Escolar Documentos
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Civwilu Mu Bukulu
Reinterpretations
By Asar Imhotep (Mujilu Mukatapa)
luntu/lumtu/muntu
Time and space will not allow us to adequately address the questions raised
above. I will deal with these issues, however, in an upcoming publication The Ena, The
Ancestors and the Papyrus of Ani: Towards a Greater Understanding of the African Concept of
Spirit due out sometime next year. What I want to focus on in this brief essay is possibly
providing a more rich interpretation for the name, usage and purpose for the Book of the
Dead, so we can later engage the text within its proper framework. To do this we will
have to abandon the Western academic‟s fascination with the “afterlife” that is played
up in the mainstream Egyptological literature and systematically look for the human
connection behind the rituals in a community context. We must now turn towards the
deep corridors of Africa to help us unravel what‟s behind the concealed back-door of
this ancient concept and practice expressed in the Book of the Dead.
The Book of the Dead received its name from the German Egyptologist Karl
Richard Lepsius (1842). It was named so because the various versions on papyri were
often found within the sarcophagi (coffins)1 of dead kings and royals. It also gets its
name from the fact that the papyrus versions of these sacred texts evolved from
earlier funerary texts that were carved in stone in tombs. So these spells and
incantations were always in association with someone who is deceased, thus the Book of
the Dead.
The current interpretations of the meaning and reasons behind the rituals within
these texts have always left me wanting, as the mainstream explanations lacked a
definable African character; it lacked depth and significance. My instincts told me there
was more to these texts than simply spells to assist the dead on the other side; but that
there was an important relationship with the dead and the living that wasn‟t discussed
in the texts, yet was clearly assumed by the creators of the literature. The challenge now
is to see if my assumptions and intuitions can be substantiated by the available data and
can we further corroborate the Egyptian texts with practices from living traditions in
Black African communities. Again, the elaborate details will be discussed in the
1
The ciKam (Egyptian) name was nb ankh “lord of life”
My first step was to reexamine the very title of the documents under
examination: The Book of the Dead. When reading the primary texts one discovers that
the ancient ciKam didn‟t call this text the Book of the Dead, but the Rw Nu Prt M Hrw,
“The word utterances for coming forth by day.” It gets its name from one of its most
important spells, Spell 17. The words can be broken down as follows:
rw nu prt m hrw
Rw is the plural of r 'mouth'. R can also refer to a thing said, such
as a part of speech or in this case a ritual incantation.
Nw is a form of n 'of'. This 'genitival adjective' grammatically
agrees with the preceding noun. Nw is the masculine
dual/plural form.
Prt is an action non-derived from the verb prj 'emerge', 'arise'. It
expresses the act of emerging or arising.
M is a preposition typically meaning 'in'. When dealing with time,
it can mean 'during'.
Hrw means 'day', 'daytime'.
I want to focus on the last word in this phrase, hrw, as this is going to be central
to our reinterpretation of the whole phrase. As it stands, I do not believe the word hrw
is referring to day or daytime. I believe the symbol of the sun here was used to convey
another concept and we will see why further below.
I first reexamined this term hrw in my paper From Heru to Shaka Zulu: The Spirit
Beyond the Heavens.2 One day while I was listening to an interactive DVD trying to learn
the Zulu language, I came across a few terms (all explained in the above article) that
when the /h/ sound was preceded by a vowel, the /h/ sound became an sh sound. This
inspired me to investigate further in regards to the word hrw in the ancient ciKam
language to see if there was evidence for the same convention. When I compared the
word hrw in the ciKam to cognates in other African languages, I noticed that the /h/
sound corresponded in many African languages with a /s/ or /z/ sibilant sound.
2
Currently available on my website as of June 10, 2010. Here is a direct link:
http://www.asarimhotep.com/documentdownloads/heru_zulu.pdf
These observations are important because the word hrw in ancient Egypt is
graphically represented by a hawk, the sun and by a hawk holding the sun on its head.
The more familiar the reader becomes with African cultures, the more one comes to
understand how Africans (who I call Bamelela) utilize animals in nature to describe
attributes of man, or to note the character or social position of a person within their
given community. With that said, we can use these familiar themes to ascertain a more
accurate and richer meaning behind the Egyptian iconography by examining Black
African languages and customs.
3
A phonetic term of the secondary articulation of consonants by which the body of the tongue is raised toward the
hard palate and the alveolar ridge during the articulation of the consonant.
