ANTHROPOLOGY OF FOOD IN

NAGALAND
Based on the Literature Reviews and Personal Interviews

Submitted as the final report for internship under Indian Anthropological Association and Department of
Anthropology, University of Delhi, supervised by Dr. S.M. Patnaik (VC, Utkal University)
Submitted by Srividya Venkataraman (M.Sc. Anthropology)

ABSTRACT
The Director of North-East Zone Culture Centre (NEZCC), Som Kamei said in an interview, “Food is
an integral part of every human culture. The importance of food in understanding human culture lies
in its infinite variability – a variability that is not essential for species survival. For survival needs,
people everywhere could eat the same and simple food. But human culture, over the ages, has been
experimenting, innovating and developing sophisticated cuisines, which reflect human knowledge,
culture, art and which have become an expression of love.” Several studies have been done in the
past few decades by many anthropologists, sociologists, historians, and others on food habits and
food cultures all over the world. However, very little has been done on the study of food culture in
India, specifically speaking of Nagaland, where food possess a very significant role in everyday life of
the people, making it an element of their identity.

The report is a general outline of the food culture in Nagaland in an anthropological perspective, based on
secondary sources. I have tried to understand the significance of food in all aspects of Naga culture, using
whatever secondary resources were available to me. These have been substantiated by few formal interviews
with Naga people living in Delhi, who have provided me an empirical and current perspective.

INTRODUCTION
The study of food culture has been a recent addition to the scope of the social sciences. Food has been studied
in history to look at its cultural, economic, and environmental impact. Historians look at food as one of the
most important elements of cultures, reflecting the social and economic structures of society. Archaeologists
or pre-historians tried to explore this dimension by linking food with evolutionary perspectives and issues of
migration and diffusion. Anthropology offers us the opportunity to explore food in a holistic bio-socio-cultural
perspective. Marvin Harris explored the relationship between food and ecology, trying to understand how
food practices are related to material conditions of life. Food habits, in terms of what is considered ‘as edible
or inedible by a community is as powerful a marker of social identity as the incest taboo’ (Cows, Pigs, Wars and
Witches, 1927: 34-38).

MIT Professor and Anthropologist Heather Paxson writes, “…for anthropologists, ‘What is Food?’ is
fundamentally a classificatory question that interlocks with other social domains like gender, kinship, economy,
religion, health and healing” (Food: Deviation, Cultural Anthropology Website). She brings in the idea that food
is something which everyone lives for. It acts as a medium of communication, conveying subtle messages in
actions like – who eats first; who is responsible for cooking and serving; who receives what portion of food,
and many more. It is not limited to the spheres of health and nutrition, but is a crucial element in building one’s
identity. It plays a significant role in defining the culture of a region.

Through the study of food culture in a society, we can get a basic idea of the lifestyle, sense of identity, social
differences, politics and religion of a people. It is an aspect of culture which is a part of all other institutions
and plays a crucial role in the proper functioning of the same, and one such region where food stands as such
a defining entity is Nagaland.

One of the eight North-Eastern states of India, known to be the ‘tribal hub’ of India, Nagaland is a place where
food, metaphorically, does all the talking. It is, in a way responsible for maintaining the social structure in the
Naga community.

Nagaland – Land of the Naga Tribe

One of the Eastern most states of India, Nagaland is truly a beautiful state which borders the state of Assam
to the West, Arunachal Pradesh to the North, Manipur to the South, and Myanmar to the East. The state’s
capital is Kohima and the largest city is Dimapur. The state, having an area of roughly 16,000 sq. Km. with a
population of approximately 1.9 million (as per Census-2011), is inhabited by 31 different tribes, out of which
the following 17 are very prominently found – Angami, Ao, Chakesang(h), Chang, Kachari, Khiamniungan,
Konyak, Kuki, Lotha, Phom, Pochury, Rengma, Sangtam, Sumi, Yimchunger, Zeme-Liangmai (Zeliang) and
Rongmei. Each tribe is unique in its own distinct customs and culture.

The Naga are mostly rice cultivators, by two main types of farming methods – Jhum (Shifting Cultivation) and
Terrace farming. The principal crops include rice, corn, millets, pulses, tobacco, oilseeds, sugarcane, potatoes,
and fibres. The tribal groups residing on the Northern and Eastern hills follow Jhum while the southern and
valley residents have terrace cultivation. Almost all the families in a traditional Naga village have a kitchen
garden of their own where they grow fresh vegetables and fruits.

