Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
2, 1995
295
With Protestantism, of course, since the believer does not seek atone-
ment but only individual certainty of salvation (certitudo salutis) in this world
(Weber 1978, 104), the role of the church as an institution which had tra-
ditionally mediated salvation by carrying out a ritualistic task becomes clearly
limited. With Orthodoxy, as in the Orthodox Church, things are different.
Orthodoxy is for the most part a "popular," "lived" faith, and its doctrinal
content is therefore characterized "by a remarkable agility and fluidity," as
the historian A. Liakos puts it, so that 'everybody, whether believer or non-
believer, [can] participate in his own way and be accepted [into it] in his
own way" (1994, B2, 36). The important issue in the Orthodox faith is the
considerable presence of the community of believers, which exceeds the nar-
row bounds of the institutionalized church, as well as the symbolic (as dis-
tinct from the strictly doctrinal) content of its mystical ritualistic practices.
Precisely because these elements are related to (a) the fierce interplay be-
tween the Orthodox Church and the state; (b) the "incorporative" (Mouzelis
1986) type of social inclusion, as a direct result of the strong presence of
the state and the weakness of civil society in a number of Orthodox coun-
tries: and (c) in the case of Greece, the high degree of religious and national
homogeneity, elements that from the outset formed the institutional organi-
zation of Orthodoxy and that inevitably led to interplay between the religious
and the nationalist community on a secular and spiritual level, are reinforced
under modem conditions.
As far as the Greek Orthodox faith and Church are concerned, it
should be noted that during the period of national integration in the
Balkans in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the Greek Church -- in
common with other churches -- assumed quite distinct nationalist features,
taking an active part in the processes of nation building and state formation
that were taking place in the region. In any event, the complicated and (at
least in its finer details) somewhat blurred relationship between religion
and nationalism is rendered even more complex and "obscure" in the case
of the Orthodox Christian doctrine and the nation-states of the Balkans.
Developments in this region reflect, among other things, the specific
characteristics of communication between the West and the Balkans, and
reveal the connotations contained in the Western perception of the
Balkans, as well as the Balkan perception of the West (Skopetea 1992).
that preceded it, out of which -- as well as against which it came into
being." In his own analysis of nationalism, Anderson, significantly, focuses
on two of these systems, the religious community and what he calls the
dynastic r e a l m - the political-cultural system of "antique monarchical
states" (p. 20). " . . .Both of these," he argues, "in their heydays, were
taken-for-granted frames of reference, very much as nationality is today"
(p. 12).
Religion can thus prove to be an important factor in the establishment
of a national identity, if certain basic prerequisites are met, such as
"flexibility; adaptability to new circumstances; and transferability from
generation to generation in terms of its values" (Warhola 1991, 259). These
prerequisites are aptly met in the religious connotations inherent in the
national identity of Orthodox Christians. The religious conception of a
nation's identity, then, does not necessarily controvert the modern and
secular character of contemporary states, provided of course that the
relationship between religion and nation is not tautologous- provided,
that is, that nation and national identity are not defined only in religious
terms, nor are classified exclusively under religious headings (Skopetea:
1983, 123).
The debate concerning nationalism undoubtedly turns on a "question
of identity" (Lipowatz: 1990). The concept of identity, however, remains
ill-defined, particularly within those disciplines from which basic analytical
experience and the results of clinical analysis are missing -- in other words,
where a (psycho-)social rather than a psychoanalytic approach to the
question of identity is advanced. Indicative of this imprecision and of the
diverse conceptions and overall difficulties involved in the "revelation" of
identity is the remark by Erikson (1993, 124) that Freud himself, who
originated and laid the foundations for the psychoanalytic debate on
identity, only once uses the concept in a specialized sense, that of a
psychoanalytic process. Indeed, in his classic work "The Psychology of the
Masses and the Analysis of the Ego" (Freud 1989), in which he deals with
the issue at great length, Freud refers not to the identity hut the
"identification processes" of the subject. According to Freud, the
structuring of the Ego takes place through its "emotional attachment" or
its attempt to acquire a desired object ("Introjection") which is idealized
to occupy the place of an "ideal Ego" (Freud 1989, 44-52). This
all-embracing "giving" of the Ego to the idealized object of its desire and
the impoverishment of the Ego that accompanies this "giving" assume new
dimensions and create, for the subject, conditioning structures that go
beyond individual and other, broader, collective identities (Freud 1989, 52).
