Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
Author(s): H. W. Bailey
Source: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol.
11, No. 4 (1946), pp. 764-797
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of School of Oriental and African
Studies
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Gandhlri
By H. W. BAILEY
CONTENTS
ABBREVIATIONS
The following pages are dedicated to the memory of Sir William Jones,
the seeds of whose sowing have borne an abundant crop in the world of Asiatic
learning.
T HE word Gandhari has been chosen to head this study as a term sufficiently
wide in its scope to embrace the forms of the one Middle Indian dialect
of the north-west of India, centred in the old Gandhara region, around modern
Peshawar, and which we meet in most varied sources.' Under this name
I propose to include those inscriptions of Asoka which are recorded at
Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra in the Kharosthi script, the vehicle for the remains
of much of this dialect. To be included also are the following sources: the
Buddhist literary text, the Dharmapada found in Khotan, written likewise
in Kharosthi, of which a new reading of the text available in facsimile is given
in BSOAS 11. 488-512; the Kharosthi documents on wood, leather, and silk
from Cad'ota (the Niya site) on the border of the ancient kingdom of Khotan,
which represented the official language of the capital Krorayina, t
K 572, 512 lou-lan < lhu-lan (lou in a series with alternation of k and 1)
of the Shan-shan kingdom, and of one document, no. 661, dated in the reign
of the Khotana maharaya rayatiraya hinajha dheva vijida-simha. With this
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GANDHARI 765
more copious material must be grouped the scattered traces of the same Middle
Indian dialect in Khotanese, Tibetan, Agnean, Kuchean, the earlier Chinese
Buddhist transliterations, as, in particular, in the Dirghagama of the Dharma-
guptaka sect and the remains in Sogdian, Uigur Turkish, and in Mongol
(in living use), and also in Manchu texts. The modern Dardic languages Sina,
Khowar, Phaliura and others represent the same type of Middle Indian. Much
material in Chinese texts, for most of us hidden and inaccessible, remains to
be gathered and sifted. The preliminary studies of P. Pelliot in Les noms
propres dans les traductions chinoises du Milindapanha (JA 1914. 2. 379-419),
of Fr. Weller in his paper tfber den Aufbau des Pdtikasuttanta (Asia Major
5. 1928), and of E. Waldschmidt in his Bruchstiicke buddhistischer Suitras aus
dem zentralasiatischen Sanskritkanon I, 1932, have hardly realized the
importance of this North-Western Prakrit.
Some of the many problems are touched upon in the following pages.
1. kha, giina-, bana-
The three words kha, giina-, and bana- occur in unpublished Khotanese
documents from Khadalik and Mazar-tagh, east and north of Khotan. The
printing of these texts in a volume of Khotanese texts will not be soon possible,
and accordingly they must be quoted here.
(1) Khadalik 0013 d, 2 a.
1. ganam kha 6 vis'akramtta piha hauda ham ///
2. ganam kusi 2 hamdara prui buda asirya rrahaja
3. gausi byauda kisa 12 [space unwritten]
"Wheat 6 kha, Vis'akamtta gave the price . . wheat 2 kiisa, other ... she
took away. Acarya-Rrahaja (?) received millet 12 kfisa."
The name Visakamtta is shown to be feminine by the accompanying participles
fem. hau.d and bu.da. Visa is the name of the ruling family in Khotan, attested
also as v-j'tta and vTjatta in Khotanese, as vijida in Niya document no. 661,
as bi-ja-ya in Tibetan (see JRAS 1942, 14; F. W. Thomas, BSOAS 11. 519 ff.).
The second part of the name, -kdmtta, would be a regular Khotanese form of a
Sanskrit kdnti (not Prakrit kdnti-) with the usual transference of an -4 stem
to the -a inflexion which survives in Khotanese as -a.
(2) Khadalik ii 3 (wooden tablet).
A 1. [I tti buri va miira hamga phemmasta giqii haudai u aysdamr 10sem
hvamda giqnai 1 bar 1///
2. salya vinausa giQna haudi 3 bana 3 u aysdam kha 4 ausyaki aysdam
kha 2 11 budadatta///
3. fresa giina 1 barn 1 aysdam kha 2 samrgasrai giiii 1 bam 1 u aysdram
kha 2 11 samgaka gqin 1 ba<m> 1///
4. brasurai haudi kha 4 11 mmatti aysdam kha 6 parna 11 suhadatta
giina 2 ba<m> 22 1] brapumnai gilnai 1
1 Either hama or hamai seems a possible reading.
2 Of the two units, one above the other, expressing the 2 the lower has been broken away.
VOL. XI. PART 4. 49
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766 H. W. BAILEY-
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GANDHARI 767
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768 H. W. BAILEY-
3. ttriksa
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GANDHARI 769
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770 H. W. BAILEY-
4. ks
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GANDHARI 771
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772 772 ~~~~H. W. BAILEY-
(d) Khotan. ks was used to write Chin. ts-, ty'- < d"i- as in ksahdi:, Chin.~
K1187 tso < I'akc, 4* K 811 tsci < dFi, but Khotan. ch was used for Chin.
!6 <cl'j-, ~-, th?- as ksu, chi fzj K 1245 tsu < d"iu; cha A K 1157 ts'a; chi
bt K 1256 ts'u <tsi o (see ZDMG 92. 587).
(2) Maralbagi Iramian (see Sten Konow, Ein neuer Saka-Dialekt 1935).
Anew Briihmi sign was introduced to represent Iranian Xs' as in x'imane X?ane
'in the sixth regnal year ', and xs'eru adj. ' of the country ', Khotan. kstrul.
In contrast Sanskr. ch appears as cch in cchatra, Sanskr. chattra 'umbrella';
and the Iranian chi- 'to go' (ch = th aspirated) corresponds to Khotan. tsu-
(ts = tt' unaspirated).