FOOD CULTURE IN NAGALAND

Each tribe in Nagaland has different cultural practices and beliefs. Food plays a major role in their respective
cultural lives as well as acts as a binding force among all the tribes. Dr. Phom, Medical officer at Nagaland
House, Delhi, says that the tribes in Nagaland are so different. “Everyone is so humble and cheerful. We have
all accepted each other and until and unless there is any kind of harm from the other side, none of the tribe
fights”.

Naga cuisine is considered simplest among the North-Eastern foods. A traditional Naga thali (one full meal set)
involves about 60% rice, 20% boiled vegetables (usually fresh from their gardens), 5% each of a hot chutney and
fermented soybean paste (Axone/Akhuni), and 10% of a gravy dish with meat (pork/chicken/fish). The method
of preparation is also very simple, prepared by either boiling or steaming. Dr. Phom says, ‘this method of
cooking involves no oil, everything is just cooked as it is. No external masala (or spices), as is there in the
Punjabi foods (known for its rich buttery flavours and strong use of spices and condiments) is used. This keeps
the flavour of the vegetables and meat, rather than the flavour of masalas dominating the dish.’ However, in
the recent few years, the influx of masala-rich foods, be it the Indian-style Chinese foods, or the north-Indian
curry foods, is very evident in the markets in Nagaland. There are very few eateries in Nagaland which serve a
proper, traditional Naga food. Most of the eateries have offer foods which are not exclusive to Nagaland.
In a traditional Naga household in the villages, vegetables are freshly picked from respective kitchen gardens.
Almost everyone in the village have a kitchen garden of their own, and people use the herbs, chillies and
vegetables from there. Dr. Phom told me that people hardly go to the market in villages. It is usually the
women who maintain the gardens at home. Men, especially the older grandfathers (who have retired from
the field-work or the hunting group), also look after the plants at home. They have their own vegetables and
herbs, they are all rice cultivators so rice is available at all times, and the meat is procured through hunting. He
says, “… we still hunt. The forests there are all ours. The government rules do not apply to us.” He stops,
laughs a little and says, “there are hardly any wild animals left there now. Sab kha liya” (Everything’s been
eaten).Hukali Sema, the head cook at the Nagaland house canteen says, “Development has caused people to
move out of the villages and settle in the cities. And there is hardly any space to have any kitchen gardens, like
there were in the villages. So, the people come down to the villages often to take home organically grown
herbs, chillies and fruits.”

Eating Together
It is a common belief among the people in Nagaland that their being together could solve any problems. Eating
together, whether as a family, or a community or a village, is a carefully conducted exercise in bringing people
close. Food is believed to cement the relationship between people. Mrs. Sema is reminded of a quarrel
between her and one of her neighbours back home. They quarrelled about some plants from Mrs. Sema’s
garden which apparently had outgrown into the neighbours garden, taking up the sunlight from above the
smaller plants. The next day she says, ‘Both of us sent our kids to each other’s houses and exchanged some
freshly brewed soups and meat. And it was all back to normal. Sab bhool gaya! (Everything was forgotten).’
Although with the growing modernisation and everyone busy earning their own breads, the families in Kohima
or Dimapur have adjusted to the situation, but make sure to eat together at least one meal of the day. My
friend Seyielenuo’s grandmother said that eating together is not that important but it makes it easier to share
food among the members of the family. In the above two instances, we can see difference in opinion about
the importance of commensality among the people. When asked, Mrs. Sema said smiling, “Saare Naga people
are not same” (All Naga people are not same).

Exclusion of people from eating events is a symbolically intense social sign of rank, distance and enmity. A
father being angry from his sons would skip a meal with them just to tell the others that he is upset. Also, one
village which has taken heads from one other village would never invite that village (of whom the heads were
taken) to any of the feasts or celebrations.

Besides eating together as a family, community feasting is prevalent among all the communities in Nagaland,
especially in the villages. Community feasting is usually an occasion to cement the bond of friendship and
geniality with one another. Feasting is a must among all the Naga tribes to mark any occasion – be it a joyous
one like birth or marriage, or to mourn someone’s death. It is believed that getting together and holding such
feasts brings people closer to each other and makes them stronger than the other villages.