Those that are usually formed on the basis of an awareness, on the part
of the subjects, of the similarities that stem from their common identity
Greek Orthodoxy and the Politics of Nationalism 299
Orthodox Church as the official religion (religio licita) of his state (the
Eastern Roman Empire). During the Byzantine era, the church was "in
agreement" (consonantia) with the state, a situation that greatly contributed
to the establishment of a unitary political culture that would succeed in
incorporating as many sections as possible of the population that lived
within this vast empire (Meyendorf 1990; Georgiadou 1990; Makrides 1991,
281-305). Given that the politicization of the Orthodox faith was facilitated
from the start by the interrelationship between church and state, it must
be emphasized that, despite various changes, this interrelationship is still
very much in evidence in Orthodox nations; this certainly includes Greece,
from where we derive our information and our arguments.
As far as Greece is concerned, suffice it to note that in all the texts
relating to the statutes of the modern Greek state from 1821 ("Temporary
State of Greece," First National Assembly) up to the present day (1975
Constitution, revised 1986), "the religion of the Eastern Orthodox Church"
continued to be defined as the "predominant religion." Although the
current Constitution recognizes the freedom and protects the rights of any
other "recognized religion" (article 13, para. 2), the Orthodox Church is
given preferential treatment, stemming from its interpretative potential,
and it is reinforced by the "special legislative and administrative provisions"
(Sotirelis 1993, 21) of the Constitution. 7
PASOK realizes that the community of the Orthodox faith is not confined
to a very small population of church-followers, but is rather a component
of the nation's cultural identity. Thus PASOK's ideological laxity, its vague
references to a classless "people" to whom it nevertheless lays claim on a
wholly political l e v e l - making it the primary subject of its political
platform -- and the party's high potential to absorb votes, made it possible
to infiltrate the electorate on the basis of its political handling of specific
contingencies and not necessarily on the basis of the appeal of its
ideological and socio-political constants. Its populist slogans contained basic
class references ("privileged," "nonprivileged"), but they were often
nationalistic ("Greece belongs to the Greeks"). This rhetoric enabled
PASOK to increase its infiltration of the defensive and nationalist-inclined
electoral groups of the center-right, which from time to time (1982 and
1987) supported the church in its dispute with the socialist government. It
should be noted that PASOK's strategic withdrawal and its substantial
reconciliation with the church prepared the way for a new phase
(1987/89-1994), mediated by the political parties, in the relations between
church and state and a further examination of the intrinsic relations between
the political parties and the church. Indeed, since 1991, the church --with
the consent, or even at the initiative of the political parties -- has found
itself in the forefront of public life; this was done by activating the cultural
reserves and social feelings of large sections of the Greek people regarding
Orthodoxy. With its para-political stances, the church has even sought to
give legitimacy to secular political dealings and effectively vindicate
Greece's controversial foreign policy in the Balkans, a policy that is
divergent from that of the rest of Europe.
Any political-party intervention in church matters takes place within
the diffuse, if not always visible, influence of the church in Greece. It is
no coincidence that despite the flexibility of the Orthodox doctrine -- or
perhaps because of it -- and despite the relatively low church attendance
by Orthodox Greeks, studies have nevertheless revealed that the power and
influence of the church is considered by citizens as being clearly greater
than the power and influence of basic political institutions such as
parliament and the political parties, is Whenever this positive representation
of the church by society was degraded politically every time the political
parties and the political elite ignored the fact that Orthodox and the Greek
church not only exist in close relationship with the state, but also as an
imaginary ingredient in society for the formation of collective identities, the
result has been a breach in the social alliances and electoral influences of
the political parties. A case in point is the New Democracy party after
1989. The rupture in relations between PASOK and the church between
1981 and 1987 was much more serious than any breach with the New
310 Georgiadou
Democracy Party. But PASOK, as we have seen, handled its dashes with
the church in a very constructive way both in regard to drawing up social
alliances and to increasing its electoral support, where as the New
Democracy party, while gradually confining itself to the party's right-wing
element, 19 still has major weaknesses in its communication with its
traditional "electoral audience," those who are influenced by the addresses
of the church.
CONCLUSION
The close relations between the church, the political parties and
society, if viewed in the light of the politicization and instrumentalization
of the Greek church, have continued to exist even after the political
changeover. Neither the church itself nor the political parties have any real
desire to change this status quo. Since the end of the 1980s, even the
center-left party of PASOK seems no longer to be seeking to alter or defuse
the situation. As far as the "extra-religious" endeavors dictated by
Orthodoxy and the Greek Orthodox Church are concerned, their embracing
of the political parties and the frequent changes of political allegiance to
which they have been subjected undoubtedly play a contributory part. Yet
the church's political flexibility and its weakness for unsolicited and
nonsectional interventions have in effect "turned it into an extension of
state rule. ''z~
In Greece, a country which is almost totally (around 98%) Orthodox,
which has never experienced any major disputes within the Orthodox
church or with other religions, and where the political parties never had
religious origins, no serious religious cleavage has ever been established.