(3) Tibet.
In Sanskrit words from literary sources Tibetan has ks for Sanskr. ks
But the early Glossary edited by J. Hackin (Formulaire sanscrit-tibitain 98)
has a variety of spellings to express the sound in words having originally ks:
(a) 4dag-khyi-na, 4dag-khri-na ' daksinia' 'a-nag-khya-ra ' anaksara'
(b) lag-t'a ' laksa' lag-s'a-na ' laksania' byi-ro-pag-A'a ' viripiiksa;
u-prag-ha ' upeks'.
(c) na-kha-tra ' naksatra ', rag-kha-sa, ra-kha-sa 'rdksasa' &&ag-khu
'caksuh~'
(d) byi-ro-pag-6ha 'vir&ipiksa ' (p. 90).
(4) Agni.
ksatri (Sanskr. Jksatriya), daksimn, daksinakc, h4iksipat, r&ksds-, ksa#-, ksdnti,
kiuT'snti (Sanskr. ksiinti), prdtimokds, yakds (Sanskr. yaksa), niksdntrd~ (anskr.
naksatra). The anaptyxis in kf's. andl -kds may be taken to confirm the value
of k as the first component of ks in Agni.
(5) Kuci.
ksatriye (Sanskr. ksatriya). ksiitre, kui7Cdtre (Sanskr. chattra), daksinake, 1ca'4a,
nteksd~tdr. Here ks for oh of Sanskr. chattra resembles Khotan ksattra.
(6) Glosses in Br5hmI script to the Uigur Des'asviistika:
'pygny abhiksna; byrwp'k'sy virupakse; y'ks'y yaksi. Add to this rk'1 S')~
for which no gloss is given, 'rdk'sasa' (reading probably r'k.g's or r'ks'z).
(7) Turkish in BrThm! script:
jihhapath, Sanskr. S'iksdpada (A. von Gabain, Alttiirkische Grammatik, p. 313)
with hh indicating Xs' and hence assimilated to the Turkish x~as in ohs'a- ' to
resemble'" (see BSOS 9. 293, 299), similar to IKhotan. h-ks for ks.
3. Indian loanwords in Sogdian script: Sogdian, Uigur, Mongol, and
Manchu. Distinction between Giindhdri- and Sanskrit cannot always be made.
Indian ks~ is rendered by kN, but with some assimilation to '
(1) Sogdian.
9'kg'ptt Dhuta 41, S'ks'pt P 5. 66, gk.g'pwt P 2. 435 ' siksipada '; pr"-tymwk?
IDhuta 5 ' priitimoksa' pykg'kw YJ 18a, 28a ' bhiksu' (with pseudo-archaic
-'kw = -u); mwks' VJ 42b 'moksa'-; kcn Dhyiina 394, 'kMn P 2. 121 'ksan~a'
rAx, rkkg P 3. 93. ' raksa' yk 'YU~ P 2. 403 ' yaksa '; pkg in a Sanskrit
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GANDHARI 773
dhdraW~ ' paksa ' (JRAS 1912, 629 if., 1. 5). In y'ys' *yaXs (E. Benveniste,
BSOS 9. 501) kg has been changed to Iraniuan Xs. Manich. Sogd. c5spS
Cx?'P cX?pt s~ik-spada' shows the same x< <ks (W. B. Henning, Ein
manich. Bet- u. Beichtbuch 123). With this kg, Yv) XS contrast Wc, M6y for Sanskr.
cch in 'yt6g'ntk Dhuta 84, 'yt6y'nty Dhuta 133, Sanskr. iccluintika.
(2) Uigur from Sogdlian.
'kg'r ' aksara ', ksan ' ksania', ksanti ' ksiinti ', laksvan ' laksana', ks'atrik
'ksatriya ', raksvaz, raksvas 'rdksasa ', somaki.v'imi ' Somaksema (F. W. K.
Mulfler, Uigurica 1 33: naote that Uiigur cannot distinguish i from e nor u from o).
Here, too, Xs' replaces k.' in c"aXs'apat ai ' the month &aXsapat', corresponcling
to Manich. Sogd. C"x4'r m'Xy. The spellings vary: in Manichean script
6aygapit, caysaput, t'X.apt-fy (Tiirkische Turfan-Texte III 130, 137).
(3) Mongol from Uigur (see Fr. Weller, fiber das Brahmajdla Siltra (2),
Asia Major 9. 431 if. and B. Y. Vladimircov, Mongolica I, Zap. Koll. Vostok. I,
for such Uigur loanwords).
r'ks's ' r5ksasa ' (Kovalevskij 2660); k.'sn ' ksanta' (J. IRahder, Glossary
to the Das'abhilmika-siUtra, 1928, 58). Here, too, 'sX"p't .vaXs'abad s~ikspada'
has the assimilatedcx in place of ks' (Kovalevskij 1451, Fr. Weller, loc. cit.).
(4) Mlanchu from Mongol.
lakgan ' laksan~a '; rah'as ' riksasa ', where the Manchu sign transliterated Ii
renders Chinese X as in A." Xa, in Manchu Ka.
4. Middile Parthian has yX 'yaksa' and byX?y4 (2 sing.) 'you beg' from
'bhiksu' with x< <ks (Andxeas-Henning, Mitteliran. Manichaica III 52, 66).
