgeu auf babylofli c en Ton- Balty, et al., eds., Lexicon Iwnograpitku rl M$thologior
1989), pp 7 0 -71 [II i tafeln. ÔstnneichiscM Akademie da WiswssclurJten. hJhdosophi.uh-his- s.v.. Dioskouroi.
em counterparts. For a statement of the problem, see O. Neugebau- ...=. C] III/1, p. 567,
16. P.F. Gôssrsann, Planetarium, no. 244. toriuhe Klasse. Sdtzungsberichte. 254. Band, 2. Abhandlung (Vieraa, 'MES.
er. The History of Ancient Astronomy: Problems and Methods," 27. MUL.MAS TAB.BA GALGAL dLUGAL.G1R RA u
INES 4 ( 1 945). p. 28 [20]; cf P F Goswseius, r7. Et, A. Unglue', "Besprechungskunst 1 967), Pb. 1-2. The Pleiades are captioned MULMUL; the bull's cap- d AG u d U.GUR (ZA 5o
Planetarium Babyloniourh und Astr ologie m LAM_TA.È.A (CT 33 115); MUL.MAS•MAS
o rs rie sueiurorhttb-Mr8ylonuthaen Stern- Nansen, Babylonien," MO 14 ( 1 94i -1
944), p. 2 56, n. 37. See additionally, A. tion Is. lost. On the relative positions of these constellations in the
P.A. Deimel, ed. SI. IV/ az6:10).
2. under the appropriate Sumac-Akkadian design Sachs, "Babylonian Horoscopes," JCS 6 (1952), p. 71, n 51. drawing, see n. 5o, below. _
g u per the D.B. 28 • . AfO 4 75.4-7,
&lowing discussion. 18. MUL.LU.IJUN.GA ddumu-zi (CT 33 1 i 43): d 25. See Nos. Nos. W.
0 9 (bull 2,9. CAD H, p. 195 , sm.. b 1K .

MUL.LÛ.IJUN.GA • ddurau-zi: dkin-g u] (STC r 117:9). 88. Cf STHU Ness. 734 (bull 7l an g
g0^ ^B 9
pursued by pawing bon). 347, s.v. birds*, ein Werlrzesgt"

284 RONALD WALLENFELS
A group of Uruk seal impressions spanning the entire
Seleucid period, typified by Figu re 4 (STHU no. i 51),
portrays these gods standing or wallung one behind the
other and holding forth sticks with variously angled
tops. 30 Although representations of the Great Twins are
known prior to the Hellenistic period, 3 the specific ico-
nography seen here appears to have been a contempo-
rary local development. Representations of what are
arguably the twin miters of the dioscuri occur among the
Uruk tablet impressions, e.g., Figu re 5 (STHU no.
1066), 32 and the bulls impressions from Nippur, Uruk
an d Seleucia on the Tigris. 33 These Babylonian exam-
ples, however, lack the two prominent stars which typ-
ically surmount the miters on Weste rn works. 34 None-
theless, these miters may have served, pars pro toto, to
represent the Great Twins.
(4) Cancer
6)
The Akkadian term for crab (alluttu) denoted the en-
ti re constellation, MUL.AL.LUL, 35 as well as a specific star
which was an attribute of Mu, the patron deity of
Uruk 36 The crab first appears in the Near East among
the creatures inhabiting marine scenes depicted on Sar-
gonid wall reliefs and paintings. 37 it was a relatively pop-
ular motif on Western coins of the fifth through third
30. See STHU Nos. 1 47-155; G.J.P. McEwan, Texts from Fkl-
Ashmokan Museum with Notes on the Seal impres-
Buchar an, OECT 9 (Oxford, 1982), p. 18, no.
I 5; G. Ch. Sarkisian, 'Castnye klhnoptnye kontrakty selevkidskogo
vremeni tc sobnnija Gosudarstvennogo Enrutazn," VDI 54/4 ( 1 955).
pl. 4; D.B. Weisberg, BiMes 24, Nos. t5, 66. 149, 196. Also note the
bulïae impressions J. Jordan, Uruk- Warka, pl. 861, and L Legrain,
Louvre iI, pl. 123, Fig. 3c [Alto].
3 I. See A. Green, "The iconography of Mcs2ern1aca" RA 8a
(1988), PP- 1 73- 1 754
32 See STHU Nos. ro66-1068; D.B. Weisberg, BiMes 2.4,
Nos. 25, 152.
. Cf. L. Legnin, Culture. p. 356 [no. tool: Nippur
]:
tires of Anu and Enlil," probably recalling the similar
ified on late Kauite kudwnu reliefs, for which see U.
Ionischen Kudurru-Reliefs," BaM 4 (roe), pp. 116-117
;dan. Uruk-Warka p. 64 191: "dopprlte Cötterkrone, das Ens-
,
noting such an altar in the Rel temple (see TCL 6 38.31);
R. H. McDowell, Sekwia. p. t19: "two vessel s... inverted ... [or]
the piki of the Dioseuri. '
34. E.g., LIMC iII/2, s.v. Dioskouroi, Nos. 157, 245 and 246.
35• CC MUL NAiN)GAR (P.F. Cïisanano, pfaHrran`srfi, no
1 94).
36. CAD A/t, p. 361, s.v. alluttu [3].
37- P. Albenda, "A Mediterranean Seascape from
Aso 3/3 (Malibu, 1983), p 28 and n. 83.
centuries 38 an d is seen in the exurgue of a Babylonian
lion stater from the reign of Seleucus I. 34 The crab ap-
pears to be entirely absent from the glyptic repertoire of
pre-Hellenistic Mesopotamia an d is only occasionally
seen on Western seals 40
At Hellenistic Uruk, the crab is the sole or central el-
ement on only a small number of tablet impressions* in
Figure 6 (STHU no. 1027) 41 the crab shares the field
with a prominent crescent moon and t ri angle, the latter-
most probably a symbol for Anu 42 More commonly,
the crab shares the field with a wide variety of demons,
monsters an d animals (e.g., Figures 19-22, below).
(5) Leo
(Figure 7)
In a drawing incised on the obverse of a fragment of
the Seleucid astronomical tablet VAT 7847, 43 the celes-
tial lion, captioned MUL.UR GU.LA, 44 is seen walking
profile left on the back of the celestial snake Hydra
(MUL.MUS), also facing left; at the far left of the scene is
the planet Jupiter ([MU]L.SAG.ME.GAR). 45 The lion is the
single most popular motif among the Hellenistic Uruk
seal impressions. It appears in a wide variety of postures
an d compositions, many of which suggest mythological
rather than astrological connotations 46 The example in
Figure 7 (STHU no. 758), dated to the reign of Antio-
chus III, is similar in pose to and contemporary with the
aforementioned tablet drawing. Lion heads, perhaps
serving pars pro toto for Leo, are occasionally seen in the
38. E.g., A.G. Brett , Catalogue of Greek Coins (New York
,
1 974). Ph. r 1-13 (Sicily) and 92 (Kos).
39. E.T. Newell, The Coinage of the Eastern Seleudd Mints from
Sekucus I to Antiochas III. Numismatic Studies r (New York, 1938), pl.
2 53
40. J. Boardman , Creek Gems and Finger Rings. Early Bronze
Age to Late Classical (London, 1970), pl. 6 55 [late Classicai].
41. See STHU Nos. 1027-1034; G.J.P McEwan, OECT 9,
P.
18, no. 20; D B Weisberg, BiMes 24, Nos tot 122.
42. On the reverse of TCL 6 47, two 'noised equilateral trian-
gin are captioned da -nim and den-111, respectively; a third, inverted,
with a line drawn from its base to its apex, is captioned da -ba-ra-Mb.
43. E. Weidner, Gestim-Danteßungen Pis 5-6.
44. Cf. MUL.A, MUL.UR.A (P F. Gössmann, Planetarium Nos.
,
r, 1 6o).
45. See n. 5o, below.
46. See STHU Nos. 744-871; O. Schroeder, Kontrakte der
Sekwkiden -zeit sas Warka, VAS 15 (Leipzig, 1916), Pb. t-a,
passim; G.
J.P. McEwan, OECT 9, pp. r7-2o passim; L. Speleen, C' a J Sligo pp.
230-239, passim; M. Rutten, Con*ei2, Ph. i -a, passim; D.B. Weis-
berg, BiMes 24, pp. 19-25, passim
.
Zodiacal Signs among the Seal Impressions from Hellenistic Uruk 285
field with various demons and monsters (e.g., Figure 17, (7) Libra
below).
(6) Virgo
(Figure 8) (Figure to)
An incised drawing of the constella ti on Virgo, cap- The Sumerogram for the celestial balance, MUL.GIS .
47 is found on the reverse of the as - 54 zibcinitu
tioned MUL.AB SIN, ERIN, was translated by the Akkadian term
tronomical tablet fragment AO 6448, 48 which Weidner and denoted a type of balance differing from the simple
Joined with the piece referred to above (VAT 7847) gisrrinnu by being provided with an otherwise unknown
showing Leo treading on the Hydra. 49 Holding forth a pa rt or mechanism called *zibana.ss
static of grain with both hands, the celestial maiden, Balances of an unusual form, such as the one seen in
dressed in a full-length flounced garment cinched at the Figure io (STHU no. 152) in associa ti on with the Great
waist, st an ds facing left at the right of the scene. In the Twins, datable to the second or third decade of the reign
center of the scene is Mercury (MUL GU 4 .UD) an d to the of Antiochus III, an d in the field with a variety of de-
left, Corvus (MUL.UGA MUSEN) pecking at the tail of the mons, monsters, an d animals on other Hellenistic Uruk
Hydra. 5° tablet impressions, 56 are usually shown with a V-shaped
pa rt , perhaps the zibana itself, beneath the horizontal
beam of the bal an ce This particular type of balance does
not appear to be represented on Mesopotamian or Greek
seals of previous eras
(8) Scorpius
(Figure 9)
A single poorly preserved gem impression, Figure 8
B.C.E., ap-
(STHU no. 122) 51 on a tablet dated to 217
pears to depict a st an ding woman facing left, dressed in
an indistinct garment an d holding an oversized spike in
her outstretched right h an d. The spike, representative of (Figure It)
the star Spica (a-Virgo) an d by extension the entire
The scorpion is one of the most frequently represent-
constellation, 52 is otherwise only represented in close as -
ed symbols of fertility an d prosperity in Mesopotamian
sociation with goat-fish, e.g., Figure 9 (STHU no. 733). 57 In
a rt , especially prior to the first millennium B.C.E.
All such seals date to the last half century of Seleucid rule
contrast in Greek a rt , where it represented a threatening
at Uruk, which ended ca. 146 B.C.E.
creature, 58 the scorpion was never partici larly popular.
The celestial scorpion was designated MUL.GiR TAB
47. For the reading mWlir'u, see H. Hunger and D. Pingree,
(Akk. mulzuqaqipu)
MUL.APiN, p 127 [ii to]; cf. mw absinnw (W. von Soden, AHw, p.
7, s.v. absinnu(m) [2]) and m"tsissinnu (CAD A/1, p. 65, s.v. absinnu,
and S, p. 326, s.v. sissinnw [4]). 368; cf. MUL.ZI.-
54. P.F. Gössmann, Planetarium,
48. TCL 6 12. as abo described as
BA.AN.NA (ibid., no. 176). The conte
49. E. Weidner, Gestrrnn-Darstellungen p. 9 and Pb. 9-1o. MUL GiR TAB "the pincers of Scorpius CT 33 a ä11).
5o. For whatever reason, the relative position and the individ- SI
ual o ri entation of the constellations in the representations on VAT 55. CAD Z p. too, s.v. zïbnrsitw.
56. See STHU Nos. 152- 1 55, 385. 44 1 . 57 2- 574, 851(7); GJ•
7851 (Pleiades, Hyades) and VAT 7847 (Hydra, Leo) + AO 6448
P. McEwan, OECT 9 p. 18, no. 15; and G. Ch. Sarkisian, VIM 54/
(Hydra, Corvus, Virgo) are the mirror images of the actual positions
4 (1955). PI 4•
and orientations in the sky as seen from the ground
57 E.D. Van Buren, "The Scorpion in Mcsopotanuan A rt and
5 t. CE J.B. Nies and CE Keiser, BiN iI, PL S4, rio. 135, Lo. E.
Religion," Ali? n (1937 -1 939)• p. 1.
52. MUL.AB SiN d Sa-fa lu-bu-sol- 4 (CT 33 2 i1 to).
58. J. Boardman, Greek Genu and Frngrr Rings, p. 24.
53. See STHU Nos. 726- 733-

286 RONALD WALLENFELS
Among the Uruk tablet impressions of the first half of
the second century B.C.E., the scorpion, e g., Figure II
(STHU no. to44), is only rarely the sole central ele-
ment.S 9 Most commonly the scorpion shares the field
with a crab or a crab an d a fish (e.g., Figures 19-2o, be-
low).
(9) Sagittarius
The leaping winged hippo-centaur, which originated
in Kassrte/Middle Assyrian times, is well-known in
Greek and Mesopotamian a rt of the first millennium
B.C.E. The constella ti on Sagittarius, MUL.PA.BIL.SAG, 6o
in a Babylonian star-catalogue (BM 78161) dated be-
tween the seventh and fifth centunes B.C.E., is described
as having "the left hand ... on the bow [and the right
hand] ... on the arrow.''
Among the seal impressions from throughout the
Hellenistic period at Uruk, the hippo-centaur is always
seen facing right and posed as described in the star-cata-
logue. Figu re 12 (STHU no. 208) depicts an unusually
large and rounded impression dating from 23o B.C.E.;
clearly seen are its taloned hind feet and twin tails, one a
scorpion's, the other a horse's dressed in the Achae-
menid fashion (see also Figure 17, below). 62
(0o) Capricornus
5 9. Set STHU no. 1043-1044: O. Schroeder. VAS t5. pl. 1,
VAT 91
MIIL.PA. MUL.PA.BIL (P.F. G6sartrutn , Planeartum,
Not 35 6. 357).
dt. SU 1, 30 MUL.PA.BIL.SAG sa trot UGU BAN ... [u?
SU? t 5?
MUL.PA.BIlL.SAG U ins UGU mod-rind (D. Pingree and C. Walker, "A
flsbyloris Star-Cank>gsre: BM 78161, Studies Salo, p• 314: 27- 29).
6a,. See•STHU Nos. 202 -ara; M. Rumen, County; pi, t,
no.
G J.P. McEwan, OECT 9. pp. 18-19, Nos. 22, 25; G. Ch. Satki-
VD1 •S4/4 ( 1 950, pl- S.
The goat-fish (Akk. suburmafa) was an attribute ani-
mal of the water god Ea. Originating in the Ur III peri-
od, it was represented with remarkably little va ria ti on in
pose on seals of all succeeding periods.
Among the Hellenistic Uruk tablet impressions, it
was exceeded in popularity only by the lion sphinx and
winged bull. The goatfish is seen in individual studies as
in Figure 13 (STHU no. 689), dated to 281 B.C.E., 63
with a spike (e.g., Figure 9, above), or confronting or
pursuing a variety of demons and animals (e.g., Figures 3,
above and 18, below).
(i i) Aquarius
(Figure 14)
The representation of the celestial waterbearer
MUL.GU.LA , "the giant" 64) had its genesis in the Early
tic image of the super-hum an nude bearded hero
with curls. 65 This heroic figure was often depicted with
streams flowing over his shoulders and occasionally with
one or two stars above his shoulders. During the Akkad
period, he was frequently seen in association with the
Babylonian water god, also represented with water flow-
ing over his shoulders. A Late Babylonian astronomical
text of ca. 500 B.C.E. (BM 82923) specifically equates
Aquarius with the "Lord of the Sp ri ng, Ea "66
Examples of the water god clad in a full length gar-
ment and usually wearing a short peaked god's mitre are
in evidence from throughout the Seleucid period at
Uruk. 67 In the example seen in Figure 14 (STHU no.
142), used on four different occasions by the same man
between 204 and 192 B.C.E., the streams of water flow-
ing over the god's shoulders an d terminating in a pair of
63. See STHU Nos. 689-725 and n. 46, above.
64. "The Great One (H. Hunger and D Pingree, MULAP-
IN, p. 35. Cf "Gestirn des grossen
(Mannes), des Riesen" (E. Wei-
dner, AID 4 ( 1 927), P. 84. n S); "Grosser Stem" (C.B.F. Walker and
H. Hunger, "Zwii ," MDOG 1o9 ( 1
977), p X31).
65. E. Ponada, "On the Origins of 'Aquarius',"
Language, Lit-
moue, and History: Philological and Historical Studies Presented to Erica
Reiner, F. Kochberg-Halton, ed. (New Haven, 1
987). pp. 179-29 1 .
66. MULGV.LA . . dEN BE dé-v (MDOG 1o9 29:28).
67. See STHU Not tat-146: G.J.P. MtEwan, OECT 9, p.
Nog. 29. 35; D.B. Weisberg, /NW* 24. no 1s.
Zodiacal Signs among the Seal Impressions from Hellenistic Uruk
similar vessels near his feet are clearly seen to originate in
a third vessel clutched to his chest.
(1 2) Pisces
(Figure is)
The last of the twelve zodiacal signs was laconically
designated MUL.KUN.MES (Akk mulzibbiitu) "tails "
These were, however, not the tails of a pair of fish, 68 but
rather those of a large swallow MUL.SIM.MAU (Akk.
mulsrinuniitu, Pisces South), 69 an d a fish, mulanunitu
sces North), 7° joined at their tails by a V-shaped ribbon,
mulrikts nûnu "ribbon of the fish." 7 ' The image may re-
call offerings of strings of birds and fish. 72
Representations of the swallow and fish, often joined
by a ribbon, are seen in individual studies, e.g., Figure i5
(STHU no. ioi8),73 or sharing the field with a large crab
(e.g., Figure 21, below). Any or all of the following fac-
tors might have contributed to the metamorphosis of this
sign from a bird an d fish to a pair of fish: (a) the inherent
ambiguity of the name of the sign, ' tails "; (b) the ten-
dency to abbreviate the sign as a single fish (e.g., Figures
19 an d 22, below); an d (c) the existence of the vocable
sinuntu which, like its semantic if not etymological
equivalent finuniitu, not only denoted Pisces South 74 and
a swallow, but additionally specified a flying-fish called
the "swallowfish. '7s
Babylonian astrologers, perhaps as early as the Achae-
menid period, but certainly by the Hellenistic period,
conceived of the zodiac as containing significant geo-
metrical relationships. The Late Babylonian tablet BM
3 6 746 preserves seven of what were originally twelve
68. Cf E Weidner, "Zur babylonischen Ast ro nomie: Der
Schwalbenfisch," Bab. 6 (1912), pp 147-163 [X]•
69. P.F. Gössmann. Planetarium ; no. 389. See W. von Soden,
AHw, p. 1244, s.v. Jinuniitu(m) [4].
70. P.F. Gössnnnn, Planetarium, no. 27. See W. von Soden,
AHw, p. 55 s.v. A(n)nunitu(m) [2].
71. P.F. Gössntann, Planetarium, no. to7 .
72. E.g., Winkler Sar. p. 36:169.
73. See STHU Nos. 66 1016-1019.
74. E. Weidner Bab. 6 (1912), p. 16o, citing V R.46. 34:
nu-ni-tu u '"' f-nu-nu-su H R 51, no. 2,
d idigtta ubunun
dn and
4•
58: da nu - ni -fus (S9) dburanun : si- mat-tu4.
75. CAD S, pp. 295-296, s.v. sitrrurdr, W. von Soden, AHw, p.
048, s.v. sin nstx, and pp. 1243-1244, s.v. tu(rs).
2 87
omens involving the positions in the zodiac of the
eclipsed moon and the malefic planets Saturn and
Mars. 76 Within each omen, the three zodiacal signs
named are always I20° apart and subtend the sides of an
equilateral t ri angle; four such triangles can be inscribed
within the zodiacal circle. 77
Greek astrologers of the early Common Era also as-
cribed significance to certain geometrical relationships or
' aspects ' among the zodiacal signs. They recognized
four varieties of aspect: "opposition" (diametron), ' trine'
(tngonon), "quartile" (tetragonon) and "sextile" (hexa-
gonon). These terms denote those signs whose celestial
longitudes differ by i 80°, 120°, 9o° and 6o°, respec ti ve-
ly.
Of these aspects trine and sextile are called harmoni-
ous because they are composed of signs of the same
kind, either entirely of feminine or entirely of mas-
culine signs, while quartile and opposition are dishar-
monious because they are composed of signs of
opposite kinds. 78
These Greeks, as had the Babylonians before them, also
envisioned four groups of three signs 12o° apart (in trine
aspect) as forming four mangles (trigons or triplicities).
79
On a number of Uruk tablet seal impressions, various
groupings of two and three zodiacal figures appear. The
following will first treat of those combinations in trine
aspect as defined by the four t ri angles and then combi-
nations in other aspects.
(I) The first triplicity of zodiacal signs in trine aspect
comp ri ses the (masculine) signs Aries, Leo and Sagittari-
us. The impression in Figure 16 (STHU no. 213) dated
16o B.C.E., and a very similar bulla impression in the
O ri ental Institute, 8° show the centaur-archer at left an d,
at right, a ram with reversed head above a lion. 8 ' If, in
Figure 17 (STHU no. 206), dated 235 B.C.E., the lion
head beneath the centaur serves as an abbreviation for
Leo two signs in trine as pect are represented
76. F. Rochberg-Halton, "New Evidence for the History of
Astrology. ' JNES 43 09 8 4). PP. 11 5- 1 40.
77. Four equilateral triangles arc inscribed within a circle
drawn on the re verse of the Seleucid astronomical text TCL 6 13 • cf
F. Rochberg-Halton, "TCL 6 13 Mixed Traditions in Late Babylo-
nian Astrology ZA 77 ( 1 98 7). pp. 226-228.
"
78. See Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos 1 13; quotation from the transla-
tion of F.E. Robbins, Ptolemy Tetrabiblos Loeb Classical library, no.
435 (Cambridge 198o), p. 75.
79. Ptolemy, l.18.
80. See M. Rostovtzeflff, Seleucid Baby 3, Fig t (A.
376°]
81. Compare STHU Nos. 8o5 (t58 B.C.E.), 806 (15 z
and S07 (149 acE..) wherein a bon pursues a hmb; m 8o5 and 8o7
the lambs head is reversed.
 288 RONALD WALLENFELS
(Figure 16)
(Figure 17)
(2) The second triplicity in trine aspect contains the
(feminine) signs Taurus, Virgo and Capricornus. Figure
18 (STHU no. 734), dated to 162 B.C.E., 82 shows the
spike between a goat-fish at left an d a humpbacked bull
with reversed head at right. More commonly seen is the
pairing of the goat-fish and spike (see Figure 9, above)
and the goat-fish pursuing a leaping bull with reversed
head (see Figure 3 above).
(Figure 18)
(3) The third triplicity contains the (masculine) signs
Gemini, Libra and Aquarius. No examples displaying
this grouping are yet in evidence, but the pairing of the
twin gods and the balance (see Figure to above) is in ev-
,
idence throughout the first half of the second century
B.C.E. at Uruk
(4) The last u-iplicity consists of the (feminine) signs
Cancer Scorpius and Pisces. Several impressions similar
to that seen in Figure 19 (STHU no. ioso) show a crab
to one side and, to the other, a scorpion and fish (assum-
ing the fish to be an abbreviation for the fish and bird);
all date from the reign of Antiochus III or later. 83 Less
commonly represented are Just the crab and scorpion as
in the damaged impression in Figure 20 (STHU no.
to45)' the few extant specimens of this type date from
179 B C E or later. 84 Several instances of the bird and fish
See D.B. Weisberg. BiMes 24, no. 134; cf. ibid., no. 39 and
STHU no. 742.
83, See STHU Nos. to48-1o52; O. Schroeder, VAS 15,
pl. 1,
VAT 9158. o R ; D.B. Weisberg. BiMes 24, no. r37; cf G J.P. McE-
wan, OECT 9. p. 20, no. 49. Also note the bulla impression, L. De-
liperte, • Low: II, pl. 123, Fig. 33.
on a ribbon together with a crab include Figure 21
(STHU no. 1020), the earliest, dated 208 B.C.E. 85 Exam-
ples of the crab and fish, all dated 201 B C.E. or later, are
also known: Figure 22 (STHU no. 1038) is dated to 179/
86
8 B.C.E.
(Figure 19)
(Figure 20)
(Figure n)
(Figu re 22)
There is no specific textual evidence indicating that
the Hellenistic Babylonians conceived of aspects other
than trine. 87 However, if the iconographic elements of
the following seal impressions are in fact zodiacal rather
84. See SI HU Nos. 10 45-1047; G. Ch. Sarkisian, VDI 54/4
( 1 955), Fig. 6 -3. Jordan, Uruk-Warka, pl. 893; D.B. Weisberg, BiMes
24, no. 85. Also note the bulbe impressions, J. Jordan, Uruk- Warka,
pl. 86b; L. Delaporte, Louv re II, pl. 122, Fig 43
85. See STHU Nos. 66, 102o-1026; M. Rostovfzeff, Seleucid
Babylonia, pl. 3, Fig 3
86_ See STHU Nos. 1035-1o42; G. J.P. McEwan, OECT 9, p.
20, no. 42; DS Weisberg. BiMes 24,
nos. 95, toi.
87. Cf. F. Rochberg-Halton, "Elements of the Babylonian
Contribution to Hellenistic Astrology,' JAOS to8 (1988), pp. 6o-62.
Zodiacal Signs among the Seal Impressions from Hellenistic Uruk
than mythological it could be inferred that aspects in ad-
dition to trine had already been formulated.
The next two seals display three zodiacal figures each in
various aspects, but do not represent significant t ri angles:
Figure 23 (STHU no. 737), dated 174/3 B C E ,
(I)
shows a swallow above and between a goat-fish
pursuing a humpbacked bull with reversed head.
If this bird was intended as an abbreviation for the
swallow and fish on a ribbon, this seal would show
the three signs Capricornus, Pisces, and Taurus,
which are arrayed, in turn, 6o° apart on the zodi-
acal circle. The pain, Capricornus and Pisces and
Pisces and Taurus, are in senile as pect; Capricor-
nus and Taurus are in t ri ne.
(Figure 23)
(2) Figure 24 (STHU no. 85i), dated 235 B C.E., shows
a lion leaping right above a balance(?) and bull
head. Leo and Libra are in sextile as pect, while
Leo and Taurus are in quartile aspect.
(Figure 24)
The following examples display motifs which might
include representations of pai rs of zodiacal signs in as-
pects other than trine:
(I) STHU no. 921 (260-255 B C E ) shows a ram walking
profile right and ae crab above. Aries and C an cer
are in quartile aspect.
(2) STHU no. 891 (2o6 B.C.E.) shows a bull walking pro-
file right confronting a large crab. STHU no. 442
(224 B.0 E.) shows a nght profile bull head and a
crab, respectively to the left of an d below a hu-
man-headed winged bull leaping right; a triangle
is at right. Taurus and Cancer are in sextile as pect.
289
(3) STHU no. 809 (235-234 B.C.E.) shows a lion walking
right facing a left profile bull head. STHU no. 909
(166/5 B.C.E.) shows a lion at left pawing at the
rump of a humped-back bull with reversed head.
Taurus and Leo are in quartile as pect.
(4) STHU no. 902 (153/2 B.C.E.) shows a bull walking
right above a fish at left is a crescent moon and, at
right, an eight-pointed star. Taurus and Pisces are
in sextile aspect.
Although adjacent zodiacal signs are not reckoned as -
pect, note the six sealings STHU Nos. 799-804 (ca. 246-
194 B.C.E.) showing a lion walking right and a crab at
right or above. 88 Leo and Cancer are adjacent zodiacal
signs.
In this essay I have endeavored to demonstrate that
the residents of Hellenistic Uruk occasionally took rep-
resentations of the signs of the zodiac, both individually
an d, more significantly, in astrologically meaningful
combinations or aspects, especially that termed t ri ne, to
se rv e as their personal devices. The actual significance of
the representations to the individual seal owners is un-
known. While there is contemporary evidence for the
c as ting of personal horoscopes dependent upon the po-
sitions of the sun, moon an d planets within the zodiac at
the time of one's birth, 89 there is no evidence to suggest
that the zodiacal motif on a given seal portrayed any of
the signs determined by the seal owner's actual moment
of conception or birth.
In closing, it may be noted that the vast majority of
the seals showing combinations of zodiacal signs date to
the reigns of Antiochus III and his successors. It was dur-
ing this period of resurgent Seleucid power and the con-
comitant tendency to strengthen the Hellenic element in
the Eastern provinces that Greek colonists in ever
increasing numbers began to merge into the civic and
temple organizational structures of Uruk 9O Precisely
when an d how these astrological conceptions ebbed and
flowed between the Babylonians and the Greeks remains
to be elucidated.
88. Also note the bulla impression L. Delaporte, Louvre II, pl.
12 2, Fig. 6c
89. Published editions include A. Sachs, JCS 6 (1952), pp. 49-
75; F. Rochberg-Halton, Or. 58 (1989), pp. 102-123; idem, "Babylo-
nian Seasonal Hours " Centaur us 32 (1989), PP 746-17o.
9o. See, e.g., G. Ch Sarkisian, "Greek Personal Names in
Uruk and the Graeco-Babylonaca Problem," Drrvnii Vostok z
( 1 97 6), pp 3o8-309 (English summary).