The relationship between church attendance and support for a particular
political party was not, therefore, an area of study for electoral sociology;
thus there are no voting analyses that would enable us to assess how the
periodic tensions in relations between the political parties and the church
- or their collaboration -- have affected voting habits. There is, of course,
-
no doubt that at the level of its social and political overtures to society,
organized Orthodoxy has usually functioned as a pillar supporting the
options of the conservative faction, but this does not appear to be of crucial
importance. This is because the determining factor in Orthodoxy has not been
its institutional structure but the so-called community of believers, an imaginary
community with historical and cultural roots that go far beyond the narrow
confines and doctrinal scope of the organized church. The ideology of
"Greekness," which has been so skillfully cultivated by a section of the
conservative center-right and the center-left that leans towards Europe for
Greek Orthodoxy and the Politics of Nationalism 311
ENDNOTES
1. The writings of the church fathers and the work of Russian and Greek theologians provide
valuable material on the study of Orthodoxy as a faith.
312 Georgiadou
2. For the political dimensions of nationalism, see Kohn, vol. 11, pp. 63-75, esp. p. 64,
Kitromilidis, 1993, pp. 13-17, esp. p. 15: " . . .with the passage of time, my research
strengthened my conviction that the crucial factor in the establishment of nationalism is
the modern state." For the secularity of the nation-state, see Asad, 1992, pp. 3-16, esp.
p. 11.
3. According to Weber, it was possible "for nationalist differences to go on despite the
existence of an undoubtedly strong community of common descent, simply because of
existing differences in religious doctrine, as is the case with the Serbs and the Croats."
In Weber, 1978, vol. 2, p. 922. Also idem, vol. 1, pp. 395-398.
4. Referring to Eastern Europe, Dunn, 1987, pp. 10-11, maintains: "The Eastern European
nations were mainly gathered from people who, while admitting that they were Turkish,
Prussian, Austrian or Russian subjects, persistently denied that they were Turks,
Prussians, Austrians or R u s s i a n s . . . T h e Distinction between citizenship and nationality
is a major feature of East European l i f e . . . "
5. Ibid. "This is certainly true in Poland and Lithuania, and I think a case can be made for
Romania, Bulgaria, Serbia, Slovakia, Croatia and Albania," p. 11.
6. For the politicization of religion in general, see Lekkas, 1992, p. 159.
7. As far as the wording of the constitution regarding "predominant religion" is concerned,
the view has been expressed that the legislator of the constitution does not give Orthodoxy
a preferential position, but by presenting some initial "fact-finding" thoughts places it
within the text of the constitution in a way that reflects its real position in society as the
religion "of the overwhelming majority of the people." Ibid., pp. 97-108.
8. For example, the public debate on the "Orthodox arc" as a possible religious alliance of
the Orthodox Christians in the Balkans -- an alliance which, while having a religious
content, would be a political response by society to Turkey's attempts to establish a
Muslim alliance, the so-called "Muslim arc" in the Balkans -- is one aspect of the
aforementioned exhortations for the Orthodox Church to undertake a more active role
in the Balkans.
9. The numerous nationalist prejudices that became entrenched during the course of the
last century amongst the peoples of Eastern Europe and the Balkans have accompanied
the peoples of the region ever since, as a kind of "cultural constant," and influenced
their relations with one another. Sugar, 1980, p. 32.
10. Although it is not our intention to involve ourselves in doctrinal matters, we should like
to emphasize that in the Orthodox dogma it is the way the Holy Trinity is presented that
predominates: this is where the idea of the Person (Iannaras, 1992) is based, which is to
be distinguished from the idea of the Individual (Dymond, 1988), in the way that the
latter predominates in the Western Christian tradition. In this, man is seen first and
foremost as "man-in-relation-to-God" (Dymond, 1988, 47). A Christian has the
characteristics more of an "other-worldly individual" (idem., p. 43); that is to say, he
forms a transcendental relationship with his God based on a duality that permeates
fundamentally the Christian image of the world, having to do with the distinction between
the secular and the other-worldiy. Of course, in Calvinism (a typical post-Reformation
Christian doctrine), a person ultimately remains in the world, he becomes "of this earth."