5. Chinese: early transliteration from Gdndh5iri.
a gIj K 569, 1154 lo-ts'a < la-ts'at, indicating *ra~tsaz, 'riiksasa'
K224, 1153 ie-tsca < ia-ts'a' yaksa 'beside 0 jX K 568, 1153 iie-tjs'a <jiak-ts'a;
liJ fil K 1154, 527 tsca-li < ts'at-lji 'ksatriya'; K17tst'u tick
ts'iuk 'caksuhy' (E. Waldschbmidt, Bruchstiicke p. 178, no. 113). This value of
ts' for ks corresponds to the Khotanese use of ks~ for Chin. t , as noted above,
P. 772.
6. Tndian words in the Chinese-Sanskrit lexiceons (ed. P. C. Bagchi, Deux
lexiques sanscrit-chinois) show :
(a) laksan~a 5 b 3; cuksi ' good ' 17 a 5 ; naks~atra 34 b 5.
(b) chaya'chdyd'6 b 3 kacha 'kak?a '6 b 3 sahina ' laksna '3 a1.
7. New Indo-A-ryan Dardic languages distinguish Old Indian ks from ch.
Thus Sinii 6phl" 'aksa' 6cho 'aksota ', j.ac ' driiksi', pac 'paksa' rdhi
'raksati', 1ho 'liks', mach-i 'maksik ', but chinoiki 'to split', Sanskr. chid-.
K&44mIr has dach 'drxksi', rachun ' raks- ' with ch = ta', but 6he"nun, Sanskr.
chid- with eh = ts'.
8. The following points can therefore be set out in evidence
(1) In Kharosthi script so far no conjunct of k over s has been noted.
(2) ks and ch are kept apart by the use of distinct signs, hence the value
palatal ch is excluded.
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774 H. W. BAILEY-
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GANDHARI 775
5. Bhadrakalpikd-s?tra
Among the Stein MSS. from Tun-huang is one, numbered Ch c. 001, con-
taining the Khotanese version of the Bhadrakalpika-sfutra, which recites the
names of the Thousand Buddhas of the present age. The preface and epilogue
were published with translation by Sten Konow in his Saka Versions of the
Bhadrakalpikdsutra (Norsk Videnskaps-Akademi, 1929). The first seventeen
lines of this preface are found also in the Pelliot MS. numbered P 2949. The
Buddha names are given one by one in a formula in the Indian nominative
singular as follows: namau krrakasumdau nima tathdgatau, with occasionally
buddhau in place of tathdgatau. A facsimile plate of this MS. is given in M. A.
Stein, Serindia, CXLVI.
Most of the Buddha names are in the form of Buddhist Sanskrit words,
but some show Middle Indian forms. The names quoted here are of particular
interest in this connection. Other versions of the names in Chinese, Tibetan,
Mongol, Manchu, and Sanskrit are given in Fr. Weller, Tausend Buddhanamen
des Bhadrakalpa (1928), which was reviewed by J. Nobel in Asia Major 5. 275 ff.
The source of these Sanskrit names is not made clear.
The numbers before the names from the Khotanese text represent the lines
of the MS.; the numbers given with the Sanskrit equivalents refer to the
numbers in Fr. Weller's book.
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776 H. W. BAILEY-
1. s, sy < sy. 235 ti4au, 278, 559 tisyau, 405 tisyo, Sanskr. 26 tisya. The
older sy is found in 336, 477, 559 pusyau, 291 manusyacadrrau. In Kharosthi
inscriptions sy in kasyaviyana (ed. Konow, no. 34) stands beside kasavi'ana
(ibid., no. 33); Niya documents manusa, Dharmapada manuJsa < manusya;
Khotanese in the proper name P 2958. 102 ttUzirahi:ksya ' Tisyaraksita 'and E
25.202 pulsad 'pusya '.
2. rs < s. 274 heterst, 304 hetirsi, 563 hetersau, Sanskr. 109 hitaisin-. Niya
Bud. Sanskrit no. 511 has hitersina (gen. plur.). In a dharani of Ch c. 001, 941
occurs ahitairsina. Without the -r- we have Jataka-stava 25 v 1 hittesi stana
yuIai duska kird 'being Hitaisi thou didst perform a difficult task.' Similarly
rs indicating rg occurs in Khotan. mahairsUd gvTha: rrumr 'buffalo cow-butter',
rendering Tib. mahehi mar, from Sanskr. mahisa-. Agnean (301 a 4) has mahirsadi
'buffaloes' (Schulze-Sieg-Siegling, Tocharische Grammatik p. 107). From
a Tibetan source B. Laufer quoted Sanskr. mahMrsa (Loanwords in Tibetan,
no. 38, T'oung-Pao 1916). The corresponding word Sanskr. mahisT 'queen'
is found in Khotanese Ch 00266. 124 (Sudhana-avaddna) mahaisa (s =z)
'queen' and in the Kharosthi inscription (ed. Konow, no. 15, A 2) mahesi
with the s representing z which is found also in the Miranl inscription from
Turkestan in esa 'this' and in Niya no. 661, 3, 4 masd, 4 niravasiso and 7
ajisanayi.
3. s < s. 480 asingabuddhau, 509 asagakausau, 652 asarmgadvajau, 531
asamgakTrtau, 526 asamgajau, 836 asamgaratna correspond to names with
Sanskrit asaiga-: asanga-buddha, -kosa, -dhvaja, -kTrti, -ja, -ratna. In two
other Khotanese MSS. we find P 3513, 4 v 3 asamgaraja, 10 v 2 asamgakausa,
S 2471. 62 asagaraja. The Dharmapada has once B 3 saga = Sanskr. sanga-.
R. L. Turner has called my attention to the s of the Sina forms sam 1 sing. pres.,
segas pret., soiki inf. 'to attach' < sajjati, and sdcam, situs, sacoiki 'be
attached' < sajyate. The change s > s in this word is unexplained.