4
See Robert Lord (1966). Comparative Linguistics. English Universities Press. London
5
Bilolo (2010:91-2). Bilolo doesn’t translate the words in the ciLuba language, so I took the liberty of defining
them. There were a few I was unsure of so I left them blank.
Nkulu, Nkole, Ngal, nGole, Cyal, Kal; Prominent or powerful man, hawk.
ciKololo6 Kal; ciKololo = raven
mFumu Chief, king, president
Kwemb ; Kambo ; KaBemba (mbemba in Vulture
Kikongo)
Mpungwa, cimpungu Whydah bird. Could be Mungu
(highest, supreme) + ngo (leopard).
This is how a spotted hawk is
described in many places in the
grand Kongo area: a hawk being a
“sky leopard.”
diKupi
ciMinyi Bird, eagle
Ntelo, Ntelu // Ndelu (Grand kingfisher, halcyon7 in
Senegal; related to CiMinyi)
Tanda > ciTanda (shed), kaTanda All of these words essentially mean
(overhanging roof) platform, stand, stage, podium, etc;
Tenta > nTenta, ciTent(e,a) – (tent, tarp) something for which a bird might
Tentama, tangama > ciTenta(menu), land and rest on like a roof. The
ciTanga(mane)
connotation is that something is
Tamba > ciTamba, kaTamba (stage,
being held up or raised: elevated to
podium)
Tapa / taha > ciTapa, kaTapa some degree, or something that is
Cimaninu ; cilamwinu (warehouse) significantly higher than the
kaTamu = kaTambwe (stool/footstool) ground.
Mfulu-CiTapa, Mvulu-Citapa /-ciTaha Falcon podium/stage/platform
CiMinyi eagle
6
Other names are NyemBwa, KwAngala, and Ngole. The last two words have the g-l root which would be
consistent with the k-l in Kulu/Hrw
7
A halcyon (pronounced /ˈhælsiən/) is a mythical bird—often identified as a kingfisher—said to breed in a floating
nest at sea during the winter solstice, during which time it charms the wind and waves into calm.
The Egyptian hrw “hawk” corresponds to the ciLuba Nkole, Nkulu, Ngole, Ngal,
Cyala, Kyala “hawk.” When one sees a combination of the bird on a raised platform or
bar , one should understand that the ancients are conveying that this person or spirit
is someone who is elevated or exalted among the people: holds a very high social
position. This is very important to understand because it also explains why the sun is
used interchangeably with the hawk in ancient Egypt. It also destroys the notion of „sun
worship‟ as the sun is only used as a symbol to represent the following: eldership,
power, something/someone exalted, or someone in a high ranking position in society
(or the universe = God).
Table 3: Kulu
Kùlumpè-(at) adjective
adult
☛ Syn.:-Kole (a): B ☛ Coder.:-
Kùlumpa Luvulè
8
To be raised, to be raised to dignity
9
To be high, senior, rise, highlight, exposure, to show. Also, tangamika means to stand, is set straight.
10
Dictionnaire Cilubà – Français http://www.ciyem.ugent.be/
cikùlukùlu 7 / 8
ancient custom
☛ Dér.:-Kulu
As we can see here, the k-l root denotes seniority based on age. This term is
associated with someone who is of high rank which would include: deities, chiefs,
kings, presidents, family heads, senior wives, or someone in general authority. We can
see this play out in the ciLuba language as follows:
In the prt m hrw phrase, the word hrw (mouth and water swirl)
is accompanied by the sun with a singular stroke beside it. When the singular stroke is
attached to a glyph, that means the sign is to be taken literally and not as an abstract
idea…or so says the Egyptologists. Current convention says that these glyphs, ( the
determinatives) were not spoken, but placed there to help us get a better understanding
of the word under examination as they did not write out their vowels. I, however, have
posited for years that some of the determinatives have a word value that is expressed
When we examine languages like ciLuba, and match the words and signs
together in the ciKam (Egyptian), they spell out real combinations of words used in the
ciLuba language. For example, some would read this word as Imn-Ra , but the
determinative of a seated bearded man with a sun disk on his head indicates to me that
the sun should be read as hrw, giving us Imn-Hrw. In ciLuba we have the following
correspondences:11
Table 4: Imn-Hrw
11
Bilolo (2010:75)
The key glyph that demonstrates that we are on point with our interpretation is
the seated man with the long beard as a determinative. As Modupe Oduyoye notes
(1996:73) wisdom among the Yoruba is called ogbón. There is a council of elders called
Ògbóni. There is also a judicial council of elders who are expected to be a repository of
wisdom due to their age. An elder sibling in Yoruba is ègbón. To say “Mr.”, a title of
respect for adult males, you say ógbéni, a variant of ògbóni. The idea of the wisdom of
the elders is igbòn “chin,” where the beard grows, the beard being a sign of age and
mature wisdom. This is why the Yoruba say:
This is a philosophy shared by many diMalela (African) traditions. From the looks
of it, hrw/kulu is two words agglutinated: ku (spirit) and olu (heavens/high). We can
examine this in ciKam and ciLuba with the following:
-Pandi mu dya-Kulu
-Pandi mmu KyUlu
-Pende mMwena-KuUlu
-Pandi mmu CiLunga
- Pandi mu diKolo
- Pandi mu ciKulu
- Pandi mu cyEla
12
Bilolo (2010:95)
The African Muntu believes he existed before being born here on earth. His first
home, his former homeland (diKolo, ciKulu, ciEla, ciLunga) is in heaven (dyUlu, KwUlu/
Kulu). This is his true homeland and it is there that he will return after his death.