CHILDLESS MICHAL, MOTHER OF FIVE
Stanley D. Walters
Toronto
Near the close of the Book of Samuel, in the luckless
"Appendix,' there h a last story mentioning Saul
(11.21:1-14 = 21M). We hear of a three-year famine
caused by the late king's murder of some Gibeonites.
The present king, David, consulted with the Gibeonites
of his own day, resulting in a settlement in which seven
of Saul's descendants - two sons by a concubine, an d
five grandsons by his daughter - were executed. Rain
fell an d the famine ended, not before David had acted,
somewhat belatedly, to bring home the bones of Saul
and Jonathan and have them buried in the family tomb
Midsal or Merab?
The Hebrew text of the story (Masoretic Text) is
hardly in mint condition, a character most obvious in v
8, where it gives the name of the wrong daughter.
rag took the two sons of Rizpah daughter of
Ayyah whom she had borne to Saul - Armoni and
Mephibosheth - and the five sons of Michal, Saul's
daughter, whom she had borne to Adriel, son of
Batzillai the Meholathite.
Saul had two daughters, Michal an d Merab. The
former was David's first wife, won in a lottery with Saul
at the price of two hundred Philistines (I. t8:20-29). Af-
ter Saul and David fell out, Saul gave her to another
man, Pallet, but because she was the king's daughter,
she became an involuntary player in the politics of suc-
cession. In the struggle that followed Saul's death, it was
prudent for David to demand her back, for she gave him
The
e referred to my own research
interests as ranging "from âumu Shemu'el " I am pleased to
contribute this study from the last Id to the celebration of Bill
HaBo's scholarly gifts and productivi
1. The pejorative term used odern commentator ,
who find that a Sam. s t -24 u the narra tive flow
from I Sam. to to t Kp. t. intruding into the elegant
Narrative" (s Sam. g-w. t K. t-s) posited by literary-critical
"Succession
(R on 198a <1926 > ) and believed written anal-
in m ajorwmr giovian,
srloononls (Rost: to5).. For details of all publi ca tions cited w this paper,
see the Bibliography at the end of the article.
In this paper, all references to the Book of Samuel we a
in which "1." means t Samuel, and "IL" means a Samuel.
290
the governess. The external evidence is thus divided:
Hebrew MSS overwhelmingly represent the MT; the
Greek split along earlier/later lines
21:8 should be Merab, not Michal MT in this verse is in
flat contradiction to the other evidence from Samuel.
Under these circumstances, and with "Merab" the read-
mg of the probable earliest Greek translation, commen-
tators have cast a unanimous vote for her, and modem
translations place Merab in the story instead of Michal. 7
the legitimacy of being the former king's son-in-kw
(II.3 12-16) But the breakup of Michal's second mar-
riage was sad and wrenching, an d she seems never to
have forgiven David, for we see her deriding the king's
ecstasy when the Ark of the LORD entered Jerusalem.
For this lèse majesté David banished her from his bed, an d
she never bore children (II.6:2o-23). Michal can hardly
be the mother of five sons
Saul's older daughter Merab - once promised to
David (1.18:17-18)
-
had married Adriel the Meho-
lathite (I.18:19), exactly as II 21 . 8 says. We know noth-
ing of her family life, but there is nothing implausible in
her having five sons. Surely she is the correct mother.
What is the name of her sister doing in the text?
This is but one of several problems in 21A which
have long caused translators and commentators difficul-
ty. It is common to solve them by amending the Ma-
soretic Text with the help of the Septuagint In some of
these cases, the LXX's smooth and intel li gible readings
are seductively attractive, an d it is correct that they
should be considered. But it is the assumption of this pa-
per that MT's angularities are probably not mistakes, but
evidences of the ten's use. They do not signal the text's
corruptness, but its usefulness to the earliest communi-
ties which esteemed and transmitted it. MT is a used
text, coming with marks of its own past service written
into it. )
The external evidence for the daughter's name is divid-
ed. (1) The Hebrew MSS, with two exceptions , 4 read
17213
"Michal." (2) The Greek evidence is split. (a) A
group of MSS which often represent late recensions (the
'ICaige" an d the hexaplaric), read some form of
`Michal." 5 (b) Mother group, probably the early recen-
sion (the Old Greek), has some form of the name "Mer-
ab "6 (3) The Targum, to which I return below, names
both daughters, giving Merab as the mother, Michal as
at the end of the
4• Ken nicott 198 and 250, as noted by most mtical commen-
tators from Thames (1842) on. These MSS were ated already hy
Runoff, aP"d Matthew Poole p. 385 col 1.
Childless Michal, Mother of Five
By all Internal evidence, the mother of the five sons in
I assume that Saul's older daughter appeared in the
ginal" story. Yet the name 'Michal" is solidly a tt est-
"o ri
ed. A change has occurred in the process of the text's use
and transmission. The ques ti on remains: How could an
alteration like this occur at a ll , an d then remain estab-
lished in the textual tradi ti on? The commentators' unan-
imous ballot for Merab has usually been accompanied by
the explanation that ' Michal" in MT is a copying mis-
take, chargeable to incuria Librariorum "the carelessness of
the scribes." 8 But how could this happen? Thenius
(1864) suggested that the two names might have been
confused with one another through graphic similarity, 9
5. The best critical text of the Greek of Samuel is still Alan
England Brooke, Norman McLean, and H. St. John Thacke ray, The
Old T es tam en t in Greek, Volume Ii Pa rt I, I and Ii Samuel (Cam-
b ri dge: 1927), Brooke-McLean designate their MSS by letter, with
capitals serving for uncials (e.g., Codex Vaticanus is "B') and lower
case for cu rs ives (e.g., Codex Arundeliensis is "e,"); they print B as
the primary text, giving va ri ants in the critical apparatus. The manu-
sc ri pts which read "Michal" include the following groups: (I) B, plus
pa (medieval cursive mss which usually agree with B); this group or-
dinarily carries the "Old Greek," but in much of z Samuel it carries
the later "Kaige" recension instead. (2) Codex A (Alexandnnus) plus
x, which usually agrees with A; efins, qtz°'', and ahv These a re
"hexaplaric" manuscripts, that is, they carry a Greek text generally
conformed to the proto-Masoretic text of the early common era. Co-
des B s MtxoX imitates the MT, while the other MSS read the ais-
tormary Meax011 or some variation of it For a summary of current
theories of recensional development of the text of the LXX, see e.g.
James Donald Shenkel, Chronology and Raensional Development in the
Creek Text of Kings, Harvard Semitic Monographs t (Cambridge:
1968), pp. 5-21, or much more bnefly, Ralph K le in, r Samuel, Word
Biblical Commentary to (Waco: Word Books 1983), PP. - -
n.
6. These manuscripts are the uncials MN, the Antiochene (or
"Lucianic") codices boc,e„ and w dlpen gijnb, and z46.Their read-
ing appears to be the "Old Greek" text.
7. E.g., NRSV, RSV, NEB, JB, TEV, NiV. Even Fokkel-
man, who attends so carefully to the text, finds hunself "forced to re-
store" Merab's name in place of Michal's, cIainung the two Hebrew
MSS and Lucian in suppo rt (see notes 4 and 6 above), pp. 282 n. I I,
387.
8. Lucas Osiander, Annotations in utr unqut Testamentum
( 1 575-84), aped Schmidt p 952. Early critical commentator spoke of
calani "a slip of the pen" (Löhr Driver); "obviotdy a scribal
mistake" (Erdmann). The explanation has not changed in four hun-
died y ens "may be due to a scribal slip" (Ackroyd), "obviously in-
correct" (McKane), "almost certainly in error" (Gordon), "a scribal
error" (Anderson). Even Kell and Delitzsch call it "an error of mem-
ory or a copyist's mistake" (p. 461)
9. He suggested that "Menb" should be written rim (as, in-
deed, the Targum writes it), which would give the mttitl the dint
two letters m common. But MT never writes "Hersh" that way. and
the graphic Problem remain. He had not addressed this u in the
first edition (184a).
291
but he was the last to do so, perhaps because so obvious
a mistake does not require much a ttention, perhaps be -
cause the names are not very similar. Close resemblance
between them ends after the first letter. In all periods the
lamed is written with a vertical stroke starting high above
the rest of the letters in the alphabet, and it is not likely
tit has
to be confused with a beth. 1° Besides, in the MT
four letters, man three; an d the fact that Qumran uses the
spelling :r th further heightens the dissimilarity."
And so the critical tradition has felt obliged by inter-
nal evidence to make a ch ange in the Masoretic Text,
but yet has not offered a plausible account of how MT's
'Michal" arose The st ri dent factual dissonance itself has
seemed account enough.
Michal the Surrogate Mother
That disson an ce has always been heard, but in earlier
centu ri es it was handled in a different way, following the
lead set by the Targum. 12 As Jonathan tells the story, the
king took the five sons that Merab bore to Adriel,
&7$ It 5'0 roman "whom Michal Saul's daughter
reared ..." It is the oldest explanation of MT's difficult
reading, an d it was good enough to last over fifteen hun-
dred yeans.' 3 The Babylonian Talmud, which speaks of
v 8 as "a confused passage," repeats an d elaborates the
Targum in an opinion of Rabbi Joshua be n Korha (ca.
150 C.E.):
Was it then Michal who bore them? Surely it was
rather Menb who bore them! But Merab bore and
Michal brought them up; therefore they were called
by her name. This teaches thee that whoever brings
up an orphan m his home, Scripture ascribes it to him
as though he had begotten him. t4
The Talmud then introduces various other rabbis,
who suppo rt the la tt er dictum by quoting biblical passag-
es where a child is called the "son" of someone other
than his birth mother. For example, "There is a son born
to Naomi" (Ruth 4:17), of which R. Hanina says,
"Ruth bo re an d Naomi brought him up; hence he was
to. See Frank M. Cross, The Dey
&npts," in G Ernest Wright <ed>, The Bible end the A
.
East (Doubleday, Garden City, N. Y., 1961
1 1. See BHS at 1.14:49.
12. Josephus does not give names to the mothers of the seven
and so avoids the problem (Antiquities VII.296). However, he knows
there ts a difficulty, for in VII.89 he says that Mtxt kti bore no chil-
dren in her first marriage to David, but bore five "to the man on
whom her father had bestowed her" after she separated from David,
a reference to her nntriage to Paltie] (i 25:44). The "five sons" shows
that Josephus has the Gibeonite story in mind, and he promises an-
ther treatment of Michal "in its proper place." However, he does not
mention ha again. ,^+^
13. Dating Jonathan not later than 13 $ A .L ,with Philip
ander, "Jewish Aramaic Translations," . m MJ. Muk#u, p. 147•
14. Sanhedrin St9b. Schachter and Freed/uan, pp. tos-tie.
 292
called after Naomi's name." Again, Moses is called the
"son' of Pharaoh's daughter (Ex 2: r o)»
So Merab's five sons were motherless. The explana-
don is still going strong as Chris tian biblical interpreta-
don emerges from the Middle Ages, for the Renaissance
commentators, both Catholic and Protestant, take it se-
riously an d examine its weaknesses. Calvin (1562) knows
but does not accept it, in deference to the text, which
plainly says that Michal "bore" the children to Adriel.' 6
But the astonishing thing is that the rabbinic explanation
actually entered the text of the King James Version of
the Bible (1611), which translates, " an d the five sons of
Michal the daughter of Saul, whom she brought up for Ad-
rier (italics mine). A marginal note informs the reader
that the Hebrew has "bare to ' instead of "brought up
for," but most readers of the English text ignore the fine
print, an d many Bibles were printed which did not even
include it. Thus Matthew Hen ry (1708) simply quotes
the KJV, without marginal note, an d says,
and five of [Saul's] grandsons, whom his daughter
Merab bore to Adnel, 1 Samuel. xviii 19 but his
daughter Michal brought up, ver. 8.18 17
Those with Calvin's exegetical scruples will re cy cle
the Talmud's texts (Ruth 4:17 an d Ex. 2 . 10) to show that
1'T "bear, beget," could be used of one who was not the
actual pare nt, or that it could mean "rear, bring up"
(Gen 50:23, Joseph saw his great-grandchildren it'
upon his own knees), t 8
For Calmet in the next century (1730), the rabbinic
explanation was the best way of clearing up the difficul-
ty, ' unless we wish to suspect the sc ribe of a mistake." 9
For his Anglican contemporary, Bishop Symon Pat ri ck
(1732), it is the only explanation, and he cites five Jewish
an d two classical sources. ao John Gill (1764), who de-
pends heavily on Jewish sources, prefers it. 21 At the be-
ginning of the next century, Adam Clarke gratefully
follows the Targum: "That cuts the knot " 22
Not that there were no other explanations. Calvin
simply said that proper names often get changed, and
that must have happened here; the children were obvi-
ously those of Merab. Schmidt (1689) enumerates a
r 5, Other examples'
the ' sons of Jacob and joseph" Ps.
77:16, and "the generation of Aaron and Moses' Num. 3 1 = Aeon's
sons 3:2, showing that Aaron begot and Moses taught them.
16. Aime wmme les noms propres se changent souuentesfois,
de Mithoi est mis pour Mensb, sinon que Mkhol nut pris les enfans de
pour la nourrir. Mais notamment ïl 1st dit qu'eile les a onfantez;
ne peut crams air, n MONKS d'autant qu'elk (flat /mum dt Druid.
<710> of December to, 1562, pp. 613-14.
17. Matthew Henry, vol. 2 p. 285, italics mine.
18. Matthew Poo le, vol t col. 385.
19. .. raid librorium menti vellums inn Wan, vol. 2 p.
448.
20. Symon Patrick, vol. 2 p. 342. He mentions the
Targum,
the Talmud, Rashi, Rslbag, and Kimchi.
. these sons were not whore she bare, n the word used
signifies, but as we rightly render a, whwit she brought rap
or educated,
so the Tirrtmr, her sister being dead" vol. z p. 612.
a Itasca hut.
STANLEY D. WALTERS
number of solutions which he rejects: the Latin transla-
tion ofJunius an d Tremellius (r585) had rendered "the
five sons of the sister of Michal, daughter of Saul"^3 ; Mer-
ab had "Michal" as a second name; Michal had taken
Merab's place as Addel's husband. But the rabbinic ex-
planation really held the day
And then we discover that this hoary and learned ex-
planation no longer works. In 1842 Thenius repeats it,
and then snorts, "Nothbehelf. " It is a makeshift solution,
begotten of necessity. No one after him regards it as a se-
rious explanation. We might ask in passing why it is now
suddenly so bad. For one thing, in the new European
climate of freedom from dogmatic theology, it was no
longer very important to protect the received text, an d
the rabbinic explanation began to sound too much like
special pleading. Enthusiasm for new methods — The-
nius is quite carried away by the "unschatzbare Werthe" of
the early venions (p XXIV) — made all the old solutions
suspect. Ancient good has become uncouth.
And then in the second place, we no ti ce the great dis-
tance from Jewish learning Thenius an d the critical tra-
dition growing up after him seem simply not to know
those sources. The contrast with post-Reformation Eu-
rope is very striking, the seventeenth and eighteenth
century commentators depended heavily on them, 24
while the nineteenth century seems barely to know of
their existence. 25 This is not simply a matter of who
knows Hebrew the best. It is more a matter of knowing
the Bible from within. Jewish biblical comment was al-
ways in the service of the text's religious meaning and
use. So, to be sure, was the comment of the Reformers
and their train. But when Christian commentators began
to renounce dogmatic scholarship, the biblical text seems
to become an end in itself. Christians need Jewish learn-
ing, not because the rabbis have all the right answers, but
because in them the moral force of the text presses in
upon the interpreter.
Michal the Mother of Five
And now, since I believe that the history of interpre-
tation must always be in the service of interpretation, I
wish to return to the story itself. At the end of the twen-
tieth century, the explanation of the centu ries has long
been given up, an d the incuria librariorum become an ar-
ticle of critical faith. And yet the text is there. It is im-
le nom
sa slur
possible, of course, but it is there. The rabbinic expla-
cela donc
Sermon
ed Frisian Hebraist Sixtinus Amura (died 1629)
held the same ,"., 'Quid ego? Ellipsis est noels t1YAt sororis Filios
qutnque Sonnis Muhal' (1698 col 1o4S) He cites 11.21:19 g a parallel,
where, by supplying "the hrother," the text reads that Elhanan killed
"the brother of Goliath the Gittite," thus solving another old chili-
* not the last tune that evidence for an emendation has co rn -
;tio prinopii t
24. See, for example, Basil Hall, "Biblical Scholarship: Ech •
and Commentaries," in S.L. Greenslade, pp. 3 8 93.
25. There were distinguished exceptiom, of .
Franz Delitzsch, but also such as August Wiinsche
Childless Michal, Mother of Five
nation told you how the text could have meaning, being
what it is The critical explanation tells you that the text
doesn't have to be what it is, an d there is, therefore, no
problem.
And no meaning.
I should like to ask: What interests might have been
served by altering "Merab" to "Michal"? This points us
to the role of the two mothers in the story: the king's
concubine, and the king's daughter.
The victims bodies were left exposed, unthinkable in
Israelite circles but one of the sanctions for treaty-viola-
tion. 26 The first mother named in this story, Rizpah bat-
Ayyah, watched the bodies, driving away the birds by
day an d the animals by night. She watched until it
rained, breaking the drought an d the famine.
Michal/Merab is the other mother, but the story itself
downplays her an d her sons, both by introducing them
second, and then by not giving the sons' names; five of
the seven victims are anonymous (v 8). Moreover, it is
not she — the king's daughter — who performs the sto-
ry's heroic acts of maternal comp assion and grief. No, it
is Rtzpah, a concubine, and a traitress, known to us al-
ready because after Saul's death, she slept with his gen-
eral (II.3:6-11). Whoever sleeps with the king's women
is king (cf. II.16:22, 1K 2:22), and Rizpah thus gives Ab-
ner a tacit claim to the kingship, an d is complicit in
treachery to Saul's son and legal successor, Ish-bosheth.
If 21A were only an account of how atonement for
Saul's lingering guilt brought an end to the drought an d
famine, Rizpah would be unnecessary. The narrative
would move from the death of the seven victims to the
story's concluding word of divine mercy on the troubled
land.27 This is, in fact, exactly how Josephus tells the sto-
ry; the entire Rizpah segment is absent. His story con-
cludes:
Then the Gabaonites took [the seven men] and pun-
ished them as they saw fit. And God at once began
to send rain and to restore the land to its fruitfulness,
by delivering it from drought. And once more the
count ry of the Hebrews flourished?
a6. For this very probahle explanation, see McCarter 11:441-
42, although one might not be sure that the story would have
understood this way in the cxilic and post-exilic time. Exposure of
the dead was something done hy other nations, sometimes as a mark
of dishonour and denigration of Israelites (1.17:44. Tobt 1:17-19,
2 3-8, 2 Mc 5:so, 9:15).
over to the Giheonites,
27. Thus: "9•[David] turned them
they hung them on the mountain before the LORD The seven of
them fell together. '*And after that God responded to payer for
land." I am not suggesting that vs. 9b-14a are some kind of addition
to the story, but only that they are superfluous to the theme of vs.
":it "after
8. But I do think that the story's last two words n ous about a marriage between the houses of Saul and Barztflai. I-
(wanting in the companion story in I 1 24425) are most appropriate
to the full story, which includes Rizpah's vigil and David s acts of
bunal, and I would translate v 14: "They did everything the king
dead. Then and only then (jp -tttlt), God responded to prayer for the
land."
28. Antiquities VI1.297 The tterns3ation is that of Ralph Matais
the Loeb edition ofJosephus, vohmne S.
293
Rizpah's presence in the biblical story, therefore,
points to additional considerations, including honour for
the dead and the role of Saul in Israel's memory. Her ex-
ample came to David's attention (v t t), an d he be-
thought himself to care for the remains of Saul and
Jonath an . He obtained their bones from Jabesh-Gilead,
the Transjordanian city Saul had relieved when it was
under siege (I. t 1, 31), an d had them properly buried in
the tomb of Kish, Saul's father. He also had the bones of
the seven victims interred.
All this raises ques ti ons. The opening lines of the sto-
ry locate the cause of the famine in blood guilt over
Saul's zealous Israelite chauvinism, but David is not
without blame of a different so rt . Why had he not cared
earlier for the remains of Saul an d Jonathan? For a king
to remain unburied or to remain outside his expected
resting place was a particular dishonour, noted in
Chronicles for Jehoram (2 Chr 21:20), Joash (24:25), and
Ahaz (28:27).^ 9 Jason was later similarly dishonoured (2
Mc 5: to). Samuel is concerned that this not be true of
Saul, 3° an d the story takes an unlikely turn in the way it
awakens David to his duty. He had to be shamed by the
grief and maternal piety of a discarded concubine. 3I
The two mothers are a striking contrast. The king's
daughter was married to Adriel, a scion of the landed ar-
istocracy in Israel, whose father, Barzillai, was able to
provide David an d Ins men with food during the king's
flight from Absalom s coup (11.17:27-29, 19:32 -33). 32
She had five sons to look after her when her husband's
strength should give out, an d, in extremis, the present
king was not likely to forget old favours. The king's con-
cubine was on the losing side from the beginning. She had
first belonged to the failed king. After Saul's death — not
likely young or beautiful — she was briefly valuable to
anyone who wished to claim Saul's position. But she had
not even been taken by Ishbosheth, the late king's son;
29.
The honourable burial of Ahazialt a 1Cgs 9:28 has heen
omitted by the Chronicler, a G' hr. 22:9
30. The rehabilitation o f S a e) serves the book's interests in a
prophetic messianic hope vis-à-vis a political one such as Chronicles
knows. See (preliminary) Waken 1991
31. Although the nmtrn knows Rizpah as a et "concu-
bine" from 11.3.7, MT (followed by Tg) in 21A does not at once use
been
that term. In 21:8 and w only her name and patronymic appear, she
is called "Saul's concubine" only in v 11 when the story says that
David teamed of her action. By contest, most LXX MSS call her
xrilatunl immediately when she is introduced in v 8; Lucian delays
the term to v to; only a few (BAN xa,) withhold the word until v 11
and
(with MT). The juxtaposition which associates the designation with
David s awakening to duty, suggests that the narrator has wanted the
the
crony. Hermeneutic retard o6 personal name is found ehcwbere a g.
I- l.16, see Waken 1988 pp. 57 1 -73.
CatnmecmtQW (e.g. A. Anderson p. 25o) haw been dubi-
that" 32.
view of the latter's strongly pro-David stance. But, to answer roman-
ically, you can say that love knows no politics. To speak chronolog-
or- t
ically, you can say that for Baralai, fire grandsons ago could well
than David s elevation. And, in narrative tams, the
have been earlier
Barzillai connection heightens the contrast between die rote moth-
On the identity of the two BansiBoi:. see McCarter: gl:w.
en.
 Childless Michal, Mother of Five 295
2 94 STANLEY D. WALTERS

she had been eyed by his general, who saw in her a
means to power. And then, within days, both general
and son were dead (11.3:22-27).
An eldest princess, linked by marriage to land an d
money. A faded courtesan, forgotten and friendless.
The loss of two sons is bad enough; the loss of five
sons is inconceivable. 33 But of that mother the story
knows nothing. There is no grief for her own loss, no la-
ment for theirs; they have no names, they can have no
gravestones; there is no wake, no vig il , the five are as
anonymous after their death as they were before. And
their mother has disappeared with them. It is the twice-
widowed concubine who stretches the sackcloth on the
rock, competes with the predators by day and by night,
and waits She waits, until the king fulfills his obligations
to Saul and Jonathan, and until the fructifying rain pours
from heaven.
Is it a better story because it is the king's concubine
who has this effect, an d not the king's daughter? I think
so. The social dynamics of the story are more telling the
dramatic effect mo re powerful. The king's daughter did
cast in of her abundance; Rizpah of her want did cast in
all that she had, even all her living. 34
It is a better story, but, from another point of view, it
is a story with an overwhelming absence. Rizpah we
know, but where is the mother of the five? Think of it
as early users of the story might have done. It is not
flattering, this portrait for which the king's daughter sat
The Maccabean mother exhorts her sons to die nobly
and in fu ll confidence in God, an d supports them in their
sufferings (2 Mace. 7), while the allegorical mother in
Ezra's field of flowers determines to stay there until grief
and fasting effect her death (2 Esdras to:1-4). In the Tes-
tament of Job, although Job does not mourn for his chil-
dren since they are in heaven, Sitis his wife is urgent that
her children's bones should be recovered from the ruins
of the house and properly buried (39:8-1o). 33 By con-
trast, wanting grief and attentiveness, the king's daughter
of our story is hardly the compleat Israelite mother, es-
pecially in circles that may have been favourable to Saul.
her window she despised the king in his moment of re- ple was more powerful than the telling dissymmetry of Amama, Sixtinus
rt has been overtaken by mora li sm. 1698 Censura in Libros Samedis. In Criti ' Sacri, To-
ligious ecstasy, and then went out to meet and shrill the o ri ginal story. A
against him If Merab had been there, we know that she This is not a mint text, destined for curatorial librari- mus II, Amstelodam.
would have grieved. But if it were Michal ... we ll , from an s or museum-keepers. It is a used text, an d my argu- Anderson, A.A.
her we wouldn't expect any be tt er. And so Michal's ment is that the name "Michal" in it — surely the wrong 1989 2 Samuel. Word Biblical Commentary, Word
name takes the place of Barzillai's daughter-in-law. name — is proof of its power and use. Proof of power, Books, Dallas.
Now, everyone says that Targum Jonath an tells the because no one would trouble to edit an effete story. Calmet, Augustine
story as he does in order to harmonize the daughter's Proof of use, because no one would trouble to transmit 1730 Commentarium literait in omnes ac singulos turn
name with the rest of the book's facts; the mistake came an otiose one. The change has been made in order to veteris cum novi testamenti libros, Sebastian Co-
first, the hannonistic explanation later. 37 Perhaps; but I protect and preserve the very tradition which gave rise let, Venice.
wish to suggest the opposite. There was no mistake. to the Bible in the first place, that is to say, commitment
Calvin, Johannes
Michal's name had to be put into 21:8 in place of Mer- to a life governed by Torah, the divine Teaching. Here,
1961 Predigten über das z.Buch Samuel's. Supplementa
ab's in order to account for the absence of maternal piety in the as always, in seeking to preserve a religious tradition, in- inédits, Neukirchener
39 Calviniana, Sermons
mother of the five. If Merab had been there, it would have terpretation transforms it. Verlag, Neukirchen.
been she whose fierce grief opened both the heavens and Now, this story is at hand to us because we, too, wish
to use it. It is Scripture. But the impulse which installed Coogan, Michael David
the careless king's conscience. But Michal — herself
1990 "Job's Children," in J. Huehnergard, P.
tragically scarred by the politics of rival kings, at last the wrong daughter in the story has now become pa rt of
Steinkeller, an d T. Abusch, editors, Lingering
fruitless and shrewish — if it's Michal, we can under- the story's message, and so we will use it with "Michal"
Over Words: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Lit-
stand. instead of "Merab." It has come to us interpreted for use,
nature in Honor of William L. Moran, pp. 135-
To put it very plainly: this stow was originally told and we use it as it comes to us; to do otherwise would
147, Harvard Semitic Monographs, Scholars
with the name "Merab" as the daughter whose five sons be to adopt another text.
We lose nothing by accepting this text in its used Press, Atlanta.
were executed. In the course of the story's early use, the
name "Michal" was introduced in its place. This paper form, for the story s kerygmatic cogency and affective Cross, Frank M.
suggests a possible reason that the subs ti tu ti on was 1961 "The Development of the Jewish Sc ri p ts ," in
power are still there. But the understanding of "Michal"
deemed necessary. for which this paper argues will indeed add something to G. Ernest W ri ght, editor, The Bible and the
The absence of Merab's mourning and the subordi- Ancient Near East, pp. 133-202, Doubleday,
our exposi ti on. It would be easy, of course, to wax sar-
nation of Saul's legitimate grandsons were necessary to castic about dull legalists whose wooden reading of the Garden Ci ty , N.Y.
the artfulness of the o riginal story. It is because this text story gave us childless Michal the mother of five. In a lat- Driver, Samuel R.
was used, because its religious message was understood, er day the same people tore elegant funerary brasses from Notes on the Hebrew Text and the Topography of
1913
because its shriving g ri ef for innocent victims was so the floors of English churches. But the respect which we the Books of Samuel, 2nd edition, Clarendon
powerful, that the name had to be changed. In a story so properly have towards any serious use of a religious text Press, Oxford.
effective, we cannot have an Israelite mother so neglect- forbids us to belittle or denigrate this one. Personally, Erdmann, C.F. David
ful. And so the Hebrew story was edited by replacing I m on the side of Merab and the brasses; I don't think 1873 Die Bicher Samuelis. Die heilige Schrift Alien und
Merab's name with that of Michal. 38 There is no way of the unaltered story would place anything in jeopardy. Neuen Testaments, Belhagen an d Klasing,
knowing who did this, but we are talking about an in- But I am not the text, and when the MT encroaches on Bielefeld an d Leipzig.
terpreter and tradent for whom Merab's negative exam-
the story's a rt in the interests of morality, it requires me
Fokkeluran, J. P.
to hear something easily forgotten: truly to acknowledge Art and Poetry in the Books of Samuel,
1990 Narrative
the Creator's lordship is also to embrace a rigorous
Vol III Throne and C . V an Gorcum, Assen.
36. The Bible is sparing in its depiction of parental grief fin subordination of everything in life to a sovereign vision
Gi ll , John

_ of the righteous life and the Just society Even a rt — itself

How can you account for this dereliction of maternal af-
fection, this callow impiety? 36 There mu st be an expla-
nation, for no well-born woman would be so re miss.
How could Merab .. ,
Wait a minute. Merab, Saul's eldest, was married five
wn sons ago. Was she now even alive? Ah. Maybe
that explains it. If Saul had a daughter capable of this
kind of neglect, it was Michal. She is the daughter who
was never a mother. She had no children, because, from
the loss of children. David fasted and prayed to forestall the death of
Bathsheba's first son, but — to his servants' astonishment — wor-
shipped and went on with life when the child finally died (11.12:15-
did console Bathsheba (12:24). He showed grief at the report-
of his sons (11 13.31), but his sorrow fin Absalom (1i.19.1-9)
seems to be regarded by the narrative as unseemly. The Book ofJob
reports no sorrow for the loss of ten children (Coogan pp. 136, 143.
1 47). This general reticence may perhaps arise from a pervasive the-
ology which associates fecundity and fertility with obedience to the
covenant (Lev. 26:9, 22, Deut, 28:4, 18, 20, 32). Within Tanak the
loss of sons seems as much to occasion shame and hunuhation as grief
(i.2 5, Jer. 15:9, Lam. 1:1-2). But when vignettes of mothers and sons
do finally appear, they are intense and poignant.
37. So Harrington and Sakiarini, vol. w, p. 199 n. 8. Driver
called the Targurn's text "characteristic" (1913:352 n. 1).
38. This would have happened after the Old Greek was trans-
lated but before Targum Jonatkm took its present form, and in time
for the Kaige and heiiccplccrie re ce nsio ns of the LXX to know it, plgc-
ûtg the change in the late centuries B.C.E. It is also possible to think
of the Metals and Michel forms of the story as a lte rnative versiOOs,
existing at the same time but reflecting different idwohogIcal ambienc-
es.
1764 An Exposition of the Old Testament, London.
a gift of the Creator — must not threaten that vision.
Gordon, Robe rt P.
1988 I & II Samuel, Zondervan Publishing House,
Grand Rapids.
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Greenslade, S.L., cd.
Ackroyd, Peter R.
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39. These points have been made with particular force and
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meaning [of a text] ... is produced precisely by faithfulness to it" (p. Bible, the Tenpins, Michael Glazier, Inc.,
63). "it is just this pa radox, that a pratia intended to conserve a ntdition
should infra ivansfrn it, that gives us food for thought" (p. 59. italics
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ha). "A text that lives on through being interpreted will not be the
same thing that once lived effectively without interpretation" (P• 62)•
296 STANLEY D. WALTERS

Hen ry , Matthew Schachter, Jacob and Freedman, H.

1758 <1708>, An Exposition of the Old Testament, J .

1 935 Sanhedrin, I. Epstein, ed., The Babylonian Tal-

Wood, Edinburgh. mud. Seder Nezikin, 2 volumes, Soncino Press,
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A SALE OF PROPERTY FROM THE TIME OF
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lag von S. Hirzel, Leipzig. 747-626 B C. J. A. Brinkman gives a general historical
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1898 Die Bücher Samuels. Kurzgefasstes exegetisches survey of the rule of Esarhaddon over Babylonia.
Early Christianity. Compendia Return ludaicarum I. rup-pi `É' [ab-tu fa na-pa-s]u
Handbuch zum Alten Testament, 3rd ed., Verlag Brinkman notes that "... the accession of Esarhaddon in
ad Novum Testamentum, Fortress Press, Phila- 2. `d' [e-pi-14 Ku-tim X x] `X'
delphia. von S. Hirzel, Leipzig. late 681 marked a turning point in Babylonian history.s 2
Esarhaddon pursued a policy of peaceful rela ti ons with 3. [X] `x' [x x la qé-reb UNU]G.KI
Patrick, Symon Walters, Stanley D
Babylonia which contributed to "a major cycle of sus-
1732 A Commentary upon the Historical Books of the 1988 "The Light an d the Dark," J. Glen Taylor an d
tained economic growth." 3 4. [US.]`AN'.[TA IM.LU x -/tr DA É IX] `X KI'
Old Testament, volumes, 4th edition, James
2 Lyle Eslinger, editors, Ascribe to the Lord. Es- 5. A' [Ix XX(x)] `DIY
Nevertheless, in a ll , only 28 economic documents
and John Knapton, et at, London. says at Memory of Peter C. Craigie, Journal for the 6. U[S.KI.TA IM.SI SA DA É X X A'X] `A?'
from the reign of Esarhaddon are listed by Brinkman an d
Poole, Matthew Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series, 7. SIAG.KI AN.TA IM.KUR.]`RA'
1669 D. A. Kennedy in their ' Documentary Evidence for the
Synopsis cntic onrm aliorumque S. Smpturae inter- pp. 5 67-589, JSOT Press, Sheffield. `DAÉ'[ IXXX A IXXX] `X-a'
Economic Base of Early Neo-Babylonian Society," 4 8.
pretum, London. 1 991 "Saul of Gibeon, ' Journal for the Study of the SAG.K(I KI.TA IM.MAR.TU]
which catalogues the texts from 721 to 626 B.C. This is 9.
Rost, Leonhard Old Testament 52 (1991) 61-76.
not a large number when one compares the tens of thou- Jo. `DA E\ [ I X X X A IXXX]
1982 Su ccession to the Throne of David, trans. Michael sands of texts known from the later Chaldaean period. In
D. Rutter and David M Gunn, Historic Texts view of this small total of documents, Oriental Institute 11. ki-i [X MA.NA X GIN KÙ.BABBAR KÙ.PAD DU?]
and Interpreters in Biblical Scholarship, Almond text A 3674, which is included in their registers and 12. I s`n-dAG- 3114 - ti A X x]
Press, Sheffield. 13. it-ti ['X X X A 'X X X]
studied in the present article, will shed a small but wel-
come light upon the economic fo rtunes of Babylonia 14. KI.`LAM' [É-s4 ki-i ka-sap TIL-ti]
during the reign of Esarhaddon Though most of the ob-
verse is destroyed, much can he restored with the help 15. na-din `ma-hir' [a-pil ru g4m-ma-]`a'
of other known texts of its type. The text is published 16. ul t-sri 'u! GUR'-[ma a-na a -ba -]`me?
here with the kind permission of John A. Brinkman 17. ul t-rag-`gu'-[mu ma-ti-ma ina EGIR UD.MES]
Curator of the Oriental Institute Tablet Collection. We 18. Ma `SES MES' [DUMU.MES IM.Ri A né-su-tu]
call a ttention to the royal title used m line 38, so far the 19. 4 `sa'-[lat Iâ E I s`d-dAG-s`u û]
earliest known of its type . 6 20. lâ `DUL.DU'-[ma um-ma E]
21. US `SUM-na KÙ BABBAR1 ul ma'-[hir]
22. i-qab-bu-û

Rev.
23. KÙ.BABBAR im-hur EN 12.TA.A.AN
24. t-ta-nap-pal
Dedicated to Wi ll iam W. Hallo, on the occasion of his 65th
birthday, March 9, 1993. 25. ina ka-nak IM.DUB lu -a-ti
1. Occasional Publications of the Babylonian Fund, 7 (Phila-
delphia, 1984), PP•7o-84 26. tria GUB-za fa ISES.M ES-Iâ-a LÙ.GAR.KU UNUG,
2. Prelude p.7o. KI
3. Prelude pp. 70-i 27. A I ba-la-fir LÙ SÀ.TAM É AN.NA
4. JCS 35 ( 1 98 3), pp. 1-go. IGI I d AG.DÙ-us` A 'SIG 5 -ya
5. JCS 35, p. 1 9
28.
6. For general bibliography on the titles, see Prelu de, p. 16, n. 29. IdEN-4 -sa -tu A I ki-na-a
62, and below, to line 38

297
 A Sale of Property from the Time of Esathaddon, "King of Lands" 299
298 DAVID B. WEISBERG
ognized in this study in which this designation is used The finger-nail imprints on the edges are of the type
30. ' dAMAR. uruidiM A 'mu-fib -li dBèI-rum-iikun descend an t of Sa-dNabû-iû; often found on such texts, cp. G. Boyer, "$upur X kima
in the titulary of a Babylonian business document "II
3i. DUMU.US-a A ' na-di-nu dNabû-uiallim descendant of Sufi kunnukkilu," in Symbolae Koschaker. 12
In fact, it is the last KUR in the title that is damaged but
'

32 IdEN.MU.GAR-un A Iiii-dAG•Iu-4 Sullum descendant of Ibnâ;

legible. In any case, there is no doubt about the reading.
33. IdAG.Gl A 'lu-la-a an d the scnbe, writer of (this) document (war)
34. 'Jul-lum A 'ib-na-a dNabû -ab-usa- biidescendant of Iddin-dNabû
35. a LO.DUB.SAR 144ir IM .DUB
Uruk, Duzu it, year 8 of Esarhaddon, King of Lands.
36. Id
AG.SES GAL -li A ISUM dAG An Unrecognized Vacsal King of Babylon in the Early
{39-40 Fingernail imprint ofSa-dNabû-sû in place of his Period," Andrews University Seminary Studies 9 (1971), p.
37. UNUG.KI ITI.SU UD. I I .KAM Achaemenid I2. Leiden: Brill, i939 , pp. zo8-218.
seal-impression; 57.
38. MU.8.KAM dSAR.SES.MU SAR4 KUR.KUR
Nadnâ, descendant of Balätsu.
39. fu-pur 1 111 dAG-lu N
40. ki-ma NA 4.DUB-JU
Le E NOTES
41 • 'nad-na -a A I ba-lal-su
3f. The ruled line after line 3 is restored on the
model of Pohl I 2:3 f. and similar texts.
TRANSLATION
26. GUB-za is unusual, GUB-zu being expected; but
(1-3) Tablet dealing with [a destroyed] house [to be torn the za is clearly written.
down and rebuilt in the [... District of U]ruk. Abbe ä, Sikin-tèmi of Uruk: For this figure, see
Kümmel, "Familie, Beruf and Amt im spätbabylonis-
chen Uruk,"' p. 139 n. 222.
(4 -Io)
Upper long side facing South adjoining the house of
Balätu, Satammu of Eanna: Brinkman and Kennedy,
"Documentary Evidence," 8 discuss this figu re in con-
..];
Lower long side facing North adjoining the house of nection with Ajbeiä. Their suggestion to place these of-
ficials "late in the reign of Esarhaddon" is correct.
•••];
Upper shon side facing East adj[oining the hou]se of 38. The month of Duzu in the 8th year of Esarhad-
don falls in 673 B.C. Weissbach in RIA I, writes:
[Lower] short side [facing West) adjoining the house of "Die assyrischen Privaturkunden aus Assurabiddins
[...]. Zeit sind nach den Eponymen datiert, babylonische
mit dem Datum nach Regierungsjahren As"s"urabid-
-14) [X minas, x shekels of silver in small pieces] Sa- dins sind selten."
dNabû-3[û, descendant of ...,] from [...,] as [full pay- Esarhaddon's title, "King of Lands," appears to be the
ment] for the price of his house ,

first known occurrence in Babylonia of this expres-

(15-24) he has received. [He is paid and free (of further
claims).
He (the seller) has no claim. He (the seller) may not re-
nege, they shall not raise a claim] one against the other.
[Whenever in future] times there should arise from
among the brothers, [sons, family, near] or distant rela-
tives of the house of Sa-dNabû-sû, to raise a daim for
this property, saying [as follows: "The house] had not
been sold, money was not received,' (whereas he actu-
ally) did receive the money, he shall reimburse him 12
times its value.
sion. 10 This fact has been noted in Wi ll iam H. Shea's
survey of the titles of rulers used in Babylonian econom-
ic documents from the first millennium B.C.:
An additional interesting and significant title occurs
in an unpublished text in the Oriental Institute (A
3 674) that is dated to the 8th year of Esarhaddon. Al-
though the first sign of the title is damaged, it is evi-
dent that the title in the text is "King of Lands"
(LUGAL KUR.KUR). This is the earliest instance rec-

(25) At the sealing of th tablet

(26-38) In the presence of Alib i
and Balätu, Satanunu of Eanna
Before dNabû•épu3 descendant of Daring
dBël-usàtu descendant of Kmj;
dMarduk-Ere3 descendant of Mu3ibii;
Aplä descendant of Nädinu;
7. Abhandlungen der deutschen Onent- Gesellscha ft nr. 20.
(Berlin: Gebr Mann Verlag, t979).
in-çèmi of k 8. JOE 35 ( 1 98 3). p. 20 n. I n.6.
9. Berlin and Leipzig: de Gnryter, 1928, p. aooa.
to. Otherwise one finds for Esarhaddon, for example: LUGAL
at Dilbat (JOE 35 pp. 17ff.: 1.2 and 1.25) and at Babylon (ib., L13);
LOCALE at Babylon. fib., 1.6 and 1.8) and Botsippa fib.. Is. For LUGAL
.E see J.A. Brinkman, A Political History of Post-Kassur Babylonia 115â-
722 B.C., AnOr 43 (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute 1 968 1 PP.
.
1671E); at Nippur. LUGAL KUR af-ha-KI ERS 35 pp. 17ff.. 1.14) and
at Sippar. LUGAL.S() (ib., I.16).