4. sv < sm. 567 svatiprrabhau, Sanskr. 700 smrtiprabha. There is a scribal
error of t for v in 651 statimdrrau, Sanskr. 869 smrtindra. In my transliteration
of P 3513, 14 r 3 I have stvatyupasthinajdmr, that is, smrti-upasthdna-ja-, but
my reading needs to be checked with the MS. The Dharmapada has svadi
< smrti.
5. s, s < t, th, dh. 375, 547 bhaigrasau beside 390 bhglrathau, Sanskr.
bhdgirathi; 628 visinyau, Sanskr. 824 vidhijna; with 723 visityau miswritten
for *visinyau; 652 masuravattrau (tt for kt), Sanskr. madhuravaktra. The
Dharmapada has gasedi where Pali has ghdteti; vanase'a, Pali vanathaja; sagasa
beside sacadha, Sanskr. sainkhydta, and B 11 ' masuru ',2 Sanskr. madhura. It has
also sisila, Sanskr. Sithila, assimilated from *sisila unattested. In C r 7 'gasana'
represents gdthdndm, corresponding to Pali vdca. Niya documents supply
several forms. We find masu, Sanskr. madhu (H. Liiders, Tierkreis 5-6), where
1 A.-M. Boyer, JA 1911. 1. 415, where 8 was not yet understood.
I put within quotation marks readings taken from E. Senart's study (JA 1898) for which
no facsimile is available.
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GANDHARI 777
1 t'an < d'dm, not in Karlgren: fan-ts'ie ' jaj K 1129, 650 t'u-nan < d'uo-ndm.
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778 H. W. BAILEY-
6. parampula
Here I would briefly call attention to my discussio
nection between the Asi word, Digor falaembulai, Ir
Tualon alfalamblai 'around' and the words in the Ni
parabulade and no. 586 parampulammi, in the Philologic
1945, pp. 9-11. F. W. Thomas's explanation of t
Orientalia 14, 109-111 as derived from Greek 7rapqE
be correct.
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GANDHARI 779
umr arises from older -dam 1 sing. pres.). The same form of the base nimqn-
occurs in Kha 1. 221, 25 nimqnmiidi 'they invited'. The more usual form is
numandr- (E. 13. 1 numandrdte) and nimamdr- (Kha 1. 221, 23 nimadrrddi),
which represents Bud. Sanskr. nimandr- as found in a text from Kuci upani-
mandrayate (H. Liiders, Weitere Beitrage 7, folio 6 v 6), corresponding to Indian
Sanskr. nimantraya-. In Khotanese niman-, a Middle Indian mana- < mantra-
is attested. It should be added that Khotanese knows also mamdrra-' mantra '.
The group ndr is replaced by mn in Khotanese P 2957. 30 hardcamna
'Harigcandra', which appears in other copies of the Sudhana-avaddna as
P 2025. 129 haracanada, Ch 00266. 76-7 haracadra. In the Sanskrit-Tibetan
glossary (ed. J. Hackin, Formulaire sanscrit-tibetain du Xe siecle, p. 17, 1. 63)
the name is written haracantra.l
Simplification of other groups occurs in Khotanese sida- 'good ', asdda-
'bad ', Sanskr. siddha; snada-, Sanskr. sniddha; S 2471. 260 bauda, Sanskr.
buddha, P 5537. 35 buiddksaittrra 'Buddhaksetra ', and the proper name
namaubudd (see BSOAS 10. 923); ssaddtana ' guddhodana'; SSdya-, with
fem. adj. Ssdtlmje ' gakya '. In the same way the explanation of Khotanese
gava is found. It occurs, with the epithet saglja 'made of stone ', in the
Itinerary 2 (Acta Orientalia 14 (1936) 264) 11. 28, 33. An attempt was made
to explain gava as ' hut ', comparing the hgo-ban of a Tibetan document dealing
with Khotan (BSOS 8. 923 note 1). It may more directly be equated with
Mid. Indian gabbha- < Old Indian garbha-, which is used of a 'cell' or a
'chamber' (as in Pali, Mahdvamsa 27. 15). In Brahmi inscriptions H. Liiders
(Epigraphia Indica 10. 215) has gibha < garbha 'cell' and gabbha 'hall'.
In the Dharmapada gabha- is written. Khotan. gava < gabha < gabbha ' cell'
would give an excellent sense. In other words the geminate is simplified but
remains unvoiced: Khotan. anicca-, anica-, Sanskr. anitya-; sakici 'honour-
ing', Dhammapada sakhaca, Sanskr. satkrtya; agapl 'unfit' < akalpika-;
kapdysa 'cotton', Uigur k'p'z, Sanskr. karpdsa-. Khotan. dnata corresponding to
Niya anada and Maralbasi Iranian anidu may be connected with ijiapta- by way
of *anatta-. The treatment j i> n is attested in this word already in the Asoka
inscriptions, Mansehra and Shahbazgarhi anapemi. Niya has also anati
< jniapti- (with n, not n), and anatena 'by order of'.
In Chinese two Indian words are found with Chinese 1 in place of Indian tr:
maitreya and trdyastri.msa.
In the early Chinese transliteration Maitreya is rendered by 3 I K 618, 523
mi-la < mjie-lak, Jap. miroku. Beside this must be set other Central Asian
forms of the name: Khotanese mdttrai (mdtr-, mitr-, maittr-), Sogd. Bud.
m'ytr'k, mytr'y, Manich. Sogd. mytry, Uigur m'ytry, mytry, mytryy, Mid. Parth.
mytrg, Mongol maidari (in modern use in Kalmuk madr, madrrd, G. J. Ramstedt,
1 Though perhaps little probant in a proper name, the c, c of this name indicates what
developed from Old Indian ic, see above p. 774. Uigur has xaricantri.