With this said, we can better understand why the hawk and the sun were used to
denote the same concept: hrw. Both of these emblems are orienting the reader‟s
consciousness towards the fact that both of these beings reside in the sky. With them
being in the sky they automatically denote height, being high, and being exalted. The
proto-Niger-Congo term *-lu means “high, on top.” You find this attached to many
words needing to convey that message. It is even in the words Olu/Oluwa (Yoruba)
“God,” Eloh (Hebrew) “God,” *y-Ulu (Bantu) “God,” El (Canaanite) and Allah (Arabic)
“God.” It should also be noted that Egyptian Ra (the „sun‟ god) was also depicted as a
hawk. Among the Igbo they honor a spirit by the name of Aro, the first son of Agwu,
who is a falcon-headed or hawk-headed sky spirit and plays the role of savior.13
The ku in kulu denotes a spirit or ancestor. So kulu, hrw, cheru, zulu, osoro, etc.,
literally means “spirit in the heavens” or “ancestor in the heavens.” Because spirits are
of a higher rank in African societies, and ancestors are spirits, the ancestors are ranked
first, then comes the elders in regards to human social hierarchy. They are not only
ranked by age, but by the wisdom they hold. It is believed that when one dies, the spirit
goes to the ancestral realm. The ancestral realm is the “world of accumulated
knowledge.”14 Because they reside in this world of immense knowledge and wisdom,
they rank higher than any living being because of their direct access to knowledge; their
ability to find solutions to everyday problems.
In the ancient Bukame (Egyptian) ontology, it is the ba (soul, spirit, double) that is
released from the body at the moment of death (be among the Yoruba – Oyo/Ibidan
dialect). It is often represented by a bird or as a ray of light rising from a vase of oil, to
wrath over the deceased body as it transits from one life to the next. The final
13
See John Umeh (1997:115). After God is Dibia: Igbo Cosmology, Divination Sacred Science in Nigeria. Karnak
Publishing. London
14
See Dr. Kimbwandende Kia Fu-Kiau’s (2001). African Cosmology of the Bantu Kongo. Atheilia Henrietta Press.
The ancient BuKame (Egyptians) held this belief as well and it can be
demonstrated by examining a few concepts. Let‟s examine the following excerpt from
the Coffin texts spell 1130; The Four Great Achievements of Ra (the sun, light). In this spell,
Ra reveals to humanity four great accomplishments of his. The first three are, 1) he
created the four winds (air) so all can breathe; 2) he created the great flood(of the Nile),
to benefit poor and noble alike; and 3) he created human beings one like the other,
commanding them not to do evil. He then goes on to state:
Here Ra, God symbolized by the sun, explicitly states human beings are from the
tears of his eye. In Egyptian cosmology, Ra‟s eye is the very sun of our solar system. So
if the sun is crying, the tears would be its rays going forth into space. The word rmt (in
Bantu languages, luntu, rumtu, muntu) means “humanity.” The word for tears in ciKam
has the same basic root: rmyt.