THE LATE GREAT TRADITION
IN ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIA
Norman Yoffee
University of Arizona
Upon opening the splendid volume by Thomas W.
Lentz and Glenn D. Low ry (1989), entitled Timur and the
Princely Vision: Persian Art and Culture in the 15th Century,
which was prepared to accompany the recent exhibit at
the Sadder Ga ll e ry of the Smithsonian an d the Los An-
geles County Museum of Art, on the very first printed
the sanctuary dome of the Masjid -i jami` of
Timur in Samarkand. With this evocative juxtaposi ti on
of words and pictures. Lentz and Lowry set the stage for
their inves ti gation of the rela ti on between Timurid art
and its political and social context.
Now in Mesopotamia, usually considered home of
3 00
page, on the right-hand side as the book lies open, are
quoted the words of the Timurid historian Samargandi:
`
If you have doubts about our grandeur, look at our ed-
ifice." Turning the page, one sees, spread over the two
facing leaves, this scene:
the world's first state (Hallo 1972), it is reasonable to ex-
I. A version of dus paper was presented at the annual meeting
of the College A rt Association, Feb. i6, 1991, as pa rt
of the sympo-
sium, ' The Forrnation of Great Traditions," organized by Whitney
Davis. I am grateful to Prof Davis for his invitation and to the CAA
for a travel grant to a tt end the meeting.
The Late Great Tradition in Ancient Mesopotamia
pect that a rt would also provide significant insight into
Mesopotamian political forms. But here is what the fore-
most authority on Mesopotamian a rt , Prof Porada, has
observed:
Commenting on an exhibition of ancient Near Eastern
a rt , Peter von Blanckenhagen once said, 'it is very limit-
ed ' I do not recall that any other scholar expressed so suc-
cinctly one of the principle characteristics of that a rt
(Porada 1 979= 3 6).
One of the major sources for iconographic studies of
both the profane an d the sacred in Mesopotamia — and
one that from its diminu ti ve form could be termed "very
limited," however important it is as a marker of stylistic
and hence chronological ch an ge — is the cylinder seal
(Collon 1987). The purpose of these seals was to signify
ownership or denote administra ti ve responsibility by
rolling the cylinder and so impressing a distinc tive image
on clay tablets, on clay jar stoppen, and on other bits of
clay (Zettler 1987), but seals were also worn as amulets
or adornment (Magness-Gardiner 1987). Recent
inves ti gations of these objects have shown how they
were used as legal an d administra ti ve devices (e.g., Win-
ter 1987; Magness-Gardiner 1987) and how their deco-
ra ti ons might be correlated with social status an d
occupa ti on (Kathie 1977) As can be seen from the
above topics, this admittedly 'limited' a rt medium has
occasioned a remarkably wide arena for analysis In trib-
ute to Prof. Hallo, whose forays into the history and cul-
ture of Mesopotamia an d the ancient Near East have
been both detailed and far-ranging, I offer these few re-
marks on still another aspect of histoncal research that
may be undertaken from our miniaturized data base
To be fair, Mesopotamian a rt has its own gr andeur
an d experts like Irene Winter have demonstrated how,
for example, first millennium Neo-Assyrian monumen-
tal art was used to communicate complex messages of
imperial authority (1981 1983). Furthermore, as Jerrold
Cooper has emphasized (1990), the recent finds of spec-
tacular jewelry at Nimrud reminds us how little of Me-
sopotamian a rt actually remains vouchsafed us. Still I
assert tint, in comparison to its neighbor Egypt, or the
Maya, Mesopotamian a rt — an d especially Mesopotami-
an public a rt — does fit the description of von Blanck-
enhagen. Indeed, it is one of the tasks of this paper to
consider why Mesopotamian civilization looks different
or at least is reflected in some more `limited' media
than some other early civilizations. Such an examina-
tion must delineate the nature of political power in Me-
sopotamia, the reasons for the development of such
power, and the methods through which power is com-
municated and legitimized. I pursue (but will certainly
not capture) these subjects in this essay by means of the
analytical concept of `great traditions'.
30 1
Tradition and G re at Tradition
At the outset one should state that consideration of
`great tradi ti ons', while never fashionable in cultural an-
thropology, is only beginning to sur fa ce in social evolu-
tionary investiga ti ons (i.e., those concerned with the
development of ancient states an d civilizations), which
are primarily conducted by archaeologists That is, while
themes of social differentiation and political integration
con ti nue to be important in explaining the rise of states
and civilizations, it is also clear that evolutionary process-
es cannot be understood solely in political an d economic
dimensions Rather, one must account for cultural
boundaries of a civilization in terms of ideas, values and
beliefs. While not as `hard' as political borders cultural
institutions are also palpable and virally important in de-
termining what it h that makes a civilization a civiliza-
don an d what are its contou rs
Also newish in social evolutionary theory is the con-
cern with identifying an d explaining variability among
ancient states. This research again focuses not only on
the kinds of stra ti fica ti on an d political centralization in
ancient states, but on the different `ideas' of what the
state should be. These inves ti ga ti ons a re particularly
concerned with what degree 'statecraft' is a subject for
self-conscious examination, who are the institutional-
ized car ri e rs of the idea of the state, an d how political
power is achieved and maintained by recruiting and/or
controlling those charged with interpreting the duties
an d rights of rulers. These 'ideas' of the state form an im-
portant component of `great tradi ti ons'. Before discuss-
ing this concept, however, it is necessary to cull from the
literature (Hobsbawm an d R an ger 1983; Shils 1981)
some basic precising definition of `tradition'. I shall then
adumbrate how `great tradi ti on' is a subset of the more
encompassing term.
`Tradition' denotes those practices that seek to incul-
cate certain values and norms that imply continuity with
the past. In the face of constant change an d innovation,
tradition (that is human beings using tradition) structures
certain parts of social life as unchanging an d invarian t.
Indeed, it is this imposed, inva rian t fossilization of a past
including a past that may be fictitious — that is the
intent of tradition.
Tradi ti on designates certain things to be handed
down from past to present (including material objects as
well as beliefs and institutions) that function as patterns
of action recommending or prescribing subsequent ac-
tions. These include modes of interpreting the universe,
cluste rs of symbols or images, and certain texts that are
to be assembled, protected, an d exhibited (along with
the chain of their transmitted variants). These consider-
adons of tradition (which have been drawn from Shils
an d Hobsbawm, writers from the opposing poles of the
political spectrum) stress that traditions of our modem
world are often invented to counteract the rootlessness
302 NORMAN YOFFEE
of industrial societies. Although I argue that the inven-
tion of culture can also be carried over to Mesopotamian
antiquity (see also Anderson 1983 for the historicity of
inventing traditions), I first need to discuss the classic
definition of 'great tradition' in anthropology.
In a series of pub li cations from the 4os t hrough 6os
(e.g., 1947), Robert Redfield stru . ed to c ri tique an d
extend the 'little community' studies then prevalent in
social anthropology by considering how such communi-
ties were affected by the 'great communities' in which
they were embedded. By 'little community' Redfield
meant what he thought was the dominant form of hu-
man existence, those face-to-face societies that were
self-sufficient, homogeneous worlds-unto-themselves.
Redfield noted, however, that peasant societies were a
special condition of little communities, since peasants
were created through their relation to an elite that was
part of a great community. Little communities thus
formed the lower circle that unwound into the upward
spiral of civilization (1966). Redfield advocated
anthropological study of how 'little traditions' (those tra-
ditions of the little community that were taken for grant-
ed and not subjected to much scrutiny, refinement, and
improvement) were impinged upon by the 'great tradi-
dons' of the surrounding civilization. These great tradi-
tions were written in the architecture of temples as well
as in philosophy and were communicated to the masses
through an organization of specialists who were charged
with performing the characteristic functions defined in
the transmission of the great tradition.
Littl e of Redfield's concerns remain in modem an -
thropology, especially not the myth of the homogeneous
little community with its self-enclosed world (Netting
1981). Nevertheless, Redfield's concept and term 'great
tradition', which was never the cent ral focus of his in-
vestigations, can be linked both to the modem studies of
tradition cited above and also to investigations of the ev-
olution of ancient states and civilizations.
Let me illustrate this linkage with the Mesopotamian
example: In the political sense of the term, historians and
archaeologists are well aware that. 'Mesopotamia' is by
no means easy to define an d even has the disroncerting
ability to dematerialize completely (Yoffee 1988) In-
deed, in the early third millennium B.C., Mesopotamia
consisted of a cellular pattern of city-states that rarely
acted in poetical concert. Still there can be demonstrated
a very specific an d shared cultural sense of Mesopotamia
that is not tied to the presence of any political union Ex-
pressions of the cultural boundaries of Mesopotamia
were naturally restructured through time and across re-
Porn! developments. Although such ideals of what was
Mesopotamian culture were never directly stated, the
evolution of a. standard literary language, the various sys -
tematizanons of r # ' _ and the cosmos, and the preserva-
id revision of whole bodies of texts
called the 'stream of tradition' ---
which were assembled from all parts of Mesopotamia
over many centu ries (Machinist 1986:185) demonstrate
the existence of such cultural boundaries that form what
may be called the 'Mesopotamian great tradition'.
The Emergence of Great Traditions
If such a great tradition significantly denotes what
Mesopotamian civilization is, then it is our task to con-
sider when an d why such a tradition emerged. In theory,
traditions ch an ge when a society is transformed so that
previous patterns of interaction are weakened and their
institutional `carriers' (see below) are no longer suffi-
ciently adaptable to incorporate them. In the evolution
of civilizations, however, we are dealing with the emer-
gence of `great t raditions' Great traditions, as defined
here, are not just any practices an d beliefs that imply
continuity with the past, but are those systems of values
and the specialists associated with defining an d repro-
ducing them — that delineate and legitimize the kind of
political activities associated with states. Since the state is
a product of an evolutionary process wherein the rela-
dons between governors and governed no longer rest on
real or fic ti ve kinship ties, an d in which certain types of
social inte raction become no longer prescribed by the
`moral economy' of kinship, `great tradi ti ons' can be
correlated with the evolution of these social transforma-
tions (Yoffee 1993a).
Indeed, local traditions become defined as 'local' pre-
cisely by the process in which a new cohesion of social
groups h established and symbolized — a cohesion in-
volving new modes of socialization, values, and conven-
tions of behavior that previously did not exist. As such
cohesions (great tradi ti ons) formed, they penetrated local
pa tt e rn s of action, narrowing the cultural distance be-
tween 'central' an d 'peripheral' norms by subordinating
some tradi ti ons of local systems to more inclusive values.
But, at the same time, the evolution of the great tradition
increased overall social stratification, since cultural spe-
cialists in the new overarching system formed their own
elite segment of society and restricted access to the ri tes
and training needed to maintain and transmit the great
tradition.
Naturally, the above remarks are very general and,
while I have abstracted them from a cross-cultural data
base, I can offer them here only as logical propositions
within the perspective of social evolutionary theory (see
e.g., Runciman 1982; Bawden 1989; Paynter 1989).
New social evolutionary theory, however, does not seek
to homogenize the process in which great traditions
emerged in the first civilizations The formation of a class
of literati, the institutional car ri ers of the Chinese pa
tradition, in the late Zhou and early Han dynasties
(Schwartz 1985), has no parallel in Mesopotamia, for ex-
ample. Yet, as Jasper and latterly Eisenstadt have stressed
in their concept of 'axial age transformations' (Eisenstadt
The Late Great Tradition in Ancient Mesopotamia
1986), the Chinese case can be compared with Greek,
Christian, and Islamic cultural transformations, in which
the first real ideologies arose. Those great traditions
strive "to present a comprehensive view of the world"
an d "argue that their main task is to remake present re-
ality, corrupt and imperfect as it is, in accordance with
the dictates of a higher moral order" (Machinist 1986:
183). No independent, 'semi-autonomous' car riers of
this sort of great tradi ti on ever emerged in Mesopotamia.
The Emergence of the Mesopotamian Great Tradition
For the sake of the following argument, I assert that
the forma ti ve period for the development of the Meso-
potamian great tra di ti on is the `Ubaid period (see Hen-
rickson and Thuesen, eds). At least before the `Ubaid,
the later Neolithic cultures of Hassuna and Samarra seem
to reflect localized bundles of interactions, especially the
exchange of goods and ma ri tal partners, that united their
regions (Bembeck 1991; Stein 1991). Each set of inter-
actions was symbolized (hypothetically) by shared beliefs
an d (palpably) on the material level by common s ty les of
painted pottery. This mode of interpretation (e.g. Yoffee
1993b) is used to replace earlier no ti ons that such region-
ally defined s tyles of ceramic decoration represent envi-
ronmental adaptations (e.g., Oates 1973) or distinct eth-
nolinguistic groups (Mellaart 1 975).
The Halaf prehistonc culture, on the other h and,
found over an enormous extent of territory, well beyond
northern Mesopotamia, but not extending to southern
Mesopotamia, might be described as an `interregional
interaction sphere (Yoffee 1993b). That is, based on a
combination of neutron ac ti vati on analysis of the Halaf
pots, showing local centers of production, and a study of
design motifs, which are incredibly uniform over the ex-
panse of the Halaf (see Watson 1983 for a survey of evi-
dence), it is held that local elites attempted to control the
production of a symbolic code that facilitated the ex-
change of goods over long dist an ces an d across many lo-
cal boundaries.
The `Ubaid is the first archaeological cultu re that h
found both in north an d south Mesopotamia, in much
later times the lands of Assyria and Babylonia respective-
ly. Not only are similar ceramic artifacts found in both
regions, but also, significantly, the temple architecture of
the southern an d northern type-sites (Eridu and Gawra)
seem to reflect a system ofbeliefs shared throughout Me-
sopotamia (Stein 1991).
In the succeeding Uruk period, which conventional-
ly ends with the appearance of writing, there was a de-
mographic implosion in southern Mesopotamia that
resulted in the creation of vast city-states (Adams 1981;
Nissen 1 983). The socioeconomic organizations charac-
teristic of these city-states were the rival redistributive
institutions of temple and palace estates. From this urban
implosion, which carved the increasingly depopulated
.
3 03
southern countryside into enclaves, new divisions of la-
bor made possible an Uruk political expansion up the
Euphrates in Syria an d Anatolia (Algaze 1989). In these
territories, presumably to control vital trade routes,
Urukians' founded colonies (Sürenhagen 1986).
In the late Uruk, too, writing was invented. Natural-
ly, writing had its precursors in systems of counting with
tokens, as Schmandt-Besserat has argued (e.g., 1981).
But, according to Cooper (1989), Larsen (1988), an d
Michalowski (199o), and indeed most Assyriologsts, the
Sumerian writing system cannot be derived from such
prior systems of representation an d must be considered a
real invention. The mother of this invention, of course,
was precisely the formation of city-states, the growth of
redistributive estates of temples and palaces, and the need
to keep track of people an d material in unprecedented
ways.
Although the writing is called 'Sumerian', the Lan-
guage is far from 'pure', since speakers of Sumerian had
lived in I ra q for several thousand years before the lan-
guage was written. Indeed, Sumerian in the early third
millennium is an artificial construc ti on of elites in Meso-
potamian city-states an d was used in a distinctive system
of written communication. `Sumerian', thus, was remote
from, or palely reflected speech-acts, which consisted
not only of several Sumerian `dialects', but also of other
languages, notably Akkadian (which itself, when first
written, was far from any vernacular). For our purposes,
however, it is only import an t to observe that throughout
the various Mesopotamian city-states the written lan-
guage became progressively standardized. This standard-
ization proceeded, furthermore, in the absence of any
political unity in the l an d, which was only realized with
the conquest of Sargon of Akkade.
Mesopotamian City-Seals
I finally turn to the slight, cylindrical object of my vi-
sual curiosity and particularly to the so-called `city-seals'
of the early third millennium B.C. These sealings are
mainly known from Ur (but also come from Jamdat
Nasr, see Buchanan 1966: no. 9; Moorey 1978: 154 plus
notes 40-42, Lambert two: 189, Green 1986: 78
these last references are reviewed in Michalowski 1992),
where they were found in a rubbish layer (Moorey 1982;
Po llock 1983). They were published and cursorily stud-
ied by Legrain (193 6) an d date to the Early Dynastic I
period, ca. 2800 B.C.
Stylistically consisting mainly of names of city-states ,
they can be arranged in groups of one register (e.g., UE
3, 401, Fig. 2a, reading `Ur, Adab, KeshD, dual registers
(e.g., UE 3, 429, Fig. 2b, with only the lower register
containing city names, reading 'Lana, Kesh(?), Ur,
Adab`), and more complex types, like Picasso-esque UE
3, no. 398, in which the grouping of city-names and
other moti& is not according to xcgistcrs (Fig. 2c, reading
 304 NORMAN YOFFEE
'Adab(?), AB+ [7], Larsa, UNU [?]'). Altogether at least
eleven names of city-states are used along with motifs of
snakes, birds, and other unidentified symbols.
401 (Fig. 2a)
398 (Fig. 2c)
Examples of Sumerian 'city-seals' (from Lrgrain 1936)
As far as I know, there has been no thorough inves-
ti gation of these seals (and this essay does not pretend to
remedy the situation). Thorkild Jacobsen (1957) re-
viewed the material as part of his argument for a 'Kengir
League' that he reconstructed for the early third millen-
nium. He considered that the city-seals represented ev-
idence of official deliveries to Ur by groups of cities, a
feature most easily understandable in terms ofa league of
cities." While such offerings were in fact made in the Ur
III period (see Hallo 196o• Steinkeller 1987), about sev-
en centuries after the time of the city-seals, city-states
were autonomous and self-governing in the early third
millennium B C
Several other commentators have inferred that the
city-seals were marken of economic activities. Hen ry
Wright (1 909) and Hans Nissen (1983) have argued that
the seals were corporately owned, that is, they were used
by the storehouses of temples and palaces to authorize
transactions among Mesopotamian cities. Piotr Micha-
lowski (1992) points out that since the Ur sealings were
presumably jar stoppen (while at least one Jamdat Nor
seal was impressed on a tablet), and that the seals muse
have been used more than once, an economic purpose
best serves as an explanation for the lists of city names.
Michalowski (see also Smith 1984) infers that the various
groupings of cities indicate the routes the goods were
sent.
429 (Fig. 26)
Against this interpretation, however, it should be
noted that there seems to have been no overall political
control of the multifaceted economic sector in early Me-
sopotamian city-states. It would seem improbable, thus,
that a city name might st an d for an economic procedure
and it is difficult to imagine why a bureaucracy would
wish to write names of various numbers of city-states on
their seals or why seals should denote routes in which
goods were transported.
In this essay I do not pretend to have ascertained the
functional 'Sitz in Leben' of the seals. Nevertheless, by
assuming the various arrangements of named cities in the
city-seals must represent either an economic or a politi-
cal purpose — two possible interpretations — one nec-
essarily excludes a consideration of the a rt objects on
their own terms and in particular the 'aesthetic' message
of the objects. If one may re gard the names of cities as
part of the decorative fabric of the seals, then one is able
to consider these extremely limited 'scenes' as seeking to
convey an idea, specifically an idea of inclusivity among
Mesopotamian city-states. It is such a 'text' of inclusivi-
ty, I argue, that forms part of the new Mesopotamian
' great tradition'. Naturally, the Mesopotamian great tra-
dition is more than the notion that a congeries of inter-
The Late Great Tradition in Ancient Mesopotamia
acting city-states forms some larger civilizational whole,
but it is an ideology of self-conscious cultural similarity
that is central to the forma ti on of any great tradition (see
Hallo's own ideas on the subject of an overall [southern]
Mesopotamian culture in 1963b).
In Mesopotamia the idea of cultural unity is expressed
in many ways, but one of the most important was that
only one Mesopotamian city-state ruled over the entire
land at any given moment in ti me. The idea is famously
portrayed in the 'Sumerian King List , which (as is well
known) records a succession of cities, each with its own
list of dynastic rulers and the nota ti on that mle passed
from city to city. While the specific order of cities an d
kings an d the claim that any city-state ruled over all Me-
sopotamia in the early third millennium can be refined,
many commentators have observed that the idea of Me-
sopotamian unity (that was composed into the Sumerian
King List in the early second millennium to create a fic-
tionalized p as t; see Hallo 1963a; Michalowski 1983 pro-
vides additional references) has its own integrity. We
may go further than this• the 'Sumerian King List'
(which is purely a modem title) should be called the
Mesopotamian Ci ty List', for in the normal absence of
centralized regional authority, cities were the focal are-
nas of political and social struggle. When empires did
form later, they were short-lived and when they col-
lapsed, the products of collapse were city-states. It is the
conten ti on here that the city-seals' are among the first
self-conscious depictions of the idea that a congeries of
city-states was one of the essential characteristics of Me-
sopotamian civilization.
Summary
Let me return to the central issues of this essay, the
import an ce of understanding Mesopotamian civilization
as a 'great tradi ti on' an d what that great tradition looks
like. With regard to the former, I have argued that it is
the idea of Mesopotamia — including the various textual
an d visual streams of tradi ti on and the traditional speci-
fications of the duties an d rights of rulers — that provides
coherence to Mesopotamian city-states an d regions over
more than 3000 years of vicissitudes in conquests, ethnic
migrations, political centralizations, an d collapses. Only
after the victory of Cyrus of Persia in 539 B.C. when the
great tradition of Mesopotamia officially became only
one of a number of equally valid little traditions, did its
eventual extinction become a possibility (Yoffee 1988).
Concerning the look of the Mesopotamian great tra-
dition, I have passed over, in a distinctly miscellaneous
way, the sources that might be used in the investigation.
There is obviously much to do, especially in the matter
of comparison that lies at the heart of von Blancken-
hagen's obse rvation that I have cited. One avenue of re-
search into why early Mesopotamian a rt is so 'limited'
may involve consideration of the non-'national' charac-
305
ter of Mesopotamian political authority. But this is a top-
ic more suited to the a rt historical experts than to an
Assyriologist or archaeologist.
I conclude only by projecting that the formation of
great traditions will become an increasingly fruitful sub-
ject for those investigating the evolution of ancient civ-
ilizations (see the use of 'interaction spheres' by Chang
1986; Willey 1991). In the last years, trends in archaeol-
ogy have moved considerably from earlier preoccupa-
tions with functionalist, adaptationist, an d materially
reductionist explanations of social organization and so-
cial change (Tngger 1991) As questions of meanings an d
values loom suddenly large as organizational va ri ables in
ancient historical and archaeological purview, it is surely
appropriate to strike new alli an ces with a rt historians,
who are traditionally adept in framing precisely the kinds
of questions we now wish to ask. A richer view of the
p as t, one that sees a rt not merely as illustration (a reflec-
tion of something outside itself), but as constructing a
cultural message (from communicators to an audience),
and in which aesthetics is not decoupled from politics
an d society, would surely result from the cross-fertiliza-
tion; an d archaeologists, at least, would get better slides.'
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an d George Cowgill pp. 44-68, Tucson:
Universi ty of Arizona Press. Mamoru Yoshikawa
Zettler, Richard University of Hiroshima
1987 "Sealings as Artifacts of Institutional Adminis-
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Cuneiform Studies 39 pp. 197-240. In my previous articles' I have demonstrated that the 2) as é-gal-e ba -ab-tam-ma-ta 3) igi nu-ni-dura
verbal root dim represents marts, whereas the root tam 4) at igi i-ib-dug-a mu-tam-mu-a
represents hamtu as a pair of roots belonging to the alter- 5) ur-dba-i dumu -dabs -ba nu-bànda ba -ad-da-ri
nation class. In the Ur III texts, however, we have an al- 6) nam -erim-am 7) ur- ba-gir mask.im
ternative martî form of the affixation type tam-mu
(<*tam-e) in place of tùm. Superficially, tam-mu seems l6-kir4 zal TUR.TUR-dab s -ba kù-ta sa in-a
8) I
to be identical with tùm in its marû function. Since, la- si-ma-nam ki-ba gar-ra
9)

however, a compound verb mug/mss/mùs ... (nu- I o) u4 é-gal-e ba -ab-tim-ma-ta I i) igi nu-ni-dug-a
)tam-mu is never written mus/mas/mùs ... (nu-)tùm to I2) u4 igi i-ib-du8-a mu-tam-mu-a
represent the maril aspect, we will attempt to find some 13)
ses ur-d[ ..] nam- e ri m-ram'
aspectual difference between tam-mu and tùm.
14) I ab-ra TUR.TUR-dab s -ba kù-ta sa w-a
15} la-si-ma-nim id -ba gar -ra
16) u4 e-gal-e ba -ab-tam-nia-ta 17) igi na-ni-dura
In the following analysis we will present examples of
iv. I') [u 4 igi i-ib-dug-a mu-tam-mu-a ...-k]a
tam-mu collected from the Ur III corpus, although this
2') [nam]- e ri m -im
list is not exhaustive.

E ITT III no. 6545 (cf. Falkenstein, NSG no. 190)
i. 3') i sà-ga -bi TUR.TUR-dabs -bat kù-ta sa w -a
4') la si-ma-namh id-ba gar-ra
5') at é-gal-e ba -ab-tam-ma-ta 6') igi nu-ni-dura
7') at Igi i-ib-dura mu-tim-mu-a
8') Ia -bal-sags -ga é--dnanna 9') nam- eri m-àm
io') I a-da-làl TUR.TUR- dabs -ba kù-ta sa w -a
II') ki-ba gar-4a
I2') u4 é-gal-e ba -ab-tam-ma-ta 13') igi nu-ni-du
i 41) u4 igi i-ib-dura mu-tam-mu-a
15 1) 16-ki-nu-nirld nam- e ri m-Im
ii.16') i a- gib-se-en TUR.TUR-dab s -ba kù-ta sa w -a
iii. i) la-si-ma-name Id-ba gar-n
3') [i ...] me-nam TUR.TUR-dab s -ba kù -ta sa w -a
4') la- si -ma-nim^ <ki>-ba gar-ra
5 ,) u 4 é-gal-e ba ab -tam-ma -ta 6') igi nu-ni -du g -a
7')
u4 igI I-ib-dug-a mu -tam -mu -a
8') du r 1 -ga -ni -zi dam-gàr 9') nam-erim-àm
9') I ur-' nanse TUR.TUR-dab s -ba kù -ta sa in-a
Io') u4 é-gal-e ba ab- tam-ma -ta i i') igi nu-ni-dura
DUMU.DUMU-dab s ba is possibly related to the well-doc-
2.
umented dumu-dab s -ba (cf. iii 5 and iv 14' in this ten)_ Although
the meaning of dab s in dumu-dab s -ba still remains uncertain, I ten-
tatively tried to associate it with dab s in the following examples, or
-a
with A. Salonen, Agricultura Mesopotamica pp. 291, 3221, and 325 in
dumusi 'tukul-e dab s -ba.
i. RTC 355
to) Iû-zib dab s -dab s -dè gin-na
ii. RTC 397
9) la-rum-um-ba-ni hi-zàb dab s dè gin na
-
-

iii. Lafont, DAS 197

6) Ia-ru-ba-ni Iû-mob dab s dè gin na
-
-

iv. Lafont, DAS i 99

I. This paper was read at the second meeting of the Sumerian
Grammar Discussion Group held at the Onental Institute, Oxford on
July 3-5, 1991 I gratefully acknowledge the travelling expenses to
and from London provided by the Sasakawa Fund entrusted to Ox-
ford Unive rs i ty
1. See JNFS 27/3 (1968), OrNS 37 (1968), and OrNS 43
( 1 974)•
18) a-bu-nil6-zàb dab s -dab s -de gin-na
v. Grégoire, AA S 176
to) hi-zàh-dab s -dab s-me ... i4) clam-me
As for TUR.TUR, 1 interpreted it as intended to mean di 4 -di 4(-
li) that is "younger, smaller (worker)" rather than TUR/DUMU-
dabs-ba.
310 MAMORU YOSHIKAWA On the Aspectual Difference between TOM and TOM-MU 311

12') u4 igi i - lb-dug -a mu-tnm-mu-a Io) sag dam-ab-ba-a-ke 4 tam-mu-dam "In deinem heiligen Wo rt [mögest] du [für sein] Leben 5. TCS I no. 13o (=HTS zoo)
I4') ur-dlamma dumu -dab s -ba [nu]-bànda ba -ad- [...] bringen!"
Rev. 7-To: Io) inim-é-gal-kam
da- ri "Ur-Nigingar swore that he had not received the price of I z) inim-GAR-bi nu-mu-tùm
the female slave from Lu-Sara. The wife of Abbaa should z1. M. Cohen, Canonical Lamentations p. 232 "It is an order from the palace;
(Since the seven instances mentioned in the above at once bring over the slave." he should not raise an objection."
text are very similar in every respect, only the first in- a+196) é-mu ura-mu im-ma -ab- tam-mu -ne
stance will be translated below): "They carry off my house and my city from me."
5. Soliberger, TCS I no. 55 (=CBS 13976) rev. 6. TCS I no. 77 (=Istanbul Ni i5)
i 31-9'
7) be-na-ab-s[um-mu] 3) k gi-zu-nab-ta nu-tùm-da
"As for Sagubi, a small captive child, purchased with sil- Cf. further ArOr 37 p. 483 lines 21-22 et a1. 3
8) a-sà-ta tam-rmu'-d6 4) nibru ha-bi-lb-da-e 5) ki-na-me-g6 na-an-tùm
ver and replaced by a man of Simanum Lubaliaga, a man
9) kù-bi ga-na-a[b-li]
of the Nanna-temple, has sworn that after the palace had "Let him leave(?) at Nippur the barley which he is to
2
taken him away, he has not seen him, and that when he "Let him give ... I will pay him its (price in) silver to take bring from Gizuna. He must not take it to any (other)
finds him, he surely will bring him (to the palace)." from (the yield of) the field " place."
Out of the examples of hé...tùm attested, (for in-
stance in Sollberger, TCS z no. 56: bé-ma-da-tùm; no.
The reason why the manl form tam-mu was purpose- 6. Gurney and Kramer, Landsberger Festschrift, p. 16 obv. 64: ha-mu-tùm; nos. z z z and In: bé-ma-an-tùm; no. Further examples of tùm in Ur III administra ti ve texts
ly and consistently used in this text is difficult to judge iv 206: ha-an-dim; no. 252: ha-mu-tùm), only no. 56 has will be cited below. Four exceptional cases in which tùm
solely on the basis of this text. The following examples, the above-mentioned contextual feature: is used in a telic context are placed first:
35) [...]-a
however, may offer a sugges ti on. 36) ba-ba-tam-mu
"He shall bring ..." 1. TCS I no. 56 7. Owen, NATN no. 132
2. UET 3 no. 22
9) 6-1a-bi u4 to-ta gib-ba-sè 1) 20 adda-udu 2) bu-ù-bu-ru
t) su dnin-'subur 2) ses-a-ni 3) in-lam-ma 3) itu-gan-gan-[è) 4) u 4 15 zal-la 5) tùm-da
7. NSG no. 212 (=YBT 4 208) to) I.o.o za-rum sa x gar
4) u 4 t-kam-ka tam-mu-da 6) mu -lugal [...]
II) sa-du i 1 -lugal bé-ma-da-tùm
5) mu-lugal in-pi 6) tukumbi 7) ss"u dnin-subur I I) z and kù-4-gin-g6
8) nu-mu-tam 9) a-ne [...] 12) lugal-é-mah-e in -sa in "Quickly! Let him bring me I gur fine dates (as) the
king's regular offerings between evening and midnight." 8. YOS 4
13) 16-inim-ma-bi ba-ri-ri-ge-es-[àm]
"Su-Nins"ubur and his brother Sulamma swore by the
14) mu-bi-sè lugal-é-mah-e nam-enm-bi un -kus 8) u4-sakar itu -buru^ 4 mis- 9) sè tùm-da
name of (his) king that they would bring on the first day.
if Su-Nins"ubur does not bring ...' and ba-an-tam-mu Two examples of tim in NSG do not have the above- io) mu- lugal-bi In-pà-dè-es
'Lugalemab bought one slave at the price of 4 shekels, mentioned feature:
(but) the witnesses died. Therefore if Lugaiemab swears,
9. UET 3 no. 35
3. Owen, MVN t I no. 52
he can at once take the slave for himself" 2. NSG no. 1 43 5) iti-à-[ki-ti] 6) u4 15-zal-[la)
t) ur-dlamma 2) 11 4-3- kam -ka 3) tam-mu-dam
w) nlg- a-gu-dé-a-ni 7) mu-tùm-da 8) mu- lugal -bi in-pà
"Ur-Lamma should bring on the third day." 8. NSG no. 195 II) nu-mu-da-su-su é-bi ba-ba-an-tüm
10. AUCT 1 no. 534
22) gir-ni-i-sag s nigin-gar-ki-du 1O ba-an-tam-mu "(Since) I am not able to return his loss, he may take this
In examples 2 and 3 above, the fixed terminal points house." 6) 114 [...1-kam
(u4 -i-kam-ka, u 4 -3-kam-ka) seem to form a kind of tel- "Nigingarkidu will (at once) take Girniis"ag for himself"
7) tùm -tum mu- lugal- 8) bi in-pa
ic situation. It is this context that requires the marl form
tam-mu instead of aim, since possibly tam denotes the Lastly, examples in the post-Sumerian corpus, though
3. NSG no. 215
Compare the above examples 7-10 with what foli o
final aspect of"bringing," while tim denotes the process not exhaustive, are cited below: 4} tukumbi i-Iâ 5) 3 kur6-bi 1-la-a
or dura ti ve as pect of "bringing." This interpretation may 6) ba -ab-tùm MVN 5 no. 91
be supported by the examples of mug/mas/mùs" ... 9. Kramer, BASOR ss i 2o) kur6-16-I-a-gin 7 ù-ui-dirn
(nu)tam-mu to be discussed later. 222) gâ-e dnin-bur- sag-gà mu-e-ii-tam-mu-un a-
3) iS ma- na 4 gin -urudu-luh-a
n) diri-bi erin-e ba-ab-tùm 4) ha-lus -lu5 tim-dam
Although in the following examples this contextual na- à m nlg-ba - mu
feature is not present, nevertheless the mara form tam-
"lf I b ri Nln bursag before thee, what shall be my re- The above examples 2 an d 3 are very similar to ba-tùm, 12. MVN 5 no. 193
mu is used:
ward^" as to the context, in Ukg. Cone B//C(=Corpus Ukg. 4
and 5), C viii 38, ix 18, an d 14. Other examples of tùm
2) kr- lugal -ab -ba -ta 3) nibru
4. Gomi, SNSAT no. 36o rev 224) zang
- e dni -bur-sag-gi mu-e-tam-mu-un-nam 4) kiseib ur-dnigm -gar 5) tù
in TCS I are as follows:
I) igi ur-dsataran-sè "If thou wilt bring Ninbursag before me,
2) igi Ia-dingir-ra du 13. MVN 5 no. 194
4. TCS I no. 149 (= Elmira College 5) rev.
3) igi and-dnanna gu to. H. Steible, FAOS I p 2) ki-i-su-ta 3) kisib-ur-nigin -gar
4) ab-ba -a mu -lugal in-pa-da-a 8) la 6o-àm 9) gi 4 mu-un
to) gi ba-an-tùm am-61
4) I-su tùm-dam
5) lugal- dub -li-ra sa, Q -sa io -dé in na-an -sum 33) narn-ti-in-gi 4 -a bé- ni -tùm- tam-mu
6) dam-ab- ba-a-ka sag-time-du i -ga-na ,ba -gi "Das heilbringende Leben mögen sie bringen." "Send 6o men (and) he/they(?) will take the reeds away."
14.MVN 5 no 200
7) ur-nigin -gar -ke4 sam-gim 51) imm-kù-zu nam-ti-1[a-ni-sè x bél-em
'garà-ta su la- ba -an-ti- a 2) klsib lugal -amar-kù 3) ki-la
3. See, fin instance P. Michalowski, I amen ration Over the De- 4) tu rn-dam
gpn- gar-ke 4 nam- erim-bi ku s -dam
,

minion of Stutter and tis, lines 35, 3oz, and 308; S.N Kramer, The
Marriott of Martu 138.
312 MAMORU YOSHIKAWA On the Aspectual Difference between TOM and TOM -MU 313