2 A new edition of this text has been in the hands of the printer since 1942 in Khotanese
Texts II. G. Morgenstierne has some useful notes on the text in Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogviden-
skap 12. 269 if.
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780 H. W. BAILEY-
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GANDHARI 781
8. kremeru
The word kremeru is found in two Niya documents, nos. 318 and 660.
H. Liiders in discussing the textiles of Turkestan (Textilien 35) did not explain
it and in T. Burrow's Translation it remains untranslated. No. 660, printed
here to simplify discussion, presents us with a list of textiles sent, received or
bought, preceded by a list of personal names. [No facsimile is available and
the reading of n - n cannot be checked. The editors have failed to distinguish
them even when they are quite clear, as e.g. in no. 714.]
Niya 660
Columnl A
1. .i puna khvaniyade gadagalade pata pamdura nikastamti
2. pusgariyade rayaga pata 1 presitamti
3. cetrakirti sanapru 1 gimnita
4. rathapala palaga-varna 1 gimnita
5. daruge pata 1 gimnita
6. micga'e palaga-varna nutamna krita
7. kapota'e bamdhitaga palaga-varna 1 gimnita
8. pumiiasena 4 3 pataamca gimnita
9. mogayasa bamdhaga kremeru nutamna kritamti
Column B
1. parvatiye patamca 2 gimnitamti
2. namilga'e sanapru pata 1 gimnita
Translation :-
1. ... again from (= after) the time of his leaving the Khvani were issue
silk-rolls, yellow
2. from Pusgari(ya-) they sent 1 red silk-roll
3. Cetrakirti took one vermilion <silk-roll)
4. Rathapala took one <silk-roll) variegated
5. Daruge took one silk-roll
6. Micga'e bought <one silk-roll) varigated new
7. Kapota'e took one <silk-roll> bound up (?), variegated
8. Pumniasena took seven silk-rolls
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782 H. W. BAILEY-
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GANDHARI 783
XSeri-. The phrase in the Niya document no. 318 with kremeru is kremeru-
paliyarnaga prahuni 'a garment of crimson colour', if paliyarna represents
an Old Iranian *parivarna-, but possibly here, too, a derivative of *parda-
'variegated' is concealed, and it should be understood as *paliya-varnaga
' of variegated colour'.
9. Intervocalic -t-
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784 H. W.; BAILEY-
10. mahala
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GANDHARI 785
< 8ctarSla), and Tib. dbu-rgyan ' head ornament' in the chapter of Buddhist
words of the Four-Language Mirror, the Duiin hacin-i hergen kam6iha buleku
bithe. It should be noted that the sign transliterated h in Manchu is X (unvoiced
fricative). I. Zakharov (Mancizursko-russkij slovar) renders mahala by gapka
' crown'. The form mahala has been developed from *mahula just as Manchu
subargan 'sepulchre' corresponds to Mongol suburgan, Uigur suburyan, on
which word one can now see W. B. Henning, Two Central Asian Words, Philo-
logical Society's Transactions 1945, pp. 157 ff. The second syllable contains
an unstable vowel here, as in Mongol and Turkish, to which P. Pelliot has had
occasion to draw attention (T'oung-Pao 37, 91, note 5; 96 note 2; 99 note,
and 109).
The further fate of mahala in Manchu must be noted. A denominative verb
mahala-la- 'to wear a crown' was created. But also by cutting off -la as if it
were their own common suffix and adding -tu, -tun they made mahatu, mahatun
'hat', as they added -tu in temgetu ' mark, seal' from Turkish tamya; the
final n is unstable. In rendering the New Testament into Manchu the translators
used mahatun to translate Sta3bS~La.
11. s-s--s
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786 H. W. BAILEY-
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GANDHARI 787
occurrences of this I can be seen, loc. cit. pp. 178, 231-3. In the Sangtti-sutra
(studied by S. Behrsing, Das Chung-tsi-king des chinesischen Dirghigama
1930, 30-1) the name of the Mango (amba) grove is given in Chinese as x g-]
K 1015 sa-t'ou < ia z-d'au and j [ K 968, 1015 ts'an-t'ou < zidn-d'au. In the
later Chinese from a Sanskrit text the name is E: f g K 1185, 577, 342
tsa-lu-kia < tsidt-luo-ka with the unaspirated ts for the voiced Indian j. The
Tibetan is known from W. W. Rockhill's Life of the Buddha 133, in the
transliterated Buddhist Sanskrit jaluka. The earlier Chinese transliteration
would then have intended *z'auy. Here, too, we find 8 -1. Similarly in the
word for paper, the t- 1 (or r)- 8 series is found. Bud. Sanskrit kdgata
is Tendered by Tibetan sog-gu ' paper ' (Lexicon Bacot 180 b 2) and djiii-kigata
by bkah-sog (ibid. 6 a 2). In the Chinese-Sanskrit lexicon of Li-yen (ed. P. C.
Bagchi, Deux lexiques sanscrit-chinois I p. 287, with P. Pelliot's note) kakari
corresponds to I-tsing's kdkali 'paper'. Other forms are well known: Sogd.
Manich. q'y8' (W. B. Henning, Ein Manich. Bet- u. Beichtbuch 65); Bud.
k'^y'kh (E. Benveniste, Textes sogdiens, P 2. 951, p. 181), Uigur k'gd' and
k'g'd' (Turk. Turfan-Texte 7. 35), NPers. kdyas and Mongol qagudasu, -n
'leaf of paper ' with the common Mongol singular suffix -sun (Kovalevskij 744).