Akh = spirit
We mentioned before that the word ku across Africa means ancestors or spirit (kulu,
hrw). In African spiritual ontology, the ancestors aid the living by providing them
information via dreams and visions that could help them avoid trouble in the physical
world. The living, in thanks for the ancestors‟ service to the community, offers food and
drinks so that the spirit can sustain itself in the realm of forever night. 15 The living and
the dead have a mutually beneficial relationship. The ancestors are useful to the
community because they act as mediums between the community and the forces of
nature that impact their lives. This is why in African cultures there is such a strong
practice of ancestor veneration and why they strongly encourage people to have a
strong relationship with their ancestors: it is profitable for you to maintain that
15
We will discuss this concept in full in the up-coming publication The Ena, The Ancestors and the Papyrus of Ani.
For now I recommend Credo Mutwa’s seminal work, Indaba My Children (1964).
Those ancestors who were highly revered in their communities while living become
deified ancestors. In other words, these are the famed ancestors: the bukulu, the orisha,
the njora, the niombo, etc. As they say in Yoruba, Ènìyàn ni í d òrísà “It is human beings
who become òrísà.” We find the Egyptian term akh in the Yoruba with the following
meaning:
Egyptian akh
Yoruba - AIKÚ - Immortality, one who has become a deified ancestor, meaning:
"never die."
We can clearly see here a conceptual and phonetic match between the Yoruba and
Egyptian terms. So now we can reinterpret another misinterpretation on the part of
Egyptologists when they render the place name Ta-Aakhw as “land of the horizon
dwellers.” They do this with another term Ta-Ntjr by translating it as “land of the gods”
instead of “land of the ancestors.”16
16
I will demonstrate in the upcoming publication on Ancestors why Ta-Ntjr should be interpreted as land of the
ancestors and not land of the gods.
It is clear in the first example, given our comparison with the Yoruba term aiku, that
ta-akhw is the LAND OF OUR ANCESTORS or THE ANCESTRAL LAND. Did you
notice the two suns in ta-akhw-t followed by the bearded man just like in our imn-hrw
example? Why would the sun be depicted for a location that represents the
„underworld‟? It is trying to convey to us that the spirit world, the deepest corridors of
creation is pure light. We can reinterpret this word to say Dya Bukulu “the land of the
revered ancestors.”
Remember our term AIKU in the Yoruba refers to a deified ancestor. Osiris is a
deified king of Egypt, thus why the term AKHW is associated with his abode in the
ancestral realm (Duat). The word Aiku derives from Iku which means “Spirit of Death.”
The Yoruba word Ku means “to die.” You have the following equivalents in Black
African languages: Bwiti = kouck, kouk, or ku; Mbochi = okue, ikue.
Dr. Malidoma Somé in his book Of Water and the Spirit (1994) discusses an
experience he had during his initiation into manhood that is very informative for our
study. After falling into a spiritual hole of light, Somé states:
Thus a preliminary interpretation of Coming forth by Day, using the statement from
Somé above as a conceptual platform, would mean “coming home to the light (day).”
Theophile Obenga (2004:397) echoes Somé‟s sentiments in many ways when he states,
concerning the highest aspirations of ancient man:
I am a soul, I am Ra…
Wrong doing is my abomination…
I ponder Maat. I live by it…
I am the lord of light17
Everywhere we turn in ancient Egypt we find the soul of man and the ancestors
in association with light. This will be very important for our final analysis.
Among the Mitsogho of Southern Gabon, the living human being (moma) is said
to comprise the following basic components: oto, the body; endjanga, its vital force,
located in the heart (motema); ghedidi, the spirit; and ghedinadina, the shadow or
silhouette.18 When the body no longer has the life force (dies), the ghedinadina (shadow)
disappears and the spirit (ghedidi) flies off toward the Other World, most often on
sunrays.
The funeral rites of the ancient Bukame-type are still performed, practically
unchanged in many African communities. Obenga (2004:235-6) cites an initiatory text
titled Songs of the Road to Death which is related to the Rite of the Coming Out of the Spirit
still performed today by the Bwiti of rural Gabon:
17
Karenga (2004:232)
18
Obenga (2004:395)
Kotuswa Mu Bumuta
We now get to the crux of our discussion. I had to thoroughly lay down a good
foundation so one can totally grasp and be convinced at what I am about to suggest.
The title of this section, Kotuswa Mu Bumuta, is Kikongo which translates in English as
“ancestralization.” You can also say Kotuswa Mu Bukulu. What I argue, in regards to the
various coffin texts and funerary texts, is that this was simply the ancient Egyptian
(Bukulu Bukame) way of conducting an ancestralization ritual. I argue that the very
“Book of the Dead” is an ancestralization manual.