MVN 13 no. 815 i. Emesal-vocabulary tablet III (cf. MSL 4 pp. 27f.): 2. Sjöberg, ZA 63/1 p. 25 rev. SRT 36, 35; Farber-Flügge, Studia Pohl to p. 18: SLTNi
32, 5; Seux, Epithètes p. 426, s.v. mùg ... tam "cesser" and
4) s'u ba -ti 5) nibruki-ta 6) adabw-g6 tim-dam 1 4) [ga] -g tim -ma *ba- *ba- *lu ma-ru-u 9 1 ) [n]e-sag-a-a- d en-lil-lâ-sè mùg nu-1ûm-mu
others.
5) ga tim KI.MIN ba-am-tu tt
...not cease the nesag-offerings for father Enlil." Thus it may be safe to conclude that mug/mas/mùs
16. CT 32 pl. 48: 103410 rev. 6) ir tam KI.MIN KI.MIN
tam "to stop cease" as a compound verb becomes a
4) là-ni in-ta-è-a 5) kisib-bi tùm -dam to) ir-ir tam-tam KLMIN fa BARK
3. Alster, JCS 37/2 p. 223 telic verb, a point of cessation as the goal, just like the
MUNU4 ma-m-u
23) itu-da èg-gal-e itu du-dè mas nu-tim-mu-ne verb "die," which is a telic verb having the point of
17. Sigrist, TEN no. 232 1 i) sag-ir-ir sag-dim-tam gûl-lu-lu ma-m-u
death as its goal. This may be the reason why the marû
12) mag-ga mug-turn na-par-ku-u ma-m-u "Will never cease coming every month, (once a)
6) mu kù-ga-ni 1ùm -da -se form of mug/mag/mùg ... dim occurs as mug/mag/mùg
I 3) mus nam- mas nam- a-a ip pbr-ku month, to the palace."
... tam-mu without any excepions. 4 This result seems to
ba-an-ga-ga ba -an- tam-ma
18. Langdon, TAD no. 41 rev. coincide with the interpretation obtained in section i
c) mùg ... tam above.
2) kisib -bi 1ùm-dam ii. NBGT II (= Bertin tablet; cf. MSL 4 pp. 1481):
1. TCL 16 88 v 20-24 (cited in TCS 3 p. 148)
19. I TT t no. 1083 rev. di-eDU ba- ba-lum ha-am-tu 4-
i 7) 20) gegta-diri- 21) dub-dnidaba-ke 4 22) sum-ma-
-

t} -ga-dèki-gè 2) tùm-di 3) ur-du 4) gu ba -ti
20. 11 I 5 no, 677o (= TCS 1 no. 64)
5) lugal-di-ku s -ra 6) ba -na-ab-sum-mu
7) zi-ga-ai (erased?) 8) ba -mu-tum 4'
21. RTC no. rev.
231
8) Li-ni-àm 9) uru-
22. DP no. 294 (pre-Sargonic)
Ïi 4) mu-a a-ri-5-arn iû-i4è iii 1) mu-tùm
23. Nik i no. 23 (pre-Sargonic)
i 6) id-ambar-s6 7) gligigir-ré ba tùm
24. YOS 4 no. 560
20) u 4 alan-dsul- -e 21) in-gub ba -GlN -àm tùm
^
darn
22) ezem-mah-sè tùm-dam
See further Reisner, TuT t 3 7 (p ass im); Gomi -Salo
SNSAT nos. 15:3, 164:5, 217.3, 365 rev. ii 5, 373 rev. 5 ;
AUCT i no, 394:4-5 and others Example no 24 above
sterns to have a telic context.
Now the above exemplification will show that in the
lic situations the mari form dim is usually used,
8) DU , MES ma-m-û zu Lastly, we must refer to irregular or possibly errone-
23) é-dub-ba-a im-ma 24) mùg nam-ba-an-tim-mu ous, examples of tùm- mu -da(m) in Ur III documents:
Inconsistency or confusion as observed in the above "The surpassing wisdom which the tablet of Nisaba has
treatment is, however, a rather exceptional case for given to you shall never end on clay in the school." I. Owen, NATN 10o rev.
Babylonians 8) la-inim-ma-me edge: 1) 3 sag-hi 2) tùm -mu-da
The marû form of tam is never written as tam-ma,
2. Civil, JAOS 103/I p 53
but as tam-mu, as will be shown below: 2. Oppenheim, Eames Coll., p. 21 B to (= Fish Cata-
61) ad-g1 4-gi4 lugal-bi-ir tim -`mai igi-nigin mùg
logue 534)
a) mug ... tam nu-turn-mu
4) lugal -hé-gàl-e 5) ezem-mah-gè 6) dim-mu-dam
I . Klein, Sulgi P, section B (TAPS 71/7 [1981]) "Advisor, fit for his king, never ceases to observe,"
48) râ-zu-za mug nam-ba-an-tam-mu
3. Sjöberg, AS 20 p. 171 (cf. also Römer, SKIZ p. 29)
Cf. 2'. MSL I pI. 6 III
May you never stop your prayer!"
16) ù kin-gi 4 -a ù fi -[ip-ra]
ir-zu é-dub-ba-a-ka mùg nam-ba-an-tùm-mu
17) ba- ab -1ùm -mu ub -[bal]
2. Hallo, AOAT 25 p. 218f. "Your glory will never cease in the school."
34) Ia-gal s -Iâ ur-gir x (KU)-zu gâ-e bé-me-en Cf. 2". Festschrift Struve p. 230
keg da zu gè mug nam-ba-an-tam-mu-un 4 Alster, Instructions of Suruppak, p. 81 (Nange Hymn) i) pég-tur(-re) ama-ni-ir na-ab-bé-a
"I am verily your constable (and) dog, I do not cease from 108) sag balag-gâ ki-gub ba m gè mag ba-si-in-tim- 2) im-ta-è la-na-me igi nu-mu-dù
being tied to you." mu
3) ama-ni mu(-un)-na-ni-ib-gi 4 (-gi4)
4) igi-dug zu tùm(-tùm)-mu-e-se
"The person who has to take care of the music, but ne-
3. Hall o, AOAT 25 p. 223, s.v. 34- 35. glects his job." "Thus says the young mouse to his mother, "I have gone
out (but) I did not see any man!" His mother thereupon
[1(.6]g-da-zu-us mug nam- ba - an-tam-mu-d[6] answers him (saying), "Bring me what you did see!"
5, Falkenstein, ZA 52 p S9
(Since in the imperative the biamtu form is usually used,
Cf. 3'. Gudea Cyl. B x 23) dinanna ur-dnin-urta-ke 4 u4-ul da-ri-gè mùg la- this example may be regarded as a misuse. )
ba-da-tam-mu
6) i-ga-bi 6g-é-ninnu-a mus` nu-tam-da
"Inanna! Ur-Ninurta will never cease in eternity." Cf 2 '. Gordon, SP 2 163
"

whereas in the telic situations, though not compulsory,

it is preferable to use the mari form tam -mu. It is to be Cf. 3". Wilcke, "Zum Königtum," Le Palais et la Royau- é-numun- til - til-la-gè a-ba-àm mu-un-tam/
noted, howes cr, that it is not a cont ra diction of the tf, p. 215, Sulgi F. 6. Römer, SKIZ p. 14 (cf. idem ZDMG suppl. I/1 p. tam-me-en
above observation for tùm to be used in a telic situation. 20) nig-sl-sà-e Mug nu -tam-de 1 3 7) Who has brought you to a household whose seed has
"I order that he does not let cease the righteousness." 45) dsuen<-e> aga sag-za mi- ni-in-ga -na mùg" nam- been picked off?"
3 ba-an-tùm-mu It can be tenta ti vely assumed that the above-cited
was stated above, the marl form never occurs as b) mas ... dim "May you never stop wearing the crown which Suen has tùm-mu is derived from contamination of tam-mu and
tùm, but always as tùm-mu in the case of a compound placed on your head!" tùm.
I. Kramer, Tura Elegies, (cited in TCS 3 p. 87)
mus/mù3/mùs ... darn, 'to stop, cease," "aufhören.'
This fact is possibly attributable to the aspectual relation a-pa4 -za kas -kurùn-nig-du to -ga mùs" nam-ba-
For further examples see for instance Sjöberg, OrSuec
en dim and tùm being concealed from the Baby- an-tam -mu
22 p. 117 rev. 7' and 18'; SGL i p. 122, 39; SKIZ p. 18,
err interpretation can be assumed, for in- 'In your vessel, may sweet beer never cease." 46, p. 32, 52; ibid p. 45, In/ Sjöberg, JCS 34/1-2 p. 76,
e following treatment: 11'; Erhard, ZZB p. 89: UMBS io4 i iv, 27 ibid. p 116;
4. C however, Rôincr, SKIZ p. 237, 5 é-kur-
OECT 2 pl. vii rev. 12-i5 Castellino, RSO 32 p. 18: u.
314 MAMORU YOSHIKAWA

- 5 -
Notwithstanding the above results, the aspectual dif-
ference between dim and trim-mu seems to be quite ex-
ceptional in the Sumerian aspectual system, as will be
illustrated below.
This table suggests that the verbs belonging to the re-
duplication class have only two aspectual distinctions be-
fore the suffixes -dè/-da(m), whereas the verbs of the
affixation class basically have three distinctions. It is im-
portant to note, however, that the telic verb ak has only
one form. The case of the verbs of the alternation class is
complicated, since tûm/tùm exceptionally has four dis-
tinctions, though gin/du seems to have only two.
Since the verbs belonging to the reduplication class
are mostly momentary ones to make the aspectual dis-
tinctions between gâ-gâ-de, *gar-dè, and *gar-re-dè or ON THE AMORITE MATERIAL
between gi 4-gi4-de, *gi4-dè an d *gi4-e-dè may be un-
necessary. The action denoted by the momentary verbs FROM MESOPOTAMIA
ends, in any event, in a moment.
Ran Zadok
Tel Aviv University