13. bramma
1 For sa < zza, not in Karlgren, see BSOAS 10. 914, note 1.
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788 H. W. BAILEY-
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GANDHARI 789
barn (JRAS 1927, 294; 1929. 49), Jap. bon, represents brahma. P. Pelliot
treated of this word (T'oung-Pao 25,1928,455), where he pointed to the alterna-
tion of f and I in the phonetic group as a reason to interpret the initial as
older br-. We may adopt *bram as the syllable the Chinese aimed at repro-
ducing. It occurs also in compounds ~ X X K 18, 342, 186fan-kia-i < b'iwm-
ka-i, Jap. bonka-i ' brahmakayika-'. Brahmana is represented by X g p
K 753, 569, 609 p'o-lo-man < b'ud-ld-muan, Jap. baramon. From the Sanskrit
forms with X, y are found g ~ ~ l e K 753, 569, 342, 593, 674 p'o-lo-
xo-mo-na < b'ua-la-ya-mua-nja. Similarly Brahmadatta is found as I g I
j1 X ; K 750, 569, 71, 593, 956, 1006 po-lo-xa-mo-ta-to < b'uat-ld-dp-mud-
d'at-td, Jap. barakamadatuta, but t # jt fan-mo-ta < b'wvm-mua-d'at.
It will be seen that these various languages had no difficulty in expressing
the h if they wished and as they did in Sanskrit words, and their agreement on
the absence of h will prove the absence of h in the Gandhari form, for which
we should therefore expect bramma. The result agrees with the form bramana
of the Asoka Shahbazgarhi inscription and with the word bramanena in the
Kharosthi inscription (ed. Konow, no. 156, where no trace of either subscript
h or m can be seen) and with the name bramadata- in the inscription (ed. Konow,
no. 37). Niya 514 has brammana or bramamna.
For the word sammasadi it is clear that the source is sammrs-, where no
trace of h can be detected, and gammira represents an older *gambira-
< gambhTra-, with mm < mb. Khotanese P 2782.4 has gambira.
14. Medial -a- and final -a
Final -a in Gandhari was, it seems, either no longer pronounced or tending
to disappear, as a spelling like Niya nice, Sanskr. niscaya, makes plausible
(see the discussion by H. Liiders, Acta Orientalia 18. 26 ff.). In later Khotanese
nouns ending in -ana- and -ama- have a nom. sing. in -am and a plural -ana
(or -na and -ama). The anusvara of the nom. sing. -am may be omitted, see
BSOAS 10. 902. We have then dysam 'seat' beside baisa aysna ' all seats'
(P 3513, 79 v 3); dvamr 'desire ', plur. dvama (older dtama-). In the case of
final -n, -m the Khotanese could use the anusvara, but in other cases they
continued to write the full syllable, and it is impossible to prove whether the
final vowel was pronounced or not. The plur. -a survived, however, as -a.
This resembles the Pasto stage, where masc. sur < *suXrah 'red' contrasts
with fem. sra < *suXra.
Evidence for the apocope of medial Indian -a- is more abundantly to hand.
In the Niya document no. 415 samnera ' a novice ' (T. Burrow, Translation 83)
stands beside samanera; in Kuchean sanmir there has been further change
of nm < mn. Agnean has sdmner; Chinese 'i 3 K 846, 618 sa-mi
< sa-mjie, from which B. Y. Vladimircov derived Uigur and Mongol sabi
disciple (Mongolica I 314, Zap. Koll. Vost. I). A name such as Niya 'iparasma,l
1 I use 1' for the sign in E. J. Rapson's table no. 221, which the editors read lp and T. Burrow
has rendered by ly. In kal'ana-, Sanskr. kalydata-, 1' occurs where in Khotanese kaddna- was
written.
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790 H. W. BAILEY-
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GANDHARI 791
-a'u-, -ayu- has survived (see P. Pelliot, Les noms propres dans les traductions
chinoises du Milindapanha, JA 1914. 2. 390 ff.).
15. dru-
The Dharmapada has regularly dru- in place of older dur- and dus-: druga,
Sanskr. durga-; drukida, Sanskr. duskrta-; drupamoksu, Sanskr. duspramoksa-;
drumedha, drumedhino, Sanskr. durmedhas-, -in-; drulavha-, Sanskr. durlabha-.
E. Senart (JA 1898) has also A viii ' druracha ', A viii ' drunivarana ', B 8
' drugatio ', B 9 ' savadugatio ', C frag xxii ' drusila ', of which no facsimile is
available. The Niya documents have preserved the traditional dur- in durbala,
durldpa (Sanskrit durldbha), but that dru- was known is indicated by trubhiksa
beside tumbhiksa, Sanskrit durbhiksa-. Khotanese has the Indian durbhiksa
in the forms E durbhiksa-, P 2741. 100 durbiksa, Ch 1. 0021b, b 52 ddrabaiksa,
S 2471. 279 daurabaiksa, P 2898. 7 dirabiha:ksd, and the adjective Suvarna-
bhdsa *27 v 6 durbiksinai. But the form drubhiks;nai (Kha 1. 214a, b 4) is also
found. The original Iranian dus-, duz- is preserved as dus- and dusa- in Khotanese
duspya 'weak ', dusiyuda- 'ill-done ', whence this prefix could be used before
Indian words dusas;la, dusacaidye ' ill-thought '. In modern Dardic the Phaliira
dialect has drubalu 'lean', drug ' ravine'. We find also dhrigo 'long', as we
have driga in the Dharmapada. See G. Morgenstierne, Notes on Phalu.ra
(Norsk Videnskaps-Akademi 1941) pp. 33, 34. T. Burrow (Dialectical Position
of the Niya Prakrit, BSOS 8. 435) has drawn attention to traces of dru- in
Torwali. Traditional knowledge of dur- probably prevented the writing of
dru- even when that had become the pronunciation.