The Orthodox tradition, on the other hand contains a fundamental criticism with regard
to the doctrinal results of religious reform. The image of the austere, ascetic and
methodical individual who is rationally motivated in a worldly way is replaced by the
image of the Person. According to Iannaras (1992, pp. 21-34), the Person indicates
primarily a relationship, since the Person is always "versus," i.e., there is a "towards
something" or "face to face with someone." The communal perception of Orthodoxy and
the central position occupied by the church, not just as an institution but as a community
of believers and a place where certain rituals are observed, is in complete harmony with
the idea of the nonindividualized Person.
Greek Orthodoxy and the Politics of Nationalism 313
11. Recognition of the Bulgarian Exarchate by the Turkish authorities in 1870 was to provoke
a series of reactions from the Patriarchate, culminating in the summoning of the "Great
Synod" (29.8-17.9.1872). The Bulgarian demands were considered to be irregular since
they created an independent church "as a result of ethnic differences" and ethnic loyalties.
Stefanidis, 1959, p. 739.
12. Lipowatz, 1993, p. 55, attributes the "resurgence of religion and community-based
nationalism," as he describes Balkan nationalism, to the ideologies of the Communist
regime. Communism, he maintains, "was set up by a left-wing Communitarianism whose
collapse was of necessity favorable to a return to earlier forms of communal living."
13. Horkheimer, 1987, pp. 35-37.
14. See the relevant clauses in the 1975 Constitution (revised 1986) on "predominant religion"
and (art. 16, para. 2) the development of a "national and religious conscience" as a
"fundamental mission of the state," frequently interpreted as the development of the
Orthodox religious conscience, Sotirelis, 1993.
15. The aspiration, up to a point, of establishing relations with the state, the government
and the political parties reveals the church's underlying inability to establish a separate
and basically religious form of communication with society. Outstanding institutional
issues that have dragged on within the church accentuate this situation. The political
changeover of the church, that is, the act of restoring to the church the normality which
had been disturbed by the regime imposed by the Colonels in April 1967, was brought
about between November 1973 and June 1974, a few months before the fall of the
dictatorship (July 1974). This act consequently had conflicting repercussions: any
movements aimed at correcting the situation stemmed from yet another autocratic regime;
the actual procedures that implemented this restoration may have been quite proper, but
they were not complete. Konidaris, 1994, pp. 118-194.
16. As, for example, with the electorate in semi-urban and rural parts of the country. In the
1981 elections, PASOK's popularity in these areas increased from the 26.1 percent it had
been in 1977 to 38 percent, while the strength of the New Democracy party fell from 40
percent to 27 percent. In the 1981 elections, 36.3 percent of the female electorate voted
for the New Democracy party, and 47.1 percent for PASOK. But in the previous elections,
in 1977, the New Democracy party took 46.9 percent of the female voted and PASOK
only 27.3 percent. Data supplied by the Centre for Political Education and Research, in
the magazine "Epikentra," 22 (1981).
17. In the 45-54 and 55-64 age-groups, PASOK took 19.6 percent and 23.3 percent of the
votes, respectively, in 1981, and the New Democracy party 46.7 percent and 51 percent.
Data supplied by the Centre for Political Education and Research, ibid.
18. According to research carried out by the Social Research Centre on "the political culture
of Southern European countries," church-attendance in Greece is clearly at a much lower
level than in the other countries studied: only 10.7 percent of Greeks questioned said
they went to church every Sunday, compared with 23.5 percent of Italians, 24 percent of
Spaniards and 28.3 percent of the Portuguese. Despite these figures, the Greek church
appears to exercise greater influence than the other national churches: 32.8 percent of
people in Greece consider the church as the institution with the most power, compared
with 29.1 percent in Italy, 11.6 percent in Spain and 14.1 percent in Portugal. Indeed,
the power and influence of the Greek church seems to be considerably greater than the
power and influence of secular and political institutions, such as parliament and the
political parties. Thus only 10.2 percent of those questioned see the political parties, and
16.8 percent parliament, as the institutions with the largest social influence in Greece.
Nikolakopoulos/Kafetzis et al., 75A (1990), 107-151.
19. According to studies by the MRB, in April 1990, 50 percent of New Democracy party
voters described themselves as "right-wing," whereas by September 1993 the figure had
314 Georgiadou
risen to 61.7 percent. At the same time, the number of New Democracy party supporters
who called themselves "centrist" voters fell from 13.9 percent (1990) to 4.9 percent (1993).
20. N. Mouzelis, 26.6.94.
REFERENCES
I. I n Languages O t h e r T h a n Greek:
II. I n G r e e k :