In many African societies, the simple act of dying doesn‟t make you an ancestor.
The terminology reserved for these blessed beings are only associated with those who
lived a good life, a life of service to the community here on earth. The stunted,
immature spirits receive names such as bukuyu “the stunted ancestors.” When a healer,
teacher, or leader dies, they must go through an ancestralization process that spiritually
binds them to the community to serve the community in the same capacity as if they
were alive. This is exactly what you see going on in the prt m hrw.
19
Andre Mary, La naissance a l’envers. Essai sur le ritual du Bwiti Fang au Gabon, L’Harmattan, Paris, 1983. Pp.327
et seq
This may not be a surprise to many. But what the general reader may not know
exactly is what an ancestor is. The general public throughout the decades has been lead
to believe that the soul of man is the ancestor. From my studies I find this not to be the
case. According to the vast majority of African traditions, there is only one primary soul
in the universe. It is the universal soul. This is why you find throughout Africa that the
same name for God, is the same name for man. This is so because we share the same
soul. This is the human connection and the link that binds us to all living things. For the
Egyptians, God is Kaka. The soul of the human being is the Ka. For the Igbo, God is
Chukwu. The soul of man is Chi. God for the Igbo is combination of Chi-Ukwu (the Great
Chi). Among the Amazulu, God is Itongo. The soul of man is Itongo. This is the reason
why you will hear African elders state, “We are God having a human experience.”
What the general Bamalela (African) public may not be aware of is their shadow
or double: their secondary soul which is temporal. This is an aspect of self that builds
itself up from birth, experiencing and recording what the open senses (of the body)
experiences. In other words, the double is the record of the seeds of destiny. This means
that the double is the carbon copy of all the experiences that the human being goes
through. There are many initiated African scholars who speak on the double (Some, Fu-
Kiau, etc.), but none more thoroughly than Credo Mutwa. Mutwa informs us that:
When a baby is born, it is born with a body, a mind and a soul, but not with an
Ena [double]. The Ena grows like a flower as the child and is formed and
nourished by the experiences of the growing child. It is shaped by the child‟s
own character and also the characters of those whom the child chooses to imitate,
such as parents or tribal hero (Mutwa 1964: 461).
When we are born, we do not have doubles. We are a clean slate ready to be
filled by the experiences that we will go through. However, the double is not a passive
recipient of experiences. It is like a bank account, which is available for those who have
put something into it (Kajangu 2005:142). We must view this in the context of the
wisdom seeker‟s endless pursuit of perfection. In that, the double becomes the most
Prt m Hrw: Reinterpretations by Asar Imhotep (Mujilu Mukatapa) Page 17
cherished prize that a human being can ever attain because it enables us to receive
feedback from the experiences that we have been through.
We see this same conceptualization of the double in the Edo wisdom tradition of
Nigeria. Iro Eweka discusses the double‟s function as a repository of the seeds of
destiny in his work From Dawn to Dusk. He goes on to state that:
During the process of creation, [the Creator] conceives a form, molds that form in
clay, its eventual function being allowed to precede its structure. Two identical
forms are made. And when the molding is completed, [the Creator] breathes into
the nostrils of one of the two and it immediately comes to life. The duplicate,
meanwhile, remains lifeless.
The form having come to life, [the Creator] speaks to it, saying, “now you are
almost ready to descend into the world below. Whom would you choose for a
father sown there?”
The new life-form thinks carefully, makes a deliberate choice of an earthly father
and announces the choice.
Then [the Creator] asks what will be the circumstances of the actual birth on
earth. More questions are then asked about how the new creature will live, what
it will do, how it will die and return to its creator. Everything that is to happen
when the creature arrives on earth is carefully chosen beforehand. And to every
choice named [the Creator] says “So be it.” Finally, the creator places into the
head of the new life-form its twin, which then automatically comes to life. The
two become one although only one of them, the first to receive life directly from
the creator, will be visible on earth where the unseen companion acts solely as
witness to its companion‟s destiny (Eweka 1998: 10).