16. h
There are indications that in Gandhari h became unstable and often either
ceased to be pronounced or was emphasized as X. The word for ' householder ',
exceedingly common in Buddhist texts, is translated in the Khotanese text
P 2787. 136 bisgddrai (from bTsa ' house' and ddr- ' to hold '), but more usually
the Indian technical word was adopted. This word in the Gandhari of the
Asoka inscription Shahbazgarhi 12.1 is grahatha-, from Old Indian grhastha-
'remaining in the house'. In the Niya document no. 489 grihasta occurs.
The Chinese knew it as |P j ti K 569, 846, 223 o-lo-so-t'a < ngd I-la-sa-t'd,
beside the reading of the Brahmi garasatha in Li-yen's Sanskrit-Chinese lexicon
(ed. P. C. Bagchi 30 a 3): intended is an Indian *grastha < *grahastha. Since
in Gandhari th, t'h took the place of sth-, -sth-, as in the Dharmapada dhamat'ho,
avit'hido, t'hanehi, and Khotan. vathdyaa-, later vaksdyaa-, Sanskr. upasthdyaka,
beside Niya vat'hayaga, the expected Gandhari form of grhastha would be
*grihat'ha- or *grahat'ha-. The absence of r from the group gr- would, however,
also be possible in Gandhari, and from a *gahat'ha- (corresponding to a Central
Prakrit gaha.ttha, as attested in Pali) the Khotanese took their gdthaa-, later
gdksaa-, with -i- <-aha-. It would also be possible that a Central Indian
1 o < ng, not in Karlgren: fan-ts'ie x fiJ K 1280, 414 u-xo < nguo-yd.
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792 H. W. BAILEY-
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GANDHARI 793
101) rendered by 'lord of sacrifice ', evidently intending makhin-, but a com-
parison with the well-known verses at the end of dramas assures the translation
' earth'. Thus the Ratnavali and Priyadarsika of Harsadeva close with the
stanza beginning:
urv7m udddma-sasydm janayatu visrjan vdsavo vrstim istdm
'May Vasava (Indra), pouring out desired rain, make the earth to abound
in grain.'
In Bud. Sogdiany (= X) represents Indian h: my"m'yh' Mahamaya ', my'ys/r
'Mahesvara ', my'pwy ' mahabodhi'. In Uigur according to the following
vowel either k or X is written: mkyntr'syny 'Mahendrasena'; mx'klp
'mahakalpa '.
17. ogana, maka
These two words occur side by side in the Niya documents nos. 713, 714.
713, 8-9 avanemci pati maka ogana tanu tanu gothade nikhalemi taha na
dharma asti avanemci bhuma amne krisamti tanu gothade asmaga maka ogana
nikhalemi 'I produce the tax of the avana,1 maka ogana from each farm of
mine. Tle law (dharma) is not thus : others plough the avana ground; I produce
our maka ogana from my own farm'.
714, 3 pati cimtidaga ghrida pasava kosava arnavaji thavasta'e raji nammata'e
camdri kammamta 1 amna maka ogana crorma amna suga ekamamta.
In this document several items remain unexplained. So far as it can be
explained, it may be rendered : ' tax calculated: butter, small cattle, woollen
cover, woollen cloth (?), carpet-cloth, . . ., felt, trousers of cloth, one, other
maka ogana, veil, and the whole of the other yarn (?) '.
In this translation I offer certain new interpretations. In arnavaji ' woollen
cloth (?) ' I conjecture an Iranian *varna- or *varnava- 'wool', to Av. vardna-,
corresponding to Sanskr. itrnd. The Indian word kambala 'blanket', common
in Khotanese texts as a loan-word, is absent from the Niya documents. Does
arnavaji represent the kambala cloth ? In cdmdri kammamta here and in
camdri kammamta in no. 272, Obv. 8, I see 'trousers made of cidar-cloth'.
That is to treat camdri as an adjectival derivative in -i to the Iranian *cddar-
attested in NPers. cddar 'cloth, mantle ' from the base cad-, cand- 'to cover'
with a suffix -ar- (or -ara-), such as we find, for example, in Avestan zdvar-
strength '. With kammamta I compare Khotanese kaumadai, kammadd (BSOS
9. 532). This kaumadai translates Gostanian Sanskrit suthamna, which corre-
sponds to the Mahavyutpatti 5849 sunthand ' trousers ', Tib. dor-ma (H. Liiders,
Textilien 22). The Lexicon Bacot 81 b 1 has sunthdnam and nicola, explained
by dor-ma.
1 The interpretation of avana is hardly yet settled. F. W. Thomas has again urged its identifica-
tion with Indian apaa a' market ' (BSOAS 11. 531 f.). The alternative explanation from an Iranian
*dvahana- 'dwelling-place' cannot be excluded linguistically, although one would wish to find
the Iranian word in some contiguous source (its existence in Old Iranian is attested by Old
Pers. avahana-). With bhuma ' land ' either meaning would suit ' land of the market-town ' or
'land of the settlement'. Of the two the more precise dpana might be preferred.
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794 H. W. BAILEY-
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GANDHARI 795
with 'rice' for hbras rather than 'fruit', which is expressed by hbras-bu when
standing alone, though as part of a compound hbras may be ' rice ' or ' fruit':
hbras-ian ' failure of fruit', rgyu-hbras ' cause and effect ', but contrast hbras
dkar 'white rice ', hbras-chan 'rice-beer '. Rice was recorded by the Chinese
in Kuci, Khotan, and adjacent regions (see B. Laufer, Sino-Iranica 372 if.,
and for modern times see H. Yule, Marco Polo I 189, ed. H. Cordier). The
Chinese military colonies had wheat, millet, and rice (E. Chavannes, Les
documents chinois decouverts par Aurel Stein, 1913, xiv).