Food and Status

Food in the North-east is very closely tied to the moral status of individuals and groups. In a traditional Naga
society, food is one source which could tell us the status of a family in the village and the hierarchy within the
family itself. The way the food is served to a person after being cooked determines his or her status in the
family or the group he/she belongs to. In practice, the application of the rules of commensality vary from
community to community. A meal in the household in Nagaland generally begins with the head of the family
offering a small prayer to God, and the rest of the family can eat only after he has sampled the first morsel. In
almost all the tribal villages, the first serving of a meal and the best portions of the same is generally served to
the head of the family or the most important person seated for the meal (like an important guest or the
headman of the village).

With the people of Nagaland being all non-vegetarians, meat assumes a lot of importance in their daily lives. It
is often used as a tool for comprehending the status of a family in the society. While the amount of meat
consumed indicates the social status of the family, the manner and the pattern of serving inside the family
determine the rank of its members within themselves. The meat type and its amount solely depended on
success of the hunt.

With the advent of Christianity, the strict rules of commensality which resulted in domestic hierarchy have
almost disappeared. The same is true in the politico-jural domain of the village, except for a handful of people
who have not converted. Dr. Phom says, “Christianity believes everyone to be equal regardless of their status.
So, inside a city, all are treated equally. It is just that the affordability comes into question. Other than that, no
difference is there.”

Food Taboos: What to Eat and What Not?

Food taboos exist in all human societies. Most religions declare certain food items fit and others unfit for
human consumption. Food taboos (as unwritten social rules) exist in one form or another in every society.
These can be defined as rules, collected and organised, about which foods or combinations of foods may not
be eaten and how animals are to be slaughtered. The taboos are the result of human symbolic system, religious
periods, stages of life, classes of people although the foods in general is permissible.

The tribes in Nagaland follow many such taboos, different taboos in different tribal communities. Khriebo
Belhou, a counsellor at Shalom Bible Seminary, Sechu Zubza, specifically mentions in her article on Food taboos
(To Eat or Not to Eat, by Khriebo Belhou; Food Trail: Discovering Food Culture of North-East India, edited by
Aiyushman Dutta) that there are more taboos for women than men. The food taboos, as she mentioned, circled
either around building one’s self (achieving success) in front of the elders and other tribesmen, or maintaining
peace among people. Interviews with my friend Seyilenuo, an Angami Naga; Dr. Phom, a Phom Naga; Henry
Ao (junior chef at Nagaland House), an Ao Naga and Mrs. Hukali Sema, a Sema Naga; told me of several such
taboos related to food items in her community. The following are a few of them:

 Sharing one chilly would stir up a fight between the people who shared it.
 During harvesting of paddy, people avoid eating chillies, especially those who are directly involved
in the harvesting work. It is believed that eating them will bring them bad harvest.
 On the first day of paddy harvest, the women folk leave a small portion of rice from their plates,
be it only 2-3 grains. None of the female folks empty their plates during this time. They believe
doing so would bring in a good harvest.
 During the whole harvest season, people do not roast any chillies at home as it is believed to be a
bad omen. Also, the fire in the fireplace of the household is never put off throughout the whole
harvest season.
 It is also a forbidden rule, especially in Angami community, to share food(s) with neighbours or
friends throughout the harvest time. It is believed that during the harvest seasons people do not
carry around plates and visit outside their houses as it will bring in a bad omen. This is called
Ukhouphra.
  When the storage silo or the grain basket is full of the harvest, a few grains are left out on the on
top of the silo cover indicating and telling others that it was a good harvest.
 Women, especially young reproductively active women are forbidden from eating any fruit that
partially grows into two (like twin bananas, or other). This is because they believed that any young
women who ate such a fruit will give birth to twins that were abnormally joined in some part of
their bodies.
 Women of the house are not allowed to eat the meat of the hunted animals as it is considered a
bad omen.

