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Beginning Assumptions
487
488 The Origin of Concepts
meaning of the thought John owns a vicious dog. As I use the term,
“content” is roughly synonymous with “meaning.” Of course, different
theories of concepts give different answers to the question of what
determines the content of a concept, what the relations are between
content and reference, and how concepts are to be individuated—what
determines whether two symbols express the same concept or different
ones. To explore how the theory of concept acquisition offered in these
pages bears on adjudicating among theories of concepts, we need a better
picture of the players. Therefore, I begin by providing a map, in very
broad strokes indeed, of the lay of the land.
To get my work off the ground, I assumed that two types of pro-
cesses figure in a theory of all mental representations, including con-
ceptual ones: (1) causal processes that mediate between entities in the
world and mental representations, at least partially determining what
mental symbols refer to; and (2) internal computational processes defined
over mental representations that explain their role in thought. The latter
constitute what is called “conceptual role” or “inferential role.”
Some have argued that conceptual role has three parts to play in a full
account of concepts: a part in determining reference, a part in deter-
mining conceptual content, and, as its primary function, a part in
determining the concept’s contribution to thought. So far, separating the
work of conceptual role into these distinct functions has not mattered.
Rather, I have appealed to conceptual role as part of my evidence of
which concepts monkeys, infants, and young children have. For example,
that infants and monkeys use analog magnitude representations to sup-
port addition and the calculation of ratios provides evidence that these are
number representations (chapter 4). Or, for another example, the ways
that infants take into account the causally relevant properties of the
participants in events in their representation of these events provides
evidence that they are making causal attributions (chapter 6). Using
inferential role in this way is surely justified, given the work concepts do
in the computational processes that are thought, no matter what work
conceptual role does in concept individuation and content determina-
tion. But for present purposes, specifying how, if at all, conceptual
role plays a part in content determination matters very much, for it
separates many philosophical theories of concepts (e.g., Dretske, 1981;
Fodor, 1998; Kripke, 1972/1980; Putnam; 1975) from most theories
Conclusion II: Implications for a Theory of Concepts 489
psychologists and linguists are drawn to (e.g., Smith & Medin, 1981;
Murphy, 2002).
that I can disagree with people whose knowledge of tigers is vastly dif-
ferent from mine, including my past selves. You and I might disagree on
whether wild tigers are to be found in China, for example, or on whether
there are white tigers. If I now say that some tigers are white, how can I
be disagreeing with myself of 10 years ago, when I thought all tigers were
orange with dark stripes (or with you, if you believe the same)? If you
share the intuition that people can disagree, then it cannot be that all of
our beliefs play an essential role in determining content; if they did, we’d
be talking past each other, meaning different things by both “tiger” and
“white,” rather than disagreeing about a given proposition (namely, that I
take “tigers are white” to be true whereas you take it to be false). The
challenge for a theory of concepts, then, becomes determining what, if
not one’s beliefs about the entities in the extension of a concept, does
determine the concept’s content.
In chapters 8 to 11, I argued that conceptual change is a real (indeed,
common) phenomenon, so I am committed to the possibility that you
and I might have different concepts (of matter, of weight, of heat, of
number . . . ). Any developmental psychologist, anthropologist, or intel-
lectual historian who seeks to understand the historical development of
concepts faces two urgent problems of concept individuation. When I say
that you and I have different concepts of weight, there must be some way
of picking out mental representations with enough overlap that they both
express some concept we would both agree are candidates for being the
same concept. And then, we must say why, nonetheless, these repre-
sentations express different concepts. For example, one concept is really
weight and the other is an undifferentiated weight/density concept. That is,
I accept the urgency of distinguishing conceptual change from belief
revision. In some cases of knowledge acquisition we merely change our
beliefs about the world; in others we change the concepts in terms of
which those beliefs are composed. If the arguments in chapters 8 through
11 are correct, then our theory of concepts had better allow us to dis-
tinguish concepts from beliefs, and concepts from conceptions.
The first phenomenon on a psychologist’s list—categorization
behavior—often does not even make it onto a philosopher’s list at all.
Philosophers do not deny the interest of the scientific project of
understanding what leads to categorization decisions. These decisions are
likely to draw upon all of what one knows about the entities one is
Conclusion II: Implications for a Theory of Concepts 491
For good reasons, discussions of concepts often begin with the British
empiricists’ theory. The empiricists’ theory was extremely influential,
directly impacting later philosophical work (e.g., the logical positivists of
the Vienna circle [e.g., Carnap, 1932/1980] and the reactions against
them, [e.g., Quine, 1953/1980; Wittgenstein, 1953/1958; Putnam, 1962;
Kripke, 1972/1980]), as well as directly impacting the first systematic
psychological work on concepts (e.g.., Vygotsky, 1934/1962; Bruner,
Goodnow, & Austin, 1956). Creating the first important worked-out
theory of concepts, the empiricists attempted to account for the whole
range of both the psychologists’ and the philosophers’ phenomena listed
above. Important for my project, the empiricists took concept acquisition
to be an important source of constraint in theorizing about the nature of
human concepts.
The philosophers Steven Laurence and Eric Margolis (1999) provide
an excellent and psychology-friendly exposition of the empiricist theory