The second word makEa occurs also in another Niya document 505, 1-2
ekhara mogiya uthita uta trodasa parikreyammi seyita tsugenamma pacevara
satu milima 2 khi 10 41 maka khi 4 1 kavasi 1 pacevara pimda milima 3 chata4a
1 katari 1 tena tsugenamma gid'a ' Ekhara Mogiya arose, he took a camel at
a hire of thirteen.1 Tsugenarnma: provisions, meal 2 milima, 15 khi; maka
5 khi; one upper garment (kavacikd); the whole provisions 3 milima; one
garment, one knife: by this Tsugenamma were taken'.
In no. 505 makla is part of the pacevara 'provisions for a journey ', as is
shown by calculation of the total value of the pacevara: 2 milima, 15 khi,
5 khi = 3 milima, since 20 khi make 1 milima. In no. 714 mak'a is part of the
tax and in no. 713 is produced from a farm.
A note on pacevara is first called for. T. Burrow (Language 102) envisaged
a connection with Bud. Sogd. ps"fr ' provisions ', and for the first part proposed
*paOya-, comparing Sanskr. pdtheya. We may add a similar derivative in
Avestan pdOmainya-. Manich. Sogd. ps'fr, pys"fr in Sogdian script is given
by W. B. Henning (Ein Manich. Bet- u. Beichtbuch 63), where a connection with
Avestanpiwd- ' food' is conjectured. The Mahavyutpatti 7182 has pathyadana-
(pathyo-), Tib. lam-rgyags 'provisions for the road'. The same word appears
as sathyadanam in the Lexicon Bacot 173 b 2 with a common error of s for p.
For padevara we may assume an Iranian *paOyabara-' to be carried on the road',
whence with d modified by the i to e would arise *pahzevar, *pahsevar,2 surviving
in the Niya documents as pacevara with c = hc or hs, see above, p. 774. Sogdian
ps",3r, pys"r may equally represent *paOydbara-, but with d maintained.
Modification of ia > e is, however, found in Sogdian. It is possible to cite
VimalakTrti-nirdesa-sutra 41 k's'yp ' Kasyapa', and the Sogdian -'y- in the
imperfect of verbs where the augment followed -i-, as in pt'yyws *pateyos
< *pati-a-gausat 'he heard' (see E. Benveniste, Grammaire sogd. II 28;
H. Reichelt, Studia indo-iranica 248 if.).
This may be the place also to propose an interpretation of the -e- of Agnean
kurekar and the similar Uigur kwryk'r. The original Indian is ki.tdgdra-, which
is found with two meanings (1) ' pinnacled building ', (2) ' bier '. If we assume
an intermediate Gandhari stage *ka.idydr(a)-, it seems possible that the li
1trodasa implies muli milima, as in no. 762 D 1 aspasa muli milima 4 3 khi 10.
2 The replacement of i after a voiceless fricative by the fricative s is the same that is noted
from Gandhari in Chinese ];] K 1212, 819 si-ts'i-sou < sak-sie-sieu representing *hdkhesu
< sakyesu (E. Waldschmidt, BruchstUcke 154). For .si < 8sak, not in Karlgren, the fan-ts'ie is
] K 856, 1223 sang-tsi < siang-tsiak.
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796 H. W. BAILEY-
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GANDHARI 797
d'wn
d'wn wyspn'c
wyspn'c'pw
'pw
'ps'yS,
'ps'yS,
rendered
rendered
by 'puis
by 'puis
il y ailceux
y a qui
ceux6tablissent
qui 6tablissent
leur vieleur vie
et
et leur
leurdemeure
demeureavec
avectout
tout
en en
abondance
abondance
'. Here
'. Here
m'St'kh
m'St'kh
corresponds
corresponds
to Chin.to Chin.
t .ts'ai
.ts'ai'dwelling'.
'dwelling'.InIn
P 2.
P 2.
251251
mskh
mskh
is what
is what
is furnished
is furnished
to theto
butcher,
the butcher,
the
the basic
basicmaterial
materialwhich
whichprovides
provides
his meat.
his meat.
The word
The word
m'tskh
m'tskh
with its
with
laterits later
forms
forms seems
seemsthen
thentoto
be be
a derivative
a derivative
of *mSta-
of *mSta-
attested
attested
in ZorPahl.
in ZorPahl.
m'tg *mdtak
m'tg *mdtak
' basis
basis ',',m'tkwr
m'tkwr*matakavar
*matakavar ' principal
' principal
', NPers.
', NPers.
mdyamdya
' basis'.' basis'.
In connection
In connection
with
with food
foodthe theword
wordoccurs
occurs
in the
in the
Armenian
Armenianloanword
loanword
matakarar
matakarar
< Mid. Iran.
< Mid. Iran.
*mdtakaddr
*mdtakaddr'provider
'provider
of of
food
food
', found
', found
in ZorPahl.
in ZorPahl.
mdtiydr
mdtiydr
'steward'
'steward'
(Zoroastrian
(ZoroastrianProblems
Problems 100).
100).
Niya
Niya maxa
maxathen
thencorresponds
corresponds to Sogdian
to Sogdian
m'Sk-
m'Sk-
as applied
as applied
to food.
to Since
food.inSince in
the
the Sogdian
Sogdiantext
textP P 2. 2.
251251
mskh
mskh
is brought
is brought
into into
connection
connection
with the
with
butcher,
the butcher,
the
the reference
referencemay may bebeto to
flesh
flesh
as food,
as food,
and hence
and hence
in theinNiya
the documents
Niya documents
be be
specialized,
specialized,asasa aforeign
foreign word,
word,
forfor
'meat'.
'meat'.
The Old
TheIndian
Old Indian
word for
word'meat'
for 'meat'
mdmsa was also used in the form mimtsa 'flesh'.
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