They told many stories of their childhood and past, which they witnessed and remembered about the
restrictions on the foods. Dr. Phom could not recall if it is a rule in the community, but he said that the women,
especially young girls were not allowed to eat the leftovers from men’s plates. This was followed in his house.
Mrs. Sema remembers her younger brother asking their father why they don’t catch and eat the house-
sparrows that eat their grains. His father replied that they don’t eat sparrows because if they did they would
become lazy, causing them to depend on other’s hard-work to live. Children in the house were not allowed, in
a Phom village, to eat ‘unhatched’ eggs. It was believed that if they do so, they would lose favour in the eyes
of the elders. But despite this taboo, there were many kids who got together and quietly sneak out an egg or
two from their hatcheries and ate them. These stories and taboos were very strongly followed in most of the
Naga societies, but at present due to the change in their thoughts and growing literacy, many of these taboos
are no more followed in the city areas.

Food and Gender

Naga people follow a very concretised patriarchy among themselves. Several restrictions were placed on the
women and their education and empowerment. They were always considered to be responsible for the
kitchen. It is considered the basic duty of a woman, and thus the daily basic meals are all prepared by the
women folks of the household. Men, however, are responsible to bring in vegetables, meat, and other things
which are needed for cooking.

The Naga society consists of a very well-defined division of labour in terms of food – bringing in raw foods,
preparing and serving. Hunting being an important part of their culture, men were responsible for it. In the
present times, as Seyielenuo shared her thoughts, since the women have long been involved in cooking and
preparing food for the families, it has become a habit of theirs. People have started to take it for granted, and
thus, it is thought to be obvious that cooking is women’s responsibility. Another such example can be given of
the preparation of rice beer. Rice beer is commonly consumed and is the principal and favourite alcoholic drink
of the Naga. Almost every family has a stock of it in their houses. It was said that the men came back from the
fields all tired, so the women folks would make the rice beer for them to feel a little energetic. This over the
years has become the job of women. However, now, a lot of men are also involved in its preparations.

On the contrary, Dr. Phom has some contrasting opinions about this. He says, with the acceptance of
Christianity, the rules of creating difference between a man and a woman have been long gone. Christianity
believes in everyone being equal, irrespective of the gender and status. In the present scenario, even men
cook. There is no hard and fast rule that only women will cook. Whoever has time to cook, and is at home,
cooks – be it a man or a woman.

Men are usually responsible for cooking for either a big crowd or gathering or during harvest/sowing festivals
or purification festivals of the tribes, like Sekrenyi (Angamis), Tuluni (Semas), Monyu (Phom), etc. There are
times when during the festivals the women folks are not allowed to join in the feast or be at the place where
the men cook as it is considered impure. However, this is no more followed in the present scenario.

The Ritual Context

Food in the state of Nagaland is more than just food. It is an important part of a lot of other activities that
define Naga life and culture. Barkataki, ethno-journalist, in her article about the Tangsa Nagas, talks about the
importance of rice in their lives, not only as a food item, but also as an important tool in their ritual sphere. As
Heather Paxson describes, food has been an important element of communication, Barkataki talks about the
period when writing was not developed. When people needed to send messages to far off villages, they would
use either chillies or rice as an element of communication. They usually used chillies to convey bad news (like
an approaching war, or death), while rice was used to convey some good news like birth or marriage in a
community. In the same way, when it is a good harvest and the storage silo or the grain basket is full, a few
grains are left out on the on top of the silo cover indicating and telling others that it was a good harvest. Many
offerings that are made before or during sowing and harvesting crops involve rice, both in raw and cooked
forms. Cooked rice is used as an offering to the rats and mice before the sowing season to convince them not
to spoil their fields.

The Naga are primarily agriculturalists and mainly rice cultivators on subsistence. They eat what they grow.
Nothing from a general Naga household goes out into the commercial market. For a good harvest, there are
many times when people offered food items to the spirits they worshipped. There are several stories and folk
tales regarding the same. Among the Angamis, people would keep a little cooked rice and egg in a plate
outside their front doors and they believe that the village spirit comes and takes it. It is often heard that when
the spirit comes it sounds like someone came galloping on a horse. Sometimes even cooked chickens and pigs
are also offered.

In events like marriages, or even death of a person with higher status in the village, feasts are organised. At
such times, a dish called Moudi (pronounced Modi) is made. This dish is prepared of one whole cow (with all
its parts included, even the blood). It is said that the groom brings the cows for preparation of this dish. The
wealth of the groom is showed off in such an event, and it is decided if the bride will be given or not.

The traditional Naga food includes several cultural rituals and sacrifices, but in the present times with the rise
in people following Christianity, many such practices have been forbidden. There are many instances when the
Christian beliefs clash with the traditional practices.