The purpose of this a rticle is to collect an d evaluate
Amorite onomastic an d le xical material from Babylonia
and Upper Mesopotamia. It includes most of the lexical
material,' as well as selected anthroponyms an d top-
onyms which have not yet been adequately interpreted.
The chronological framework is ca. 230o-12oo. Most of
Reduplication Class A11'ixation Class Alternation Class
the material is from OB Ma ri . This documentation was
analyzed by Th Bauer (Die Ostkanaanäer [Leipzig. Asia
Mayor, 1926]; mostly from Babylonia) an d H.B. Huff-
sum-mu-dè/-da(m) tùm-dè/-da(m)
gar-ra-da mon (1965; from Ma ri [AFNM]). Gelb's monumental
sum-ma-da tfun-ma-da
*gar-dè/-da(m) volume (198o [AS 21]) has an almost exhaustive collec-
sum-dè/-da(m) tnm-dè/-da(m)
*gar-re-de/-da(m) tion of all the Amorite material from the Fertile Crescent
tùm-mu-d6/-da(m) an d adjacent regions published down to the late 197os
b) 04 -g34 -dè/-da(m) (excluding the alphabetic material from Ugarit). 4 Text
*ak-ke 4 -d2/-da(m) du 46/ - 6(m)
gi4 -a-ch editions from Babylonia, Mari, Emar, Munbaqa an d
*ak-ka-da gin-na-da
girde/-da(m) smaller sites published during the last decade keep adding
ak-dc / -da(m) *?gin-c16/-da(m)
*gis e-di/-da(m)
- abundant new onomastic an d le xi cal Amorite material.
*gin-ne-dè/-da(m)
Much of the recent material from Ma ri an d Babylonia is
analyzed below.
Amorite is understood here as a dialect cluster ex-
tending from Mesopotamia to northern Sy ri a. Ugaritic,
which has intensive lexical correspondences with Canaan-
ite, is not a straightforward Canaanite dialect an d may
therefore be regarded the westernmost dialect of'Amor-
ite' type.'
In the same manner, the easternmost Amorite dialects
had strong lexical affimties with East Semitic. The dis-
tinction between the easternmost Amorite dialects (no-
1. An extensive but unreliable list is contained in M. N
Die Urspnïnge d es alten Israel im Udine neuer Qudlrn (Arbeitrgemeinsduft
des Landes Nordrhein-Wes fakn, Reihe Geistcswissrnsdraften, Heft 94,
Köln-Oppladen: Westdeutscher Verlag. 1961); for critique see D.O.
Edzard, lA 56 ( 1 964): 142ff Updated partial lists are presented by A
Lemaire (MARI 4 [19851: 55 1 ) and A. Malanat, Mari and the Early
Israelite Experience (The Schwach Lectures of the British Academy
98 4: Oxford: Oxford University, 1989). M. Durand (MARI 3
[1 9841: 1 55. n. 42; NABU 1988: 46, 60 and M. Anbar (0130 rob:
95) ehmrnate several alleged Amoritisms from Ma ri. W. von Solen
(VF 4 11972]: 1S9f.) points out that zu -bu -ul-rim from Ma ri actually
refers to a princess from Ugant thereby rendering a presumably
Ugaritic term.
tably that of Ma ri ) and East Semitic, viz. Akkadian
which served as the written language both before and af-
ter the Amoritization of Mari, is not always clear cut. It
may be due not only to a certain Akkadian-Amorite lin-
guistic convergence which might have existed in early
Mari , but also to a long-established scribal tradition
which would mask various indigenous realities. 3 On the
whole, the huge correspondence found at Man stems
from many sites in the Jezireh where various Amorite di-
alects were in use. In the northern Jezireh there might
have existed a Sprachbund with the Hurrians. The distri--
bution of the Amorite dialects was not merely geograph-
ic, but possibly also socio-economic, i.e. sedentary versus
seminomadic dialects (e.g., Suteans, Biniaminites), but
no pertinent derails can be verified. Conceivably, Ara-
maic might have developed from a semi-nomadic dialect
group.
Some morphological and lexical suppo rt for the as -
sumption that Aramaic originated from an Amorite dia-
lect has recently been presented by me. 4 Here I would
2. See already A. Goetze, Language t2 (1941): 127ff. J.C.
Greenfield (Prot. intl. donc, 92ff.) presented the case for a very dose
relationship between Ugaritic and Canaanite, but dnd not go as far as
B. Isaksson (OrS 38-39 119 8 9-9o): 61) who defines Ugaritic as "an
ancient and peripheric Canaanite language." My statement is made
with the understanding that Ugaritic. by the very nature of us geo-
graphic setting, could have served in many respects as a transitional
dialect between the very close dialect cluster of Amonte type and
those of Canaanite type. — I do not include here West Semitic loan-
words from Bokazköy as they might have been borrowed from a
Canaanite dialect: a case in point n MB fu-ni-ia ('hater'. AHw. t 59ob)
with a > o.
3. Cf J -M. Du rand, MARI t (19821: 79-89: iekm, MARI 4
(1985]: 174, bottom. On West Semitictsrtu in Ma ri Akkadian cf., rag..
Link 154: 3.2.3.2.1; D. Chagrin and J.-M. Durand, MARI 4 1 1 98 51
310, n. 78. For forms which may be either Akkadian or Amonte cf
below, s.vv ß-'-R, K-L-B/P, P-T-H. I-P-T and pass. The scribal
tradition might have been responsible for the sporadic rendering of
the sibilants of S-K-N, S-L-M, S-M. S-M `, S-Q -Y, S-B-e and S-
W/Y-M with U> which is the regular rendering of the sibilant of
their Akkadian cognates Due to die urne reason, S-'-L is constantly
spelled with OE perhaps '4-14-S. D-W/Y-Z H-R-S, P-S-T, Y-
S-R; and n. 7 below on the causative stem.
4. Fs. Tadmor, to4tl'.; cL A. Lerstaàe, MARI 4 [ 1 98 51: 549ß
(sip. 550 with extensive ôtersture. .
316
like to add more phonological and morphological evi-
dence. The comparison between Amorite and Aramaic
is necessarily largely based on a philological approach
(phoneme reconstruction correspondences of mor-
phemes an d lexical items). The absence of any texts in
early Amonte does not enable the researcher to apply a
modern linguistic approach viz. study of syntactic uni-
versals an d syntactic ch an ge (except for some types of
compound names). Language typology is also very lim-
ited due to the nature of the Amorite corpus which is
largely onomastic and is recorded only in a cuneiform
sc ri pt foreign and unsuitable for any Semitic language.
Methodologically, an Amorite-Old Aramaic compari-
son is necessarily between two largely unknown corpora
as the Old Aramaic body of texts is very meager.s
A. Lemaire pointed out (MARI 4 [ 1 985]: 556) that
methodologically one has to compare the Ma ri Amorite
material with the Ugaritic corpus in the first place (cp.,
e.g., the Ma ri correspondence with Ug. 'sr 'bird', below,
s.v. '-$-R). A comparison of the Ma ri corpus with the
material from MB Emar reveals a remarkable linguistic
an d cultural continuity. My working hypothesis is that
certain eastern members of the Amorite dialect cluster,
which were spoken in the Jezireh an d on the fringe of
the Syrian desert were the ancestors of Aramaic. Almost
all the early Amorite lexical documentation originates
from 18th century Mari, whereas most of the pertinent
late-Amorite appellatives are recorded in the documen ts
from Emar at the end of the Late Bronze Age. I point
out 'pertinent' because the rich material from Uga ri t an d
Alalab, which is from about the same period as that from
Emar, does not — in my opinion — belong to the east-
em Amorite dialect group seen as the possible ancestor
of early Aramaic. This paper deals mostly with the early
Amorite material. The late matenal is used here for com-
parative purposes only and is evaluated in a forthcoming
article of mine.
Amorite */d/ and */1/ are generally rendered in OB
as <z> and <!> respectively, but few exceptions (OB
<et>, <t>for /d/ and /1/ resp.) seem to occur. 6 On the
fa ce of it, there seems to be some tendency towards the
later, viz. Ugaritic and Aramaic shift /4/ > /d/ (not yet
complete in Ug.), 7 but since the documents in question
Cf E.Y. Kutscher in Th . A. Sebeok
South f4°'est Asia and North Africa (Current Trends in
Hague: Mouton. 1970). 347ff (esp. 357) ad mf 7 (note, e.g. ,
Sore); penne R.A. Brauner, A Comparatiste Lexicon 9f Old Ar
(doctoral dissertation Dropsie College. 1974; Ann Arbor: University
p..,
Microfilms, 1983).
6. See Du ra nd, MARI 3 (1984). 167 with n. 35; £741. (but cf.
Anbar, BiOr 43 [1986(: 111, bottom); J--R Kupper and E. Sollberg-
er. !RSA 25o. AS at 2968 has not only Da-ra-um (Ur EII), Du-ba-
ba(-um). Ow-ba-ba-arm (fern.) !a/A -ad-4w-DINGIR, Ida-hi-non, Da-
nee /irai -Haum and I-sl-da-r (-i) from Babylonia, but even Da-aq -ni-rum
(fem.) frein Mari where */1[/ is always rerxlered by ci>. However,
a least some of these naines are amenable to an alternative interpr
ratios (e.l. the Da-ki-rum with the reading -q(- may derive from D-
Q-R and the last one with rb- can be tagtii of Q-N-Y 'get, acquire).
RAN ZADOK
were sent to Ma ri from the northern Jezireh (notably
from Ilansura), one cannot rule out that the Human en-
vironment was involved here
In addi ti on to the gentilic suffix -ayy(l' (cf. Fs. Tad-
mor, 11 4) there are also traces of nunation in the Ma ri
material (see Durand, MARI 4 [1985]: 152, n. 3o; 170,
n. 78; 172). 8 Note, for instance, the toponyms Ak-ka-di-
ni (22, 328 ii 18.29), Da-gi-li-in, Du-um-taman/-te-en (Rip.
géogr. 3 49.56 cf. Duran d, NABU 199o: 61, 82), Su-ga-
gé-en (Rip. géogr. 3: 211; cf. WO 14 [1983]: 237), as well
as, perhaps, Naga-(ab )bi-ni(-iAks , gent.?) an d Ru-ub-bé-
en (Rip. giogr. 3: 172.197; cf below, s.vv. N-G-B, R-B-
B). The forms with -Vn may be considered as the fore-
runners of the Aramaic plural and dual suffixes in con-
tradistinction to the forms with - Vm which are typical of
the dialects of the West (Canaan and Uga rit) on the one
hand and to East Semitic (notably Akkadian) on the oth-
er. Methodologically, this is not without difficulties: one
cannot rule out a dialect va ria ti on in Amonte which in-
cluded forms with mimation as well. 9 Again, one has to
apply caution here as most examples are toponyms
which are notoriously conservative if not fossilized.
The word for 'king', which is of the gatl formation in
Aramaic (*malk in contradistinction to Can. *milk), is
first recorded in MB Alalatt and Uga ri t (along with
*milk, cf. OLA 28: 54 with n 25; 65f). MB (Alalab) Mi-
na-ab-ba-mu (cf. AOAT 214. 253, s.v. NUM; OLA 28:
125) may on the face of it be considered as a forerunner
of the Aramaic D passive participle muqattal (to N-H-M
'console', cf Ling. 162: 3.3. 8 .3.7 [the other examples
listed ibid. 1 59: 3.3.7.5.1 are dubious], but mu- > mi- is
7. Cf. Kutscher in Sebeok, 354f.; J. Blau in M. Black and G.
Fohrer (ads), In Memoriam Paul Kahle (Beiheft zur Zeitschnft fiir die all-
testamendiche Wissenschaft soi; Berlin: A. Töpelmann, 1968), 39, de-
spite B. Isaksson (OrS 3 8 -39 [ 1 989-9o]: 61). Note the sporadic shift
Ug..t > t (cf. Greenfield, Prot intl. conf tot). Are the examples listed
ibid. 96, (f). cases of hyperconecnon? On causative with an initial sib-
ilant in Ugaritic and Amorite see Greenfield, ibid. 97 (cf. C. Rabin,
Eris 9 [1969J: 148ff. [esp. 1571J): The only just possible example with
<s> (for <I> cf. n 3 above) is sa-af-b[a]-ru, sa-as-ba-ar-turn'progeny'
(CAD S . 197b) Sa-an-qa-mu-um (AS zu 6 34, 5363) is doubtful as
there is no causative stem of N-Q-M (except for the Heb. passive
stem of the ca usa ti ve). Sa-ab-ba(ma?)-rum (23 337 4) is unexplained.
Polel stem may be extant in Ia-ab-nr-ru-um = Ia-bu-ur-ru-um (to 6-
W/Y-R; differently Gelb, ling. 162: 3.3.8.5.l; idem, AS 21: 238E, s.v.
'RR)
8. fja-am-mi-za-(ru-4/um (APNM 187) interchanges with
in
(Ija-)am-mi-za-Inc-un (22, 161 3, pons to D-K-Y 'be pure, innocent';
the spelling with -4 is presumably Akkadianized). Cp. perhaps Va-hc-
(un/um)-pi-IA-mu where -un interchanges with -um (differently
APNM 93.196, s.v. IJLN; AS 21: 233, S v IN where tja-lu-un/na-
d ISKUR does not support such an interchange) and tab-tu-un (cf.
ling. 16 4: 34417)4
9. There is only one hypothetical example of -im (mast. pl.),
viz . $a-bi/pf n-ma (cf. WO t4 [1983): 239 The reading of Pa-a[IJ-Ii-
mat (YOS 14, 2 49 7) and $a-ht-q(-ma(?) h dubious whereas -ma of Sa-
ar-ri-ma is probably not an integral put of of the toponym according
to Charpin and Du ra nd, MARi 4 (1985): 314. It should be remem-
bered that m. pl -in is extant not only in Aramaic, but also in South-
west Semitic and even in a penpheral southern Canaanite dialect, viz.
Moabite in the first miflenmum. Note that S4-cia-qi-inki interchanges
with S4-gb-gi-inM (at: 572a).
On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia
recorded only later, viz. in the 1st millennium, cf. WSB,
305: 1124335, n. 3).
On the other hand, there are some noteworthy mor-
phological differences between early Amorite and Ara-
maic. As in Akkadian preformative n- is common to
words which are peculiar to OB Ma ri (e.g., namlakâtum,
naqqabi, cf. below, s.vv. M-L-K N-Q-B) in contradis-
,
tinction to m- in early weste rn dialects (cp Ug. mqb) an d
Aramaic (except Samalian which has traces of n-)
Amorite names from Babylonia (Me-ta-mu-ta/Mi-is-mu-
du) an d Ma ri (Mi-ia-na-su) begin with my 'who?' (AS 21:
321, s.v. MJ; cf. CAD M/2: 62f.; AOAT 214: 248), but
mn, which has the same denotation, is more common in
Amorite interrogative sentence names (cf. AS 21: 323f.,
s.v. MNN: Ma-na-ba-la through Ma-nu-sa-ma). Al-
though the names with man(nu) might have been influ-
enced by the resembling Akkadian onomastic patte rn
(cf. A. Goetze, Language 17 [1941): 135 with n. 7o), the
situation in Eastern Amorite is basically the same as in
Ugaritic which has not only my (as in Canaanite), but
possibly also mn (UT 432: 1468, cf. 434f : 1494. 1 504)•
There is a rich inventory of verbal roots in the early
Mesopotamian documenta ti on. However, it is impossi-
ble within the limited framework of this paper to present
a comprehensive analysis of the rich inventory of
Amorite verbal roots. The comparison of the distribu-
don of such roots in other Semitic languages, which is
the natural sequel of this paper, must be left for a forth-
coming publica tion. For the time being, suffice it to sin-
gle out the occurrence in Amorite of certain forerunners
of typical Aramaic roots, viz. madinatu (below s.v. D-W/
Y-N) an d nasiku (cf. Zadok, Fs. Tadmor, 114). The ab-
sence of a certain verbal root in the very limited corpus
of Old Aramaic, which differs in certain poin ts from later
Aramaic, 1O may not be significant. Adnuttedly there are
very few Amorite lexical an d morphological items
which appear later as typically Aramaic." For the time
being, it is impossible to find a direct link between
Amorite and Old Aramaic which appears several hun-
dred years later. On the other hand, the Amorite mate-
rial does not contain anything which would contradict
the possibility of a potential development and transfor-
mation of a ce rtain group of Amorite dialects into some
so rt of 'Proto-Aramaic'. Other considerations (notably
geopolitical) an d further analysis, which cannot be un-
dertaken here, might eventually corroborate my work-
ing hypothesis.
Regarding compound name-types (esp. verbal sen-
tences), early Amorite has qtl + subject (less common
subject + 9tl), whereas the inverted order exists in late
Amorite. In this case, late Amorite (notably Emar) re-
sembles the situation in early Aramaic. The distribution
to. Cf. n. 5 above.
Greenfield, Prot.
11. CE Edzzrd, ZA
(Waterloo [Canada]:
• 93; P.-E Dion, La langue de Ya'
tions SR, 1974), 1-
317
in Ugaritic names still resembles the situation of early
Amorite (qtl +subj. more common than subj. + qtl), but
contrary to early Amorite (and late Amorite Emar), qtl-
verbal sentences are more common at Uga ri t than ygtl
ones. The type Subject + ygtl, which is common in early
Aramaic, is totally absent in early Amorite, but extant in
later Amorite, viz. at Emar an d Uga ri t. This may reflect
an internal syntactic development within Amorite to-
wards a situation which eventually emerges in early Ar-
amaic. With all the reservation due to the very limited
material, one cannot avoid the impression that the ono-
mastics of Late Bronze Emar, although still of the
Amorite type, approaches very slightly the onomastics of
the Aramaic type from early ist millennium Mesopota-
mia (cf. WSB, pass.).
The culture of the early Arameans was largely com-
prised of elements of the pre-Anmean culture of Syria
and Mesopotamia thereby showing a large degree of
continuity A noteworthy element of cultural disconti-
nuity is the very marginal place of Dag an , who was the
most popular deity in the Late Bronze Jezireh, 12 in the
cult of the early Arameans. This may be due to the de-
struction of important cultic centers of Dagan, in the first
place Tuttul.' 3
A certain continuity of West Semitic t ri bal organiza-
tion (at least the persistence of the Rabbeans near the
bend of the Euphrates) was demonstrated by M.C. As-
tour (SMS 2 [1978]: iff.; for Rabbeans in the Emar doc-
uments see my article m OLP 22 [1990 27-55.
On the other hand, the almost total absence ofseden-
tary West Semites in the northern Jezireh may apply to
the Babb region as well: the MA lists from Tall Sabi Ab-
yad (13th century; R. Jas, Akkadica 67 [199o]; 33f.) do
not contain any West Semitic names.
The very scanty MA material was discussed by me in
OLP 16 (1985): 6îf. The archive ofUrad-$eriia from the
13th century contains A(3u(PAP)-is-da-a (KAJ 91 = AUS
541 27), who is mentioned together with La-ab-',
an d iab(DU 1o)/jfi-bi-ni. The document is from
ma-ia and
the farmstead (dunnu) of E-ra-bu who belonged to the
tribe of Sa-ra-s/za-IA-e according to Postgate (AUS 130
ad loc.) who compares this trib al name with B/Pu-ni-d/
to-ta of AUS 35, 1 1. The latter and perhaps the former
may be West Semitic groups judging from their names.
Sa-bal-la-ni was a livestock fattener (a profession which
might suit a hypothetical semi-nomad) according to KAJ
255 = AUS 66, 5. The sons of la-ap-la-a4 are recorded
in Bibles 9: 115 = AUS 49. The Akkadian patronym 1-
din dme-er (KAJ 116 = AUS 74 6) contains a form of a
12. This is based on a thorough
theophorous names from MB Espar. For Mad
Mari see Lackenbacher. MARI 3 (1984
deities of MB ):
is very rare im MA (C. Sapotett , Stadia Pohl 6/2:
other hand. Dagan
185, lista only Ka-pa-ides-gun 11x))'
W. Mayer, OF t9 (1987]: r 22.143£159( Chapin.
13. Cf.
NABU 1989: 16; G. Bucceliati, Mkt. Kupper, ssgff
318 RAN ZADOK
theophorous element which was current in liana (the
genuine MA form is Ber, cf. Studia Pohl 6/2: 185). There
is no reason to regard A/E-si-ni (cf. TCS 5: 219b, s.v.)
an Amorite name (pace Gelb, AS 21: 239 s.v. 'SN). The
verb b/gabàtu (AHw. 304b, s.v. babâtu IV), which occurs
in the inscriptions of Tukulti-Ninurta I (1233-1197), is
the only example where both the etymology and the
fluctuation of the initial consonant lead one to suspect a
foreign word, but CAD (Ah: 444 doubts the existence
of such a form (perhaps merely an audial mistake). Re-
garding MA bu-ru-up-pa-a-te (see Durand, 26/I: I15, n.
68) and ff-it-f1-la (AHw. 1392b), it should be remem-
bered that Assyrian had always intensive ties with West-
ern dialects, and the rate of OA/MA - (Syrian)
Western isoglosses seems higher than OB/MB - West
Semitic ones. A case in point is kumru (CAD K: 534),
cf. e.g., below, '-P-D. At any rate, buruppàte ('tents'),
which occurs in the MA legal code, is pa rt of the semi-
nomadic realia. MB bamâtu `help (AHw. 316a) occurs
not only in an inscription of Nebuchadnezzar I (1125-
1104), i.e. after the Arameans appeared on the scene, but
also in an undated letter found at Nippur (PBS 1/2, 42),
perhaps from the 14th-13th century. The horse name ba-
gar/ga-ar-ra-nu/nr is also recorded at MB Nippur. Balkan
(Kass. St., 29) connects it with Arab. alyanu an d a some-
what resembbng anthroponym from MB Nuzi. Von So-
den (AHw. 96a) does not reject this etymology, but is
more sceptical. MB Bu-li-ma-nu (to B-L-M, AHw. 137a)
occurs in an unpublished text. A recently published late
MA document contains "one of the earliest yet attested
examples of the rendering of Aramaic personal names in
cuneiform script" (R. Whiting, SAAB 2 (1988]: 99ff.). It
cannot be ruled out that this undated small tablet is not
earlier to the i tth century."
The material is arranged alphabetically below by ver-
bal roots with cross references. The forms of the roots
are as in AS 21: 204-372 (hyphenated; peruse APNM,
1 53-2 73). Page references to AS 21 are given only If my
form and/or interpretation differs from Gelb's largely ad
hoc verbal roots. Each root is an entry. The arrangement
of the material within each entry is according to the im-
portance of each category, viz. (i) appellatives; (2) com-
pound anthroponynu (those with the element in
question occurring initially are listed first in alphabetical
order); (3) non-compound anthmponyms; and (4) (mi
cro-)toponyms. Dubious items are listed at the end. No
entries are assigned below to Mesopotamian deines, viz.
Hruxoe (M-$/Z-Y-) , Ian (d-R-$ , -K-B-R) . lskan (-
K-B-R, -N-P-S, W/Y-B-L-), Kubi (`-B-D-), Mer (D-
W/Y-D-), Nergal (`-B-D-), Sin (G-M-L-, H N N-,
P-, -Q-W/ 1/4-, Y-$-R-) and deified notions (eretum,
màtum, 'land': B-N- and `-T-Q, T-W/Y-R resp.; for
larrum `king' cf. `-D-N), as well as to onomatopoeic and
`atypical' divine names like Akka
Alla (-1-W/Y-`), Ann V
K, -N-7-R, -R-H-M 2; cf. M-T? Pace Huffinon,
-11.43-M2;
APNM Zoo, An -na is a deity - poss. a 'mother goddess'
acc to Durand, MARI 4 [1985]: 408f. - and has nothing
to do with 15-N-N), Kakka (-li-W/Y-V,
Lalum (cf. Q-T-L as well as Li/ulu), Mam(m)a
Nunu (H-N-N-), and Tab/pub /pu (-N-W/Y-
R). Ea (Y-S-R -) and Sérum (S-M-) may be due to in-
terpretatio Akkadica of West Semitic theophorous de-
ments, viz. (FI)ayya an d Sahr respectively Several
theophorous elements, viz Turan (S-M-) and Hu rr a (M-
T) are originally toponyms (such are many elements
which follow mut-). Cf. N-W/Y-Y in fine (GN Siihu),
S-`-D
'-B ' father': A-bi-da-an (23, 397 18; -D-W/Y-N); -
me-ki-in (26/2, 461 3; -K-W/Y-N); na-ka-ar (24, 58 6; -
N-K- R), -ra-ma-a (OBT Tell Haddad 492 4; -R-W/Y-
M); -ta-qi-im (23, 554 34; -Q-W/Y-M); A- bu- um-la-a-bi
(YOS 13, 2 45 17;'-I - -L'-); Aq-ba-a-bu-um (26/2: 553;
`-Q-B-); dl3AR-a-bi-im , -bu-um (26/2: 557; S-G-R-);
fia-ri-kum-a-bi (A. Goetze, JCS I I [1957]: 25: 13 2; `-R-
K-); la-ab-ru - ka-bum (Suleiman, Diss. 37 9; B-R- K-); Ia -
ap-ru-uf-a-bi (P-R-S); dNa-bu-la-a-bu (OBT Tell Hadd-
ad 496 4; N-B-'-, -L'-); ?La-bu-ka-a-bi (22, 12 r i 8; L'-
, = -I^- , -K2 -). H. Ab-ba-ta-an (23: 599). 'Pb (DN, 'I +
'b): la-ab-bi-il-a-bo t (24, 227 13'; N-B-'-); Lsr bi- il-a-ba4
(23: 613a; (In 'stone', cf Charpin
an d Durand, NABU 1987: 41f., 77f): H. Ab-na-na
(MVN 7, 526; Ur III); Ab-nu-tum (UCP Io/1, too 8;
also Akk.). '-B-Y 'be poor': a-bi-ia - na(-ku), a-bi-ia-tim
(see W. von Soden, MIO 1 5 [1969]: 322ff.). '-D 'father'
(see J. Sanmartin, UF 9 [1977]: 269-72) A-di-e-ra-ab
(OBT Tell Rimah 244 üi 12'; -W/Y-R-13); A-du- da-ms
(22, 170 r. 9, -'-M); A-ia-da (OBT Tell Rimah 321 i 6;
-Y'-); Mu-u.- na-a-du (AS 21 325, Lv. MSN; M-W/Y-
S-, -N-; or to H-D-D'). '-D-M The goddess Admu:
fdAd-mu-ne-ma (23, 242 9'; -R-W/Y-M); fAd-mu-ba-al-
,sa (23, 236 31; -U-L-$); - utn-mi (23, 240 23'; -'-M-M).
GN Ad-ma-tim (24, 32 r. 12), cp. Bibl. 'dmh 'ground,
land' (also GN). Several names listed s.v. 'TM may be-
long here . '-D-R: A-di-rum ( 2 3, 51 3') ' mi gh ty '. '-D-N
'hear, listen' (cf OLA 28: 29.133): Uz-na-nu (VOS 13,
122 8); and perhaps A-zi-nim, A-zi-na-a[m] and A-zi-nu-
(AS 21: 239, s.v. 'SN). '/W/Y-13-1.D: ia-a-bu-di( - a-ku),
-bu-di(-a-am) `simple(-minded?)' (Al-Iw.1565a); Ç
one, u ni que'): Ia-ba-ad-lti]-inn (22, 164 I I, cf AS 2t: 602,
3 2 35; -L-'-M); Ia - ba-ad-ma-ra-as (23, 89 3; -M-R-9);
la- ba -ad-é-u-ur (Akk. pre dicate,. 211 394 3); So-at-rise-
ba-ad (22, 40 ü' toe; `-T-R-). brother':
1 (21, Io 9; -8-W/Y-L 2), -na- (Charpin, RA 73
[1974 124, 52 14; -N-K-R) im; A-bu-a-tar (23-
598; -T-K-M, W/Y-T-R); A- um- Ia -a-bi
On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia
B); la-qi-ra- (23, 554 8; W/Y-Q-R-), Ki-bi-it-a-bi (BIN
to, 45 4; cf. MARI 3 [1984]: 266; K-B-R-); La-ab-ra-bu
(L'- -R-B-Y); La-bu-ka-a-bi (L'-, -K 2-, -'-B). MA PAP-
:a-da-a (above, -Y-D-9; Ia-an-ti-sn-a-bu (23: 627b; N-T-
N-). 'bt `sister': H. (VA-ba-ta-ni ( 2 3: 59 8); cf. AS 21: 207,
s.vv. ' 5N, 'IUR, 'tiW. '-U-R a-ba-ra-rim 'West' (cf.
Durand, 26/I: 364 ad 18o); `farther bank' in G Buccel-
lati's opinion (Tall al-Hamidiya 2: 94). '-L-M: almänum
widower' (AHw 38a). '-M (highly hypothetical):
mi-e pu-ub (Charpin and Durand, MARI 2 [1983]: 87 ad
198; -WIY-P-c); dA-mu-um-ma-lik (23, 86 27; -M-L-K);
A-du da-mi ('-D-); A-mi-da-du (23, 85 5 -D-W/Y-D; a
derivation of the initial component from `-M-M would
be superflous if not contradictory in case the meaning of
the second component is `uncle'). It is difficult to agree
with Gelb (Ling. 16oî: 3.3.8.2.4) and Huffinon (APNM
I66f.) that 00A-mV(-1 7m) renders bin (cf. U-M-Y) as
WSem. /h/ is generally rendered by <b> at OB Ma ri
(cp., e.g., 13-N-N). It seems better, for the time being,
to differentiate this theophorous element from hm. Is
(d)A-m V(-Vin) connected with dA-mu of Uubsatum?
(provided the la tt er is not identical with Nergal, cf
Charpin and Duran d, MARI 4 [ 1 98 5]: 333)8 - M-M ('m
`mother'): Um-m[i]-dba-na-at
(22, 57B ii 21 e ; -N);fAd - mu-um-mi
speak, say': OB La-am-ra-tum (fern., AS 21: 315, s.v.
LMR; Ltd). '-M-R2 (- DN Amurru): OB A-ki-in-a-mar
(see Durand, MARI 5 [1987]: 607, n. 7, cf D. Charpin,
Tall al-Hamidiya 2: 83; K-W/Y-N-). '-M-$ 'be stout,
strong, bold, alert': OB A-mi-su/pl-um (OBT Te ll
Rirnah 112-14); E-mi-;um/slim (Limet, Mél. Kupper, 5o:
9 6); alternatively to `-M-S/$. '-N-P ('rap 'nose; AS 21:
237, s.v. 'PP): OB A-pa-num (AS 21: 237, s.v. 'P; defec-
tive). '- N- S • Su-mu-bi-na-lu (AS 21: 288, s.v. BNS) is
apparently the Mesopotamian Amorite equivalent of
Ug. Smbnl (UT 491: 2429; bnf = bu - nu-lu , UT, 373f ; bin
interchanges with bun, see B-N; the form of -N-S here
is slightly different), i.e. poss `man's offspring'. The
names listed in AS 21: 328, s.v. N S may belong here as
well (with <s> due to to Akk. nilu/nßZ?). '-P-D: OA
e pâ-da/t6-am (AHw. 222a, a so rt of petticoat, cf. Du-
rand, MARI 6 [1990]: 661f.). '-R-U 'wander, travel,
journey': ?MN 4-ra-bi-im (AHw.1427b). '-$-L `be chief;
noble': H. A-;f/zi-lum (M. Mbar and M. Stol, RA 85
[1991]: 37: I I I; or to '-Z-L). '/W-$-R ('(u')fr `Store-
house' > GN, cf. WO 14 [1983]: 240; differently AHw.
92b, s.v. azanim [CAD A/2: 355a render at ru/upiru
'yard']; apparently extant in OAkk.): (lex.) (l-ru-um, SB
(lex.) il-ru/ru/ri, and perhaps Mari q-ru-[u]m 'small gra-
nary' (CAD I/J: 2042, s.v. isru D); Mu-tu-a-s/za-ra (YOS
14, 222 3; M-T- '-Z-R would be unexpl.).
`come': H. Ur III Ib-a-ti-um (mar -tu, AUC 1' 3, 210 7). '-
T-R (AS 21 241, LV. 'SR): DN (Asherah): Um-mi-a-fi-
ra (-M-M-) cf Q-D-S. '-W/Y-L 1 '1 'god :
-li-ba-ta-an (OBT Tell Rimah 260a; 4--W/Y-R, - 13-
T-N); lea-na-ap enu-ba-sm (Sdeii!IS°„
319
39 22; -N `-M); DINGIR -ki-ib-ri (AUCT 1, 119 4; Ur
III; -K-B-R) Gab-ri-lum (VOS 14, 92 6; G-B-R-); Su-
tu-i-lum (cf MAD 3. 29o, s.v. ST; Pre-Sar.; S-W/Y-T);
Ia-ab-su/s4-ub- (VOS 14, 84b; H-S-B-);
Ia-ab-zu-m:sr-il (RN, YOS 14: 85a; `-12-R-, -N 1/3-); la-
ar-i-s[1(...)] (AS 21: 269, s.v J R; R-'-Y-); Za-ar-bi-il
(MDP 22, 160 3; D-R-H-); Da - du-ma- (22: 568; D-W/
Y-D-, -M-); Da-ga-am-ma- (at, 3 12; D-G-N-, -M-);
jja-lum-la- (OBT Tell Rimah 319 21; U-W/Y-L'- -S);
tla-q4-ub-ns- (22 16; `-Q-B-, -N2/3 -); kfa-ta-ak pl- (n,
328 v 17; H-T-K'-, -P-); Ia-ab-bi- (Duran d, MARI 6
[1990]: 81, n. 207; N-13-Y-); Ia -ab-mi-Es /s- (OBT Tell
Rimah 33 18; C/H/kJ-M-S/S/S); Ia-ab-su/sû-ub- (H-S-
B-); la-all-21-M- ( 2 3, 495 8; `-D-B-); Ia-arn-sa-bi- (M-S-
13-); la-an-;û-ur- (OBT Tell Rimah 244 ii 17'; N-z-R);
la-ap-of-id- (P-Q-D-); la-as l;/z-li- (APNM 246; $/5-1,-
Y-); Ia-ds-qi--it- (25, 76o r. 7; S-Q-T-); la-di- (Charpin,
MARI 2 [1983]* 63; Y-D-c); la-fi-ib- (W.W Ha ll o in
B. Buchanan, Early Near Easte rn Seals in the Yale Babylo-
nian Collection [New Haven an d London: Yale Univer-
sity, 1981], 127m W/Y-T-`-); Ia-wi-ki- (24. 234 1 Io; H-
W/Y-Y-, -K 2-); Is-me- (AS 21: 371, S.V. ZM'; S-M ç-);
I4-um-ra-as- (OBT Tell Rimah 26ob; M-R-D-); La-ab-
su-di- ( differently Gelb, AS 21: 240, s v SD; L2-, -H-S-
D-); La-di-in- (24, 234 iv Io; L 2 -, -D-W/Y-N-); La-bu-
un- (22, 164 6; L 2 -, -H-N-N-); Na-ab-ni- (AS 21: 329,
s.v. NIJN; N-W/Y c-, -N 3 -); Ra-ma-ma- (R-W/Y-M,
-M-, but cf. R-M-M); Sa-mu- (Suleiman, Diss , 42 to;
S-M-); $a - du-q1- ( 2 3, 593 I; $-D-Q-); Ta-ab-ti-in-
(FAOS t: 201b; T-H-T-; -N -); Ta-nu-ub-ma-DINGIR
'
-M-); la-a-ab- ( se rv ant of dinar-tu, OIP 22,
262; W/Y-H-B-); la-ab-za-ir- (RN, YOS 14: 85a; `-D-
R-); la-4s-to-ab-di- (see C. Wilcke, RA 73 1 1 979]: 49b;
S-`-D-); Ia -al/àz-ru-ub- (21, 543 with n. 51; ?D-R-H-);
Sa-ra-ti/te-el Q-R-T-); Ab-di- (23, 241 7; `-BD-, -L');
A-kaut-la- (AS 21: 216, s v 'KK; K-W/Y-N, -L2-); Az-
ra-ab-la- (2 3, 59 6 ii 18; D-R-H-, -L 2-); Bi-mu-ti-ma- (23,
446 62'; B-N-, -M-T-, -M-); la-ar-sa-ap-la- (R-S-P-, -
L2-); la-ms-i-la (AS 21 - 234, LV. 'M'; Y-M-M' ); Na-ap-
su -rla-i-fa (N - P -S-, -N'-); fja-ab-di-DINGIR -ma (22, 262
ii 5o; `-B-D-, -M); Mes-lik-c-Gm (OBT Tell Haddad 476
9; M-L-K). 'l'b ('-B) 'It (il-turn, [41-tim, see Durand, 21:
42f., n. 6) ' goddess': Ab-du-il-tum (OBT Tell Haddad
503, '9; `-B-D-). 'ly 'my god': i4t-ia-si-i-li (Charpin,
MARI 2 [1983]: 68 ad woo; H-L-L-); La-wi-1i-1a (26/s,
420 3; L-W/Y-Y-). 'Ih 'his god'. la-ri-i (2 3. 235
iii 29 R-W/Y-M-, -H). Cf. K-R-M.
'help' (AHw. 1565a). '-W/Y-R. (AS 21; 238, s.v.
ti 'help' .
' RN) 'be light, bright' (cf. OLA 28: 134 with n. 2): Le-
ar rmu lu uk, -na-ap-su (AS sr: 3 11 4, s.v. L'R). The initial
- - -
component of these forms may belong to the G stem
(L2-; - M-L-K, -N-P-S) whereas the undoubtedly
ed name La-ir-ns -iu-uk (25, 486 2.r. t) contains the caus-
ative stem. H. la-a-ru (AS 21: 269, S. J'RI: cp. Ug. ywrj ;
?Ia-ki-in sii- ni-ma L-Y-L(-Y) S n
320 RAN ZADOK