Secondly, the double is that component part of a human being which remains
accessible after death. The double is the only thing that remains when we die. It is the
entity that appears in the dreams and visionary experiences of the living. It is believed
that the doubles of people who have achieved perfection can be used by their
descendants to seek advice on how to stem the tide of life‟s challenges on earth. This is
the root of belief in the existence of ancestors. This is the whole reason for the
ancestralization process; to push the double to the realm where it can be most useful to
the living. Otherwise they would haunt and terrorize the living out of confusion of
being trapped on earth. Malidoma Somé throughout his book The Healing Wisdom of
Africa stresses the importance of grieving rituals to literally push the deceased into the
Finally, the double is the cosmic vessel that the soul uses to travel in time and
eternity. Only those doubles that are well-designed can venture into the realm of
eternity in search of answers to the challenges of life. The double provides accounts of
its travel in time and eternity through visions and dreams.
With that said, however, the double is not eternal. If it is not nourished, it will
die at some undetermined time. This is the reason why Africans insist that we call on
the names of our ancestors so that they “live forever.” If the ancestors were eternal
beings, there would be no need to call their names or sacrifice to them for their survival.
Because of our sojourn in the „new world‟ of the West, we have abandoned making
sacrifices to our ancestors. We think just calling their name is enough. This is not the
case in Africa. During Mutwa‟s initiation into sangoma, he was given some very
important information that is instructive for our purposes today. The elder instructs
him to:
Urge the people, Oh my son, urge them always to slaughter a goat or a cow for
the helpless spirits of their ancestors. Tell them that a man who tries to live
without his ancestors is like a tree struggling without its roots, and that a man
who is ignored by his ancestors is a disgrace in the eyes of the gods. His
conscience will haunt him until his dying day and he will die weeping like a lost
hyena in the darkness.
My son, you know that when a man sacrifices regularly to his ancestors, the Enas
leave the land of Forever-Night and come to live in that man‟s kraal always.
They live there and repay his adherence by protecting him and his children and
wives from harm, by interceding with the gods on his behalf, and by giving him
luck in all he does. They also help him by sending him advice by dream
messages in his hour of trouble. They not only shield him from harm, they make
him the dread of his enemies (Mutwa 1964:462-463).
So what we understand here is that the relationship between the Ena (the
ancestor/double) and the community is one of survival. The enas can‟t live without
sustenance from earth (libations, chickens, goats, etc). The living community cannot
function without the insight the ena can bring because they reside in the realm of
accumulated human knowledge. The relationship is symbiotic and it helps to explain
the meaning behind the practices that have been lost over the ages due to colonialism.
Now we can understand the weighing of the heart scene in the Papyrus of Ani
(Ena) and Hunefer. Now we understand whose survival is being fought for, the double’s.
If one is found blameless, then they are to become one of the blessed orishas, ndele,
niombo, itongo; the ancestors who can become a medium for the community. The aim of
life is to create a strong double that will last forever; that can swim across the current of
time to the shores of eternity on a recognizance mission, to retrieve valuable intel that
can help man tower over the one thousand and one challenges of life. In essence, it
appears that Africans are fighting for an identity; one that will last for eternity.
This practice of ancestralization, in the spirit of ancient Egypt, still goes on today
in the Kongo and is discussed in Robert Farris Thompson‟s seminal work, Four Moments
of the Sun. In this process of ancestralization, the Egyptians practiced what is called the
opening of the mouth ceremony. There have been many speculations as to what this ritual
is and what it is used for; but again, it is the Bantu Kongo that provides us with the
answers we need as this ancestral ritual is still practiced to this day in the Kongo.
In this work, in regards to the Niombo (netchers, orishas for the Kongo), Thompson
discusses their role in the community once they have been assisted by the living to
complete their long journey to the ancestral realm. The community instructs the Niombo
to, in regards to having open mouths:
“Go with our tears, wet upon your face, and represent our problems among the
dead: be our medium.” By similar interpretation, the open mouth, with the lips
rendered in relief, symbolizes the leader speaking to the dead: “the funeral is
over and now he is talking in the other world. All niombo should have open
mouths. This means there is speech in the other world.” …If the open mouth of
the niombo brings parlance into the other world, and tears code messages of
shared concern, the towering gesture of the niombo, right hand up, left hand
down, in similarly significant. It maps the boundary to be crossed; it identifies
the cord connecting life to death; it is “the crossroads pose.” … The niombo
gesture…also marks a person‟s transition from this world to the next. On behalf
of his community, niombo hails the heavens and the horizon line. When you die
you automatically become an ancestor. But not everyone becomes a niombo.
Being buried in a niombo figure means the community believes this person will
become our medium.