CHANGES IN THE CULTURAL ASPECT OF FOOD

Based on the readings and the interviews, a lot of changes could be found in the food culture of Nagaland.
Over the years, with the ever-enhancing effects of Christianity, the year-old cultural aspect of food, used also
for the sacrificial or ritualistic purposes, has drastically changed. Dr. Phom says, “food, at the present time,
carries just the leisure factor. We no more sacrifice animals. They are hunted, but are not ritually sacrificed to
any of the spirits. Christianity is one of the reasons why sacrifices have stopped” and other types of rituals
have begun in fact. (We talked about some Christian beliefs and practices – wine and bread tasting, Easter
eggs, Breakfast pancakes etc.)

Galho – a traditional Angami dish – was made with whatever vegetables, leaves, herbs and meat is available at
home. It was a kind of survival dish among the Angami ancestors. When in the past, there was nothing much
at home, the women of the household would mix up whatever little of everything that is there (little
vegetables and whatever greens are there) and prepare Galho. These days with increasing urbanisation and
settlements away from the villages and forests, it has become difficult to get fresh greens ready at hand. Also,
due to the inflation and increased market prices of the vegetables, it has become a little difficult for people to
make Galho so often as it was made in the olden times. Seyielenuo says, that this dish has become the food of
the ill or weak peoples at the present times, as it is light on stomach and is made of all the fresh veggies and
greens. Sometimes people also add smoked meat (meat part or just the fatty part) to add a little flavour to the
dish.

When asked whether the ritual aspect of hunting still applies, Dr. Phom said that everything has been changed.
Previously, we prayed and asked the spirits to help us on the hunt. We still pray before going on a hunt, but it
is all a show now. Since even without hunting, there is food available, the prayers are done just to please the
older folks and their beliefs in the old system. “During the olden times”, he continues, “when we used to hunt,
there was a particular part of the meat that was given to the village head or the owner of the land where the
hunt took place. It is followed till today in the similar way. No change in that. It is kind of a ‘thank-you’ gesture”.

In similar way, the food among the Naga people is slowly losing its cultural strength and is becoming one of
the tools of fun and enjoyment, rather than being culturally meaningful.

DISCUSSION
Over the decades, the state of Nagaland has undergone a lot of changes which has affected the religion,
economy, and lifestyle of the people. The cultural value of food in the lives of the ‘previously-animist-Naga-
tribes’ has long been replaced by the leisure context of food. The sacrificial rites and offerings to spirits have
been stopped. This state shares its borders with Myanmar on the East, and with the Chinese dominated
Arunachal Pradesh towards the North East. There has been much influence of the neighbouring countries on
the Naga food culture, basically the food items in the Eastern districts. Many traditional dishes have been
transformed from their original forms. According to Ale, the traditional spices and methods of cooking have
changed a lot. The influence of the mainstream India (i.e., the part of India minus the seven NE states) could
be seen quite evidently. She says that this change in the taste buds and the change in recipes of traditional
Naga cuisines is more prevalent among the Eastern Nagas than the Western or Northern ones.

I would like to conclude this report with this statement: Food is, and has always been an important reason for
the survival of human culture. It deals with more than the mere production, consumption, and aesthetic
appreciation of food. It provides a platform to look at the relationship between food and people from the
variety of perspectives offered by art, science, management, technology, sociology, cultural studies,
economics, health, social justice, literature, anthropology, and history. It is one such aspect which, no matter
how thoughts and beliefs change, it will always be there. This part of culture needs attention and much work
could be done in this area. There is a lot which is to be studied and recorded, for it will be loss of an entire
cultural element if it is let go.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I acknowledge the support and guidance of Professor S.M. Patnaik, and Ph.D. scholar Chitra Kadam, Anthropology
Department, University of Delhi, for help with the research. I am grateful to Dr. Hentok Phom, Medical Officer, and
Mrs. Hukali Sema, Head cook, Nagaland House, Delhi and my friend Seyielenuo Suokhrie, for their active support in
providing the information about Naga food culture. I thank and appreciate the contributions made by Mr. Ayushman
Dutta and his team for guiding me with literature and study materials. Last, but not the least, I also thank my friends
– Sarthak and Drishta, and other interns for their guidance and help during the study and while writing the report.

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