[19791: 126, 53 3.TL 15). 'gift' ('In, cp. Ug. Wit): H. HI-
na-nu (AS 21: 240, s.v. 'SN). '-W/Y-Y 'incline, desire'
(AS 21: 207, S.V. 'W'); cp. perhaps H. Na- ia -tum (fe rn .,
AS 21: 328; s.v. N'J) if it is related to Heb. n'(w)h 'desir-
able, beautiful'. '-Y 1 (AS 21: 208 S.V. 'J) 'where?': A-a-
da-du-um (Suleiman, Diss 47, 19 -D-W/Y-D; alterna-
tively to '-Y 2); A -ia -da "Where is 'd?" (-'-D); A- ia-ba-
mu (-H-M-Y, alternatively to '-Y 2?); ?Ia-IA -mu (AS 21:
270 S.V. ID "Where is Yawm?"(?). '-Y 2 (DN): JA-sas-
ias -ba-ar (OBT Tell Rimah 83 4; -C-W/Y-R); ? dA-a-
ar-ri (-H-R-R); cf -Y'. '-Y.-•L (cf. AS 21: 209, s.v. IL):
a-ia-lu `deer, stag, buck' (referring to a zoomorphic fig-
ure, see Ph. Talon, 24: 182 ad 273): H. fill-ia-la-tunt
'hind'. '-Z-L'be gone' (cf. the forms without <h> listed
in AS 21: 267, S.V. CZL) cf. '-S-L. '-Z-R cf. '-S-R.
c•B-B: bi-ib-bi (AHw. 3442); a-ba-ba/bu, e-bu-ba-tum
'wood, forest' (AHw. 2a.183b, Arab. Baba 'id.' derives
from G-W/Y-B). c-B-D (cp. SB ab-du 'slave, servant'):
Ab-di-a-fu-ub (24: 266; -W/Y-I-c); -la-i-la (L'-,
Y-L'); Ab-du-ba-ab-la-di (21, 415 6; -B-c-L• poss. with
assimilation, as the value -ti 4 cannot be safely established
for OB Ma ri ), -il-turn (-'-W/Y-L'); -ku-bi (21: 579) ; -
ku-ul-lim (Joannès, MARI 6 [1990]: 122, 12; -K-L-L); -
ma-li-ki (VOS 13, 54 5; -M-L-K) -.lu-ri-1m (26/2, 370,
-T-W/Y-R); bfa-ab-di-bu-mu-s141 (21, 59 1 9; CAR
M-S/$/S), -DINGIR-ma (-'-W/Y-L'-, -M); .Ha-ab-
du-be-el (22, 328 ii 51, -ij-W/Y-L 2); -na-ar (24: 266; -
N-H-R), -du CUR. (22, 14 iii 16). H. A-ba-da (23: 599);
cf. AS 21: 2541., S.V EJBD. iR may render this element
(cf. -G-M-L, -S-W/Y-T -T-L-Y). a-B-R `go, walk
,
along, pass through, cross': MN bi-bi-it-tim (a/e-bir r -tim,
CAD E: 14b); cf. c-P-R; 1-j-B-R. a-D-D 'count,
reckon' (AS 21: 214, s.v. 'DD); cf H-D-D. c-D-K/Q:
ba-ad-ki/qf -im, ba-ad-qam(-ma, presumably a place
without water, like a steppe, acc. to M. Birot, RA 72
[1978]:178; cf. D Charpin, 26/2: 215 ad 387 12); cp.
perhaps DN Sa-ad/t-ku/qs+-um. The Ugantic DN 'tk (de
Moor, UF 2 [1974 195, 180), which may be - with
one of the alte rn ative readings - identical with the OB
one, probably cannot be the source of NA an d LB DN
Adgi (Aram 'dg-, pace Huffman, APNM 19of). a-D-
N- 'enrich, give abundance (see A.R. Millard, VT 34
[1984]: to4f.), 'luxuriate'. The first radical is hardly /g/
cp - with J.C. Greenfield Acta Iranica 23 (1984): 224 ,
.
n. 24, Ug 'dn, as well as NA (É-)A-di-ni (never with
<b>-) = Bibl. (130-Teden (Septuagint never with é-, cf.
OLA 28: 66f.80. too). Most of the pertinent Amorite
names are spelled with <h>, but the interchange <b>/
0 is extant in several cases, such as la-am-si/sf-(ba-)ad-
nu(-u), + -H), LUGAL-ad-nu-, , La-ad-ns-ia (L')
and perhaps I-tar-ad-an (T-W/Y-R-) and Ad-na-nu-um
(H. ). Note Sa-ad-nu-to-nu-ba (OBT Tell Rimah 259a;
-
N-W/Y-d) and fJa-li-ba-ad-nu (H-W/Y-L'-). H. Sa-
da-an Sut., 23, 446 267; Sa-ad-ni-sa (OBT Tell Rimah
259a), a-D-Q cf `-D-K. c-D-B `rescue' (cf. Dietrich
an d Loretz, UF 17 [1986]: 105-16): la-ab-zi-ib-il (-'-W/
Y-L'). H. ftju-zu-bi-im ( 2 3, 73 29; cp. Bibl. 'zwbh, OLA
28: IIo); ?ba-zi-i[b-ti]m, bu-zu-PA-at (see Durand,
MARI 6 [1990]: 631, C -D-R 'help' (cf.
nn. 129.134).
CAD A/2 527a, s.v aziru; OLA 28 79L): Ia - ab-zs- ir-ni-
il, la-ab- za- ir -el, la-ab-zi-ni :ir-il (-N 2/3 -, -'-W/Y-L');
la-ab-zu-ur-dda gan (23, 389 3; -D-G-N). e-Ip-D 'reap,
lop trees with a reaping hook : H. A=s/za-du-um (AS 21:
252, S.V. HSD). e-G-L: bi-(ig-)ga -lu 'calf (refer ri ng to a
zoomorphic vessel, see Talon, 24: 55 ad 91, 24; 103 r. 5;
H. Limet, 25: 273 ad 47) 'Heifer' (+ -at, cf OLA 28:
66). c-G-N (AS 21: 216, s.v. 'GN) 'shut oneself in/off
fJJi-ig-ni-tum (23, 242 23). e -K-B-R (ckbr 'mouse', cf.
OLA 28: 1S3)• Ak -ba-ri (OLA 21, 59 1; provided it is not
'aqtal ofK-B-R). c-K-R `stir up, disturb, trouble': H E-
ka-ra (VOS 13, 191 23). C-L-Y'ascend : a-la-i-tum 'Haut
Pays' (26/I, 208 a). Do Sa -lu -um pi-wA-mu, Ha -lu pf-
IA-mu (24, 233 i 22, -P-, -Y-W-M) belong here in view
of A-lum pl-G-mu (rather than to H-W/Y-L')? cf. AS 21:
232, s.v. 'L'. c-M-D: 'u r-mu-da -ia bu-mu-da/di -ia 'foot-
,
b ri dge' (for an assault tower, see Durand, 26/1: 212 ad
71 9). C-M-M: (ba -)am-m: 'people' (? < pate rn al
kinsfolk? CAD A/2: 77a): Am-mi-pi-ra, Ia-am-milmu-
s4-ri (OBT Te ll Rimah 257b.259a; -Z-W/Y-R); Ha-
am-mr dISKUR (OBT Tell Rimah 322 ii 24e; -H-D-D);
-e-.lu -ub (-W/Y-T 9), -ku-ni (-K-W/Y-N), -sa -gu-4 (-S-
G-Y), -sasdu-uq (23, 236 44; -S-D-Q); iJa-am-mu-ku-na
(26/1, 422 3; 595; -K-W/Y-N); -sa-mar (26/1, 18 3; -S-
M-R); [Salam-mu-e -ba-al (OBT Te ll Rimah 322 ii 18;
-W/Y-B-L)• Br-na-at-ba-mi-sm fBi-na-tu- ba(-am)-mi
(22/2: 568; B-N-); la gi-sd- (OBT Tell Rimah 259b; G-
W/Y-D-); La-ab-wi- (OBT Tell Rimah 322 2I r ; L 2-,
-
H-W/Y-Y-); Za-ku-ra- (OBT Te ll Rimah 138; D-K-
R-); Zi-im-ra- ba -am-mu (26/2, 370 30'; Il-M-R-); Zi-
1k-ri-am-mu (OBT Tell Haddad, 587 20; D-K-R-); La-
ri-im-ba-mu (L2 - R-W/Y-M-) H. Ha-mu -ia (Suleiman,
Diss., 85 32); LJa-arn-ma-te (OBT Tell Rimah 318,
cp. H-M-Y C-M-Q: ba-am-q1-im 'vall ey' (AHw. 318a).
H. 1a-mu-qa-ni-im (23, 236 34) may denote 'strong' (cf.
Greenfield, JCS 21 [1967, publ. 19691: 92). c-M-S 'load,
carry'; cf '-M-S, c-M-S.- c-M-S 'press, close': H. Ma-
ab-ma-sum (D. Charpin, RA 73 [ 1 979]: 126: S3 TL 15;
or to H-M-S 'be red'), cf. '/C-M-S/S. c-N (DN, +-t <
c-N-Y 'answer'?): Ka-al-bu-, Um-m[i] dba-na-at (K-L-B,
'-M-M-). Several names (esp. MB) listed s.v. 'TT may
contain Anat with assimilation. A male counterpa rt of
Mat (cp. Ug. "y provided it is not < *cyn 'source', cf. de
Moor, UF 2 [1970]: 202 ad 195 148) may be extant in
the second component of Bé-el -ba-nu (B-c-L-, but cp.
Ta-ku-un -ba -ni [K-W/Y-N-1?). c-N-N 'cover'?: H. la-
ab-nu-nim (25: 258). c-N-W/Y cf C-N. c-N-Z: ba -az-
za-am, ba -za-tum'goat' (AHw. 339b; cf. WO 1 4 [ 1 98 3]:
238). e-P-P cf H-P-P. C-Q-B protect, watch': Sa -gri-
ub-ni-il (-N 2/ 3 -, = -W/Y-L'). H. A-qh- ba-nu-[u]m (Anbar
and Stol, RA 8$ [1991]: 44, 15 14) Aq -ba-ià (TCL 2,
5508 ii 9; Ur III); . la-ab-qu-bu-um (24, 224 ii1 45); E u-.
On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia
uq-bi (Charpin, MARI 6 [1990]: 264); cf. H-K-M. c-Q-
L cf H-K-L. e-Q-R-B (cp. SB [lex.] aq-ra-bu
'scorpion', CAD A/2: 2o7b): Aq-ra -ba (OBT Tell
Rimah 319 7). e-R-K 'arrange' • EIa-ri-kum-a-bi (-'-B•
cp. perhaps Ug. crk 'house, temple', UT 554: 1920a here
as a theophorous elern.; or to H-R-K). e-$-R: Ia Se/
Mu-su- ra-tim(k') (23: 593) 'birds' (see Durand, 26/1: 212,
n. 13; cp. Ug. cow 'bird' for which see Gordon, UT
460:1905). C-T-D: ha-tu-du-um 'he goat' (see Durand,
21: 14, n. 5; von Soden, OrNS 56 [1987]: I04). e/Cz-T-
M: ta-abla-ta-mu-um 'assembly' (see Durand Misc. Ebl.
2: 27ff.) e-T-Q 'move on; grow old': Ia-ab-ta-aq- (23,
43 2 1 23), Ia-ti-rq -li sim ( 2 5, 47 1 r. 2; -L-'-M); Ia-taqlta-
aq-ma-tum (fem., Dur and, MARI 4 [1985]: 388). H. Ur
III At-qd-nu-um (differently Buccellati, Amor 135). C-
T-R'pray': fla-at-ri-e-ba-ad (-'/W/Y-H-D) H A-ta-ra-
ni (AS 21: 242, s.v. 'TR). e-T :Ta 'goddess' (also name
nf a certain dei ty): fH4 -teir-na-sf-ir-ti (24, 15 30; -N-Z-
R), -ra-ab-mi (-R-13-M 2): Ka-al-bu- (K-L-B-} Ks-bi-ir-,
e14 -thr (26/1, 26 Ir; K-B-R-); Mi-il-ku- (OBT Tell
Rimah 322 ii 17e; M-L-K-); Sa-pa-nu- (UET 5 269 13
S-P-N-); Sf-id-qlls (S-D-Q-), Sti-ra-ta-r18-târ (Suleiman,
Diss. 47 23, S-W/Y-R); Tu-ta-ri-ri/rum-e14-tlrr (AS 2I •
368, s.v. TDR; W/Y-T-R-). H. A-at-ta-ra (OBT Tell
Rimah 215; cf. APNM r?3 ad At-ta-ri- sa-du-uq) c-W/
Y-G 'draw a circle'e bu gu/gi (AHw.1562a). H. A-i-ga-
an, Ia-A gu s -um (AS 21 2561, s.v. cWQ). e-Y-N: dUTU-
bi/i-na -ia; A-r-ni-im/-na-amk' (Rép. géogr. 3: 6); bi-m-im
(23, 590, 4, provided it is not the same locale as Hihnum)
source, sp ri ng' (Dur an d, NABU 1987 60, 105). c-Y-12.
OB ba-a-riFim), a-ia-ra-am ass' (AHw. 328b; see
Durand, 26/1: I2If); ba- ia-ar-tim `she-ass' ( ?see Charpin,
MARI 3 [1984J: 109). c-Z-Z: `be strong' (cf. OLA 28:
52 with n 20): H. A-az-za-ni-tum (VS 22, 12 4); Su-uz-
zu-4 (26/2, 459 28); fHu-za-tum (23, 236 13); Iz-za-az-
zi (OBT Tell Rimah 322 ii 12').
B-'-R: dNIN bi-d-1m (e.g., 21. 343 7, cp. Bibl. belt b'r
['well']?); ?ba-a-ri (cf. 2 3: 557 ad 590 5). B-c-L (cp SB
ba-'-u -lu, ba-'-li `p ri nce' [lex.]): Ba -ab-le- (23, 396 3), B -
lf-e-fu-ub (24, 230 5; sW/Y-T-c);_ffle-li-ka-ab-ra-at (-K-
B-R; with Cenuskongruenz?); Ba -ab-le-e-tar (22/2: 566
with refs; -W/Y-T-R), 13é-el-ba-nu (OBT Tell Haddad
5OI I I; -c-N), -ku-ul-la (VOS 13, 476 seal; -K-L-L);fAn-
nu-basabsli (21: 576a) la-ku-un- ba-ab-la (K-W/Y-N-);
la-qum -ba-li (OBT Tell Rimait 282 4; Q-W/Y-M-); If-
ma-ab-ba-al (Charpin, MARI 2 [1983J: 6 5 ad 45; S-M -c);
dMa-ma- ba -ab-la (22, 16 3i); Na-ap-s4 -ba -al (N-P-S-);
Ni -ir- (2 3, 2 35 i 39; N-W/Y-R-), Pu-zurs - ba-ab -li (24, 6
ii 9; Akk. p re dicate); .u-ubsma -ba -il (T-W/Y-'-, -M-) ;
Ta-ab-bar-ba-al (see Durand, MARI I [1982]: 1 to ad 5;
B-H-R-); Zu- ba-ab-li (2I: 131 n. 3: M 5476; fl-). ?H.
Ba -ab-bu-lum (26/I 594, M 11374 6; 'strong' form of the
above-mentioned SB appellative?). ('mistress', cp. SB
Ba -'-la-tu): Ab-du- ba-ab-la-di (C-BsD-); Bu-nu- ba-ab-la-
tr n (23, S96 i 27; B-N-) B-`-Rt (b'yr `beasts, cattle') H.
321
Ba-i-rum (AS 21: 281, s.v. Bit), cp. Bibl. B'(w)r and
Phoen. ben (a designation of the dominant class of Sa-
m'al) B c-R 2 'bu rn ': bu-ub-ra-tim (see Durand, 26/1:
47 1 ad 23 5); cp. Ug. Ifr (UT 375: 495). B-D-D: ba-ad-
da-am (a military rank, CAD B: 27a). H. Bi-id-da-a (23,
39 3). B-I:-N: ba-ba-num `watch-tower (cf. F. R.
Kraus, AbB to: 135 ad I So 18; Kh. Nashef, AfO 27
[1980]: 168b), cf. AS 21: 319, s.v. M'N B-U-R (the
names listed in AS 21: 338, s.v. PUR, except for the last
one, can belong here) 'choose': be-eb-ri-im, be-hi-ir (`élite
soldier' acc to Charpin, MARI 3 [1984]: ro8); Ta-ab-
bar-ba-al (-B -c-L). H. Ia-ab/p-bu-ra-an (22, 75 6, alterna-
tively to P-151-R, cf. AS 21 598, 3012). B-13-S 'search':
?H. Sarg Ba-ab-.lum (BIN 9, 491 9; cf. MAD 3: 95;
AHw. 96b) or 'mix' (cf NA and SB appellative, AHw.
117b, s.v. bebâlu; cp. OB #tab-bi-il-tum see Dailey and
Hawkins, OBT Tell Rimah, 151 ad 204 5) B-K-R 'be
early (cf OLA 28: 107): ?[b]a(?)-ki!-ra-am early' (AHw.
97a). H. Bu-ku-ru-um (Suleiman, Diss., 38 22) B-N (bn
[bin/un] 'son'): Bi-ni-fa-ki-im (OBT Tell Rimah seal 8, -
T-K-M); Bi-nu-ma dda gan (23, 87 24; -M-, -D-G-N);
Bu-nu-ba-ab-la-tim ( B c L), -er-se-tim ( 2 3 , 377 4; the
- - -
Akk. theoph elem. has a WSem. equivalent in Ug. ars,
de Moor, UF 2 [1970]: 191 53); Bi-mu-ti-ma-i-Ia ( -M-T-
, -M-, -'-W/Y-L'); Bu-ra-ma-nim (gen., Suleiman Diss.
41 3; -R-M-M [like the preceding with assimilation to
the following liquid/nasal]); DUMU ' a-am-ma-a (OLA
21, 73 seal; -Y-M-M'). Bitt 'daughter': Bi-na-at-ba-mi-
im, fBi-na-tu-ha(-am)-mi (-' M-M); Bi-mu-ti-ma-:-la (-
M-T-, -M-, -'-W/Y-L') B/P-Q-c, cf. P-Q-H. B-Q-
L (SB [lex.] ba-aq-lum, cp. with AHw.1o5a, Syr bql'
'sprout' Ug. bql 'groats): bi-iq-lam, poss. 'sprout, sprig,
shoot' (of box[-tree], cf. Duran d, 26/1: 135 ad 2I it': pf-
ig-lam); cp. P-Q-L. B-Q-R: bu-qâ-ru 'cattle' (AHw.
1392), ba-aq-ri-im (see Durand, MARI 5 [1987]: 210, n.
36). B-R-D 'be cold or 'be spotted e) (cf. OLA 28:
73): MA tribal name B/Pu-ru-d/(a-ia (above, or to P-R-
D/T). B-R-13 'be transparent, clear evident'; cp. Syr.
brb' ' buck' : Ba-ar-ha-anki (23: 324 ad 427 iv 33'). B-R-
Kl 'bless : la-ab-ru-ka-bum (-'-B). H. Ba-ri-ku-um (Sut.,
23, 446 2I'); Ma-ab/p-ra-kam/-ku-um (26/I, 6 9.37; or to
P-R-K). Bur-ru - kam/ga'm (BiMes 17, r27, Ki 1056 v 9)
bi-ri-k[i]-
may alternatively belong to B-R-Q.
im (of DN, see Durand, 21 26, n. 28; poss. a sacred
pond, cp. Ug. brk(t), UT 376.550: 519), MB bi-ri-ki (of
DN, Arnaud, Emar 6, 446 49'); poss. deified: dbi-ri-ki
(Charpin, MARI 4 [1985]: 26o). B-R-Q (cf OLA 28:
99 n. 25): Ia-ab-ru-uk/q-an-du (23, 451 12), -a-ad-du (cf
Durand, 26/1: 356 ad 256 9) may alternatively belong to
B-R-K. H. Ia-ab-ru-q[u]-um (C.B.F. Walker ap. D. Col-
Ion, CV/AS 3: 488). B-R•W/Y: be-t -ti `covenan t'
(W.F Albright, BASOR I2I [1951]: 22 ad J. Better°,
RA 44 [1950]: 11 21 I17). B$.k Ba-sa-ba-ium'mibtary
outpost?' (see M. Anbar, OF 6 (1974]: 439£; G. Buced L
iai1, Tall al-Hamidiya 2. 95, differendy Aflw
S-1: A_SÀ bi-il-l,uin1 (23, 590
322 RAN ZADOK
B-S-R 'tell good news' has a rich documentation in sev-
eral Akkad an dialects. Does the rendering of the sib ilant
by <s> instead of the expected <15 (IS/) betray its
Amorite o ri gin? (cp. ad S/S-K-N, S-L-M): e.g. b/pu-us-
su-ur-ta-am (AHw. 142b, s.vv. bussur(t)um; 884a CAD B•
3461, s.vv. busàru, bussur(t)u; M/2: 15811, s v. mubassiru;
cf Durand, 26/I: 52o); cf WO 14 [1983]: 237.
D-B-B (cp. 1ex. [SB?] da-ab-bu 'bear', AHw. 148a):
OB [D]u-ub-ba-ale' (cf. Durand, MARI 5 [1987]: 219f.).
D-B-R ma-ad-ba-ru-urn 'desert' (see Durand 26/ I: 114
ad 14 Io). D-D-M: da-ad-ma (designation of the
Kingdom of Aleppo acc. to Durand, Misc. Fil. 2: 27ff.;
for the gentilics cf UT 384: 65o). D-G-N (DN, Ug.,
Can. dgn 'grain'): OB dDagan-la-i (21,1122; -L-'-Y); Bi-
nu-ma- (B-N-, -M-); bra-en-nam-, Ha-nu-un- (23, 86 28;
H-N-N-); Ia-ab-zu-ur- (C-D-R-); la-al-e- (L- -Y-); la-
(an-)sN-ur- (N-vi-R-); Nu-ub-mi- (24, 248 5; N-c-M-);
Ra-ab-ma-dda gan (2I, 213 1o; R-H-M'-); $a-ba-ar-da-
(gan?J (OBT Tell Rimah 244 ii 22'; cf WO 14 [1983]:
239; D-B-R-). D-L-Q 'burn': H. Da-lu-q4-um (see C.
Wilcke, RA 73 (1979]; 49f.); Du-ul-qa-an (26/2, 420 4).
D-Q-R 'pierce through'• H. Da-aq-qar-turn (fern ,
BiMes 17, 1G. 1o56 vi 6') D-R-K 'overcome, subdue'
(cp. Ug. drkt `dominion'): /a-ad- ru -uk-dISKUR (OBT
Tell Rimah 2592; -H-D-D). H. fAd-ra-lea-tim (23, 336
3). D-T-N (hardly Da-N; see E. Lipinski, Fs.
Loewenstamm, 91 ff ): H. Da-ta-an-num (24, 221 4), Cf.
D-W/Y-D 'be fa vo ri te' or sim.: Da-dr-e-ta-
a [r] (26/2, 304 32; -W/Y-T-R); Da-du-ma-il (-M-, -'-
W/Y-L'); Da-du-me-a (23, 235 ii 16); A-a-da-du-um
Y'-); A-mi-da-du (-M-); [I]a-aq-q1-im-da-d[u](?) (OBT
Tell Rimah 247, 4'; N-Q-M-). H. Da-du-an (Sut., 23,
446 27'); Da-du-ma (22: 568); Di-(i-)di (23: 604). D-W/
Y-N 'judge': ma-di-na-rim 'territory under jurisdiction,
province' (see S. Lackenbacher, NABU 1987: 43, 81);
A-bi-da-an ('-B-); La-di-indiSKUA (22/I, 15 iii 4; L 2-,
H-D-D), -Il (Li-, -'-W/Y-L'). H. Lr-di-na-an; La-di-nu-
um (23' 614; L2-) D-W/Y-R 'turn around, dwell;
endure': da-a-ru `man's life span, generation'; 'nomadic
settlement' (CAD D: t t fib, s.vv.; cp. GN Di-i-d; düru
wall' [also Akk.]); ?igma-da-ru/ra-am (`noble . , pri nce(?) '
'
acc. to Durand ap. Charpin, 26/2: 189 ad 377 12; 'vassal'
acc. to Anbar, OBO Io8: 1321; connected by CAD Mu:
rib with the Am. onomastic elem. madar [add As-di-, $1-
id-gum-ma-do (22: 594; S-D-Q-]; the latter is
normalized malar'rain' by Gelb, AS 21: 26, top);fAn-nu-
du- ri (21: 576a). D-W /Y T: (UDub) ti-fa-né (an ovid,
perhaps a mountainous mullion). See Durand, NABU
1988: to, 15 who compares BHeb. dyln (as yet an
unidentified ovid/caprid) and Am. dnému (perhaps a kind
of antelope acc. to E. Lipinski, Fs. Loewenstamm, Ito:
wild animal dignu might have attained a connotation
pointing out that the phonological cone-
spondence of all these forms is irregule1r (not excluding
involvenserit of a. non-Semitic environment). Bibl.
.
dyln was compared with Akk (post -OB) da /ta-as'-sru by
F. Delitzsch (Assyr. Studien I: 54; cf. BDB), but von
Soden (AHw. 165b) compares d/tas5ru with Heb. tyl,
Aram. tysr, Arab. tays 'he-goat'. H.: perhaps Ti-sra-na-turn
(m. and fern., AS 21: 369, S.V. TSN); and fDa-i-Ia-turn
(23, 607 3); cf. T-W/Y-S. D-W/Y-Y: H Da-ia -tim
(24, 64 9); cp. BHeb. dyh (a bird of prey, cf. UT 383.55 1 :
634?)•
D (demonstrative `that of' 'possessor of ' 5): Zu-ba-
ab-li (-B ceL); Zu-ba-al-li (Durand, MARI 3 [1 98 4]: 1 39;
-U-W/Y-L'?); Zu-ba-nu -ni -im (24 53 3; -11-N-N); Zu-
sa-mi-ma (Suleiman, Diss. 48 3; -S-M-Y, -M); ?Du-s/za-
bi (DN, see Kupper an d Sollberger, IRSA 25o).
(d/z'b wolf): H. Zi -bu, Zi-ib-a-rum (fern.), Zi-ba-an, Zi-
bi-ia AS 21: 364, s.v. SB'; most forms are also Akk.). D-
BH H. Za-bi- bu -um, -br-im (not to S-B- as in AS 21:
648, 6336). D•i3-L (AS 21: 37o, s.v. ZI3L; cf. S-HeL;
Za/Sà- ab -la-trm alternatively to T-13-L; for <sà> = Ira/
cp. T-c-L(-B))• 'fear, be afraid of, shun'. D-Ka
member, mention, name': zukru 'male se rv ant' (AHw.
1536a); Za-ku-ra-ba-am-mu,
12.-K-Y, cf. n. 8 above D-M-R 'protect': Zi-im-ra-ba-
am-mu (-C-M-M); BAD S/Za-mu-ri-imk' (Rep. géogr. 3.
64; or to S/Z-M-R). (species ofovids/caprids, cp. Heb.
zmr [its zoological identification cannot be established as
the ancient translators have different renderings]; like
ditànu it has the connotation 'strong' as well, cf. D-W/
Y-D: wza-mu-ra-tum, an d without the (quasi-)determi-
native za-mu-ra-tum/tim on the one hand and zu-mu-ra-
('-
tum/tim (24, 45.51) on the other. D-N-B (cp. d/znb
'tail'; divine epithet in Ug. b'l qrnm wdnb, de Moor, OF
2 [1970]:191, 75; cf. S.E. Loewenstamm, OF I [1969]:
76; H. P. Rüger, ibid. 2o6): H. Za- na-ba-an(?) (OBT Tell
Rimah 244 ii n). 12-R-" winnow, carry : zu-ra -i(-im),
xu- ra-iu, zu-ra-ia-tim (festival? AHw. 1 539a, cp. MB MN
-
za-ra-ti [alternatively to Z-R C `sow'], cf. A. Tsukimoto
Acta Sum 13 [1991]: 298f. ad 33 16). H. Za-ri-a-nu-4
(OBT Tell Haddad 492 1). D-R-H `rise, come forth'
(cf. OLA 28: 41, n. 8 and SB ze-er -bu 'sunrise', AHw.
15zoa; prob with a > e after z): Az- ra- ab -la -i -la (-L 2-, -
/Y-L'); Za-ar-bi -il (-'-W/Y-L'); ?la-a!'/dz-ru -ub-el
/Y-L'). H. Zs-ra-bu (OBT Tell Rimah 263b); Zu-
eub (differently Gelb, MAD 3• 245; Ur III); Ti-iz-ra-
abk' (Rép. géogr. 3: 238).
P-Bc (A rab. ¢aba', Heb. sbw', Syr. 'p'' 'hyena'): H.
$a- ab-ba-nu-urn (less likely Gelb, AS 21: 648, 6285; or to
$-B-C/G`?). Ç -B-R 'join, pile up': $a-ba-ar-da-[gan?] (-
D-G-N). H. Sa /Sà-ln-,urn (Charpin and Durand, MARI
2 [ 1 98 3] 8 7 ad 198). $ -M-R $a-am-ra'wool' (22/2, 321
31).
Is. c£ W.G. Lambert; MARi 6 099o) :
rob. Anm.) dt (ra4a-A
On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia
G '-Y 'rise, grow; be exalted, proud': i ga-û
(AHw .1556a). G-B c 'be high' (AS 21: 299, s.v. GB'; cf.
WO 14 [1983]: 236): ga-ba-i (pl., AHw.1555a). G-B-B
'be convex, elevated': H. Gu-ub-bu-ti/um (24, 310 r. 6);
Gub-ba-ni-im (Langdon, PSBA 33 [19ii] Pl. 35 after
194: to 4); ?Gub-ba-ni-bi (F Thureau-Dangin, RA 8
[191I] : 69 12; -N-W/Y-H?) G-B-R `be strong, pre-
vail': Gab-ri-lum (-'-W/Y-L'). G-L-D 'form a coating':
H. Gu-la-du (Sut., 26/2, 483 26). G-L-L `roll, (un)fold':
gut/gu-ul-la-tu 4 (seems to be round scales of balance acc.
to Duran d, MARI 6 [1990]: 156); (glgt): H. Gu-ul-gu-lum
(Sh. Sanati-Müller, BaM 29 [1989]: 289: 70 6). G-M-L
`wean, benefit; deal fully, adequately with; deal out to':
Ga-ma-al-dEN.ZU (YOS 13 271, seal, same person as
Gamma-la-tun:, ibid 9 H ; cf OLA 28: 28); iR ga-mu-lu
(UET 5, 415 15; cf. C-B-D-; the form gamut is not re-
corded in Am ) G-M-M 'become much, abundant;
,loin• raze': H. Ur III Ga-ma-ma-nu-um (MAD 3. 1 18).
G-M-R `finish, carry out': H. Ia-ag-mu-gut-um
(Charpin and Duran d, MARI 2 [1983]: 98 ad 28o) G-
N-13 'groan, rumble; cut, pass swiftly's H. Gu-na-bu-um
(Sut., 23, 448 59; 449 58). G-N-N (gngn) 'cover, sur-
round, defend' (cf. OLA 28: 149): H. Ga-na-an (AS 21:
299, s.v. G'N) G-P-N (gpn 'vine)* H. Gu-pa-num
(Sanati-Müller, BaM 29 [1989]: 517 32 4), cp. Ug.
Gpny, Gu pa-na (UT 381: 6o9). G-R-M `cut o$': H.
Gi-ri-im-mu-um (CBT I S7, BM 12879); MA Gi-ri-tna-
ia (above). G-R-N MN ma-ag-ra-nu/nim (CAD M/I:
46a) `grain p il e' (also peripheral Akk.). G-W/Y-D1 be,
become good' (or to G-D-D?)• lagi-id- ba-am-mu
M-M). H. Gi-da-an (23, 432 iii II); Gu-ti-da (AS 21: 298,
s.v. G'D); cf. WO 14 (1983): 236 ad OB Gu-di-im. G-
W/Y-R 'dwell': Igu-urX (AZ)-su-um (UCP to/I, 89
Io.25; -S-M). H. Ia gu/qd-ra (MVN 7, 236 2; Ur III; al-
ternatively to W/Y-Q-R); ?Ga-ra-nu-um (differently AS
2I: 300, s.v. GRN) G-W/Y-Y: ga-wu-um `cl an' (cf
OBO Io8: 78f.); Sarg. GN Mal-kan?ga-im (MAD i, 280
2).
C/i /u M-S/$: OB bit-mueslis/4m (a monument
of triumph, see Durand, 26/I, 447 ad 218 13; idem,
NABU 1 98 7: 45, 85); la- ab - mi -is/s -il ( - '-W/Y-L'); bta-
a6-di- (C-B-D-), Mu- ut - bu -mu-s1/51 (21, 582.a; M-T-). H.
bra- mi -s/za-ti (AS 21: 370, s.v. Z'T). C-W/Y-B cf. c-
B-B. C W/Y-L 'give suck, milch': UDU 3a-M-at (24,
51), 0P. BHeb. (Privs) 'hut, Old Aram. 'I 'foal, colt.' C-
W/Y-R (AS n: 238, s.v. 'RR, at least the names with
<b>; cf. 134) `rouse oneself awake, guard': fA-iag-iag-
ba-ar ('-Y 2-); cf. UT 4561.: 1849.1926. C-Z-R (cp. Ug.
gzr 'warrior, hero , see Lipinski in M. Lebeau and Ph.
Talon [eds], Reflets des deux fleuves: volume des mélanges of-
ferts à André Finet. Akkadica Supplementum 6 [Leuven:
Peeters, 1989, 5off.):Su-mu-ba-zl-ir (Suleiman, Diss. 48
4; S-M-). H. btu-zu-n -um (Sut., 21, 33 6 4)-
323
H: perhaps in 1u-ri < *!a-bu 'of him' if not sho rt for -
i-lu -6 (-'-W/Y-L'): -(Lw-)ad-nu-ti (-'-D-N), la-mu-ut-
ku-lu-4 (M-W/Y-T-, -K-L-L?-); bta-igi-su-4-mu(-û) (H-
W/Y-Y-, S-M); la-ab-mu-u' (H-M-Y). H-D-D 'make a
loud noise' (storm, rain, etc. also with '-, AS 21: 214f,
s.v. 'DD; 247f, s.v. HND [with dissimilation]): dISKUR-
e- lu -[ub] (26/2, 484 6; -W/Y-T-9; la-ab-ru-uk/q-an-du,
-a-a-du (B-R-Q-); bti-1m-dl- (H-M-D-); la-ad-ru-uk-
(D-R-K-)• la-al-a- (L-'-Y-); la-at-ti/t1 4-in- (OBT Te ll
Rimah 259b; N-T-N-); Ia - li -id- (23, 86 68; W/Y-L-D);
la- ri-im- (OBT Tell Rimah 259b; R-W/Y-M-); la-si-
im-dISKUR (26/2, 303, 4' . 441; S -W/Y - M-); I-;l-
dIS[KUR] (OBT Tell Rimah 322 v 19; W/Y-D- Ka- -);
i li (OBT Tell Rimah 322 v 24, cf. i3; K-W/Y-L-); La-
- -
ajl wi (LZ-, -H-W/Y-Y-); La-di-in- (L. 2 -, -D-W/Y-N);
- -
La-wi-na (var. la is prob. due to assimilation)- (26/2: 555;
L-W/Y-Y-, -N 2-); Mu-ti-ma- (OBT Tell Haddad 524
23; M-T-, -M-); Nu-ub-mi-(na)- (Ns-Me -N'-); Pa-la-
(AbB Io, 88, t; P-L-Y-); Su-um-na- (23: 622a; S-M- -
N' -) $G•ri-dISicuR (B. R. Foster, D. C. Snell and R.
Whiting ap. H. Weiss, MO 31 [1985]: 159; 7-W/Y-R);
cf. '-D H-L-L 'shout, praise' (cf OLA 28: 6o, n. 49):
bu -li-li (a festival; differently Durand, MARI 3 [i984]:
'35); ?bli-it-la-al-i -li (-'-W/Y-L'). H-L-M (cp. Bibl.
Heb. hlmwt 'hammer'): bu-ul-ma-ti (pl., Durand ap.
Lackenbacher, 26/2: 434 ad 496, relates it to (q)ulmu
'axe'; cp. MB bu-ui-ma-tu 4, ul-ma-tu, AOAT 214: 222,
s.v.; AHw. 14mb) H-R-R (cp. Heb. and phoen. hr
'mountain', pl. hrrym, as well as MB dKUR EN ba-ar-ri,
A rnaud, Emar 6 388 14, cf. AOAT 214: 222; -(b)a-ra-ri
interchanges with <ar>-ru prob. DN) la-ku-un-a -ra-ri
(cp. la-ku-un-ru, 26/I, 97 12' an d 257 18' resp.), - ba-ra-
ri (AS 21: 603, 3343); ?dA-a-ar-ri (fern.), Ha-dam-ta-a-ru
(AS 21: 238f. s.vv 'R, 'RR) H-W/Y-Y 'he, become
(to)': la-wr-ki-il (-K 2-, -'-W/Y-L'); cf. APNM 159f; AS
21: 269, s.v. J' (fa-u/4-).
-B-B 'love, honor': H. Ha-ba-ta-an (Durand,
MARI 6 [1990]: 77, n 199); fbiu-ba-tum (26/I, 20o 5).
13-B-L• ba-ba-lu `Riemen'; " bi-ib-lum/li (a garment,
AHw. 3016.1561a). H. MA Sa-bal-la-ni (above). I3-B-
R 'join, fasten': bu-bu-ur (see Lackenbacher, 26/2: 381 ad
455, 16'). H. btu-ub-ra-rum (24, 247 ii II). 13-D-D 'be
sharp, keen' (cf OLA 28: So n. 61): H. Ha-di-du-um
(Sut., 26/2: 553; or to C-D-D?); ?Ha-da-ta-an, kit-da-turn
(AS 21: 252, S.V. H'D). 13-D-L 'cease' (cf. OLA 28: 8o):
?H. Hi-rd-l[a]-nam (AS 21: 253, s.v. H'D). (lid{/
t 'new'): H. Su-du-lu-um (OBT Tell Haddad 501 a 2);
?ba-da-fu (see J. Sasson, BiOr 43 [1986]: 1 45). 11-D-Y
.
(AS 21: 242, s V. 'ZW) 'sec': H. Ha-zu-rum (km., AS n:
234, s v. 13'Z)• tUI-Q-R (rather than 13--ZeR [which at
first sight seems to suit better the context] in view of NI
LB ba-sa-ru and Syr. kg' which is not regarded as a loan-
word from Akk. by SA Kaufman, AS 19? d.. UT 396
. :
8 55): %a-sa-ri-b“, bi-fa-ri, baadee"7" (PL), Zti-lf-ri-ins
fold, pen' (AHw. 331b; cf TAM, 24: 6 ad 5 6; Joanna
`
3 24 RAN ZADOK
ap. iafont, 26/2: 484 ad 513 7; Durand, MARI 6 [1990]:
6 34; UT 395.55 2 : 852a). U-K-L 'be dark, dull': GN Ha-
ak/q-ku/qû-la-an (cf. OLA 28: 64; or to c-Q-L, cp Ug.
'gltn 'crooked'). ]3-K-M: ba-ka-am-ma!-am `skillful,
competent' (AHw.I558a; see Durand, NABU 1987:
33f., 62; idem ap. Joannès, 26/2: 263 ad 404). H Hu-uk-
ma-nim (Suleiman Diss. 41 20; provided the reading is
not -uq-ba- [c-Q-B]), cf. OLA 28: 98. 1/I3-K-Y: bakam
'wait' (AHw. 309b); Ha-ka-nu-ub-mu (22, 322 55; -N c-
M). II/H-L-M: MB obi-li-mi-tu (AHw. 345a, cp. Syr.
himt' `anchusa', Heb. blmwt '[edible] plant', see A.R.
Millard, UF I [1969]: 2I0). III-L-Y 1 `be sick': ba-la-at
(AHw. 314b). 13-M-D 'be pleasant, desire; praise': Sa-
mu-ud-duTu (OBT Tell Rimah 2 53 9)
dISKUR, -sa-ma-ns (OBT Tell Rimah 322 v 27; seals 14;
-H-D-D, -S-M-S). H. Ia-ab-mu-du-um (AS 21: 585b).
kl-M-M 'be warm': H. Ha-mi-mu-um (mar-tu, BIN Io,
I 18 3). U-M-R (One 'ass )• H. fefi-ma-ra-[ia]
a-is/Im-ma-ra-ia (22/2: 574). 1 -M-Y 'protect MB ha-
ma-at/ti (cf. above, I). H. Ia-ab-mu-ü (AS 21: 234, s v.
MW; -H). Hm `father-in-law'• Ha-mi-DN (or to c-M-
M?); A-is-ha-mu (OBT Tell Haddad 525 c I; '-Y'/ 2-);
?Ha-ma-ma-is-da-ba (ARMT 2 5, 735 r. 3; -M-, -Y-D-c).
H. Ha-mu-ia (or to c-M-M). II-N-N be gracious' (cf
OIA 28: 47): bi-in - na(-.la) 'her good graces' (see Dur an d,
MARI 6 [1990]: 283; Anbar, NABU r99o: 91, I 15); Ha-
na-be-el (22, 57 B iii 8' -I3-W/Y-L 2); Ha-na-na-n-im
(M. Birot, MARI 4 [1985]: 235; -N-H-R); Ha-en-nam-
dEN.ZU (24, 305 9); -dda gan, Ha-nu-un-dda-[ga]n (22;
333 6'; -D-G-N); Hi-in-na-dnu-nu (2 3, 2 36 59); La -bu-
un-11 (L 2-, -'-W/Y-L , ); Zu-ba-nu-ni-im (D-). H. Ia-bu-
na-a (24, 228 3); Ha-an-nu-ri-um (Bibles 17, Ki Io56 vi
to'); Hu-na-an-nu (S. Lackenbacher, Md. Birot, 155 t);
cf. AS 21: 25o, s.v. UNI;IN? kl-N-Y encamp': bun-
n4(m) (AHw. 356a; also MB 7); ?bu-na-tim ('fern. se rv ants
of the vaulted room'? see Durand, 21: 4681). U-P-P
enclose, surround': ma-ba-ap pl (part of a dam, CAD
MR: 49a; cp. bib/pb/pu, alternatively to a B-B?); OB
(bi)ip-pa-am, bi-ip-pf (pl.), bi-ip-pa-[ka], bi-rp-p[a/p[f-ka]
poss. `obstacle gag' (see J.D. Safren, JANES 18 [1986]:
8if). H. Hu-up-pu-um (23, 235 i 7). U-P-R 'dig' (Ug
food rations', see Gordon, UT 398: 887): H. Ha pa-ri-
tum (24, 241 5)• 13-P-Z 'delight': H. Ia-ab pf-sum, Ta-
ab-pa-sf (AS 21 249, s.v. UBS) 13-Q-Q 'draw a circle,
limit; cut in': H. Hu-(uq-)qa/qd-an (24: 268). I-R-K
scorch, porch' (cf c-R-K). 11-R-M 'be, become sa-
cred, vowed' (cf. WO 14 [1983]: 238): H. Ur III Mab-ri-
ma-nu-um (mar-tu, P.J. Watson, Catalogue of Cuneiform
Tablets in Birmingham Ci ty Museum [Warminster: Aris
and Phillips, t986], 4 6). Il-R-R: ba/bu-ru-ru, bu-ni-ur
(a kind of textile, cp. NA bariru, AHw. 326.1.329) H-R-
$ cf. U-R-S. Una-T 'engrave, plough': ?bi-n-it' (see
Durand and Villard, 23: 557 ad 590 16); H. Ia-ab-ru-ul,
Ha-ra-lurn, Ha-ri-la-an (AS 21: 239 s.v. 'RS) U-S-D
'be merciful, pious; loyal, solidary :
(L 2 , -
`-W/Y-L') H. Ha-su-du-um (AS 2I: 24o, s.v. 'SD); cf
1I-$-D. I3-S-D (AS 21: 252, S.V. IISD) 'harvest'; cf.
D-D, II-S-D U-S-P: bi-is pa-tum 'insolence'? (cf.
AHw.1561b); cf. c-D-B? U-S-B 'think, account' (cf.
OLA 28. 28 32 with n 14): Ia-ab-su/ser-ub-il (-'-W/Y-
L'). H. Hu -su-ub-tum (fe rn , YOS 14, 147 pass.) I3-T-
Kl: batiikum 'decide' (AHw. 335b);
'-W/Y-L'). H. Ha-at-ka-an (24, 228 2; or to U-T-K 2?).
U-T-K2 (cp. Ug. htk, a kinship tent, batik-• also DN,
de Moor, UF 2 [1970]: 193, 107): ?H. Ha-ti-ku ^- Ha-at-
ku (Charpin and Durand, MARI 2 [1983]: 87 ad 198); cf.
I3-T-K' IU-W/Y-K 'laugh, ,jest'• H. Ha-i-ki-im
(Charptn, RA 72 [ 1 978]: 1 45.44 14); Ha-i-ka-tum (fe rn .),
Hu-ku-um (AS 21 257 s.v. cWQ). U-W/Y-Y 'live' (cf.
OLA 28: 27, n. 55): La-ab-widISKUR (23: 626b; L 2-,
H-D -D), -ba-am-mu (L 2 -, c-M-M), -na-ti-nu(-ü, 22/2
583; L2-, -N2 -, -N-W/Ys?) (DN Hayya): Ha-id-e-ra-
ah, Ha-a-id-sti-ni (23, S96 ii 21' and iv 7 resp.; -W/Y-R-
U, -Z-W/Y-R); cf AS 21: 208, s.v. 'J (names with <b>
if not to '-Y'?). 13-Z-R cf. c-D-R, CG-Z-R. IU-Zia cf
ii-B-" hide': H. Ha-bi-a-nu (YOS 13, 175 12); ?Ha-
b/pu-urn (Suleiman, Diss. 38 26) GNN Ha-ba-i-sm (22,
160 4); '711i-bi-turn/tin (Rép. géogr. 3 284). U-B-R. bi-
ib-ru-um 'nomadic association' (AHw. 344a; differently
Durand, 26/1: 342 ad 168 20: to c-B/P-R 'immigrate';
cf. OBO Io8: 79). H. Ha-bi-ra-nu-um (OBT Tell Hadd-
ad 496 16). U-K-Y cf. 13-K-Y. 13-L-B (lex. [SB?] bal-
bu `hill' > `wood', cf. AHw. 311b; WO 14 [1983]: 238):
I-din-dba-la-ab (26/2, 484 to; Akk. predicate). U-L-D•
H. Hu-li-di-im (25, 740 3; cp. JAram. build' `mole?'). I3-
L-L: ba-al-lu 'vinegar' (see D Soubeyran, 2 3: 430 ad 494
9 also MB cf. Arnaud, Einar 6: 441 ad 4 60 33'). I3-L-$
draw off, rescue, despoil':fAd-mu-ba-al-sa ('-D-M-). U-
M-R 'ferment': bi-im-n 'a fermented drink' (see M.L.
Burke, II: 133; AHw.1561: [`wine'?]). 13-N-N: °"•ba-
an-na-nu/nim (an equid, Charpin, MARI 4 [ 1 98 5]: 45 8).
I3-R-P: ba-ra-ap-nim `beginning of autumn' ba-ri pf
'lamb born in the autumn (see Durand, 26/I: 114 ad 14
19; 199 ad 55 to). U-R-S 'dig a cavity, cut into': p°SHu-
ru-is/us-ir-ra (Rép. géogr. 3. 286; Akk DN). H. Hu-n-s/
za-nim, Hu-ru-s/za(copy A)-nu-um (OBT Tell Haddad
500 18.26). H-R-S be silent': ba-ri-is (see Dossin, RA 62
[1968]: 75f.; the value -is for IS is due to etymological
considerations: the last radical ends with a sibilant rather
than a rt interdental). t3-T-N `marry' (bin `son-in-law'):
Î-If-ba-ta-an ('-W/Y-L'-) . l<3-^-J': batâtum `repair a
breakdown in the water system and dredge it' (cf. P.
Artzi, Kutscher Mem., xxixf.); dtja-(at )t (deified) `pits
for salt' (see Dur and, MARI 6 [1990]: 629). €1-W/Y-
Ll• Plum 'maternal uncle' (see Durand, MARI 6 [19901:
2 95, n. 55): Ha-le-e-lu-ub, Ha-lr-ba-ad-nu (23: 6o6a; -W/
-c-D-N);Jka-ak-ka-ba-li-ia (22, 26212); ?Zu-ba-
al-h (D-), cf t3-W/Y-L 2. H-W/Y-L2 *bayl `strength ,
wealth' A-bi-bi-il ('-U-); Ha-ab-du- (c-B-D-) , Ha-na-be
el (I I-N-N-). H. (of either I3-W/Y-L' or I3-WfY-L 2);
On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia
Hi-la-ta-an (22, 328 ii 42). U-Z-R: H. Hu-zi-ra-an/nim
(same person as Huzinsm 26/2: 554)