Conclusion
There is so much more to this fascinating practice among the Bamelela (Africans),
but space and time do not permit us to go into further detail. I will reserve the
expanded discussion for the book. However, I want to recap what has been revealed
thus far and to add just one more thing to our discussion.
The ancient ciKam Prt m Hrw can best be understood as a book to guide an
ancestralization process to aid the deceased to take their rightful place among the stars.
These rituals are assisted by qualified priests who know how to access and harness ashe
to ensure the success of the journey.
With what has been revealed throughout this essay, I think we can come up with
a better translation for the phrase Prt m Hrw, to something more accurate using the
ciLuba language. A better pronunciation would be Civwilu Mu Bukulu.
The word prt has been translated to mean “to come, to come forth, arise,
emerge.” We have demonstrated in other works20 that the so-called feminine –t suffix in
Egyptian corresponds to ci, ti, di and tshi in the ciLuba language; and that it is prefixed,
not suffixed in ciLuba. Therefore, the –t suffix in prt becomes the ci- prefix in Civwilu
“arrive, to become.” The p sound in Egyptian is often interchangeable with b in ciLuba.
For instance, what is pronounced as pr “house” in ciKam is Pala or Bula in ciLuba. Other
variations are palamina, pulumuna, dipala, cipalu; dipamana. A common sound shift across
languages is p > b > f > v. The ancient ciKam /r/ is also an /l/; they are
interchangeable.21
20
See recent essay by author Renaming Africa currently located here:
http://www.asarimhotep.com/documentdownloads/Renaming_Africa.pdf
21
And sometimes <n>. See Antonio Loprieno. (1995:13). Ancient Egyptian: A Linguistic Introduction. Cambridge
University Press. New York, NY.
Table 6: PR
Egyptian ciLuba22
Pr = come Vwa = come, become
pri = to go forth, to emerge, to escape, to issue, to lwa = come (out)
leave, to proceed
ar = mount up, ascend, extend, penetrate, lead, liya = come
carry away, come on
Prj = to emerge, arise Vwija = to come, make happen, to become
divwa = came, advent
pri = to display, to show, be visible, be apparent Vwila = come by, occur, reaching (towards
pri = go, come out, escape (from), issue, proceed, something)
leaving
pri =come forth civwilu = arrive, to become, because of the
pri = go, come out, escape arrival
pr = go up, ascend
mvwilu = approach, grounds for coming, how
come
prw motion, procession, (child)birth, outcome, cidìvwilè = to be pregnant while not having a
result period (to become pregnant)
prw = motion, procession, outcome, result kavwidìlà = reason (for coming), because of
the coming
The word prt implies a transformation into something. Given the nature of the
texts (prt m hrw) the title is telling us clear as day that it is Civwilu Mu Bukulu, a book on
how to become an ancestor. It is equivalent to making a Captain into a 4 Star General.
To say fully rw nu prt m hrw in ciLuba, you‟d say, “eela (utterances, commands)
bwenu (of, for) civwilu (coming, becoming) mu (into, among, between) [a] bukulu (blessed
ancestor).” In other words, these are the “commands for becoming an ancestor.” You
can also say, “commands for transforming into an ancestor.”
22
http://www.ciyem.ugent.be
There is, however, a lot more to this than what has been discussed in this essay,
and there are some cultural nuances not shared in our modern environment that are
assumed the reader of the texts understands clearly. So I would take note of that. Also
one has to understand these are priestly rituals, so it would be best to consult sages in
living wisdom traditions for explanations on how and why one would conduct these
rituals. I recommend for the beginner that he/she picks up the books The Healing
Wisdom of Africa by Malidoma Some, and After God is Dibia Vol. I by John Umeh. This
will allow you to have a good foundation for these ancient practices which, to an extent,
are still alive and well in parts of West and Central CyaMelela (Africa). I hope you have
enjoyed this article. I look forward to your feedback.
Ancestrally,
23
See also diyi (speech) or Diyi (‘divine’ Law/command, i.e, mêyì àà Mvìdi Mukulu = the commandments of God).
Eela also means “to act” and may be the cognate with the Egyptian iri which means “to do.” So we could interpret
rw nu prt m hrw as “the act of becoming (transforming into) an Ancestor.”
24
See my article Reinterpretations of the Ankh Symbol: Emblem of a Master Teacher (2010). Currently you can find
it here: http://www.asarimhotep.com/documentdownloads/Reinterpretations_of_the_ANKH_symbol.pdf
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