Kl: *-ka (2nd masc. sg . pronom. suff )' La-ka-me-et
(Durand, MARI t [1982]: 115 ad 8, 63 3, L'-, -M-T).
- K2: ka 'like, as' (ki- before 'il; cf. APNM 219): Ia-wi-ki-
il (H-W/Y-Y-, -'-W/Y-L') I-mu-ut-[k]i-me-et (Durand
ap. Charpin, MARI 2 [1983]: 67 ad 87; M-W/Y-T-, -
M-T). K-B-B (kbkb 'star', cp. Ug. DN kbkbm, de Moor,
UF 2 [1970]: 193 125): la-tar-kab-ka-ab (26/I: 602, M
15227 7; W/Y-T-R-) K-B-D be honored'. ku-ub-di
heaviness' > 'lead, seal' (see Durand an d Joannès,
NABU 1990: 53f., 70). H. Ka-ab-bi-da (23, 560 5); Ka-
-
bi-du-um, -da-am (26/2, 357 3.11.14.16). K-B-R `be nu-
merous, great' (also in age, i.e. `old', cf. CAD K 336a,
s.v. kibrrl [var. ku-bar-ui 'old nun'): Ki-bi-it-a-/ri
ak-ka (23, 623 18), -d4 -tar (-c-T-T-R); la-ak-ba-ar-li-im
(26/1, 246 9.12.21; -L-'-M; from Tuttul);fBe-li-, dvr-ba-
ra-ka-ab-ra-at (23, 438 15 and 240 21 resp.), h-ki-ib-ri ('-
W/Y-L'-), Îr-ra-ki-ib-[r] (Suleiman, Diss 46 21); A.GÀR
Ka-bi-rum (OLA 21, 37 201.24'.33'). K-B-S (kbs 'lamb',
note fki-ib-sd-turn for kab-sa-tum 'ewe lamb'): Ki/Qf-ib-
sf/sf-e-tar (OBT Tell Rimah 260b; -W/Y-T-R), -e-ra-ab
(-W/Y-R-I=I), alSKUR (-H-D-D). (all alternatively, if
not preferably, to Q-B-D; the same applies to the hypo-
coristica with -sr)/sa-). H. Ki-ib-sa-an, Kr-ib-sd-to-an, fKi-
ib-sa/sd-turn (21: 614; 22/2: 582; 23: 614a). K-L-' 're-
?Ki-it-a-, Kr-la-ma-ra-as (26/I,
strain, withhold'
1 54.598; -M-R-D). K-L-B (klb 'dog'): Ka-al-bu-e14 -tar,
-ba-na-at (26/1: 598; -c-T-T-R, -c-N); A GAR Ka-al-ba-
ta-nu (YOS 13, 242 2). K-L-B/P (Am.?). li-ka-li-ib/p(-
.lu-nu-ti) 'refuse' (? see Joannès, 26/2: 263 ad 404). K-L-
L 'complete' (also AS 21: 305, s.v. KLM; cf. OLA 28: 31
with n. 87; 153: 214152; Ug. kll poss. 'all [the gods]', UT
4 1 91 553: 1240): Ab-du-ku-ul-hm (c-B-D-); Be-el-ku-ul-la
(B-c-I4; ?Ia-mu-ut-ku-lu-ti (defective spelling? -M-W/
Y-T- -H); cf. AS 21: 305, s.v. K-L-M. K-M-H (cp. SB
NB "ka-'-ma-tu, AHw. 432a): kam-a-tim `champi-
gnons(7)' acc. to Charpin (NABU 1989: 38, 58); cp.
JAram. kmhyn 'truffles'. K-M-N be hidden : (cf WO
14 [1983]: 238): Ka-am-ma-ni (fern , BiMes 17, Kit Io56
vi 8'); ?Ur III Ki-ma-ni (CTMMA I, 17 66; Sem. 7). K-
M-R: ku-urn-ri 'priest' is also Ass , cf. above.
dKa - mi-il^ma-lik (-M-L-K; se rv ant of dKar-ka-mf-il,
CWAS 3 162, prov unkn.). K-N-P: dKa-na-ap,
na-ap (21: 58oa; -'-W/Y-L'), cp. Ug. DN (Bcl) knp (de
Moor UF 2 [197o]: 191 74; 193 127) `wing; extremity'
(also `hem of garment', cf. Studia Pohl I: I So). H. Ka-na-
pa-nu (21, 393 7), ?Ku-na-b/pu-um (less likely to K-N-B
with AS 21: 306). In view of the Ug. DN knt (de Moor,
UF 2 [1970]: 193, 129), there is no need to emend the
name Mu-tu-ka-na-ta (cf. Durand, 21: 53 I, n. 9), cf K-
W/Y-N, M-T. K-P-P: ?[Nu]-ûr-dkap (FAOS 1,192 8;
N-W/Y-R-; alternatively < *kanp, to K-N-P?). K-R-
-
K 'surround, encircle': ka-ar-ka-at 'enclosure' (?see
Lackenbacher, 26/2. 381 ad 455 15%). K-R-M `be gen-
325
erous' (Arab.); or to krm 'vineyard'?: H. Ku-ru-ma-an
(26/2, 447 8, if not -DINGIR); Ku-ru-um-tum (fe rn .,
BiMes 17, Ki to56 vii 7e), cf. WO 14 (1983): 238. K-R-
R (krkr), cp. JAram. kdem ' dances'. Kkr 'loaf (of bread',
see Durand, ARMT 26/1: 422 ad 195). H. Ka-ka- ri, Ki-
ik-ki-ri-im (AS 21: 335, s.v. KKKR) K-S/S/S-D• ka-sa-
du(-um, 22, 328 i 32 an d pass.); ki-si-du (25 47 I); unex-
plained (with apparently homonymous roots in several
Semitic dialects) K-S/S/S-S/S/S: MN ki-is-ki-si(-im
CAD K: 424f.). K-S-Y 'cover, conceal': H. Ia-ak-si-ia
(OBT Tell Rimah 244 ii 38'). K-I-L: OB l ■ ka-abli-i15 ,
kalfrltum, perhaps 'gens d'un statut inferieur' acc. to Du-
r and, 23: 546 ad 58o 25. K-T-R: dKa-wa6- lu -ra-tum (see
Durand, MARI 4 [1985]: 162f.; Ur III), dKu-fa-ra-tim
'goddesses of arts' (see von Soden, OrNS 56 [1987]:104
- ad 24, 210.263). K-W/Y-L (as an appellative, see Du-
rand, MARI 3 [1984]:14o; 6 [1990]: 91): Ka - i - lr-dISKUR
(-H-D-D). K-W/Y-N 'be, become, be firm'. Ia-ku-un-
a-ra-ri (cp Ia -ku-un-ru), -ha-ra-ri (-H-R-R); -ar-ru, -ba-
ah-la, - IA -mu, -ma-lik, - sa-am-si (23: 626b; -H-R-R, -B-
c-L, -Y-M-M/Y-W-M, -M-L-K, -S-M-S); dlim, -sa -
lim (OBT Tell Rimah 259b; -L-'-M; -S-L-M); Ia-ki-in-
dma-lik (OBT Tell Haddad 503 23; -M-L-K); Ia-ki-in 5 -
4-m-ma (2 3, 344 1; -'-W/Y-R? -M); Ta-ku-un-ha-ni
(26/2, 481 8; -c-N?); A-kurt-la-r-la (-L 2-, -'-W/Y-L');
la-si- im -ka -nu (OBT Tell Rimah 244 iii 20'; S-W/Y-
M); Ha-am-mi-ku-un/ni, Ha-am-mu-ku-na (c-M-M-); A-
bi-me-ki-in ('-B-); ?A-ki-rn-a-mar (-'-M-R2); Ki-na-ma-
ra-si (24, 220 II, -M-R-D). The naines listed in AS 21:
216, s.v 'KN can belong here (with ya- > a-); cf. AS 21:
301.306.321, s.vv K'N, KNT, MGN (for Ma-ku-na-
tum, fe rn , cp. BHeb. mk (w)nh 'base')
Ll *la `to, for, of : La-ad-ni -ia (C-D-N); La-ab-ra-bu
-R-B-Y); La - am-ra-tum (-'-M-R'); La-(a )ia-si-
im (24: 273; -S-W/Y-M); La-ka-me-et (-K'-, -M-T); La-
sa-pa-tim (S-P-Y); Ab-di-la-i-la (c-B-D-,
A- bu- um-fa-a -bi ('-5- -'-B); dNa-bu-la-a-bu (N-B-'-, - -
B); ?La-bu-ka-bi (-'-13- - -B); cf. WO 14 ( 1 98 3): 2 37
,
an d H. L2 *la 'indeed' (cf. Durand, 21: 314, n. 13)• La-
ah-su-di-il (-U-S-D-, -'-W/Y-L'); La-ab-uri-ba-am-mu, -
dISKUR (-I I-W /Y-Y-
-II-W/Y-Y, -N2-, -N-W/Y-c); La-ar-mu- lu -uk, -na-ap-
su, La- ir-mu -lu -uk (-'-W/Y-R-, -M-L-K, -N-P-S); La-
di-tndISKUR (-D-W/Y-N, -H-D-D); La-di-in- (-D-W/
Y-N-, -'-W/Y-L'), La-bu-un-il (-II-N-N- , -'-W/Y-
L'); La-ri-im- ba -mu, -na-ar (-R-W/Y-M-, -c-M-M, -N-
H-R); SG-ri-la-ri-im (Z-W/Y R , -R-W/Y-M); A-kun-
(K-W/Y-N-, -'-W/Y-L'-); Az-ra-ab -'-
W/Y-L'); la-ar- sa -ap-la-i-la (R-S-P-, = -W/Y-L'). H.
La-di-na-an, La-di-nu-um (-D-W/Y-N) L-'-K: ma-la-lei
(AbB 2, 152) 'messenger' (see AHw.1573a, s.v. mirlakum
H) L-'-M 'bind up, reconcile' (cp. Ug , Heb.. Pm and
DN Lim): l-mi-w 'my clan' (see R. Mareio, Flor. Mari-
anum, 119 n. e ad 21) la-ak-ba-ar-li-iris (K- B-R ), la4a-
ad-1[4-im ('/W/Y-H-D-); ia-ab -ta-ag-,
326 RAN ZADOK
); la-si-im- (23, 86 18; S-W/Y-M-); I-0I- (22/2, 147 2;
W/Y-D-'-), Ta-ab-ti4 -li-im (AS 21: 369, s v. 'MID; T-
13-T-); la-ku-un-dlim (K-W/Y N-); Ia-nu-ud-fi-[tJm (N-
W/Y-D-); ?I-ti-li-im (26/I, 45, 3.7; N/Y-T-N-); Ru-ip-
i-li-im(/-hm ; R-P-'-), cf. L-W/Y-M,
(AS 21: 312, s.v. L'Y, L'D [with <th>, <t14>)) 'be able,
strong, prevail' (cf. OLA 28: 71): Ia-al-a AISKUR (-H-D-
D), Ia-al-e-ddagan (22/2: 601); dDa gan-la-i (D-G-N-);
?La-wi-la-ti (Suleiman, Diss. 4o 22; L-W/Y-Y-). H. la-
cf AS 2I: 312, S.V. L'J, L'D
(with <id>, <ti4>). L-B-'/W/Y (lb'/w/y 'lion): H.
La-ba-urn (mar-tu, Owen, JCS 33 [198r]: 257: FLP 1248
so; Ur III); La-bu-a/'ate nu (OBT Tell Ritnah 261a); MA
La-ab-' (above; cf. Studia Pohl6/2: 133 [lx]; only as a po-
etic word in Akk.). L-B-B (Ibb 'heart, mind, will)* I-t,r
(T-W/Y-R-) L-B-N 'be white' (cf WO 14
[19831: 237, n. I): 11-bi-la-ba-an (W il cke, RA 73 [1979]:
49b, poss a lunar deity; W/Y-T_e-); Su-la-ba-an (Birot,
MARI 4 [ 1 98 51: 240 [S 15-26], B 9; initial elern. poss.
not Am.); ?Ur III La-ba-NE-n-il (mar-tu, MVN I1 200
8; hardly -bi- [pace Gelb, AS 2I: 617, 4238; sandhi for
*Laban-iril in which case it would be hybrid [with an
Akk. predicate]) L-11-13 'be damp' (cp. la-a-bu 'young
sprout', CAD L: 45a): ?H. La-ba-ta-an (AS 21: 314, s.v.
L'T)? MN Ur III la-bu-um, la-ab-bu-um (etc., esp. OB
Mari and Susa, CAD L: 41a) L-Iÿ1-Y 'languish, faint': H
La-bi-ia-tim, ?La-i-ia-turn (von Soden, OrNS 56 [19871•
107). L-13-- 'whisper, charm': H. La-be-èI turn (few
AS 21: 314, S.V. L'S) L-L-' (cp. Ug. l ' 'Iamb, kid , UT
428: 1380? also Akk ). L-Q-Q 'lap lick'• H La-qi-qd-um
(hardly to L-G-G, pace AS 21: 314). L-Q-T (AS 21:
272, s.v. JLQT) 'pick up, gather': H. Li-iq-t/rim (2 4, 1 59
5; also Akk.). L-S/S-Q: la-as-qu-um (a topographical
term, see Durand, 26/ 1178) L-T-P 'be kind, fine' (also
Ug. 16): H. 1.426-0-pa-a-ia (OBT Tell Haddad 496 3). L-
W/Y-G: '°lagu" (an equid, Charpin, MARI 4 [1985]:
458). L-W/Y-M (to Arab. la'uma 'be low, ignoble'?):
H. Ur III La-a-rna-nu-um (ma-tu, MVN I I , 179 13; or
to L-'-M?). L-W/Y-I (cp. Arab. law/yet 'strength',
BHeb. Lw/yl): H. Ur III La-a-la (Owen, JCS 33 [1981J:
2S7) 'lion' or sins. L-W/Y-Y 'accompany'. La-wi-na-
dISKUR (-N 2 -, H-D-D); La-wi-la-ti (-L-'-Y); -li-ia (- '-
W/Y-L'). L-Y-L(-Y lyl(y) 'night' as a theoph. elem.):
,
L'-li- rni-il-hi (Suleiman, Diss. 41 24; -M-L-K). H Le-e-
luro (Charpin, RA 73 [ 1 979]: 122:49 4; for the form cf
A. Livingstone, NABU 1990: 67, 89); Li-li-a-nu-um (23:
615); cf. AS 21: 312, s V. L'L; Durand, 26/i: 581 ad 28o,
to. If L'-la-ri and U-lu-ri (AS 21: 314, s.v. LLR) are
Semitic, they may consist of lyl and '-W/Y-R (-*'ar, -
* 'ur resp.).
M: &Ina (enclitic emphatic particle; m e/rn, before 'el
t): Bi-nu-ma-ddagan (B-N-. -D-G-N), Da-du-ma- (D-
W/Y-D-, - W/Y-L'); Da-ga-am-ma-il (D-G-N-;
- '
WfY-L'); B-nu-t-nra-i-la (B-N-, -M-T- W/Y-L');
dISKUR (M-T- , -H-D-D); Pu-nsa-[d) (P-
W/Y-L'); Ra-ma-ma- (R-W/Y-M, -'-W/Y-L'); Su-
ub-ma -ba-il -B-e-L)• Ta-nu-ub-ma-il (N-
W/Y-(3-, -'-W/Y-L'); ?Lja-ma-ma- ia -da -ba (I I-M-Y, -
Y-D 9. (Attached to dual and pl.): Sa -mi-ma- ia-si-tm (S-
M-Y-, -S-W/Y-M), Zu- sa-mi-ma QD-, -S-M-Y-) as
well as, perhaps, IJa-ab-di- DiNGIR -ma (e-B-D-, -'-WI
Y-L'-) and Ia-ki s-in-4-ru-ma (K-W/Y-N-, -'-W/Y-
R?). M-L-"be full' (cf. OLA 28: 130): ?A-lam-ma -li-a-
at (VOS 5, 127 6; initial comp. unclear), ?Ti-im -lu -u
(fe rn , AS 21:366, s.v. T'M). M-L-K 'rule, possess,
counsel' (cf OLA 28: 32, n. 16): nam-la-ka-at, nam-la-ka-
ti(-sru, 'realm', CAD N/1: 233a; see W.L. Mor an , Biblica
5o [1969] 41; Chapin an d Durand, MARI 4 [1985]:
13o); MN ma-al-ka-nim (e.g., 21, 322, 9, cf. Tsukimoto,
Acta Sum 13 [1991]: 300 ad 34 12). It is doubtful whether
ma-al-ki/qi--[i]m (22, 328 i 46; unexpl.) belongs here. Ma-
lik-e-iim (-'-W/Y-L'); la-ki-
in-dma-lik, la-ku-un-ma-Ilk (K-W/Y-N-); Ab-du-ma -li-ki
(e-B-D-); dA-mu-um- (-M) , dKa mi-iI- (K-M-T-), Sa -
- D); kla-q4-ub-ni-il (e-Q-B-, -'-W/Y-L'• or to N3?). N3
am-si-ma-ilk (cf. Charpin MARI 2 [1983]: 63 ad 8, 9
seal; s-M-S-);JAn-nu• (21: 576), Ka-ak-ka-mil-ki (22, 66
15), Li - li-mi-il-ki (L-Y-L(-Y)-) La-ar/tr-mu -lu -uk (L 2-, -
'-W/Y-R-; cp EA mulku 'kingship'). H. Mi-il-ki -ia
(same person as Mi-al-, OBT Te ll Haddad 491 19 and I
resp.). M-L-T 'escape' (D: 'rescue'): GN Nam-la-fa
(Greengus, Ischali 309 4 Easte rn Am or <*Mamlat,
with m > n due to -1- , cp. BHeb. mplt to P-L-T?). M-N
(cf above) 'who?'. M-N-N 'be weakened'(? cf UT
435: 1505; Ma-ni-ni, Mi-in-na-mi-in-na and Ma-na-na-a
[etc.] are atypical). M-N-Y 'count, assign': ?H. Ma-am-
nu-u rn (AS 21: 323, s.v. MMN; < *Mamniyum?). M-R-
D ' be rebellious': ma-ar-du (and perhaps nta-ar-da-at, stat-
ive see Durand, 26/ I: 214 ad 74 i8); Mu-ut-mu-ur-di (23,
222 9). M-R-I? 'be sick, angry': lui-um-ra-a,c-il
L'); Ia - ba -ad- ('/W/Y-13-D-), Ki-il-a-, Ki-la-ma-ra-as
(K-L-'-); Ki-na-ma-ra-sN (K-W/Y-N-). H. Ia em ri ;um - - -
(Limet, Mil. Kuppet, 48: 8 5). M-R-R 'be strong': nu-
rna-ri -ir (munurum), p rob ' reinforce, fortify' (see S. Lack-
enbacher, NABU 1987: 43f., 82; also MB Emar); mnnr
embitter'. M-S-R. 'de liver up': Im-sh-rum (Durand,
MARI 6 [1990]: 81, n. 207). M-$-Y 'find, attain' (some-
t hing; alternatively to M-.Z.-Y): la-am-si-ad-nu-4 (-e-D-
N -, -H), -bu-ne-ne (23, 236 9); cf. AS 21: 320, S V M'Z.
M-S 1 (AS 21: 325, S.V. MSU) 'anoint'. la-am-sa-bi-il (-
'-W/Y-L'). H. la-am-sa-ab (24: 284). M-T 'man; war-
rior' (see Dietrich and Loretz, UF 22 [1990]: 57ff)• Mu-
ta-;i/zi (26/2, 405 21; perhaps same name as Mu-tu-ti/tu-
zi/,i, 22: 587); Mu-ti - maAiSKUR (-M-, -H-D-D); Mu-
tu-bur-ra (OBT Tell Rimah 323 18) -nu-ma-ba-a (26/2,
375 4); Mu-ut - mu-ur-di (-M-R-D); -na- ba -limai (23, 222
17; -N-U-L [or -N-U-S?]). Mu-ut-n-iu-um and Mu-tu-
ta-an (AS 21: 327, s V. MTT) probably also belong he re
(H.); Bi-mu-ti-ma-i -Ia (B-N- , -M-, -'-W/Y-L'); I-mu-
ut [k]i me et (M-W/Y-T, -K 2-); La - ka-me-et (L'-, -K'-
-
- -
-
); ?A-ni-mu-ta -a-ia (Suleiman, Diss., 85 35; a-ni has no
panne] [for Mn ni-,. cp. DN An-na ?1). H. Mu-ta -nuns
-
On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia
(22/2, 328 i 52). M-W/Y-S'depart, remove; feel': Mu-
us- na-a-du (-N-, -'-D) M-W/Y-T: la-mu-ut-ku -lu -û
(OBT Tell Haddad 587 16; -K-L-L?-, -H); I-mu-ut-[k]i-
me-et (K 2- -M-T). H [IJa-mu-ta-nu (see Wilcke, RA 73
[ 1 979]: 49b). M-Y (my who?', above). M--Z-G `mix':
H. Ma-xi -gu-um (AS 21: 252, S.V. UZQ; cp. NA Ma-zu-
gu, Studia Pohl, SerMai. 14, 14 31/ and perhaps Pun. Mzg
[Studia Pohl 8: 341]). M-T,,-Y cf. M-$-Y.
N1: *-na (1st pers. pl. pronom. suff. ist pers. pl.): Na-
ap-su-na-i-la (N-P-S-, -'-W/Y-L'); Nu-ub-mi-na- (22,
33 1 7; 328 ii 4• N-c-M-, -H-D-D); Su-um-na-dISKUR
(s-M-, -H-D-D) N2 (precative particle [Heb. n'; <ni>
before 'il (or the object suff. Ist sg. m )], cf. Goetze, JSS
4 [19591: 200, n 2; <in> of Ta-ab-ti-in-il [T-13- T - , -'-
W/Y-L'] is not clear [to N'?]): La-ab-wi-na-ti-nu(-i , L2,
-N-W/Y-9; La-wi-na-(var. la) dISKUR
(L-W/Y-Y-, -H-D-D); Mu-us- na-a-du (M-W/Y-S-; -'-
*-ni (object suffi 1st sg. m., but ci ad N 2): Ia-ab-zi- ir-ni-
il, la-ab-zi-ni:ir-il (e-)]-R- , -'-W/Y-L'); ?Na-ab-ni-il
(N-W/Y-c, -'-W/Y-L"). N c-M 'be pleasant, gracious'
(cf. OLA 28: 47): na-ab-mu-[u]m 'fortune, prosperity'
(see Durand 26/I: 491, nn 42.44: A 1089 [to be pub-
lished in ARMT 27J); Nu-ub-midda gan (-D-G-N), - be unsteady': la-nu- ud- li-[i]m (-L-'-M). N-W/Y-ti
dISKUR, Nu-ub-m,-na - dISKUR (-N I -, -H-D-D); 1a-ka-
nu-ub-mu (13-K-Y-); 1-11-nu -ba -am ('-W/Y-L'-). H. Me-
en-bi-ma-tum (22, I r. iii 139; Nu-ub-ma-an (24, 248 r. 4) •
N-B-"call, name, announce': Ia-ab-bi-il-a-ba4 (-'-W/
Y-L', -'-B); dNa-bu-la-a-bu (-L'-, -'-B). H. Na-bu-ia-
turn (YOS 13: 66a; also Akk.). N-B-c: ni-ib-i-im `field
overflown in an intermi tt ent manner by a wadi (nablum)'
(see Durand, 26/I: 347 ad 170 5 1 [n. la na-ab-lim]) N-
B-L 'be noble': H. Ur III Lab-la-nuns (MVN I1, 97 I I;
< Nab-la-nu-um with assimilation). N-B-R 'turn (the
ground) up': MN na-ab-ri-im (e.g., Durand, MARI 4
[1985]: 425, e 48) H. Na-bi-ru-um (UET 5, 588 16); cf
AS 21: 334, s.v. NPR. N-B-S cf. N-P-5. N-D-B 'be
willing': H. Na-da - ab-tum (PDT 498 z; Ur III); ?la-ad-
du-bi-1m (23, 236 48). N-D-R 'vow': a-du-ru (AI-1w.
1 577a). N-G-13 'be dry , parched': Naga-(ab-)bi-ni-iAk'
(gent., above). N G-B/P: na-ga-ap-pa-am (unexpl.,
CAD N/r: Io7b, cf. UT 441:16osa?). N-G-H (AS 21:
299, S.V GJ13) 'shine': ?Nagi-ik' (22 37 iir to). N-H-R.
' river' (also Akk.): 1 aa-ab-du-na-ar (e-B-D-); ^a-na-na-ri-
im (11-N-N-); La-ri-tm-na-ar (L2 -, -R-W/Y-M-); Na-
ra-ankl'1 (22 8 8.19). N- U L: nabàlum 'hand over prop-
erty' (CAD N/1: 126a); Mu-ut-na- ba-Iim /li (M-T-). H.
Ni-ib-la-t[um] (22, 14 r i 24). N-IU- M 'console oneself
(cf. above). N-1 -Y 'lead, guide, go forward': la-ab-bi-il
(-'-W/Y-L'); ?H. Ia-en-bi-nu-um (AS 21• 329, S.V
NUN). N-K-D (cp. Heb. nkd `posterity?'): H.
da-tun, (alternatively to N-Q-D) N-K-R `regard, rec-
ognize': A-bi- r-B-), A-bt-na-ka-ar ('-I3-). N-M-L (cp.
Heb morn, Arab. namlat, Syr.. nnelt 'ant , CAD N/r :
zo8a). N-P-S `breath, life': Na-ap-s4-ba-al, Na-ap-su-na-
3 27
i-la (23: 6176; -B -c-L; -N'-, -'-W/Y-L'; the la tt er Sut.) ;
dvr- ba-ra-na-ap-s(; La-ar-na•ap-su (L2 -, -'-W/Y-R-). H.
JNa-ap-si-in-ni (21, 403 v 8); Na pi--s4-um (Sut., 23 241
9). N-Q-B' na-aq-qa-bi 'hammer' (see Durand, 21: 3081,
n. II; cf. Greenfield, JCS 21 [1987]: 92). N-Q-D 'pomt,
mark': la?-an?-qû?-di?-imk' (26/2, 358 3), cf. N-K-D. N-
Q-M'vindicate, avenge'. ni-iq-mi-im'revenge, vendetta'
(see Joannès, 26/2: 339 ad 434 26; as a MN, CAD N/2:
251b); [11a-aq-qi-im-da-d[u](?) (-D-W/Y-D) H la-an-gi-
ma-nu (OBT Tell Rimah 245137); Me-en-qt?-um (AS 21:
323, s.v. MNG). N-$-B 'place, set up': na-as-ba-am it*
ib(-[sJu, cf J.-R. Kupper, 22/2: 618 ad 328 ii 2; Al-1w.
755a, s.v. nasafru II; CAD N/2: 141b s.v. nazbu; J. Lewy,
ErIs 5 [1958]: 24*, n. 33); H. Nu- sa-ba-nu (22, 48 6). N-
s-.5 'bloom, blossom' H. Ni- sa -ta-nu-um (F. Thureau-
Dangin, RA 8 [191 I]: 76 4); Nu -sa -an (23, 624 15'). N-
T-B ' become prominent' (Arab., cp. Ug rub, Heb nty-
bh 'path'): H. Na-ti•ib-tim (Suleiman, Diss., 85 3). N-T-
N 'give'• Ia -an-ti-in-a-bu (-'-13); Ia-at-ti/ti4 -,n- ISKUR (-
H-D-D), cf Y-T-N. Is la-an-ti -ia (cp APNM 244) of
the same type as Akk. Iddlya (H.)? N-W/Y-c (cp. Arab.
rida 'sway'? and ni-'-u[m?] 'lord'[?] CAD N/2: 302b):
perhaps Na-ab-ni-il(-•3-, -'-W/Y-L9 and La-ab-wi-na-
ti-nu(-4, L2-, -13-W/Y-Y-, -N 2-). N-W/Y-D 'move,
rest, be satisfied' (cf. WO 14 [1983J: 239)• Ta-nu-ub-nua-
il, -n[a]-w[u-um] (22: 597; -M-, -'-W/Y-L'; -N-W /Y-
Y); Ija-ad-nu-ta-nu-ba (e-D-N); ?Gub- ba-ni-bi (G-B-B-).
N-W/Y-R ' light': N,- ir- ba -ab-h' (-B -c-L); [•Ju-4r-a-gi-
im (26/I: 599 A 2588, $10; -Q-W/Y-M); [Nu]-sir-dkap
(-K-P-P); dDi-ri-tum- ( 2 3 , 43 8 19), Ta-bu-bu-ni-ri (22, 66
14, cf: AS 21: 643, 5989$) H. Me-ni-ri-firn] (24, 279 9)•
N-W/Y-Y: na-wu-um `pasturage; steppe encampment'
(see Anbar, OBO 108: 161f.): Tagi-id-na-u'e-e (G-W/Y-
D); Ta-lu -ub-na-wu (OBT Tell Rimah 208 i 20; I-W/
Y-B-); ?Na-nte-e-su-bi (CTMMA I, 54 2). N-I-R
'guard': JAn-nu-nu-us-ri (23. 349 8);JE14 -t4r-na-li-ir-ti (`-
T-T-R-); la-an-sG-ur-il (-'-W/Y-L'); ddagan, Ia-pi-ur-
dagan (-D-G-N), -' X30C (23: 627.629).
P (p 'mouth, command'): Pi-ri-ip-i-im (24, 229 i 5; -
R-P-') ; Pu-ma-lei (AS 22, 3 4; -M- , -'-WIY-L'); A-
ium pi- û-mu, ^a lu -um pi- WA-mu, Sa-lu pi-M-mu (c-L-
-
Y-, -Y-W-M cf Y-M-M'); j a-ta-ak pI-il (11-T-K'- , -
-W/Y-L'); Ia -q4-ul pi-dEN ZU (22, 321 13; Q-W/Y-L-
). P-D-Y'ransom, redeem': H. la-ap-du-um (listed unex-
plained in AS 2I: 598, 3 009, contracted from 30o$, cf
OLA 28: 32, n. 6o). P-G-R 'be exhausted, faint; body,
corpse' or to Ug. pgr, Arab. fajr `dawn?': pa-ag-ra/6-i (fes-
tival, AHw. 8oga). P-L-W/Y 'be separated, distinct':
Pa-la-diSKUR (-H-D-D) P-Q-D 'command, visit, a-
tend to, appoint': Ia -ap-qi-id-DINGiR., -Any (OBT Tell
Rimah 2S9b; -'-W/Y-L', -S-M-$) H JN sq da-turn (2z,
- -
so 4). P-Q-IS `open. eyes (and can) H. Pu-++q-(a-nsr-ion
(YOS 14, 345 24); alternativey to B/P-Q-e
bu-ax (- Akk. perbso
328 RAN ZADOK
JAram. pwgl' pod / 'capsule of a plant'): un'B/Pu-qa-la-nu-
um (CT 47, 30 6); cf. AS 21: 285, s v. BKL. P-R-D
`break apa rt , separate, scatter', cf Ba-D. P-R-G: pa-
ar-ga-nu-um (a kind of ovid, see Durand, NABU 1988:
16, is) P-R-K `rub, crumble': H. Ma-ab/p-ra-kam (etc ,
or to B-R-K). P-R-Q `tear apa rt ; rescue': H. Pa-ri-qi
(YOS 13 286 to). P-R-$ (AS 21: 339, s.v. PRS) `break
through, make a breach' (cf OLA 28: 85, n. xi): Ia-ap-
ru-us-a-bi (-'-B). H. fPu-ru-sa-tum. P-R-T 'split, break,
divide', cf B/P-R-D. P-S-T `strip off, stretch out': H.
Pa-al ti-ia (differently AS 21: 630, 5127, with <!> due to
Akt pas itu?). P-S-Q 'open wide, cut, cleave'. H. Pa-si-
qa-ni-im (SAOC 44, 66 [Ni. 1872] r. r). P-T-11 `open':
pl-it-ba-t[um] 'breach, cavity'. H. Pa-ti-ba-tim (23, 214 3;
557 ad 59o).
Q-B-p 'gather': Ki/Qi-ib-si/si-e-tar (-W/Y-T-R), -
e-ra-ab (-W/Y-R-I3), diSKUR (-H-D-D); alternatively
to K-B-S? Q-D-M: OB aq-da-mi 'earlier time, antiqui-
ty , (AHw. 1544a); aq-da-ma-tam/tirn 'East' (cf Dur an d,
26/1: 364 ad 18o), 'near bank' (CAD A/2: 207a), 'frontal
bank' (G. Buccellati, Tall al-Hamidiya 2: 94), cf. Kauf-
man, AS 19: 96f ad faddagda. Q-(R-)D-M: qa-du-mi
'axe' (see W.R. Mayer, OrNS 58 [1989]: 268 ad 2 5, 5 89
4'.r• 1; Durand, MARI 3 [1984]: 279 cp. MB gur-di-mu
` axe', M. Civil, AuOr 7 [1989]: 8). Q-D-S be sacred,
holy': ?DN dl-lar-qi-di-su (Greengus, Ischali, 96b). Note
that the deity Qd!' is identical with alrt at Uga ri t (de
Moor, UF 2 [1970]: 196, 197ff. 203). Is it possible to in-
fer that liar - which is paired with Mesnar (24, 210
24; see Ph. Talon, Akkadica zo [198o]: 16) - is anyhow
related to alit? At any rate, liar and apt are of different
nominal formations. Q-H-L 'gather' (cf. OLA 28: 5o, n.
31): qi-ib-la-nim `ensemble' (see Durand, MARI 5
[1987]: 18o, n. 28). H../Qa-bi-la-a-ia (OBT Tell Rimah
267 5); Q1-bi-la (fern.; Durand, MARI 4 [1985]: 422 a
4')• Q-R-D-M cf Q(-R)-D-M. Q-R-N 1 'horn,
strength' (divine epithet, cp. Ug. b'! grnm wdnb, de
Moor, UF 2 [19701: 191 175): H. Qaf-ni-ia (OBT Te ll
Rimah 244 i'i 13')• Qa-ur-nt-ia (OBT Tell Haddad 524
17); Ma-aq-ri-in ('displaying/showing horns', differently
AS 21: 300, s.v. GRN); wuQar-na-nu-umki (Rep géogr.
3: 78; alternatively Akk.). Q-R-N2 (=t?): qur-na-a-turn (a
plant acc to AHw. 929a; CAD Q: 3 1 9a do not commit
themselves ['(a foodstuffj']). Q-$-B 'cut off; decide, de-
termine' (rather than Q-S-P 'be wroth/fearful; break'):
Ur iIi Qa-sa-b/pu-um (mar-tu, MVN II, 194, i)• Q-$-
Y: gasam (>kasam) 'steppe; (desert) frontier (CAD K:
2681.). Q-T-L: gatàluur 'kill, slaughter' (CAD Q: 162a).
H. Qâ-ta-a-la-lum (Charpin, RA 74 [198o]: 112, 60 4;
provided it is not a compound name with -Lalum, cf. AS
21: 312f s v LT [at least Su-mu-la-1stm]); cf. AS 21 307,
s.v. KU Q-T-R 'rock': H. Ur III Qa-tfi-ra-ni (Soll-
berger, TCS t, 119a :221, does not characterize the
name; he points out that it has at least 16 different read-
ing possibilities). Q-S-B 'listen' we Charpin, Aßß 36-
3711989-901: 99). Q-T-P 'pluck' (see Charpin, AfO 36-
37 [I989-9o]: roe. Q-W/Y-L 'speak': la-qa-ulpl-dEN.-
ZU (-P-). H (2û-la-nu-u[ml (Charpin, MARI 2 [1983]:
65 ad 61). Q-W/Y-M 'rise': Ia-qum-ba-li (-B -c-L); A-b'-
ta-qi-im ('-B-); [N u-ar - a-qi-im (N-W/Y-R-). H. Ia-qt.
mu-um, flail-ma (23, 87 17; 236 5); Ia -qi mi-tim (2 5, 53
2); MA GN Ti-qi-ma (above; with vowel harmony). Q-
W/Y-R: Ql ri-timk' (22, 121 Io); Qi'-ri-:a-timk'/Ql-re-e-
timk' (23: 325); related to Ug. qrt, Heb. gryh, Aram. gryt'
'settlement?' (cf Zadok, WO 12 [1981]: 49f, n. 38; idem,
WO 14 [ 1 983] 2 3 8 ).
R-'-M: ri-ib-mi /mu 'wild ox' (a zoomorphic figu-
rine, see Limet, 25: 283 ad 43o; the sign -ib- [Vh] renders
also /'/). R-'-S (r'i 'head'): ra-si-im `division' (AHw.
959a); cf. WO 14 [ 1 98 3]: 2 39. R-'-1C see: Ia-ar-:-i[I(...)]
(-'-W/Y-L'). R-c-Y 'pasture, guard (animals)', (cf WO
14 [1983]: 236); 'be a friend': me-er-bu-um (AS 21 324,
s.v. MRFJ) 'supervisor of the royal pasturage' (see Du-
ran d, 26/I 225 ad 86 rI). R-B c lie, couch'. R-B c/
13: perhaps ar-ba-ab-tim (of PN; 22 328 r. iv 'If; presum-
ably a topographical designation). The form looks like
Ug. arlf(t) 'four' For the denotation ( qua rt er, division ?)
compare perhaps BHeb. mrlf(t) 'square' (piece of land),
Sab. rlftm (a kind of square building), Arab. rab' 'abode',
murabbaC 'plot of l an d . ?Ra-ba-ab-du-WA-mu, Ra-ba-ab-
du-a-mu (Charpin and Durand, MARI 2 [1983]: 8o ad
Izo; -D-, -Y-W-M). R-B-B be or become many
much': R[a-a]b-ba-na-timk' (22 121 6; cp. GN Rabân
Rép géogr. 3: 192); n-ib-ba-at 'myriad' (Alala}j, AHw
980b; for Ma ri see Durand, MARI 3 [1984]: 278f. 5
[ 1 987]: 6o5f.; cp. GAL 'id.' at Tall Brak, Joannes, NABU
1989: 48, 69 in fine); cp. GN Ru-ub-be-en (above)? R-B-
Q: mar-bi-qa-tum, ma-ar-bi-qa-tim 'a piece of jewelry,
prob. a necklace' (CAD M/ r: 277a, but perhaps rather
bracelet', cp. JAram. and MHeb. mrpq, `elbow', cf.
Edzard, ZA 69 [1980]: 291; differently Durand, MARI 2
[ 1 98 3]134, n• 37); Ra-bi/pi-qa-nu (23, 85 9); Ri-ib-ga
(fern , AS 21: 345, s.v. RBK). R-B-Y 'be, become
large : La-ab-ra-bu (Suleiman, Diss. 85 35; L'-,
^e-la- bu- ra-bu -a (S-L-U-). R-1: -Y 'be content, pleased':
rasam (AHw. 96oa); cf. AS 2t: 342, S v. R'Z R-GB• H
Ar-ga-bu-um (cf. OLA z8: 117, 21312). R-G-L ri-ig/k/
q-lu/le 'foot' (AHw. 982a). R-U-B 'grow wide, large':
H Ia-ar-bi-bi-im (23, 236 17) fRu-bu-ba-tum (21: 583a);
cf OLA z8: 32, n 28.R-13-M 2 'love, have compassion':
Ra-ab-ma-dda gan (-D-G-N; cf. OLA 28: 40). R-I3-M 2
(rhm 'girl', cf. UT 483f: 2321; de Moor, OF 2 [1970]:
196 204: DN apt wr imy): An-nu- E14 -trir-ra-ab-mi -T-
,
( c
T-R-). R-K-B 'ride': H. fAr-ka-ba-tum (23, 607 8, cf.
WO 14 [1983]: 239) R-M-M 'thunder' (see Greenfield,
IEJ 26 11976] 1945f): Bu-ra-ma-nim (B-N-). Ra-ma-ma-
AN (24, 22 16) is either hypocoristic or belongs to R-
W/Y-M. R-P-' 'heal': Ri-ip-i-li-im(/-lim) , -sa-ma-as (24:
278; -L-'-M, -S-M-S); PI-ri-ip-i-tm (P-). R-S-P (cp.
JAram. rip 'flame, heat'): Ia-ar-sa-ap-la-i-la (-L2-, -'-W/
On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia
Y-L'); I-si-ra-sa -ap (W/Y-D-'-). H. Ia-ar-sa-ab-ba (23:
628b). R-W/Y-Bt 'conduct a legal case, suit': H. Ia-ri-
ba-a-tum (M. Sigrist, AUCT 4, 52 2f.). R-W/Y-B 2• H.
fRi- ba-turn (21: 583a; cp. JAram. ryb' 'maiden, young
woman'). R-W/Y-M be high'. Ra-ma-ma-DINGIR (-
M-, -'-W/Y-L'; alternatively to R-M-M); A-bi-ra-ma-a
('-B; -ra-ma-a may be a theophorous element, cf. WO 14
[J983]: 236); fdAd-mu-ru-ma ('-D-M-); Ia ,i im-diSKUR
- -
(-'-W/Y-L 1-, -H); La-ri-im- ba-mu, -
na-ar (22: 583 L 2-, -c-M-M, -N-H-R); Sa -ri-la-n-im
(25, 725 r. 3'; Z-W/Y-R-, -L 2-). H. Ru-ma-an (22:
59 1 ), Ru-ma-tu rn (AS 21: 633, 5306).
s c-D `support, protect' (AS 21: 348, s.v. S'D; alter-
natively or partly to S-'-D, cp. Ug. s'd `serve, honor',
UT 448: 1724?): la-ns-ta-ab-di-el (-'-W/Y-L'); ?Sa-ad-lu-
ma (differently Gelb, AS 21: 349, s.v. SDL; with DN
Luma?). S/S-c-P: Stl/SG/Zu-ufi pa-i (22, 328 y 7), cp
BHeb. s 5yp with the meaning 'division'? [less likely 'cleft
here, as a field was located in S) S/$/S/Z-G/K/Q-D
(cf. AHw. 'sir b. and 1539a, s.vv. z/saq/kâdum, ziqdum,
zigd5tum; 22/2: 618 ad 328 i 9); does S-G-D 'do horn-
mage (by prostration)' actually suit the context? SIS-G-
G (cf AS 21: 349, s.v. SGG): su-ga-gu-um (`sheikh,
mokhtar', see Anbar, OBO 108 134f.); possibly also Ur
III an d as an anthroponym (Sa ga gu-um, CAD S• 344a).
S-13-R• SAL sd-bi-ra-tim (translated `marchandes ambulan-
tes' by Kupper, 22/2: 319 ad 203 21', but J.M. Sasson,
BiOr 43 [1986]:129, compares Arab. sabbara 'fern. magi-
cian'). S/S/S/Z-G/K/Q-D (cf. AHw. 1511b an d
I539a, s.vv z/saq/kâdum, ziqdum, zigdirtum; 22/2: 618
ad 328 i 9) BHeb. S-Q-D 'bind on'(?) is in itself dubi-
ous S-K-N. sukkunum 'mettre d residence, stay settle
(people in a city) . Semantically, it can hardly be differ-
entiated from the West Semitic denotation of S-K-N.
For the rendering of the sibilant cp. S-L-M vs. S-L-M
(cf. CAD S: 89ff); sakkannum 'residential section of the
royal palace' sikkannum `sacred stone regarded as the
abode of a deiy; ma-as-ka-an `dwelling place'; maskan4m
`dweller (see Dur and, Mél. Birot, 82, n. to; Lafont, z6/
2: 492f). S-L-L (cp. MHeb. sisl 'be lofty, dignified; plait,
curl'): Sd/Za-al-sd/za-lum/lim; ?Sd/Za-la-ta-an an d Sd/
Za-la-ti-ia (AS 21: 371, s.v. ZLZL). S-M-K (AS 21: 357,
s.v. SMK; Sa-am-ka-nim is Akkadian 'servant, retainer'
[CAD Sir: 313b; the other name with <s'> is dubious]):
lean lay, suppo rt ' (cf. OLA 28: 23): Sa-am-ka-nu/ni/
num (OBT Tell Rimah 262a). S-M-Q cf. S-M-Q. S-N-
N 'be bright, shine': fern. names listed in AS zI: 359, s.v.
SNN, cp. Heb. snwnyt, Ug. snnt (divine epithet, de
Moor, OF 2 [1970]: 199); Aram. snwnyt', Akt sinuntu
swallow'? H. Su-na-nu-um. S-N-Q cf
eat, feed' (cf. UT 451: 1789): ?H. Ti-is/spa-(a )tum
(fern., AS 21: 369, s.v. TSP; alternatively to $-P-Y) S-
T-R 'cover, protect': H. Sd-tu-ti (OBT Tell Rirnali
32o); Si-it-ra-an (22, 328 ii 7), Si-it-ra-tum (21: 583).
32 9
$/Z c-Q `cry aloud': H. $/Za-i-qa-um (26/1, 156
5.21). $-B-' 'join, follow'. $-B-c 'point' and $-B-C
`dip, dye' (AS 21: 3641.., S.V. SB , except for the names
listed s.vv. D-B c; partly to S-B-W/Y) $-D-Q 'be
right, just, reliable' (cf. OLA 28: 104): Sa-du-qI-11(-'-WI
Y-Lr); Si-id-qa 1iig-tar (-c-T-T-R), $1-id-qum-ma -dar
(22 /2 : 594;aD--W/Y; -R) Ha-am-mi-sa-du-3"24(c(' - M-M-).
H. Sa- du-q -nu-um (OBT Tell Haddad S03 24)) .
cf. n. 7 above. $-L-L 'filter clarify': Sa-li-lum/li (the
other names listed in AS 21: 365, LV. SLL belong to Z-
L-L). $-L-Q `split': H. Sa-la-qa (YOS 12, 35 12 qa for
GU is extant in OB from south Babylonia; the document
(dated to 1749) originates from there, cf. Charpin, BiOr
3 8 [1981]: 534•537). s-L-Y 'pray' (cf. Diet ri ch and
Loretz, UF 5 [ 1 973]• 2 73 - 74): ?la-as/s/z-li-11 (-'-W/Y-
LI; alternatively to S-L-Y). $/Z-M-M (cp. MHeb.
prim 'confine; tie up, veil; squeeze in'?):
si/zi-mu (poss. the person who apprehends fugitives or a
travelling companion acc. to CAD S: 278a cf. P.-R.
Berger, UPI [1969]: 209). $-M-Q 'shrink' (cf. UT
475 55 6 : 2174): H. .5a-am-mu-uq-qu (YOS 12, 211
3.seal); ?H. S/Zum-qâ-nu-um (AS 21: 357, s.v. SMK; or
with the reading Sam -to S-M-Q 'be red'). $-M-R
(cp. Heb smrt 'tree top'): BAD S/Za-mu-ri-lur k' (cf. D-
M-R). $-N-Q 'shut up; bind': H. S/Za-na-na-qum
(Charpin, RA 74 [1980] 120: 45 21); cf. Fs. Loewen-
stamm, 175: 64 and Z-N-Q. $-P-N 'provide, sto re
away, reserve, guards hide': Sa-pa-nu-if-tar
H. $a-pa-an (24, 228 16). $-P-P (AS 21: 371, s.v. ZPP):
Sa-ap-sa pu-um (A.K.A Ahmad, Old Babylonian Loan
Contracts in the Iraq Museum from Tell ad-Diba'i [Baghdad
1964; neu transcribiert and mit neuen indices versehen von W
Farber, Munich 1969, unpubl.], 17 6), may be related to
Heb. spsph 'a kind of willow', cp. Zadok, B'Or 38
(1981): 658, n. 3 ad N/LB Sap-sap. $-P--Y 'look out,
spy': Sa pa-atk' (24, t z)• La-sa-pa-tim (Birot, MARI 4
[1985]: 240 [S 115-26], B to; GN); cf. S-P-'. $-R-R (AS
21: 372, S.V ZRZR) .5a-tar-la-far (see Durand, 21: 98E,
n. 2); cp. MHeb. and JAram. srsr 'cricket'. The form
without mimation seems to strengthen the case for re-
garding sanar an originally non-Akkadian form; the gen-
uine Akkadian form may be sasirum. $-W/Y-L (BHeb.
swill 'abyss' deified in Old Aram. [m]slh): H. Sa-la-nu-um
(AS 21: 371, S.V. ZLN . $-W/Y-R: ?Sa-ra-ta-life-tar
(-^-
T-T-R), perhaps 'ishtar's form, fashion'.
(unexpl., cf. APNM 265, s.v. S'; a comparison with
-.1 of Bibl. Myl'1 would be a case of interpreting obscu-
rum per obseurius): kla-lstrn-ia-DINGIR (I3-W/Y-L'-, -'-
W/Y-L') S-LL (AS 21: 348.362, s.vv. S'L, SWL) 'ask'
(for gamuts-114m cp. Ia•Wi-turn /ie/iiturn/ [cf.
Durand, MARI 4 [ 1 98 51: 407, n. 1 34) S-B-13 'praise;
soothe' Sa-bi-bu-urn (23.: 6206). S-B-L (AS 21: 349,. s.v.
SBL, cp. BReb. 1171, Aram. T}ryP, Arab. sabil 'way): H.
Sa-ba-la (CWAS 3, 258); Sa-b/pu-loin . (OBT Tell Hadd-
ad 504 to; or to S-P-L). S-D-D 'make a raid, pursue:

33 0 RAN ZADOK
sa-da-di-im is-du-ud (AHw. 1586a; CAD S: rob; also
'booty', Bardet, 23: 681). H. Sa-di-du-um (AS 21• 349,
s.v. S-D-D). S-G-R. (GN > DN Saggar [dtiAR]): dtjAR-
a-bi-im, -bu-um (-'-B); I-ba-al-deAR (W/Y-B-L-). S-13-
D• labadu 'bestow' (CAD S/1 79). S-)j-L cf
S-KB 'lie down'. The names listed in AS 21: 350, s.v.
SKB may alternatively derive from S-G -B (the last one
with gus); cf. CAD M /r: 370a ad 3, 16 24. S-K-U 'find'
(cf. WSB 127): H. &I-kw-bid-um (TIM 7, 81 7); ?S4-ka-
hi-ia (VOS 5, 213 5); ?Mi-ts-ki-fji (AS 21: 624: 4706; cp.
Ug. nikb [UT 49o: 2412] in which case it may belong to
a homonymous root). S-K-K 'be appeased': H. Sa-ak-
ki-im (23, 349 2). S-K-N (AS 21: 350, s.v. SKN) 'dwell,
settle down' (cp. S-K-N): Sa-ak-na-ttmki (22, 62 6; with
<!> due to Akk.. lakânum 'set, place', CAD S/1: 11611).
S-L-u (AS 21: 350, S.V. SLi i) 'send (off)': ?OB Se-la-bu-
ra-bu-ti (Suleiman, Dist 42 6; DN Slh, cf. M. Tsevat, VT
4 [ 1 954]: 41ff.: god of the infernal ri ver; UT 49o: 2421?
or rather Zlb, cp. Ug. DN Ilbh, viz. `marriage gift', one
of the Kit-goddesses, de Moor, OF 2 [1970]: 197 231b?
-R-B-Y). S-L-M (AS 21: 351, s.v. SLM) `be well' (cf.
Edzard, ZA 75 [1985]: 125, top): la-ku-un-sa•Jim (K-W/
Y-N-, DN Salim). H. Ia-as-la-mu-urn (23, 596 iii 4); ? Ti-
is-lu-mu (fern.). S-L-Y 'rest, stay quiet', cf. $-L-Y S-M
(AS 21: 351f., s.vv. SM, SMT [except for A-bi-sa-ma-ta))
name; scion, posterity': Sa-mu-il (-'-W/Y-L'); Sa-mu-
Su-mu dturan(DUR.ÙL, same person; OBT Te ll Haddad
491 a I; r8); Su-mu-le-rum (OBT Tell Rimah 231 8; -S-
H -R [Akkadianized]); Su-um - na-dlSKUR (-N'- -H-D-
D); Su-mu-bi-na-lu (-B-N , -'-N -S);
- i-ha-al (Sut.; 2 3, 446 28' W/Y-B-L-); I gu-ur r(AZ)-su-
um (G-W/Y -R-). Su-mi/mu-is-ma-am (-Y- M-M 3). Set-
ti-mi-im S4-4-mi (H.; AS 21: 370, s V Z'M) may belong
,
here as well in view of Sa-id-su-û-mu(-4,
H). If Sa-am-me-tar (etc. AS 21: 357, s.v. SMM) is Semi-
tic then it may belong either here or to S-M -Y. Cf. S-
M-M, S-W/Y-M. S-M -c (AS 21: 3561, s.v. SMc)
hen': Si-im-flee-a-ra-ab (24. 224 ii 12; -W/Y -R-H); Is!
ma-ab-ba-al (-B-c-L); I1-me-e-ra -4 (OBT Tell Rimah
305 5; <A due to Akk. lentil; -W/Y-R-E;); Ta-às-ma-
ab-dma-ma (22, 14 r. iii 6), ?Is-me-11 (-'-W/Y-L'). S-M-
M. The names listed in AS 21: 357, s.v. SMM look as if
they derive from this root ('be astonished; desolated') or
from S-M -M (cp. BHeb. .Emmyt , JAram. smmyt' [a kind
of lizard]?), but Su-mu-mu(-G) is atypical and Sa-mi-mu
may be based on S-M -Y. For Sa-ma-mu-um and possibly
Sa-ma-mu-um see Buccellati, Amor., 18of. (prob. to S-
M) cf. OLA 28: 147f. ad Bibl. Sm'h, LXX Daiwa [etc.].
S-M -N (AS 21: 357, s.v. SMN) 'be fat': H. Sd-mi-n4Sm /
nu-um (AS 21: 371, s.v. ZMN). S-M-R (AS 21: 357, s.v.
SMR) 'keep, watch': Sa-mar-ta-bu (CTMMA I , 61 7; -
T- W/Y-B); ..a-am-mu-sa-mar (C- M-M-) S-M-S (AS
.
21: 357ff, s.vv. SMS. SPS; lml'sun'• partly with dissim-
ilation of. sibilants): Sa-am-si-e-tar (OBT Te ll Rimah
262a; -W/Y-T-R) -ma-lik (-M-L-K); Jjà-mu-ud- (H-
I?-), b-ap-*f-id-d:I1'U (P.-QS-); f i-tm-dt- ,
sa-ma-as (I3-M-D-, R-P-'-); la-ku-un-sa-am-si (K-WI
Y-N-) H. Sa-am-sa-tum (24, 264 I); Sa-am-sa/su-ma
(OBT Te ll Rimah 262a); ?Ta-às-mi-is (23, 231 4). S-M-
Y `heaven' (cp. Ug. DN lmm, de Moor, UF 2 [1970]:
191 53; 1 97 219a.220): Sa-mi-ma-is-st-1m (24, 228 8; -S-
W/Y-M); Zu-sa-mi-ma (D-, -M); cf S-M, S-M-M. Si
s-P-13 (cp. Ug. .1$ `family, dynasty; scion'): OB Sa-ap-
bu-um(-li-ip-bu-ur, M. Ellis, JCS 26 [1974]: 1 5 2 D 12;
Akk, predicative elem.). S-P-L 'be humble': sa-ap-lum/
la-am (see Durand, 26/1: I51., n. 42); cp. S-B-L. S-P-R
cf. S-B-R. S-Q-T (AS 21: 360, s.v. SQT) `rest': Ia-às-gf-
it-il S-Q-Y 'cause, give to drink': H. Sa-
gi-ta-an (AS 2I: 348, s.v. S'Q; <> due to Akk. lags; cp.
MB Ug. Sa-qi-is-nu, AOAT 214: 163). S-R-5 'crawl,
swarm; germinate': ?MA Sa-ri-s/za-IA-e (above). S-W/
Y-B/P `strike hard' (BHeb.); `blow' (MHeb.), 'bruise;
rub off, away' (Ug. lb cf. von Soden, UF 13 [1981]:
16of; Dietri ch and Loretz, OF 14 [1982]: 78f.): (e.g.)
«ia-si-blpu 'battering ram' (cf. Dur and,
21:156, n. 14 ad 141 7. 3461:6; 26/1: 583, n. g ad 282
27); is/iag-li-ba-am; SB ia-lu-ba, ia-lu-bu-û, a-sri-bi, sru pi-
i (partly with ya- > alß-, CAD A/2: 428f., s.v. alibu).
The form with y-preformative is not Akkadian, but typ-
ically West Semitic. The interchange <s/s'> reflects a
sibilant rather than an original interdental (/I/; the value
l{ for SI cannot be established for OB Ma ri : von Soden,
Syllabar 16, 85 reads lain-am-ff for sa-am-si, but the latter
is the normal spelling in Amorite names from Ma ri). S-
W/Y-U: sa-ba-tam/tim `pit' (CAD S• 54b); 4A -su-jgt (cf.
WO 14 [1983]: 237 with n. 2). S-W/Y-P cf. S-W/Y-
B/P. S-W/YR. `go, pass along': H. Sa ri(-ia), Sa-ra-nu-
-
um (AS 21: 348, s v. S I R). S-W/Y-T (AS 21: 349, s.v.
Syr) `put, place' (in DN ' - t ri bal name *Sut `Seth' [>
- `Sutean'] like DN-GN/ethnonym Amurru, dMar-tu; cp.
DN Sutitu, Tallqvist, Götterepitheta, 151): Pre-Sar. Su-tu-
1-turn (-'-W/Y-L'; the predicative elem. can be Akt;
the same applies to the following name); ht-sû-tint (BIN
7, 66, 19.case); ?I-la-ab/p-su-tim (UET 5, 6o5, 7; W/Y-
T-B- `sit', cf AS 2I: 277, s.v. JSB?). S-W/Y Y: sa-we-e
level plain' (AHw. 1033b referring to a flat wasteland;
less likely J D Safren [RA 81 [1987]: 191] who compares
BHeb. 1w' 'empty, uninhabited [land]'). .
g-e-R `be hairy': H. Sa-e-ra-turn/tim (fern., AS 21:
34 8 , s.v. S'R); ?sà-flir-tum ('a cereal', CAD S• 59a). S-B-
e: la-bi-flu-um `satisfied, sated person' (CAD S/ r: rib;
<!> due to Akk. leba). S-B-M 'be high, lofty' (see J.
Barr, JSS 18 [1973]: 17ff., but note the reservations of
W.W. Muller ap. Dietrich an d Loretz, OF 1411982]: 78,
n. 2o): H. JSà-ab-ma-rum (cf. 25: 279 ad 203 5). S-B-R
' inspect; hope': H. Sa-bi-ne-um, Sa-bi-ra-tum (AS 21: 359,
s.v. SPR.; alternatively to S-P-R 'be beautiful, fair'). S-
G-B 'be high' (cf S-K-B). S-G-Y `grow, increase': H.
-a-rate- um, Sa gu-ti, ?Ua-am-mi-sûgu-4 (AS 21:
34 8 .369, s.W. S'Q, Z'G; e-M-M-). S-K-K `shadow';. H.
JSti/Zu-klré-rek/q-tins (2 3, 349 2 or to Z-Q-Q 'refine,
;
On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia
purify'); Ma-as-ka-kum (Charpin, RA 73 [1979]: 12 4:5 2,
Io). S-M-M cf. S-M-M. S-N-Y `one who hates': ?[la]-
na-i(-sru, CAD S/i: 388b). S-P-Q (cp. Bibl. Heb. Ipq
sufficiency, plenty'): Sd pu-uq (Durand MARI 5
[1987]: 190 ad 5, 35; alternatively to Z-B-G). S-Q-Q
(fq, sragqu(m) 'a cloth', CAD Sir: 168f) Durand (MARI
6 [199o): 661) reads sakkum (to S-K-K - S-K-K) in view
of Ug. sk; or to S-N-Q 'be in need of? S-T-Y 'turn
aside : H. Sà-ti-is-tum (fern , AS 21: 348, s.v. Sr). S-W/
Y-M (AS 21: 349, s.v SJM; spellings with <15 are due
to Akk. srdmu) `place, establish : la-si-im ' ISKUR (-H-D-
D), -ka-nu (K-W/Y-N); -lt-im; ia-; Sa-mt-ma-is-si-im (S-
M-Y-, -M-). Do la-si-im-ki-il an d La-ia-si-i-im (L'-)
contain a cognate of the later DN 'lym' (cp. lasumunu
JANES 8 [1976]• 118f; to S-M)?
T (suw rSt sg., cf. AS 21: 601, 3171; Ling., 157). T-
'-M: H. Tu-a-ma-turn (22, 14 r. i 21; `fern. twin'); Tu-ma-
nu-um (contracted). T-U-T (tht 'under, instead of): Ta-
a/r-t14 -h-im (-L-'-M); Ta-ab-ti-in-il (-N'?-, -'-W/Y-L').
T-L-I `tear, fall apa rt ': H Ta-la-bu-um (AS 21: 368, s.v.
TL'). T-M-R Qi-if ti dta-ma-ni (25, 754 2; Akk. predi-
cate). T-N-N (cp. Ug. tnn `dragon', UT 498: 2 575): H.
Tu-na-nu(-um). T-Q-P `prevail': ?H. Td-qù pu-um (Go-
etze, Sumer 14 [ 1 95 8 ]: 54 and Pl. 14: 28 6); provided that
DU = tù (OAkk. an d later peripheral) an d Gu = qù
(OAkk. from south Babylonia an d MB) were extant in
the early OB Diyala as well. T-W/Y-R 'return' (the
forms listed in AS n are mostly Akk.): I-tar-
ad-an (-c-D-N). H. I-to-ra-an (Durand, MARI 6 [199o]:
81 n. 207); Tu-ra-nu-um (mar-tu, MVN 15, 142 46; Ur
III). Does Tu-ur-ma-tum (fern., AS 21 368, s v. TRM)
consist of T-W/Y-R an d màtum? T-W/Y-S (cf D-W!
Y-I).
T-' G- 'c ry (in distress)': H. Sa -i gu-um (differently
AS 21: 64o, 58o0). T-C-L(-B) 'fox': H. Sà-ab-la-ba-an/
nu (26/I: 178.S99). 1-13-L: le-eh-la-turn/6m 'grain of
cress' (see F Joannès, 23: 132 ad 123 3; differently
AHw.12o9a). T-K-M (AS 21 363, s.v SKM) 'shoul-
der': A-bi- ('-I3-), 13i-ni- (B-N-); Cl-mu-la-ki-im (AS 2E
234, S.v. 'M; Akkadianized, Y-W-M-). T-P-T (AS 2E
363, S.V. SPT): lapntum `excercise autho rity , judge';
pi-0(-um) 'governor, judge' (CAD S/r: 459; see] D. Sa-
fren, HUCA 5o [1979]: Iff.); li-ip-td-am (etc.) threat(en-
ing', AHw. 1247b, s.v. liptu II); see M Std, BiOr 29
(1972): 276f., ci WO 14 (1983): 239 T-Q-D 'watch,
wake': H. Su-$-du-um (AS 21: 363, s v. SKD)
'minister, se rve' (cf. UT 507. 2755; MB dL-'-mi lar-ta,
Arnaud, E inar 6, 378 14.15): Sa -ra-ti/te-el
H. Se -er-ti4 -ia (AS 21: 360.364, s.vv. SRJ, SRI). Ti-W/
Y-c (cp. Ug. f, BHeb. hi independent, noble; master',
see Greenfield, Ens 9 [1969]: 6of.; cf. S-'-L): Su-ub-ma-
ba-il (-M- -B-C-L i e. "I. Is indeed a lord, master"), Al-
,
la-lu -flu. H. Su-bu -um and Su- ba-tum (AS 2r: 36r, S.v.
SI; cp. Bibl. S O('), OLA 28: 48.143); ?Sa-ba -turn.
33 1
W/Y-B `return': Ta-lu-ub -na-wu (-N-W/Y-Y). T-W/
Y R 'ox' (Hadad was associated with an ox, cf MARI
6 [1990]: 626): Ab -du-sru-ri-im (c-B-D-; DN as Palm.
Mawr). H. Su-ra-nu (CBT I: 88, 1 3175).
-B-L: utub/pule (cp. Bibl. Heb. tbwlym 'head-
gears'), cf. J.-M. Durand and M. Sznycer ap. Durand, 21:
400E (esp. 404). T-L-Y: IRdta-li-tum (YOS 13, 68 II;
cp. Aram. flyt' `girl' and perhaps Ug. DN 77y, de Moor,
OF 2 [1970]: 193, I12; C-B-D-?). T-P-H: tà pi-Era-am (a
drinking vessel? cp. with AHw. 138ob Bibl Heb. tplt
'hand-breadth?'). T-S-S: MA t11-isr-ff-!'a 'eine A rt von
Bodensatz' (AHw. 1392b, cf. above). T-W/Y B `be
good': Sa-mar-ta-bu (S-M-R-). H. la-tâ-bu-um (VOS 14,
26 3; cf WO 14 [1983]: 236); MA DU / 0 (or b=')-bi-ni (cf.
above). r6
W/Y-'-Y 'be right, fitting' (cf WO 14 [1983]:
237): H. Ia-is-um, la/Id-a-um, la-a-a-nu-um, Ia-a-a-turn
(AS 2E 269, s.v. J'; 602: 3277). W/Y-c•L (w/fl 'ibex'):
H. la-ab-la-to-an. W/Y-B-L is-bi-il-turn 'irrigation ca-
nal' (see Artzi, Kutscher Mem., xxixf ); lag -bf-11 (mar-tu;
for alte rn ative interpretation see Snell, Ana Sum 9
[1987]: 217, s.v. [ad 67 7]; Ur III); I-ba-al-a pf-ib (-W/Y-
P-c); I-ba-al-di3AR 03,Ix 43; -S-G-R), di -ba-ra (OBT
Tell Rimah 137)• Ala-am-mu-a-ba-al (c-M-M-), Su-mu-i-
ba-al (S-M-). W/Y-B-M: Ia-ba-mi(-fa, AHw. 1565a:
'husband's brother'). W/Y-D•D `love': H. la-ad-du-um
(23, 86 22); la-ad-da-tim (OBT Tell Rimah 171, 7, cf.
WO 14 [1983]: 236; OLA 28. 121 with n. 22; 148). W/
Y-D-' (AS 21: 269.277f., s.v J$', WS) `go out': OAkk.
(Sar.) I-c1-ra-sa-ap (MAD y 236; -R-S-P); -diS[KUR] (-
H-D-D), -li-im (-L-'-M, cf. AS 21: 592, 2602f.); ?Ia-tum-
sf-a (AS 2r 606 3564). H. Tula-a/[i]a, Tu-sa-ta-an (AS
21: 366, s.v. T'Z; the la tt er to tiesdtu `scion', see Durand,
MARI 5 [1987]: 622). W/Y-G-e: is ga-a-turn `sorrow'
(AHw. 41 ra; cf 1456a, s.v. wagam). W/Y-H-B `give':
(MB?) la-a-ab-el (-'-W/Y-L'); cf. W/Y-B-L W/Y-1;1-
D cf. '/W/Y-H-D W/Y-K-L 'be able to hold, endure,
stand': GN la-ka-li-it (22, 40 iii 15'). W/Y-L-D 'bear,
beget': ma-al-da `boy' ( an Amoritism acc. to von Soden,
OrNS 56 [1987]:Ioo ad 21: 30, n. 36]; Ia-li-id- d [SKUR (-
H-D-D) W/Y-P-e `be brilliant; make appear': dA-mi-
e pu-ub ('-M-); 1-ba-al-a-pf-ire (OBT Te ll Rimah 259b;
W/Y-B-L-). H. Ur III Id-pci-um (Owen JCS 33 [1981]:
257, FLP 1248, 16); cf. AS 21: 214, s.v. BI3. W/Y-Q-
R `be esteemed': Ia-qI-ra-a-iii (-'-b); Ia-qû-ra (OBT Tell
Rimah 244 ii 26'; cf. G-W/Y-R) Several names listed
in AS 21:216, s v 'KR may belong here (with ya-> s-
and <qf>, <qti>);cf AS 2I: 368, s.vv. 'TIC/QR.? W/Y-
Q-Y: `guard preserve': Ll-qc-a-ra-ab (OBT Te ll Haddad
500 3o; -W/Y-R-I,). W/Y-R= 'feu': ? la-ra-a-ni, Ia-ri-
 RAN ZADOK
33 2
ni-im, Ia -re-en (AS 21. 276, s.v. JRN; cp. Bibl. GN Yr'um
> mod. Yariin); la-ra-a-nu (S. Lackenbacher Md.
Birot,1 55 , 1 3 ). W/Y-R-D 'descend': Ia-a-er/ir-du-ié
(UET 5, 481 is). W/Y-R-EI 'moon, lunar month': A-
di-e-ra-ah ('-D-); Ha-41-e-ra-ab (H-W/Y-Y-); Is-me-, Ki/
(K-B-S/Q-B-D-, S-M-c-);
U-qe-e-ra-ab (W/Y-Q-Y-). H. ?Ur III Ia-ar-ba (MVN
12, 237 S). W/Y-S-R ?si-ir, si-ra-am (a kind of imposed
payment, see Dur an d, MARI 6 [199o]: 6of.) W/Y2$-B
set, station; be firm : H. Ur III la8-sf-b/pu-um (mar-tu,
AUCT 3, 210 6). W/Y-5-L 'arrive' (cp. MHeb yswl >
Pal Ara b. yalûl 'handle of a plough'?)* ?Tu-sa-lum (AS
21 369, s.v. TZL). W/Y-T-N 'perpetuate'(?): H. la-at-
nu (cf. OLA 28: 53.55, n. 13). W/Y-T-R 'be surpass-
ing : la- tar-kab-ka-ab (-K-B-B); A-bu-a-tar ('-:-); Da-de-
(D-W/Y-D-), (B-c-L-), Ki/Ql-ib-sf/sI- (K-B-
S/Q-B-D-), Sa -am -si-e-tar (s-M-S-); ?Tu-ta-ri-ri/rum-
eS'4 -tar (-c-T-T-R). W/Y-T-c (AS 2E 2761., S.V. JS c)
'deliver, help': OB la- li-i(I-II (-'-W/Y-L'); ^ii il-a -ba4
(-'-W/Y-L -, -'-B)• -la -ba -an (-L-B-N); Ab-di-e- .lu -ub
(c-B-D-); dISKUR-e- lu -[u(t] (H-D-D-); Ba -ab-le-, Be-ll-
(B- Ha-am-mi- (c-M-M-); Ha-le-e-sru-ub (U-W/Y-
L'-). H. Ia -a-Ii-bu (Charpin and Durand, MARI I
[1982J: 100, bo tt om); Ia - ta-al-ba(-tum, fem . ., Duran d,
MARI 4 [1985]: 428 k 41. W/Y-T-B cf. S-W/Y-T.
Y-B-S (AS 21: 271, s.v. JBS) 'be d ry ': H. la-bi-su-um
(22, I I to; cf. WO 14 [1983]: 238). Y-D (AS 21: 271;
par tl y atypical; yd 'hand, st re ngth') Y-D c 'know': la-
di-il (-'-W/Y-L'); Ha-ma-ma-ia-da-ba (H-M-Y- , -M-).
Y-M-M 1 : ammiiju "(ku -sa )ia-(a-)mi (' algae'? AHw.
514a); Ia-mi-i-la (-'-W/Y-L'); Ia -ku-un- (K-W/Y-N-),
Ha-la-pl- EA -mu, Ha-lu-pic a-[mu] (24: 266; r-L-Y, -P-;
do the names with -IA -mu alternatively belong to Y-W-
M?) DUMU -da-am-ma-a (B-N-). Y-M-M 2 (cp. Arab.
fem. yamâmat 'dove' (ferv ] Bibl. Ymymh?): H.fla-ma-a-
ma (26/2, 402 17); cf. OLA 28: S5. Has Su-mi/mu- ia-ma-
am (AS 21: 273, S.V. JMM) anything to do with the
Uga ri tic DN Ymm? Differently de Moor, UF 2 (1970):
193 119. Y-M-N ' ri ght, South': ?Ti-ma-na-a-a (AS 21:
368, s.v. TMN). Y-Q-Q: H. Ia- (')-q4-um (AS 21:
q4
272, s.v. JKK; cp. "ia-a-qu-qa-nu, a plant, CAD I/J:
325a). Y-S-N 'be strong, hard': ?H. A-st-nu-(um AS 21:
240., s.v. 'SN; cp Bibl. Yin?). Y-S-R (AS 21: 2411, s.v.
'SR [partly to '-T-R] but cf. APNM 216) 'be straight ,
up ri ght' (c f. OLA 28: 68 with n. 59): ?la-sru-ur-ak-ka, -
dda gar, -f-a (22: 6031). A de ri vation of Mu-la-ra-an, Tu-
fa-mm (H; AS 21: 325.369, s.vv. MSR TSR) from Y-S-
R. is not straightforward Y-T-M 'be alone, orphan': H.
Me-et-mi-iu-um (24, 23 ii 18). Y-T-N 'give : la-ta-nu-um
(YOS 14, 121 17); ?I-tt - li-im (-L-'-M; cf. N-T-N). Y-
W-M 'daylight' (also DR cf. de Moor, OF 2 ( t97o]: 201
ad i17)• Ha-lu-p1-1A-mu A-lum-pl-4-mu, Ha- lu -um-
WA-mu (c-L-Y-, -P-); Ia -a/-vvi-ié-mu , -wi-mu , Ia-al-té-mu
(see Durand, 21: 96, n. r ad 83 20); Ra- ba -ab-du-WA-mu,
-du-4-mu (R-B-c/H- , -D-); tJ-mu-sra-ici -im (-T-K-M);
?Ia-iA-mu ('-Y'); cf. Y-M-MT
Z-c-Q cf. S-c-Q Z-B-G H. Za-bu-ug (24, 187 2),
Cp. Aram. Zbg' (R. Degen JEOL 23 [1973]: 413 ad 2 49),
Leb. GN Zabbiiga lizard'; alternatively to S-P-Q Z-B-
L (cf. above) Z=B-N 'gain : Za- bi-nim (22/2: 6o4);fZa-
bi-na (23, 236 40); Za- bi-in-nu-4-a (VOS 14, 310 12). Z-
D-Y: za- da-nim (Artzi, Kutscher Mem., xxixf., compares
Heb. zdh 'breach'). Z-K-K 'be clear': "a+za-ku-ki-tim
"'glass"-stone' (Groneberg, MARI 6 [199o]:173.18o; c f.
AHw. 15o3b, s.v. zakakeitu/zakukiitu [SB]); MHeb zkzk
`make clear : H. Za-aklq-za-kulq4-um (R. al-Hashimi,
Some Old Babylonian Documents in the Iraq Museum
[Baghdad 1964; neu transcribiert und mit Indices versehen von
W. Farber, Munich 1969, unpubl.], 49 4, cf. CAD Z:
65b) Z-M-M 'muzzle': H. Za-am-ma-a-nu-um (VOS 5,
122 3.28); cf. OLA 28:151 with n. 7 Z-N-Q c f. S-N-
Q Z-Q-Q cf. S-K-K, Z-K-K rafts cf. D-R-'. Z-
W/Y-N (AS 21: 37o, s.v. ZJN) `support, nourish': ?H.
A- zu-na -an (AS 21 239, s.v. 'SN). Z-W/Y-R 'wound':
H. Ma- zu -ra-turn (OLA 21: 32a, if not to Akk. mazûru A
or B, CAD M/1: 440a).
Z-B-Y. H. fSa-bi- ia-tum `gazelle' (cf. OLA 28: 84
with n. 239). i-L-M: H. Ur III Sa -al-ma-nu-um (Owen,
JCS 33 [1981]: 2S1; cp. Bibl. Salmôn, OLA 28: 68.74).
é -M-Y 'be thirs ty ': H. Sa -ma-a-a-tum (AS 21 371, S.V.
ZM'). z-W/Y-R (AS 21: 364, s.v. SWR) 'rock, moun-
tain': Sté-ri dISKUR (-H-D-D); Sû-ri-la-ri-im (-L 2-, - R.-
W/Y-M); Am-mi-sû-ra Ha-am-mi/mu-s4-ri (c-M.M.) ;
,
Ha a-ià-sû-ni (H-W/Y-Y-); I - la-sét-ur ('-W/Y-L'-). H.
-
.54-ra-taman (26/i, 43, 5; 557).
Abbreviations as in CAD and PSD, except for the fol-
lowing:
Amor. = G. Buccellati, The Amorites of the Ur III Period
(Pubblicazioni del Seminario di Semitistica, ncerche
I; Naples: Istituto orientale di Napoli, 1966);
APNM = H B Huffmon, Amorite Personal Names in the
Man Texts: A Structural and Lexical Study (Bal-
timore. Johns Hopkins Universi ty , 1965);
AUS = J.N. Postgate, The Archive of Urad -Perla and His
Family: a Middle Assyrian Household in Govern-
ment Service (Pubblicazioni del progetto "A nalisi
elettronica del cuneforme," Corpus medio-assiro;
Rome* Demcola, 1988);
BHeb. = Biblical Hebrew;
CTMMA t = I. Sp ar , "Tablets, Cones and B ri cks of the
Third and Second Millennia B.C.' (Cuneiform
Texts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art 1; New
York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1988);
CWAS 3 = D. Collon, Catalogue of the Western Asiatic
Seals in the British Museum. Cylinder Seals III:
On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia
Isin -Larsa and Old Babylonian Periods (London:
B ri tish Museum Pub li cations, 1986)
Fs. Loewenstamm = Y. Avishur and J. Blau (eds), Studies
in Bible and Ancient Near East Presented to Sam-
uel E. Loewenstamm on His Seventieth Birthday
(Jerusalem: Rubinstein, 1978);
Fs. Tadmor = M. Cogan and I. Eph'al (eds), Ah, Assyria
... Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near
Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tad-
mor (Scripta Hierosolymitana 33; Jerusalem:
Magnes, 1991);
H = hypocoristicon (used here ad hoc for any non-corn-
pound name);
JAram. = Jewish Aramaic;
Kutscher Mem. = G B Sarfatti et al. (eels), Studies in He-
brew and Semitic Languages Dedicated to the
Memory of Eduard Yechezkel Kutscher (Ramat
Gan: Bar-Ilan Universi ty , 198o);
Ling. = I J. Gelb, La lingua degli Amoriti (Academia Na-
zionale dei Lincei. Rendiconti morali, serie 8,
vol. 13, fasc. 3-4; Rome. 1958);
Mél. Kupper = O. Tunca (ed.), De la Babylonie à la Sy rie,
en passant par Man. Mélanges offerts à Monsieur
J. -R. Kupper à l'occasion de son 71 anniversaire
(Liége: Université de Liége, 199o);
MHeb. = Middle Hebrew;
Misc Ebl. 2 = P. Fronzaroli (ed.), Miscellanea Eblaitica 2.
Quaderne di Seminstica 16 (Firenze Dipani-
mento di Linguistica, Università di Firenze,
1989);
MN = month name,
OBO = Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis;
333
OBT Tell Haddad = A.K. Mohammed, Studies on Un-
published Cuneiform Texts from the Diyala Re-
gion - Tall Haddad (M A thesis, Universi ty of
Baghdad 1985 [in Arab.]);
Proc. intl. conf. = Proceed ngs of the international conference
on Semitic studies held in Jerusalem 19-23 July
1965 (Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sci-
ences and Humanities, 1969);
Suleiman, Diss. = A. Suleiman, A Study of Land Tenure
in the Old Babylonian Period with Special Refer-
ence to the Diyala Region, Based on Published and
Unpublished Texts (doctoral thesis, SOAS,
Universi ty of London, 1966);
Sut = Sutean;
Tall al-Hamidiya 2 = S. Eichler, M. Wäler and D. War-
burton (eels), Tall al-Hamidiya 2. Symposion:
Recent Excavations in the Upper Khabur Region,
Berne, December 9-I 1986. Vorbe ri cht
1985-1987 (OBO, Series Archaeologica 6;
Freiburg [Schweiz]: Universitätsverlag and
Göttingen Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht
1990) ;
UT = C.H. Gordon, Ugantic Textbook (AnOr 38;
Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1965);
WSB = R Zadok, On West Semites in Babylonia during
the Chaldean and Achaemenian Periods: An On-
omastic Study (2nd ed., Jerusalem. Wanaarta,
1978).-
The abbreviation ARM(T) has been omitted (e.g., 26/I,
422 3 = ARMT 26/I, 422 3) All the forms are OB un-
less otherwise stated; the dates (except in the biblio-
graphical references) and time designations (millennia,
centu ri es, etc.) are B.C.E. Wherever forms are given with-
out reference the source is AS 2I.